//,  /3,  Z.l 

LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON,     N.    J. 

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COMMENTARY 


OH  THS 


HOLY  SCKIPTUEES 

CRITICAL,  DOCTRINAL,  AND  HOMILETICAL, 

WITH   SPECIAL  REFERENCE   TO   MINISTERS  AND   STUDENTS. 


BT 


JOHN  PETER '^ANGE,  D.  D., 

ASSISTED  BT  A  NUMBER  OF  EMINENT  EUROPEAN   DIVINES. 
TRANSLATED  FROM  THE   GERMAN,  REVISED,  ENLARGED,  AND  EDITED 


BT 

PHILIP  SCHAEF,  D.  D.,  LL.  D., 

m  CONNECTION  WITH  AMERICAN   SCHOLARS  OF   7ARI0US 
EVANGELICAL  DENOMINATIONS. 


VOLUME  XV.  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT,  CONTAINING 

THE  APOCRYPHA. 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
1899 


THE  ; 


APOCKYPHA 


or 


THE   OLD   TESTAMENT 


WITH 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTIONS,  A  REVISED  TRANSLATION, 
AND  NOTES  CRITICAL  AND  EXPLANATORY. 


BT 


EDWIN  CONE  BISSELL,  D.D. 


2  Cob.  xin.  8. 


NEW  VORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
1899 


Copyright,  1880, 
By  CHARLES  SCBIBNER'3  SONS 


PREFACE. 


The  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament  have  been  greatly  neglected  by  English 
divines.  No  critical  commentary  in  the  English  language  has  appeared  since  that  of  Richard 
Arnald  (died  1756),  first  published  in  London  1744.  and  for  the  fourth  time  (with  correc- 
tions by  Pitman),  in  1822,  and  embodied  in  the  Critical  Commentary  of  Patrick,  Lowth, 
Arnald,  Whitby,  and  Lowman.  Since  the  British  and  Foreign,  and  the  American  Bible 
Societies  have  ceased  to  circulate  them,  it  is  even  difficult  for  the  ordinary  reader  to  obtain 
them. 

They  are,  it  is  true,  not  equal  in  authority  to  the  canonical  books:  they  did  not  belong 
to  the  Hebrew  canon  ;  they  were  written  after  the  extinction  of  prophecy ;  they  are  not 
quoted  in  the  New  Testament  (the  Book  of  Enoch  referred  to  by  Jude  is  not  among  the 
Apocrypha);  the  most  learned  among  the  Christian  fathers,  Origen,  Eusebius,  and  Jerome, 
excluded  them  from  the  canon  in  its  strict  sense,  althoush  they  made  frequent  use  of  them; 
they  contain  some  Jewish  superstitions,  and  furnish  the  Roman  Catholics  proof-texts  for  their 
doctrines  of  purgatory,  prayers  for  the  dead,  and  the  meritoriousness  of  good  works. 

Nevertheless  they  have  very  great  historical  importance :  they  fill  the  gap  between  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments;  they  explain  the  rise  of  that  condition  of  the  Jewish  people,  their 
society  and  religion,  in  which  we  find  it  at  the  time  of  Christ  and  the  Apostles;  they  contain 
much  valuable  and  useful  information.  The  books  of  the  Maccabees  make  us  acquainted 
with  the  heroic  period  of  Jewish  history;  Ecclesiasticus  is  almost  equal  to  the  Proverbs  for  its 
treasures  of  practical  wisdom ;  Tobit  and  Judith  are  among  the  earliest  and  most  interesting 
specimens  of  religious  fiction.  The  Apocrypha  are  first  found  in  the  Greek  Version  of  the 
Old  Testament  (the  Septuagint),  from  this  they  piissed  into  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  from 
this  into  all  the  older  Protestant  versions  and  editions,  though  sometimes  in  smaller  type,  or 
with  the  heading  that,  while  they  are  useful  and  edifying  reading,  they  must  not  be  put  on 
a  par  with  the  inspired  books  of  the  Bible. 

It  has  been  deemed  timely  to  issue,  as  a  supplementary  volume  to  Lange's  Bible-work 
(which  is  confined  to  the  canonical  books),  a  revised  version  of  the  Apocrypha,  with  critical 
and  historical  introductions  and  explanations.  Homiletical  hints  would,  of  course,  be  super- 
fluous for  Protestant  ministers  and  students. 

This  work  has  been  intrusted  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edwin  Cone  Bissell,  who  is  well  known 
as  the  author  of  a  work  on  "  The  Historic  Origin  of  the  Bible  "  (New  York,  1873),  and  who 
has  for  several  years  devoted  special  attention  to  the  Apocrypha,  in  Germany  and  in  this 
country.  Eritzsche's  Greek  text  (Libri  Apocryphi  Veteris  Testamenti,  Lipsiae,  1871)  has  been 
used  as  the  basis,  and  carefully  collated  with  the  Vatican  Codex  (II.)  in  the  new  edition  of 
Cozza,  as  well  as  witli  other  important  publications. 

The  author  desires  to  express  his  very  deep  sense  of  obligation  to  Dr.  Eberhard  Nestle,  of 
the  University  of  Tiibingen,  and  to  Dr.  Ezra  Abbot,  of  Cambridge,  Mass.,  for  invaluable  sug- 
gestions and  corrections  as  the  work  was  passing  through  the  press. 

Biblical  students  will  welcome  this  book  as  an  important  contribution  to  exegetical  litera- 
tnve. 

It  is  not  without  profound  gratitude  to  God,  and  to  the  many  friends  and  patrons,  thaV 
now,  after  sixteen  years  of  editorial  labor,  1  take  leave  of  this  voluminous  Commentarv,  the 
Buccess  of  which  in  America  and  England  has  surpassed  my  most  sanguine  expectations. 

PHILIP  SCHAFF. 

New  Yokk,  June  14,  1880. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION. 


PART   FIRST. 
BEVIEW  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY  IN  THE  PERSIAN  AND   GRECIAN  PERIODS. 

1.   The  Jews  under  Petsiati  Rule. 

From  the  time  of  Cyrus  and  the  reestablishment  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine  to  Alexander 
lies  a  period  of  two  hundred  years.  Eventful  years  in  Israelitish  history  they  can 
scarcely  be  called  when  considered  apart  from  the  notable  event  that  preceded  jurrey 
and  shaped  them.  But  in  all  that  relates  to  the  inner  development  of  Judaism 
there  is  no  period  of  greater  importance.  Up  to  this  time  the  Jews  had  been  simply  a  peo- 
ple existing  under  the  shadow  of  other  and  more  powerful  peoples  on  their  borders.  They 
came  back  from  the  exile  in  Babylon  to  develop,  and,  as  it  were,  become  a  religious  system, 
a  system  so  original,  so  universal  and  indestructible  in  its  nature,  that  political  revolutions  and 
dynastic  changes  could  have  but  little  effect  upon  it.  Political  freedom  had  disappeared;  but 
so,  too,  had  idolatry  and  the  traditional  love  for  it.  Tribal  relations  had  fallen  into  confusion, 
but  the  controlling  idea  that  underlay  all  Israelitisli  institutions  was  still  safe.  It  was  felt  that 
Judaism  was  more  than  Judah,  and  the  commonwealth  than  the  nation.  The  conception  of  a 
world  religion  gradually  took  possession  of  the  mind,  and  proselytisin  came  to  be  included 
within  the  circle  of  the  higher  duties.  Prophecy  ceased;  prayer,  however,  public  and  private, 
assumed  on  every  hand  a  new  importance.  Beside  the  formal  ceremonies  of  the  temple  sprang 
up  the  simpler  and  more  spiritual  worship  of  the  synagogues.  Inward  conflicts,  moreover, 
and  outward  oppression  did  for  the  Israel  of  this  period  what  it  did  for  the  Israel  of  a  later 
day,  —  fixed  needed  attention  on  the  written  "  oracles  of  God."  A  new  office  arose,  unknown 
before  the  captivity,  and  the  scribe  became  the  equal  of  the  priest.  Above  all,  repeated  dis- 
appointments in  outward  material  things  on  which  the  heart  had  too  exclusively  fastened  re- 
vealed a  deeper  need,  awakened  a  spiritual  apprehension  such  as  no  prophet's  appeal  had 
been  able  to  do.  Faith  was  recognized  as  something  more  than  bare  belief.  The  veil  was 
drawn  from  the  unseen  world,  and  Jacob's  vision  became  a  reality  in  the  experiences  of  men. 
But  tlie  false  and  the  exaggerated  were  not  always  distinguished  from  the  true.  The  wisest 
and  best  in  Israel  did  not  always  avoid  dangerous  and  wicked  extremes.  From  this  very 
period  fanaticism  has  some  of  its  worst  e.xamples,  and  the  noble  word  "  hierarcliy  "  is  stamped 
with  its  evil  other  sense.  Still  all  had  an  evident  purpose.  Parallel  instances  are  not  want- 
ing in  history  where  something  simply  strong  has  seemed  to  be  the  almost  sole  resultant  of 
the  mightiest  moral  forces,  but  it  has  later  proved  to  be  the  welcome  strength  of  the  iron 
casket  that  carries  a  precious  jewel  safely  within  it. 

It  is  no  longer  in  dispute  that  the  Cyrus  of  profane  history  and  of  the  Old  Testament  are 

identical.^     That  Greek  historians  did  not  know  of  the  intimacy  of  the  relations   „  ,    . 

1-1  1  1  T    1       T  1-  •  1  ,  1  Relation  of 

which  sprang  up  between  the  great  conqueror  and  the  Israelitish  peo])le,  or,  know-    the  Jews  to 

ing  it,  that  they  did  not  appreciate  its  real  character,  should  not  surprise  us.  And,  '^y"'- 
on  the  otiier  hand,  admitting  tlie  reality  of  these  relations,  and  estimating  them  at  their  full 
worth,  it  ought  not  to  prevent  us  from  acknowledging  that  Cyrus  may  also  have  liad  weighty 
political  reasons  for  what  he  ditl.  When,  after  the  capture  of  Sardis,  the  Greek  cities  of 
Asia  Minor  unitedly  made  to  him  offers  of  allegiance,  he  refused  the  tender  with  one  excep- 
tion. The  submission  of  Miletus,  the  strongest  an<l  most  influential  of  these  cities,  he  ac- 
cepted; that  of  the  others  he  preferred  to  enforce  by  the  might  and  terror  of  his  arms.    The 

1  See  SlutlUn  u.  Krit.,  1853.  pp.  624-700. 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


policy  clearly  was  to  "divide  and  conquer."'  And  it  may  also  be  safely  assumed  that 
political  motives  were  not  wanting  in  his  peculiarly  friendly  treatment  of  the  Jews.  We 
know  that,  for  many  years,  the  conquest  of  Egypt  had  formed  a  part  of  his  gigantic  plans.' 
Could  he  have  acted  more  wisely  than  in  binding  to  himself  and  his  throne,  through  generous 
treatment,  the  land  that  lay  between  it  and  his  own  dominions  ?  Others  choose  to  sav  that, 
in  this  act  of  apparent  clemency,  Cyrus  was  simply  true  to  himself,  since  it  was  a  principle 
with  him  not  to  carry  the  subjection  of  conquered  provinces  to  the  point  of  extinguishing 
their  nationality.  Hence,  regarding  the  wholesale  deportation  of  the  Jews  from  Palestine 
by  Nebuchadnezzar  as  a  political  mistake,  he  did  his  best  to  repair  the  injury:  removed  at 
once  this  foreign  element  from  Babylon,  and  won  '.hereby  the  lasting  gratitude  of  thn  libe>-- 
ated  people.' 

Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  clear  that  the  simple  tact  of  a  generous  deliverance  and  restoration 
to  their  homes  was  by  no  means  the  only  event  that  served  to  awaken  the  thankfulness  of  the 
Jews,  and  nourish  in  them  a  warm  attachment  toward  the  Persian  king.  The  same  providen- 
tial blow  that  struck  off  their  fetters  had  also  given  a  fatal  wound  to  that  vast  system  of 
idolatry  which,  for  two  thousand  years,  had  been  incorporated  with  the  highest  forms  of 
Semitic  civilization,  and  been  the  mightiest  antagonistic  and  corrupting  influence  of  the  world 
to  prevent  the  spread  of  a  pure  religion.  From  Baal  to  Ormuzd  was  a  real  step  in  advance, 
and  Cyrus  was  its  immediate  promoter.  If  he  had  no  special  sympathy  with  the  details  of 
the  Jewish  faith,  still  he  was  the  champion  and  foremost  representative  of  the  great  mono- 
theistic idea  underlying  and  governing  it.  One  has  but  to  examine  the  picture  that  is  given 
of  him  in  Isaiah  and  Daniel  to  learn  how  fully  this  championship  was  realized,  and  how  ten- 
derly it  was  cherished  by  his  Jewish  wards.^ 

In  his  personal  character,  moreover,  Cyrus  was  not  without  noble  qualities.  His  immense 
His  Der-  power  he  generally  wielded  with  discretion.     He  was  not  upset  by  the  suddenness 

Eonalchai-  of  his  elevation.  Surrounded  with  all  the  splendors  of  an  oriental  court,  he  pre- 
sei"ved,  to  a  good  extent,  his  previous  simplicity  of  mind  and  manners.^  He  was 
mild  and  generous  in  his  treatment  of  the  conquered.  His  personal  ambition  never  led  him 
to  forget  or  ignore  the  interests  of  Ids  people,  or  the  religion  of  his  fathers.  He  enjoyed 
more  than  the  admiration  of  his  subjects,  —  their  affection.  It  is  a  fact  full  of  suggestion 
that  they  were  wont  to  make  his  countenance  the  very  type  of  perfect  physical  beauty.^  In 
his  domestic  relations  he  was  a  model  of  abstemiousness  in  a  corrupt  age.  Along  with  ex- 
hausting military  duties  and  a  restless  spirit  of  conquest,  he  knew  how  to  value  and  encour- 
age the  amenities  of  art.  But  suddenly,  in  the  midst  of  vast,  unexecuted  plans  which 
embraced  a  world-wide  empii-e,  he  was  wounded  in  battle,  and  died  soon  after,  in  the  twenty 
ninth  year  of  his  reign  (b.  c.  529). 

The  elder  of  his  two  sons,  Cambyses,  succeeded  him.  Cyrus  had  also  made  arrange- 
ments in  his  will  that  the  younger  son,  Smerdis,  should  have  a  subordinate  share 
in  the  government.  The  good  intention,  however,  was  defeated  through  the  jeal- 
ousy of  Cambyses,  who  had  the  latter  privately  put  to  death.  In  fact,  the  deed  was  of  so 
private  a  nature  that  it  naturally  furnished  occasion,  not  long  after,  for  the  rise  of  a  pseudo- 
Smerdis,  who  impersonated  the  murdered  brother,  and  introduced  serious  complications  into 
the  affairs  of  the  empire.  In  the  mean  time,  Cambyses  determined  on  carrying  out  the  un- 
completed military  conquests  of  his  father.  Four  years  were  spent  in  maturing  his  plans 
and  collecting  the  necessary  forces  for  a  descent  upon  Egypt.  During  this  period  self-inter- 
est, if  there  had  been  no  other  motive,  would  have  led  him  to  cherish  the  friendship  of  the 
late  captive  Israelites. 

The  long-planned  expedition,  as  far  as  simple  subjugation  was  meditated,  was  in  the  end 
,,jg  ^■.  successful.  But  embittered  by  unlooked-for  resistance  and  revolt  which  had 
tioQ  against  sprung  up  during  his  temporary  absence,  Cambyses  laid  aside  his  -arlier  concilia- 
'^^^^^'  tory  policy,  and  enforced  submission  by  the  harshest  measures.     Inasmuch  as  the 

priests  had  been  the  chief  promoters  of  the  new  rebellion,  he  expended  upon  them  and  the 
national  religion  the  utmost  violence  of  his  fury  and  contempt.  Their  god  Apis  he  ruth- 
lessly stabbed,  and  publicly  scourged  its  honored  priests;  forced  his  way  into  places  held 
f acred,  opened  the  receptacles  of  the  dead,  and  gave  to  the  fianies  the  most  revered  and  in- 

1  HawUnson,  Ancient  Man.,  iii.  378.  2   Hernd-,  i.  153. 

8  Fritisclie  in  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex..  Art.  "  Cjrus  ■'     4  Is.  xliv.  28  ;  xlv.  13 ;  xlri.  1 ;  xlviii.  14  ;  Dan.  v.  28,  30 ;  vi. 

6  See,  for  instance,  his  alleged  conversation  witil  Croesns,  Herod..,  i.  87-1*0. 

6  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Man.,  iii.  3St). 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION. 


violable  treasures.  It  is  not  strange  that  Herodotus  shoulil  see  in  such  conduct  the  vagaries 
of  an  uneasy  conscience  developing  into  the  frenzy  of  a  madman.  "So  it  seems  certain  to 
me,"  he  says,  "by  a  great  variety  of  proof,  that  Canibyses  was  stark  mad;  otherwise,  he 
would  not  have  gone  about  to  pour  contempt  on  holy  rites  and  time-honored  customs."  ' 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  ground  of  his  action,  it  liad,  for  the  time  being,  the  desired 
effect,  namely,  thoroughly  to  cow  the  Egyptian  people,  and  leave  to  the  conqueror  the  way 
open  to  return  to  his  capital.  A  great  surprise,  however,  was  in  store  for  him.  Having 
already  led  his  army  a  part  of  the  distance  homeward,  being  in  Syria,  a  herald  suddenly  en- 
tered his  camp,  one  day,  unannounced,  and  proclaimed  before  the  astonished  soldiers  and 
their  leader  that  Cambyses  was  no  longer  king,  Smerdis,  his  brother,  having  ascended  the 
throne  of  Cyrus.  Amazed,  confused,  and  half  in  doubt,  as  it  would  seem,  whether  his  agents 
had  really  done  the  horrid  work  intrusted  to  them,  the  king  utterly  lost  courage,  and,  although 
at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army,  and  as  the  elder  son  of  his  renowned  father  able,  no  doubt, 
to  count  on  the  support  of  the  masses  of  the  Persian  people,  he  took  refuge  in  cowardly 
suicide  (b.  c.  522).  The  details  of  his  death  as  given  by  Herodotus,  who  regarded  it  as  a 
judgment  upon  him  for  his  crimes  in  Egypt,  are  more  than  suspicious,  and  have  little  historic 
worth  as  compared  with  the  record  of  the  great  Behistun  inscription,  which  distinctly  states 
that  Cambyses  killed  himself  because  of  the  insurrection.^ 

The  conspirators  at  the  capital  must  have  looked  upon  the  king's  death  as  an  astounding 
omen  of  final  success.  Still,  caution  was  needful.  A  thousand  things  must  be 
thought  of  in  order  to  prevent  the  suspicion  from  getting  abroad  that  the  Magus,  gmerdis. 
Gomates,  who  impersonated  him,  was  not  actually  the  son  of  Cyrus.  The  greatest 
danger  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  change  of  administration  meditated  involved  a  change  in  the 
national  religion.  The  destruction  of  Zoroastrian  temples,  the  general  substitution  of  Magians 
in  the  place  of  the  usual  priest-caste,  and  other  similar  movements  could  not  but  attract  at- 
tention, and  might  awaken  a  too  powerful  opposition  if  entered  upon  before  the  new  king 
was  fairly  seated  on  his  throne.  Undue  haste  and  bigotry  seem,  in  fact,  to  have  got  the  bet- 
ter of  discretion.  Whispered  rumors  of  the  great  fraud  that  had  been  committed  began  to 
circulate  among  the  Persian  noblemen.  The  first  uneasiness,  which  the  pretender  tried  in 
vain  to  repress,  grew,  at  last,  to  a  counter  conspiracy.  A  company  of  leading  Persians,  with 
Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  at  their  head,  forced  their  way  into  the  presence  of  the  false 
Smerdis,  and  put  him  to  death,  along  with  a  number  of  his  retainers,  after  a  reign  of  only 
seven  montlis.  And  now,  religious  fanaticism,  combined  with  national  pride,  led  the  fully 
aroused  Persians  to  take  bloody  vengeance  on  the  Magian  priests  and  their  adherents  who 
had  betrayed  them. 

One  event  that  happened  in  a  distant  province  serves  to  clothe  this  short  reign  of  the  pseudo- 
Smerdis  with  a  peculiar  interest.  The  reaction  in  religion  at  Susa  and  Ecbatana  was  felt  no 
less  seriously  at  Jerusalem.  The  work  on  the  temple,  begun  under  Cyrus,  had  not  been  inter- 
rupted by  Cambyses,  notwitlistanding  the  embittered  efforts  of  the  Samaritans  in  that  direc- 
tion. With  the  idol-loving  Magian,  however,  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  were  immediately  suc- 
cessful. The  holy  work  ceased  by  his  order,  not  again  to  be  resumed  till  news  had  been 
received  of  the  accession  of  Darius.^  A  clearer  proof  could  scarcely  be  asked  that  the  friend- 
liness of  the  Persian  kings  for  the  Israelitish  people  was  prompted,  at  least  in  some  degree, 
by  a  deeper  and  nobler  n,otive  than  that  of  simple  policy. 

Darius  Hystaspis  was  one  of  Persia's  greatest  rulers,  second  only  to  Cyrus,  and  even  his 
superior  as  an  organizer  and  administrator.     His  reign  e.Ktended  over  a  period  of 
thirty-six  years,  and  is  marked  by  events  that,  without  tlie  coloring  of  a  partial  his-    Hystimpis. 
torian,  are  full  of  interest  even  when  read  amidst  the  absorbing  concerns  of  the 
present  day.     The  revolts  that  early  broke  out  in  various  parts  of  liis  dominions  he  suppressed 
with  a  hand  at  once  so  firm  and  wise  that  it  left  him,  later,  the  needed  repose  for  his  wide- 
reaching  plans  of  administration.     To  him  is  due  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to  introduce  a 
really  stable  form  of  government  among  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  power  and  weakness 
that  had  hitherto  ruled  in  the  empires  of  the  East.      He  greatly  improved  the  prevailing  mili- 
tary system,  and  took  wise  precautions  that  the  immense  resources  of  his  kingdom  should  not 
be  needlessly  wasted.     If  he  did  not  originate  and  introduce  among  the  Persians  a  metallic 
currency,  its  more  general  use  certainly  dates  from  him;  and  his  gold  and  silver  darics  carried 

1   iii.  38.  2  See  Bawlinson's  Herod.,  U.  691  S. 

3    ''(.  Ez   V   2  ;  Uaa   i   1 1. 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  name  of  Darius  far  beyond  the  bounds  of  his  age  and  empire  He  was  l)efore  the  Romans 
in  appreciating  the  importance  of  safe  and  easy  communication  from  place  to  place.^  His 
couriers  found  the  streams  already  bridged  for  them  and  sped  from  station  to  station,  like 
birds  in  their  flight.  "Nothing  mortal,"  says  Herodotus,  "travels  so  fast  as  these  Persian 
messengers.  .  .  .  The  first  rider  delivers  his  despatch  to  the  second,  and  the  second  passes 
it  to  the  third  ;  and  so  it  is  borne  from  hand  to  hand  along  the  whole  line,  like  tlie  light  in 
the  torch  race,  which  the  Greeks  celebrate  to  Vulcan."  "^  Indeed,  Darius  Hystaspis  was  so 
great  and  wise  a  ruler,  as  the  times  then  were,  that  it  has  served  to  obscure  the  genius  which 
lie  also  i)0ssessed  as  a  military  leader.  He  had  not  finished  his  preparations  for  suppressing 
a  fresh  revolt  that  had  broken  out  in  Egypt,  where  the  wild  severity  of  Cambyses  still  ranklea, 
when  death  overlook  him,  in  the  si.\ty-third  year  of  bis  age  (b.  c.  486). 

The  kingdom  descended,  by  his  own  appointment,  to  Xer.\es,  the  eldest  of  his  sons.     It 

would  be  interesting  to  dwell  upon  the  latter's  history,  embracing  as  it  does  some 

of  the  most  magnificent,  if  mistaken  and  unsuccessful,  enterprises  which  the  world 
has  ever  known,  and  which  have  made  the  names  of  Thermopylie,  Salamis,  and  Platsa  cele- 
brated for  more  tlian  twenty  subsequent  centuries.  Especially  would  it  be  interesting  be- 
cause of  his  connection  witli  the  fascinating  story  of  Queen  Esther,  the  palace  at  "  Shushan," 
and  the  averted  destruction  of  the  Jewish  people.  But  for  the  purposes  of  the  present  work  it 
would  be  an  unjustifiable  diversion.  Notwithstanding  all  his  magnificence,  Xerxes  ranked, 
both  in  character  and  achievements,  far  below  his  predecessor,  with  him  beginning,  indeed, 
the  fatal  deterioration  and  decline  that  made  the  Persian  kingdom,  less  than  a  century  and 
a  half  later,  a  comparatively  easy  conquest  for  the  disciplined  troops  of  Alexander. 

Xerxes  was  succeeded  by  Artaxerxes,  with  the  surname  Longimanus   (b.  c.  465),  and  tlie 

latter  by  Xerxes  II.  (b.  c.425),  who  reigned  but  five  and  forty  days,  when  he  was 
and  his  sue-  put  to  death  by  his  half-brother,  Sogdianus.  Sogdianus  himself,  also,  in  less  than 
cessors.  seven  months  afterwards,  lost  his  life  at  the  hands  of  a  brother,  who  followed  him 

on  the  Persian  throne  und'.ir  the  title  of  Darius  Nothus  (b.  c.  424).  His  sovereignty  con- 
tinued for  nineteen  years,  but  was  little  else  than  one  uninterrupted  scene  of  debauchery  and 
crime  at  court,  and  of  revolt  and  bloody  strife  in  the  provinces.  Arsaces,  a  son,  under  the 
name  of  Artaxerxes  II.  (Mnemon),  was  the  next  in  succession.  But  the  ceremonies  of  his  cor- 
onation were  not  yet  over  when  he  was  called  to  confront  a  danger  of  a  serious  character  at 
the  hands  of  his  brother,  generally  known  as  the  younger  Cyrus.  Instigated  by  bis  mother, 
the  latter  sought  to  win  the  crown  for  himself  by  the  murder  of  Artaxerxes.  Foiled,  for  the 
time  being,  in  his  wicked  purpose,  it  was  none  the  less  secretly  cherished,  and  bis  subsequent 
rebellion  while  satrap  in  Asia  Minor  was  made  memorable  by  the  famous  battle  of  Cunaxa,  in 
which  he  lost  his  life,  and  the  still  more  famous  victory  and  heroic  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand 
Greek  soldiers  who  bad  been  his  auxiliaries.  The  success  of  this  retreat  was  no  doubt  largely 
line  to  the  superior  bravery  and  discipline  of  the  Greeks.  But  it  was  also  due  to  the  inher- 
:nt  weakness  and  advanced  decay  of  the  Persian  empire.  It  already  tottered  to  its  fall. 
Under  this  reign  and  that  of  the  following  king,  Artaxerxes  III.  (Ochus,  b.  c.  359),  the  re 

ligious  apostasy  and  deterioration  of  the  Persians,  which  had  already  long  since 
A^axentes      begun,  made  the  most  rapid  progress.     A  vicious  eclecticism  that  saw  no  dangei 

in  mingling  Magian  rites  with  the  relatively  pure  tenets  of  Zoroaster  ended  bj 
accepting  Venus  as  a  national  deity,  and  lascivious  orgies  in  place  of  the  exercises  of  religion 
As  might  have  been  expected,  the  Persians  were  not  the  only  sufferers  by  the  change.  Tht 
bond  of  sympathy  that  liad  united  to  tbeni  in  all  their  varying  fortunes,  until  now,  as  obedi- 
ent and  faithful  allies,  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  was  violently  rent  asunder.  By  the  tolerant 
Cyrus  or  Darius,  not  much  difference  could  be  observed  between  Jehovah  and  Ormuzd.  Bui 
with  a  Mnemon  or  Ochus  on  the  throne,  and  images  of  Anaitis  by  royal  authority  set  up  fo) 
worship  at  Susa  and  Persepolis,  at  Babylon  and  Damascus,  and,  as  we  may  well  suppose,  at 
Jerusalem  also,  the  circumstances  were  chani;ed  indeed.  Sympathy  and  protection  gave 
place  to  repugnance  and  persecution.  If  we  may  accept  the  account  of  Josepbus,  who  quotes 
Hecateus,^  this  mucb-oppre>sed  [icople  were  obliged  at  the  present  time  to  suffer  anothei 
cruel  deportation.  Moreover,  a  creature  of  Artaxerxes  III.,  one  Bagoas  (Bagoses),  who  after- 
wards poisoned  his  master,  taking  the  rejection  of  a  certain  candidate  for  the  high  priest's 

1  See  Xen.,  Cijrop.,  viii.  7.  18 ;  and  Dunclter,  iv.  637.  -  Rawlinson's  Herod.,  iv.  335. 

3   Cimlm  Apion,  i,  22  ;  of.  Qnietz,  Geschidite,  ii.  (2)  209,  note.    The  same  fact  is  also  mentioned  by  other  ancient  writ 
srs      See  Hitzijr,  (jiSfkidUr  i.  307. 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION. 


office,  whose  election  he  had  favored,  as  a  personal  affront,  laid  the  most  oppressive  burdens 
on  the  temple  service,  and  even  forced  his  way  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  as  if,  thereby,  to  give 
a  greater  emphasis  to  his  contempt.  Sad  omens  those  for  a  future  that  had  in  store  a  Hel- 
iodorus  and  an  Antiochus  Epipnanes  ! 

Arses,  the  last  Persian  king  but  one,  was  a  son  of  Bagoas,  and  ascended  the  throne  B.  c. 
338.  Refusing  to  be  the  tool  of  his  father,  the  latter,  who  had  hitherto  hesitated  Arses  and 
at  no  crime  lying  in  the  path  of  his  ambition,  ruthlessly  murdered  him,  together  J?''°^%"th 
with  his  infant  children.  His  successor  was  Codoniannus,  or  Darius  HI.  (b.  c.  Persian 
336),  the  beginoiug  of  whose  reign  nearly  synchronizes  with  that  of  Alexander  mpire. 
of  Macedon.  And  now  followed,  within  the  space  of  three  short  years,  the  bold  invasion 
of  Asia  Minor  by  the  Macedonian,  and,  in  quick  succession,  the  renowned  and  decisive 
battles  of  the  Granicus,  of  Issus,  and  of  Arbela,  where  the  fate  of  the  great  Persian  mon- 
archy was  effectually  sealed.  It  had  fully  accomplished  its  purpose  in  the  providence  of 
God.  Its  yoke  had  indeed  been  heavy  on  the  necks  of  many  peoples.  But  it  had  also  served 
some  of  the  nobler  ends  of  civilization  and  human  progress;  and,  in  the  case  of  Israel,  had 
helped  to  tide  it  over  certain  dangerous  reefs  and  shallows  in  its  progress  towards  the  devel- 
opment of  a  world  religion.  Such  development,  though  slow,  could  not  wholly  cease,  or  be 
long  checked.  Hence  the  new  factors  that  at  this  point  enter  into  human  history,  and 
especially  into  the  history  of  the  covenant  people.  What  had  called  for  a  Cyrus  two  hun- 
dred years  before  now  called  no  less  loudly  for  an  Alexander.  .ludaism  hud  ha<l  its  period 
of  incubation;  what  it  now  needed  was  wings  and  liberty.  Parseeism  had  been  helpful  as  a 
protector,  and  to  some  degree,  also,  as  it  would  seem,  in  the  way  of  moral  stimulus  and  sug- 
gestion. The  Greek  language  and  philosojihy  were  to  prove  a  still  greater  resource  and  aux- 
iliary, and,  though  in  ways  they  would  never  have  chosen,  and  through  the  most  painful  as 
well  as  humiliatinn-  experiences  in  political  and  social  life,  the  consecrated  nation  advanced 
towards  its  providential  goal. 

It  remains  to  us,  in  the  present  section,  to  treat  more  in  detail  what  has  been  already  given 
above  in  outline,  — the  internal  history  of  Judaism  ;  to  show  what  it  gained  during 
the  present  period,  and  how  far  it  felt  the  influunce,  and  subsequently  carried  the  origin  of' 
impression,  of  the  religious  ideas  of  its  Persian  rulers.  Naturally,  the  first  thing  Samaritan- 
that  by  its  prominence  and  its  bearings  on  the  future  suggests  itself  is  the  schism 
of  the  Samaritans,  if  so  it  may  he  called.  It  is  a  disputed  point  to  what  extent  the  kingdom 
of  Israel,  whose  capital  was  Sauiaria,  had  been  depopulated  of  its  inhabitants  in  consequence 
of  the  great  Assyrian  invasions  (2  Kings  xvii.  6;  xviii.  11).  The  later  criticism,  however, 
supported  by  the  inscriptions  of  the  monuments,  assumes  a  far  less  thorough  <leporlation  of 
Israelites  than  has  generally  been  supposed.'  From  the  testimony  of  the  monuments,  more- 
over, it  is  clear  that  the  number  and  variety  of  foreign  colonists  that  .at  this  perioil  were 
introduced  into  Palestine  has  been  generally  under-estimated.^  Certain  it  is  that  among 
these  colonists,  who  naturally  brought  with  them  the  sensuous  idol-worship  of  their  own 
lands,  the  worship  of  Jehovah  was  also  adopted,  and  the  rights  and  privileges  appertaining 
to  it  boldly  claimed.  The  repugnance  which  the  native  Jews,  particularly  in  Juda-a,  could 
not  but  feel  towards  this  mongrel  religion,  seems,  previous  to  the  Exile,  to  have  come  to  no 
violent  outbreaks.  It  may  have  been  looked  upon  as  simply  a  widening  of  the  political 
breach  that  had  long  existed  between  Judah  and  Ephraim.  There  were  also  evident  pru- 
dential reasons  why  at  least  the  externals  of  peace  should  be  maintained  with  the  distaste- 
ful neighbors.  After  the  return  from  the  captivity,  however,  where  new  lessons  concerning 
the  sin  and  folly  of  serving  idols  had  been  learned,  especially  after  the  .accession  of  the  mono- 
theistic Cyrus  and  his  immediate  successors  to  power,  and  the  sweeping  reforms  inaugurated 
by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  deep-seated  aver^ion  would  fail 
to  give  itself  emphatic  expression.  The  occasion  was  the  request  of  the  Samaritans  to  be 
permitted  to  participate  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  and  temple  of  Jerusalem.  .Sanbidlat, 
their  "  Horonite  "  leader,  had  made  an  alliance  by  marriage  with  the  high  priest's  family, 
and  it  seems  to  have  been  expected  on  their  part  that  now,  by  mutual  participation  in  the 
sacred  work  of  restoring  the  walls  of  Zion,  the  reconciliation  would  be  complete.  So  much 
the  greater,  therefore,  was  their  disappointment,  and  the  more  intense  their  hatred,  when 
every  offer  of  aid  was,  with  ill-concealed  disgust,  rejected,  and,  in  addition,  the  apostate  son- 
in-law  of  Sanballat  was  banished  from  Judsa. 

I  See  Scbrader  in  Schenkel's  Bih.  Ler.,  under  "  Samarien."        2  Scllrader,  idem,  and  Die  KeitinschTiften,  p.  162. 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


The  separation  was  final  and  decisive.  Nothing;  remained  for  the  Samaritans  but  to  make 
the  best  of  their  defeat.  They  also  had  descendants  of  the  priestly  Aaronic 
■tanTemp'e.  family  amonor  them.  That  the  same  had  been  driven  from  their  homes  on  ac- 
count of  wicked  practices  was  in  their  eyes  no  discredit.  They  too  had  some 
claim  to  the  name  of  Israelites,  and  where  it  failed  were  at  no  loss  to  supply  its  place  with 
the  most  baseless  and  egregious  assumptions.  Why  should  they  not,  then,  have  a  temple 
and  service  of  their  own,  and  win,  as  far  as  possible,  the  repute  of  being  the  only  true 
successors  of  Abraham?  The  central  and  fertile  Mount  Gerizim,  where  under  Joshua  the 
blessings  had  been  spoken,  might  at  least  hope  to  rival  and  share,  if  not  eclipse,  the  glories 
of  Mount  Moriah  and  of  Jerusalem.  And  thus  the  bold  undertaking,  in  itself  proof  that  along 
with  Assyrian  cunning  and  duplicity  there  was  associated  also  not  a  little  Israelitish  persist- 
ence, was  entered  upon.  The  temple  was  built  on  Gerizim.  The  Pentateuch  wijs  forced  to 
give  its  sui)port  to  the  new  Zion.  And  to  this  day  "  the  foolish  people  that  dwell  in  Sichem  " 
as  the  Son  of  Sirach  (1.  26)  calls  them,  though  insignificant  in  numbers,  have  continued  to 
maintain  a  separate  existence.  In  all  these  centuries,  moreover,  they  have  lost  none  of  their 
capacity  for  groundless  assertions,  or  their  superstitious  reverence  for  Gerizim.  Heaven,  as 
they  claim,  lies  directly  over  or  near  this  spot.  Here  Adam  biult  his  first  altar,  and  was  him- 
self made  from  its  sacred  earth.  Here  the  ark  rested  after  the  flood,  for  it  is  the  real  Ararat 
of  the  Bible,  and  the  exact  place  is  shown  where  Noah  disembarked  and  offered  thankful 
sacrifices.  Here,  too,  Abraham  brought  his  son  Isaac  as  a  burnt-offering  to  the  Lord,  and  here 
as  well,  strange  to  say,  the  patriarch  Jacob  on  his  way  to  Padan-Aram  found  his  Bethel  and 
dreamed  sweet  dreams  of  heaven.' 

It  was  inevit.able  that  the  whole  movement  would  react  powerfully  upon  the  little  Jewish 
community,  and,  as  might  have  been  expected  in  the  end,  with  good  results. 
the'diyiBion.  '^^^  temple  on  Gerizim  and  its  spurious  service  was,  in  the  first  place,  a  perpetual 
menace.  The  Samaritans,  moreover,  lost  no  occasion,  fitting  or  unfitting,  for  show- 
ing their  hostility.  By  means  of  flaming  torches,  for  instance,  simultaneously  waved  from 
mountain-top  to  mountain-top,  the  Israelites  had  been  wont,  since  the  Exile,  to  announce 
to  their  brethren  still  in  Assyria  the  exact  time  for  holding  the  sacred  yearly  festivals.  The 
adherents  of  Sanballat  and  the  banished  Manasseh  set  a  similar  line  of  beacons  blazing,  but 
at  the  wrong  time,  in  order  to  confuse  and  mislead.  In  one  way  and  another,  to  escape 
punishment  or  with  hope  of  reward,  not  a  few  native  Jews  from  Judsea  cast  in  their  lot  with 
them.  The  Persian  officials  were  probably  indifferent,  if  not  acquiescent.  Insolence  and  as- 
sumption grew  with  apparent  success.  All  reserve  was  finally  laid  aside.  The  covenant  peo- 
ple were  fairly  challenged  to  show  what  right  they  had  to  exist,  and  to  bear  the  revered,  his- 
toric name.  Not  only  as  over  against  heathenism,  therefore,  but  especially  in  sharp  distinc- 
tion from  those  who  falsel)-  professed  to  worship  the  same  God  and  to  be  governed  by  the 
same  Mosaic  institutions,  they  were  called  upon  to  determine  and  declare  what  it  was  that 
really  chariicterized  them  as  a  people.  From  this  point,  as  we  have  alrea<ly  intimated,  al- 
though the  name  itself  does  not  appear  until  a  later  period,-  properly  <iates  tlm  oriiiin  of 
Judaism.  In  its  struggles  with  what  was  false  and  baneful  it  came  to  the  first  real  knowl 
3dge  of  itself. 

The  Law,  for  instance,  had  been  caricatured  and  perverted.  What,  then,  was  the  Law, 
and  what  were  its  demands  ?  Were  there  not  other  sacred  books  in  addition  to 
Mires  "'^  those  given  to  Moses  which  were  entitled  to  holy  regard?  It  had  been  denied 
by  them  of  Gerizim,  and  hence  from  such  a  quarter  that  the  denial  itself  was  al- 
most equal  to  a  proof  of  the  fact.  And  so  investigation  arose.  The  Scriptures  were  studied 
as  they  had  never  been  before.  The  different  parts  were  classified  as  Law,  Prophets,  and 
Hagiographa.5  New  copies  were  assiduously  made.  The  goodly  custom  of  public  readings, 
introduced  by  Ezra,  was  perpetuated.  The  Sabbaths  and  festivals  were  given  a  new  sacred- 
ness  and  even  market  days  were  ennobled  by  reverent  communion  with  Moses  and  the  proph- 
ets. The  Torah  was  divided  into  sections  so  that  in  the  public  readings  the  whole  of  it  could 
he  gone  over  either  in  a  single  year  or  in  three  years,  as  tlie  case  might  be.  The  old  Hebrew 
character,  which  had  become  antiquated  and  was  understood  only  by  a  few,  was  exchanged 

1  See  Peterm.inii  in  Herzng's  RraZ-Ennji:. ,xi\i  376,  and,  in  general,  concerning  the  history  and  literature  of  the  Sa 
maritans,  Tolp.  ix.  and  xiii.  of  Richhoru's  Ai/^.  B'b.  d  bib.  LitUTatur ;  De  Sacy,  vol.  xii.  of  Notices  it  Extraits  dfs  Mam* 
frits  ;  .Juynbnil,  "  Conini<^nt  de  Versione  Arabico-Saniaritana,"'  in  vol.  ii.  of  the  Oritntatia.  edited  by  Ju.vnboU,  Roorda 
Knd  Weijers  ;  and  flcJcniiis.  Df  Pftitnletic/ii  Satnnritnni  origine,  iniloU  et  aiictoritatf. 

2  See  2  Mace.  ii.  21  :  viii.  1.  8  See  Ecclus.,  Prol. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION. 


for  an  alph;ibet  with  which  the  Israelites  had  become  familiar  during  their  sojourn  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  For  convenience  in  reading,  also,  vowel  points  were  intro- 
duced. In  short,  for  the  people  of  Israel,  the  seals  were  taken  from  the  holy  books.  Not  sa 
with  the  Samaritans.  They  were  governed  by  another  principle.  They  chose  to  retain  their 
Bible,  that  is,  the  Pentateuch,  in  its  ancient  form.  They  left  it  with  all  its  seals  upon  it, 
where  to  this  day  they  still  rem.ain.  They  may  be  regarded  indeed,  as  the  first  champions  of 
the  doftrine,  not  yet  extinct,  that  the  Bible  was  not  intended  for  general  circulation. 

Another  great  and  far-reaching  change  of  this  period  was  the  introduction  of  synagogues. 
To  the  idea  of  worshiping  elsewhere  than  in  the  temple  the  people  had  become 
somewhat  accustomed  during  the  exile.  And  when,  after  their  return,  Ezra  set  gog^ue^"* 
the  example  of  a  similar  service  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  temple,  it  was  re.td- 
ily  taken  up  and  carried,  little  by  little,  into  every  part  of  the  land.  There  were,  however, 
other  reasons  which  contributed  to  this  result.  The  second  temple  was  itself  a  disappoint- 
ment. It  could  never  quite  take  the  jilace,  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  of  that  which  had 
been  destroyed.  It  was  destitute  of  .some  of  its  chief  attractions.  This  made  it  easier  to  be 
reconciled  to  the  simple  forms  of  the  synagogue,  and  to  grasp,  in  some  measure,  the  sublime 
thought,  which  for  its  full  development,  however,  required  other  centuries  of  bitter  experience, 
that  God  is  a  spirit  and  that  they  who  worship  Him  should  worship  Him  in  spirit  and  in  truth. 
We  cannot  help  feeling,  moreover,  that  the  existence  of  the  temple  on  Gerizim  also  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  popularity  of  synagogues.  To  Sanballat  and  his  coadjutors  the  temple 
was  the  principal  thing  in  Judaism.  To  build  its  counterpart,  therefore,  or  its  superior  at 
another  point;  to  introduce  into  it  a  more  imposing  liturgy;  to  claim  for  it,  C(iuidly  with  any 
other,  the  sanctions  of  the  ancient  legislation;  and  to  hallow  it  with  the  uieniories  and  tradi- 
tions of  Israel  which  were  also  theirs,  —  this,  they  thought,  would  be  a  fatal  blow  at  the 
heart  of  Jewish  exclusiveness.  And  a  noble  answer  it  was  which  was  returned  to  them: 
God  is  greater  than  the  temple.  To  understand  the  Law  and  to  do  it — for  this  was  really 
the  teaching  of  the  new  system  — is  more  than  all  burnt  offering.  Obedience  is  better  than 
sacrifice,  the  offering  up  of  the  heart  to  God  than  a  multitude  of  costly  gifts  in  his  house. 

The  temple  was  not  ignored.  Synagogues,  in  their  outward  form,  were  constructed  with 
due  reference  to  it.  Their  simple  services  were  made,  as  far  as  possible,  a  re- 
flex of  its  revered  ritual.  But  the  false  notion  that  worship  was  a  matter  of 
priestly  functions  and  of  brilliant  shrines  was  greatly  weakened.  A  new  system  was  intro- 
duced more  in  harmony  with  the  real,  inner  nature  of  Judaism,  and  one  which  afterwards, 
Christianity,  represented  by  Christ  and  his  Apostles,  found  not  to  be  ill  adapted  to  serve  as 
one  of  the  most  powerful  means  for  its  propagation.  From  the  New  Testament,  in  fact,  we 
may  easily  learn  almost  the  entire  order  of  proceeding  in  the  worship  of  the  synagogues.  The 
service  began  with  prayer,  which,  inileed,  like  the  sacrifices  in  the  temple,  formed  its  prin- 
cipal feature.  The  leader  was  not  a  priest,  but  one  of  the  elders  of  the  little  communion. 
The  language  used  was  that  of  tlie  people.  Following  the  prayers,  which  differed  in  num- 
ber and  length  according  to  the  occasion,  came  invariably  the  reading  of  a  portion  from  the 
Pentateuch  in  the  original,  and  generally,  also,  from  the  Prophets.  The  reader  was  selected 
by  the  person  officiating  from  among  those  present.  A  translator  stood  by  his  side  and  ren- 
dered the  sacred  oracles,  verse  by  verse,  into  the  vernacular.  Explanatory  remarks  and  ex- 
hortations, moreover,  were  not  excluded.^  The  blessing  of  the  minister  and  the  loud  respon- 
sive amen  of  the  assembled  worshipers  marked  the  close  of  the  impressive  service.'^  What 
could  have  been  better  calculated  to  give  to  the  masses  of  the  Jewish  people  a  knowledge  of 
the  Scriptures,  or  unite  them  in  reverence  and  love  for  their  religion?  "  Our  houses  of 
prayer  in  the  various  cities,"  s.ays  Philo,  "  are  nothing  else  than  schools  of  prudence,  cour- 
age, temperance,  and  righteousness,  in  short,  of  every  virtue  which  is  reco^xnized  or  enjoined 
by  God  or  man."^  It  was  through  the  synagogues,  also,  that  the  poor  of  the  community  were 
relieved  and  other  friendly  services  rendered,  a  special  office  being  instituted  for  the  purjio^e. 
Here,  too,  the  minor  differences  and  offenses  of  the  people  were  considered  and  adjudicated. 
The  synagogue  represents,  in  fact,  politically  the  democratic  side  of  Judaism.  On  one  side, 
it  was  a  pronounced  hierarchy.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  all  interests  and  classes  were  repre- 
sented and  could  make  their  influence  felt.  And  if,  through  its  more  hearty,  spiritual  wor- 
ship it  served  as  a  healthful  check  on  the  formalizing  influences  of  the  temple,  the  synagogue 

1  Cf.  Luke  iv  16-20 

5  See  Zaaz,  Die   Ritus  des  synat^ogalen  GotlfS'/ifnxtes.  passim.  3   De   Vita  Musis,  ii.  168. 


10  THE    Al'OCRYPHA. 


wa?  also,  perhaps,  and  in  a  no  less  degree,  a  providential  restraint  as  over  against  an  ever 
powerful  drift  towards  centralisation,  aiistoc-ratic  assumption,  ami  partisanship.  How  much 
such  a  restraint  was  needeil  will  soon  appear. 

Anions  the  other  agencies  at  work  to  mold  the  Jewish  life  and  institutions  of  this  period 
the  so-called  Great  Synagogue  cannot  be  overlooked.  Its  origin,  the  date  of  its 
Ijnagog^e  '"'-'^  ^"'^  "^  '"'^  cessation  of  its  activities,  what  and  how  many  members  composed 
it,  or  what  special  ends  it  served,  cannot  be  ascertained  with  any  degree  of  cer- 
tainty.^  It  is  clear,  however,  that  such  a  body  of  men  existed,  and  that  if  it  does  not  date 
from  the  period  of  Ezra  it  must  have  occupied  itself  in  general  with  the  work  begun  by  him. 
It  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Sanhedrin,  which  originated  in  the  following  period  and 
had  to  a  considerable  extent  other  aims.-  It  is  further,  not  to  be  identified  simply  with  the 
synao-Qo-ue  at  Jerusalem,  although  the  latter  may  have  furnished  many  of  its  members  and 
have  exercised  a  controlling  influence  over  it.'  It  is  not  credible,  moreover,  that  its  activity 
extended  merely  over  a  period  of  half  a  dozen  years,  and  that  its  object  was  simply  to  admin- 
ister public  affairs  during  an  interim,  while  the  high  priest's  office  was  without  an  incumbent 
(b.  c.  348-342).*  This  could  never  account  for  the  form  or  the  strength  of  the  tradition 
that  relates  to  it,  much  less  for  the  actual  impression  which  it  has  left  upon  the  institutions  of 
the  present  period.  The  oldest  and  most  trustworthy  notice  of  the  Great  Assembly  which 
has  been  found  occurs  in  a  fragment  of  the  Mishna.  It  is  as  follows:  "  Moses  received  the 
Law  from  Sinai;  he  transmitted  it  to  Joshua,  Joshua  to  the  elders,  the  elders  to  the  prophets; 
the  pro])hets  to  the  men  of  the  Great  Assembly,  who  uttered  three  words  [laid  down  three 
iules]:  '  Be  circumspect  in  judging,  make  many  disciples,  make  a  hedge  about  the  law.'  " 
It  t^oes  on  to  say :  "  Simon  the  Just  was  one  of  the  survivors  of  the  Great  Assembly."  °  The 
oldest  extant  fragments  of  the  Mishna,  of  which  the  above  forms  a  part,  cannot  have  origi- 
nated earlier  than  in  the  first  century  before  Christ,  though  naturally,  like  the  extant  manu- 
scripts of  the  New  Testament,  they  may  be  accepted  as  a  witness  for  a  much  earlier  period. 

That  now  something  historical  and  actual  really  lies  at  the  basis  of  this  tradition  there  is 

,.  .      no  lust  reason  for  doubtino-  and  it  is,  indeed,  not  improbable  that  the  eiffhtv-five 

]  ts  cnmposi-  J  o  .  .  . 

lion  and  du-    priests,  who,  according  to  the  book  of  Neheiniah  (xi.  £E.),  as  representatives  of  the 

people,  bound  themselves  by  oath  to  the  observance  of  the  law,  may  have  been 
the  first  members  of  the  Great  Assembly.'  On  the  other  hand,  the  three  precepts  which  are 
ascribed  to  it  cannot  have  originated  with  Ezra  or  his  contemporaries.  They  bear  the  stamp 
of  a  later  day.  They  indicate  a  state  of  things  which  might  well  have  followed  a  century 
after  the  Samaritan  schism,  seem  indeed,  to  speak  out  of  the  hard  experiences  of  the  later 
Persian  period.  Simon  the  Just  (('.  e. ,  as  we  hold,  Simon  I.,  B.  c.  310-291),  who  is  said  to 
have  been  one  of  the  latest  survivors  of  this  body,  expressed  himself  in  quite  a  similar  way. 
"  The  world,"  he  said,  "  rests  upon  three  things  :  on  the  law,  on  worship,  and  on  the  re- 
ward of  benevolent  deeds."  '  Hence,  it  is  likely  that  what  began  as  a  simple  company  vol- 
untarily pledging  themselves  to  keep  the  law,  became,  under  the  stress  of  circumstances,  a 
well-defined  and  powerful  organization  whose  sphere  of  duties  varied  with  the  demand  made 
upon  it.  The  products  of  its  activity,  in  general,  have  been  already  noticed.  They  were 
such  as  the  gathering  and  sifting  of  the  sacred  books,  so  far  as  they  had  been  rescued  from 
the  great  catastrophe  of  the  Exile;  their  threefold  division  ;  the  introduction  of  a  new  alpha- 
bet, as  well  as  of  vowel  signs  and  accents;  the  separation  of  the  Pentateuch  into  sections;  the 
establishment  of  an  order  of  worship  for  the  synagogues;  the  adoption  of  various  liturgical 
forms,  particularly  the  eighteen  so-called  benedictions;  '  and  altogether  an  effort,  not  always 
]iut  forth  with  the  highest  wisdom  or  with  freedom  from  exaggeration  and  prejudice,  to  carry 
out  the  injunction  of  their  great  legislator  :  "  Ye  shall  not  add  unto  the  word  which  I  com 
mand  you,  neither  shall  ye  diminish  aught  from  it."  '  What  came,  in  fact,  to  be  undcr- 
>tood  by  "  a  hedge  about  the  law  "  may  be  still  seen  in  the  lumbered  pages  of  the  Mishna 
and  Gemara.     A  so-called  oral  law,  for  which  the  claim  was  made  that  it  was  handed  down 


1  Cf ,  for  example,  UeUenheim's  uDSUccessful  attempt  to  construct  an  acceptable  theory  of  the  subject  in  Stud,  m 
Kril.,  1863,  p.  93,  ff..  and  Bertheau,  Dit  But/itr  Etra,  AV/i.,  etc.,  p.  101. 

2  Contra,  Graetz,  ii.  (2).  178.  and  others. 

S  Contra,  Holtziuann,  Dit  Apok.  BUcher,  Einleit.^  p.  4. 

4  Contra.  Ilitzij?,  Ofxr/iiehU,  315,  ff-,  and  Kneucker  in  Schenkel's  Eib.  Ler.,  ad  voc, 

5  Piike  Ah/ith,  i.  1.  2. 

6  So  .tout,  Grxr/iieftlf,  i.  42.  "  Of.  Hartmann,  p.  129. 
8  See  Slanlej  .  iii.  1,51.  9  Deut.  iv.  2. 


GENERAL   INTliUUUCTIOX.  11 


from  Moses  Limself,  assumed  an  ever  increasing,  and  in  tlie  eml,  fatal  importance.     And 

even  modern  Judaism  is  far  euougli  from  divesting  itself  of  the  spirit  that  was  rebuked  in  the 

words  of  the  Master:  ■'  For  laving  aside  the  commandments  of   God  ya  hold  the  tradition  of 

men."  ^ 

The  second  precept  of  the  Great  Assembly,  moreover,  was  practically  attended  to.    Schools 

for  the  study  of  the  sacred  books  were  established.     The  teachers  went  under  the    „,,.     .    . 

.»        [■  -,,  i~.i-  Other  insti- 

high-sounding  title  of  "  the  wise      or  the  bopherim;  their  pupils  were  known  as    tutions  of 

"  the  disciples  of  the  wise."  '  In  subsequent  times,  so  e.xtraordiuary  became  their  ''"^  P"""!- 
authority  that  it  was  held  for  even  a  greater  crime  to  dispute  the  word  of  the  scribes  than 
to  call  in  question  the  Torah  itself.'  Stricter  rules  for  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  and 
other  festival  days  were  also  introduced  at  this  period;  the  year,  wliich  hitherto  had  beij-un 
with  Nisau,  was  made  to  begin  with  Tisri ;  the  institution  of  slavery  for  native  born  Israel- 
ites was  abolished;  the  provisions  for  the  observance  of  the  Sabbatic  year  rigorously  carried 
out ;  regulations  relating  to  things  clean  and  unclean  greatly  e.xtended  ;  alms-givinor  rose  to 
the  dignity  of  a  system,  and  the  virtue  that  "  sheweth  mercy  and  lendeth"  became  the  lead- 
ing idea  of  righteousness. 

It  is  a  question  of  no  small  importance  how  far  the  institutions  of  the  Israelitish  people 
during  this  formative  period  were  modiBed  by  contact  with  the  religious  ideas  and 
practices  of  their  Persian  rulers.     To  us  now,  the  matter  is  one  of  special  interest    the  Peisiau 
siuiply  in  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the   Old  Testament  apocryphal  writings.     Thev    "'I'S'o™ 
clearly  contain  new  developments  of  doctrine  that  are  of  the  utmost  consequence, 
and   which  cannot  be  accounted  for,  solely,  on   the  theory  that  they  have   their  root  in  the 
teachings  of  the  older  canoidcal  Scriptures.     And  that  the  development  of  pure  Judaism  it- 
self, by  a  kind  of  forcing  process,  should  have  been  quickened,  and  to  some  e.xtent  modified 
in  consequence  of  its  intimate  relations  with  Parseeism,  seems  to  us  in  no  way  inconsistent 
with  any  right  view  of  Jewish  history,  or  of   the  divine  plan  of  salvation.     The  book  of 
Esther,  in  fact,  and  the  feast  of  Purim,  which  has  been  aptly  called  the  "  Passover  of  the 
Dispersion,"  are  themselves  a  standing  protest  against  the  assumption  of  many  critics  that 
such  an  influence  could  not  have  been  felt.     There  remained  in  Persia,  after  the  E.\ile,  no 
small  number  of  Jewish  colonists  who  were  agents,  as  well  as  recipients  in  the  history  of  this 
period.     The  relation  of  the  Jews  to  at  least  one  of  the  Persian  governors  were  of  the  most 
friendly  and  intimate  character.*     The  decrees  and  letters  of  the  Persian  kings  found  a  place 
on  the  pages  of  the  Bible,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  he  whose  spirit  the  Lord  "  stirred  up  "  '  • 
should  become  himself  in  turn  the  means  of  setting  in  operation  moral  forces  which  were 
still  active  and  powerful,  after  the  kingdom  which  he  had  founded  had  long  since  passed 
away. 

The  comparative  elevation  and  purity  of  the  original  religious  belief  of  the  Persians  is  well 
known.     Its  creed  was  simple  and  highly  spiritual.     If  its  monotheism  was  spcond 
to  that  of  the  Jews,  as  we  must  admit,  still  it  was  only  second,  and  approximated    the  Persiar 
it   in  many  respects.     Its   hatred  of   idol-worship  was  most   pronounced.     And    *>""'•'' 
among  no  other  people  of  antiquity  was  such  an  antithesis  recognized,  imperfect  though  it 
still  was,  between  the  evil  and    the  good.     It  was  no  longer  a  crude   and  sensuous  idola- 
try with  which  the  Israelites  had  to  do.     The  old  Persian  spirit  that  lived  again  in  the  re- 
vered Cyrus  and  his  immediate  successors  was  almost  fiercely  iconoclastic'     The  Persian 
worship,  in  its  prayers  and  thanksgivings  to  Ormuzd,  the  recitation  of  hymns  and  the  offering 
of  sacrifices,  had  nothing  that  could  specially  produce  aversion  in  the  Israelitish  mind.     They 
greeted  the  break  of  day  with  adoration,  prayed  over  their  food,  at  the  lighting  of  the  lamps, 
on  mountain  tops,  at  the  sight  of  water,  or  of  any  extraonlinary  appearance.     Was  it  a  mere 
coincidence  that  such  customs  were  introduced,  also,  among  the  Jews  of  later  times?     The 
priesthood  and  temple  had  with  them,  in  general,   a  far  less  important  role  than  in  other 
religions.     Ha<l  this  fact  nothing  to  do  with  the  surprising  ease  with  which  the  Israelites 

1  Mark  Tii.  8 ;  cf.  Geiger,  Judaism  ami  its  Hist.,  1.  134  f.  2  Graetz,  il.  (2),  182. 

8  Uartmann,  p.  144. 

4  Cf.  Neh.  xiii.  4-9;  Jos.,  Avlig.,  xi.  7;  and  Kuenen,  iii.  32,  33. 

6  2  Chron.  xxxTi.  22,  23. 

6  Cf.  OD  the  general  subject :  lUwUnson,  Attcient  Man.,  ii.  and  iii.,  ad  loc.  ;  the  same  author's  Herod.,  i.  Essay  V. ; 
ilaug's  Essays,  etc. ;  Pressen.se,  i.  26-34  ;  Oraeti,  ii.  (2),  note  14  ;  Spiegel's  At^rsla,  and  Elfiniscke  Allerlhumslcundr,  ad  toe. ; 
Duncker,  iy.  37-180  i  Ddllinger, /i/<;fiil/»(m  und  Hti</fnMam,  pp.  351-390  ;  Nicolas,  pp.  61-69;  Westergaard,  Ze»rfiiuj««; 
Tiele,  De  God.^dienst  van  Zar'tthriistra  ;  Spies.s,  260-272. 

^     Cf.  Herod, i.  131,  and  Rawlinson,  Ancttnl  Man.,  iii.  356. 


12  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


after  the  Captivity  adapted  themselves  to  the  simple  ceremonies  of  the  village  syna^or'ueV  ' 
The  Persians,  influenced  by  thi'ir  dualistic  creed,  were  most  rigorous  in  making  distinctionf 
between  things  clean  and  unclean.  So  were  the  Jews,  although  for  a  different  reason.  But 
it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  latter,  during  the  present  period,  adopted  a  strictness  and  par- 
ticularity in  this  respect  that  were  a  gross  exaggeration  of  the  Levitical  precepts.  It  is  a 
wholly  new  interpretation  of  the  Mosaic  law  concerning  ceremonial  [>uritv  and  iiiipuritv  that 
we  meet  with  in  the  books  of  Tobit,  Judith,  and  the  Maccabees,  and  especially  in  the  Phari- 
saism of  the  New  Testament.  We  can  have  no  doubt  that  while  influenced  by  the  political 
history  of  the  period,  more  especially  by  the  sufferings  experienced  at  the  hands  of  foreign 
powers  in  their  efforts  to  force  a  false  relision  upon  them,  the  Jewish  nation  was  also  not  a 
little  affected  by  the  doctrines  of  Parseeisni.  According  to  its  creed  the  fearful  influence  of 
Ahrinian  was  everywhere  in  operation,  and  the  life  of  man  became  a  continual  struggle  by 
means  of  the  most  burdensome  outward  purifications  to  rid  himself  of  bis  fatal  defilements. 
Even  the  hair  and  nails  of  the  human  body  were  regarded  as  unclean  and  spiritually  polluting. 
'•  What,"  asked  Zoroaster  of  Ormuzd,  "is  the  greatest  of  mortal  sins?"  "  When  they  who 
are  endowed  with  bodies  "  was  the  answer,  "  cut  their  hair  and  pare  their  nails,  there  assem- 
ble on  the  contaminated  spot  the  devils  (devas)  together."  ^ 

The  angclology  and  demonology  of  the  apocryphal  books,  as  is  shown  in  connection  with 
the  Commentary  below,  is  most  strikingly  and  demonstratively  Persian  in  its 
thrPersiau  stamp  :  so  the  evil  Asmodteus  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  with  his  home  in  the  desert 
faith  (con-  wastes  of  Egypt,  and,  no  less,  the  good  Raphael  and  his  five  associates.  An  old 
Jewish  tradition  declares:  "  The  names  of  the  angels  emigrated  with  the  Jews 
into  their  mother  country."  '  Prayers  to  the  spirits  of  supposed  saints  were  allowed  by  the 
Persian  religion.  One  such  petition  began  as  follows:  "  I  call  to  thee,  I  praise  the  mighty 
souls  (fervers)  of  holy  men,  the  souls  of  the  men  of  the  old  statutes,  the  souls  of  the  new 
men,  my  relatives,  my  own  guardian  spirit."  ■•  So,  too,  prayers  were  offered  for  the  dead,  by 
which  means,  it  was  thought,  they  were  greatly  aided  in  their  difficult  passage  to  everlasting 
blessedness.  Ddllinger,^  referring  to  the  Vendidad  (.\ii.  9  ff.,  Spiegel,  p.  183),  says  :  "  Eor 
departed  relatives  continual  prayers  were  offered  up  and  for  sinners  twice  as  many  as  for 
the  pure.  These  prayers  won  for  the  soul  —  as  was  supposed — the  protection  of  the  heav- 
enly spirits,  particularly  of  Serosh  against  Ahriman."  On  certain  days  of  the  year  the 
souls  of  the  dead  were  thought  to  revisit  the  earth,  and  at  such  times  two  forms  of  petition 
Vere  repeated  for  them  and  by  each  person  twelve  hundred  times.  Especially  at  these  periods 
was  the  hope  strong  of  being  able  through  prayers  and  good  deeds  to  release  them  from  the 
retributive  pains  of  the  lower  world.  With  this  fact  in  view,  we  are  the  less  surprised  at 
the  appearance  of  the  same  strange  and  unbiblical  custom  in  the  apocryphal  books. ^  The 
belief  in  a  future  judgment  was  also  one  of  the  tenets  of  Zoroastrianism.  Three  days  after 
death,  it  was  held,  all  human  souls,  both  those  of  the  good  and  of  the  evil,  went  their  ap- 
pointed way  to  the  so-called  "bridge  of  the  gatherers."  It  was  a  narrow  path  that  con- 
ducted to  the  regions  of  light.  An  abyss  of  darkness  yawned  beneath  it.  Here  their  exam- 
ination by  Ormuzd  took  place  and  their  destiny  was  decided. 

The  Zend  reli'.:ion  was  far  removed  from  encouraging  asceticism.    It  was  more  a  religion  of 

^„  ,  ■.  action  than  of  reflection.  It  impelled  its  followers  to  a  continual  strusgle  with  the 
utiier  traits  *  c     »  •    ■       ,     t_ 

of  the  Zend  powers  of  deatli  and  decay.  The  first  commandment  of  the  .\ vesta  enjoined  that 
religion.  ^j^^  i\e\ds  should  be  cultivated,  trees  planted,  and  fooil  provided  for  human  wants. 

"  With  the  fruits  of  the  field  grows  the  rule  of  Ormuzd,  iind  with  them  it  spreads  itself 
bv  thousands  and  other  thousands  abroad.  The  earth  is  happy  when  a  man  builds  his  house 
upon  it,  when  his  herds  increase,  when  surrounded  by  wife  and  children  he  lets  the  grass, 
the  corn,  ami  fruit  trees  in  abundance  spring  up  about  him."  '  There  is  something  noble  and 
inspiring  in  such  a  spirit.  We  may  well  recognize  its  influence  in  the  mighty  enterprises  of  a 
Cyrus  and  a  Darius,  and  see  how  it  was  possible  for  the  Persian  empire  with  so  apparently 
feeble  a  basis,  to  maintain  its  existence  for  two  hundred  years.  On  the  Jews,  with  whom  alsc 
the  interests  of  agriculture  were  so  closely  connected  with  those  of  government  and  rehgiou 
such  an  example  must  have  acted  with  powerful  effect.  But  it  is  not  by  any  means  to  be  in- 
ferred from  what  has  gone  before,  that  they  discovered  only  what  was  inviting,  or  even  worthy 
of  respect,  in  the  customs  and  habits  of  their  Persian  neighbors.    Parseeism  had  also  its  repug- 

:  Vr  Gracte,  p.  419.  and  Kuenen.  iii.  35.  2    Vrndvlart  cited  by  Gnieti,  p.  198. 

a  Qpiger,  LerhiT's.  i.  12H.  *  Tlie  Ya^na,  cited  by  Pre»sens«,  p.  30. 

6  Jiiilenthum,  etc..  p.  374.  «  See2  M:;cc.  xii.  43^5.  '    Vendidatl,  iii.  1,  20,  86,  86. 


GENEKAL   INTRODUCTION. 


nant  side.  Its  fundamental  principle  of  dualism  indeed,  could  find  no  place  in  a  system  where 
Jehovah  was  God.'  As  compared  with  the  licentious  rites  of  the  Phoenicians,  the  sensuous 
worship  of  the  Babylonians,  or  even  the  more  ideal  and  spiritual  cultus  of  the  Egyptians, 
there  had  been  real  progress.  But  here,  still,  there  was  no  sufficient  distiuction  between  the 
material  and  the  moral.  And  especially  in  tlie  later  deterioration  of  the  Persian  faith  under 
an  Artaxerxes  Mnemon  and  an  Ochus,  all  bonds  of  religious  sympathy  and  affinity  must  have 
been  wholly  rent  asunder.  In  short,  Parseeism  acted  upon  essential  Judaism,  in  the  main,  only 
in  the  way  of  suggestion  and  stimulus.  The  great  basal  truths  that  characterize  the  latter 
are  its  own  independent  possession,  and  indigenous  to  it.  It  is  principally  in  the  by-ways  of 
Jewish  thought  and  national  life  that  we  are  able  to  trace  most  clearly  the  impression  of 
other  and  alien  systems  of  belief. 

And  now  another  and  still  more  important  stage  in  the  life  of  the  covenant  jieople  is  to  pass 
under  review.  Up  to  this  time,  they  had  had  to  do  only  with  the  races  and  lands 
of  the  East.  Religious  differences,  diverse  national  traditions  and  aims,  and  the  ing'p^riod'." 
steep  passes  of  Lebanon  had  not  so  far  secluded  them  that  they  had  not  been 
called  upon  to  bear  their  fearful  part  in  the  tragic  history  that  had  unrolled  itself  along  the 
banks  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Tlie  waters  of  the  Mediterranean  would  avail  just  as 
little  now  to  shut  them  out  from  the  still  mightier  and  more  penetrating  iufluences  of  the 
advancing  West.  The  victories  of  Alexander  were  in  fact  victories  of  the  Occident  over 
the  Orient,  of  Europe  over  Asia.  Whatever  of  truth  may  be  contained  in  the  narrative  of 
the  solemn  meeting  between  the  Jewish  high-priest,  arrayed  in  his  sacred  vestments,  and  the 
Macedonian  conqueror,  it  may  at  least  be  taken  as  strikingly  typical  of  a  wholly  new  order  of 
events.  Henceforth,  Judaism  faced  in  another  direction,  confronted  a  civilization  whose 
power  it  would  feel  to  its  very  centre.  It  had  unlearned  among  its  Assyrian  neighbors  only 
the  outward  form  of  its  mother  tongue.  But  the  new  forces  that  now  begin  to  operate  are 
at  once  so  winning  and  so  intense,  that  it  soon  forgets  the  very  mother  tongue  itself,  and 
institutions  and  customs  that  had  been  gaining  strength  through  two  centuries  of  comparative 
rest,  are  tested  by  conflicts  such  as  hitherto  the  world  had  never  known. 

2.  The  Grecian  Period. 
Judaism  had  now  had  sufficient  time,  since  the  Exile,  to  collect  itself  and  gather  strength 
to  meet  the  whirlwind  of  political  change  that  was  again  approaching.  Still  ^^^  ^^^ 
more,  it  had  brought  to  a  certain  degree  of  ripeness  those  deep-lying  ethical  prin-  factors  in 
ciples  which  were  to  become  the  germs  of  a  universal  religion.  But  if  there  is  '  ^' 
any  lesson  that  human  history  teaches  more  than  another,  it  is  that  development,  social  and 
moral  as  well  as  physical,  is  never  in  straight  lines.  It  is  the  result  of  forces  that  to  a 
greater  or  less  degree  are  antagonistic.  Hence  the  spiral  is  its  aptest  representative.  The 
political  necessity  that  brought  the  Indo-Geruianic  races  into  living  contact  with  the  Semitic 
was  but  the  sign  of  a  higher  moral  nectssity.  What  represented  widely  different  tendencies, 
what  had  been  wrought  out  in  widely  different  spheres,  was  now  to  meet,  to  interpenetrate, 
and  by  a  subtile  interaction  produce  results  that  neither  in  itself  would  have  been  capable  of 
achieving.  Where,  indeed,  could  have  been  found  a  greater  contrast  than  between  the  ordi- 
nary currents  of  thought,  the  social  plane,  the  manner  of  life,  of  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek? 
What  could  have  been  more  unlike  the  deep  religious  spirit  of  the  one  than  the  pervasive 
worldly  spirit  of  the  other?  So,  too,  the  Semitic  mind  was  serious,  slow  to  act,  eminently 
conservative;  held  tenaciously  to  the  past;  was  deeply  reverent,  almost  fatalistic,  indeed,  in 
its  regard  for  that  which  was.  The  Greek,  on  tlie  other  hand,  was  proverbially  quick  in 
thought  and  movement,  sprightly,  idealistic,  admitting  perfection  in  nothing,  striving  always 
for  the  new,  bold  even  to  recklessness,  and  ready  to  confront,  sword  in  hand,  the  gods  them- 
selves in  defense  of  an  ideal  right.  Especially  was  the  radical  dissimilarity  of  the  two  peo- 
ples stamped  on  the  languages  they  used.  The  one  was  simple  and  picturesque ;  the  other, 
cultivated  and  refined  to  the  higliest  degree  of  art.  "  The  Semitic  tongue  was  the  symbol, 
the  Greek  the  vesture,  of  the  spirit."  ^  Now,  from  the  conjunction  of  two  such  gigantic 
moral  forces  great  results,  under  the  present  circumstances,  were  justly  to  be  expected,  par- 
ticularly in  the  direction  of  developing  a  religion  for  man  which,  like  man  himself,  must  be 
cosmopolitan,  above  the  question  of  climates,  able  to  adapt  itself  to  the  popular  life  every- 
where, and  show  its  harmony  with  all  the  higher  and  purer  forms  of  human  culture. 

1  CI.  Is.  XlT.  1,  7. 

a  HoltzmaDO,  Die  Apolc.  Biicfier   Einleit.,  p.  6  (found  also  iu  liuusen's  Bibeitoeriit. 


14  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


The  way  had  been  prepared  for  the  entrance  of  Greek  civilization  into  A«ia  by  the  great 
Persian  expeditions  of  the  previous  century.  But  with  the  triumph  of  the  arms 
of  Alexander,  who  extended  his  empire  from  the  Adriatic  to  the  sources  of  the 
Ganges,  and  from  the  Danube  to  the  cataracts  of  the  Nile,  the  entire  Orient  was  thrown 
open  to  the  philosophy,  art,  language,  and  social  usages  of  this  classic  land,  and  they  swept 
over  it  like  a  flood.  If  these  peoples,  for  the  most  part,  especially  those  living  east  of  the 
Euphrates,  showed  in  their  subsequept  history  but  faint  traces  of  any  such  refining  influ- 
ence, retained  to  the  last  their  Asiatic  and  barbaric  character,  it  but  serves  to  enhance,  by 
contrast,  the  remarkable  changes  that  were  elsewhere  produced,  especially  in  the  valleys  of 
the  Orontes  and  the  Jordan,  and  along  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  How  much  of  truth  is  mixed 
with  the  fabulous  and  legendary  in  the  accounts  of  Josephus  and  the  Talmud  '  concerning 
the  visit  of  Alexander  to  Jerusalem,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  But  there  can  be  no  reasonable 
doubt  that  either  during  or  subsequent  to  the  siege  of  Tyre  and  Gaza  (b.  c.  332)  he  re- 
ceived a  delegation  from  Jerusalem,  who  tendered  him  the  unconditional  homage  of  the  Jew- 
ish people.  It  is  also  clear  that,  for  some  reason,  never  perhaps  to  be  wholly  explained,  the 
youthful  conqueror  treated  them  with  a  magnanimity  and  friendliness  that  they  had  not 
before  experienced  since  the  days  of  Cyrus.  This  conciliatory  spirit  had  its  natural  effect. 
Alexander  took  his  place  henceforth,  in  the  sacred  list  of  heroic  worthies  who  were  honored 
by  the  Jewish  nation.  His  name  was  coupled  with  that  of  Solomon,  and  became  its  synonym 
in  the  later  history.  And  when  his  victorious  army  began  its  march  southward  for  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt,  not  a  few  Jews  voluntarily  entered  its  ranks.  The  founding  of  the  city  that 
still  bears  his  name,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  capitals  of  antiquity,  the  commercial,  moral,  and 
social  metropolis  of  both  the  Occident  and  Orient,  for  centuries  the  highest  representative 
and  nurse  of  civilization  and  learning,  and  especially  the  arena  where  Grecian  philosophy 
and  the  Hebrew  religion  were  at  once  to  meet  ami  discover  what  common  grounds  of  interest 
might  justify  their  going  henceforth  hand  in  hand,  — this  was  the  most  memorable  result  of 
Alexander's  expedition  to  the  land  of  the  Pharaohs.  Not  many  years  after  (b.  c.  323),  in 
the  midst  of  vast  unexecuted  military  plans,  his  voracious  appetite  for  conquest  still  unsated, 
he  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-two  years  and  eight  months. 

The  last  words  of  Alexander  on  being  asked  to  whom  he  bequeathed  his  kingdom  are  said 
to  have  been;  "  To  the  strongest."  '  AVhen  one  considers  the  training  to  which 
iuccessore.  t's  generals  had  been  subject,  and  the  spirit  that  had  ever  ruled  in  the  breast  of 
rhe  Dia-  their  leader,  the  consequences  of  such  a  legacy,  conveyed  in  such  a  form,  were 
easy  to  predict.  In  fact,  the  body  of  their  chief  was  not  yet  buried  before  the 
struggle  for  supremacy  began  among  his  generals.  Perdikkas,  however,  whom  Alexander 
had  distinguished  by  leaving  him  his  signet  ring,  was,  by  way  of  compromise  and  until  the 
expected  birth  of  an  heir  to  Alexander,  made  administrator  of  the  realm.  The  armistice 
really  proved  to  be  of  short  duration.  Less  than  two  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  in 
a  battle  with  Ptolemy,  whom  he  had  made  satrap  of  Egypt,  Perdikkas  lost  his  life.  And 
this  was  but  the  first  act  in  a  bloody  tragedy,  lasting  more  than  a  score  of  years,  in  which 
the  family  of  Alexander  disappeared,  bis  generals  slew  one  another  and  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  their  subjects,  and  the  great  empire,  so  lately  acquired,  destitute  of  any  sub- 
stantial bonds  of  union,  went  hopelessly  in  pieces.  "  The  living  political  question  at  the  time 
of  the  Diadochi,  namely,  whether  and  how  the  empire  of  Alexander  could  be  maintained  in 
itB  unity,  after  every  possible  solution  of  it,  every  possible  form,  every  substitute  had  been 
tried  in  vain,  finally  disappeared.  The  impossibility  had  been  demonstrated,  politically 
speaking,  of  uniting  in  one  kingdom,  one  universal  monarchy,  the  people  of  the  East  and  the 
West;  irrevocable  judgment  pronounced  on  what  Alexander  had  desired  and  sought  to 
achieve.  That  alone  which  he,  daring  and  doing  with  reckless  idealism,  had  meant  should 
serve  as  the  means  and  support  of  his  work  still  remained,  ceaselessly  propagated  itself  in 
ever  increasing  waves  of  influence,  —  the  introduction  of  Greek  life  among  the  Asiatic  peo- 
ples, the  production  of  a  new  civilization  made  up  of  that  of  the  Orient  and  the  Occident, 
the  unity  of  the  historic  world  in  Hellenistic  culture."  ■* 

:  Cf.  on  the  general  subject :  Droysen,  i  -iil. ;  Flathe,  ii  ;  Stark,  pp.  355-423  ;  Ewald,  OtsMchtc,  iv.  274-286  j  and  foj 
briefer  Rominariea  the  historiea  of  Oraetc,  Hitzig,  llenfeld,  and  Uoltzmaim,  idem. 

2  Stanley,  iii.  237-249;    Jos.,   Anlii/.,   xi.    8;     Spiegel,  Dte  Aitiandtrsngr,  etc.;  and  HcnnrichBen,  Stud .  «.  JMl 
1871. 

3  See  Grnte.  xii   254,  «  -1  Drojsen,  U.  (2),  358. 


GENERAL   INTHOUUCTIUN.  15 

Notwithstanding  his  obscure  origiu  Ptolemy  I.  Soter,  known  also  as  the  sou  of  Lagus,  is 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  figui'es  of  the  period  next  succeeding  Alexander. 
It  was  a  sagacious  choice  that  secured  to  him,  as  one  of  the  latter's  most  success-  mies.i 
ful  officers,  the  satrapy  of  Egj'pt,  where,  in  a  measure  apart  from  the  quarrels  of 
his  fellow  generals,  he  might  lay  the  foundations  of  the  empire  which  he  projected.  While 
skillfully  avoiding  conflict,  as  far  as  possible,  he  knew  how  to  defend  himself  when  attacked, 
as  against  Perdikkas  in  B.  c.  321,  and  more  than  once  against  Antigonus,  until  the  decisive 
battle  of  Ipsus,  B.  C.  301.  He  assumed  the  title  of  king  in  B.  c.  305.  The  bounds  of  his 
empire  he  extended  by  uniting  to  it  Cyrene  on  the  East,  and,  after  B.  c.  301,  Palestine  and 
Coelc-Syria  on  the  West.  The  island  of  Cyprus,  too,  came  at  this  time  into  the  permanent 
possession  of  Egypt.  The  native  Egyptians  he  left  in  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  their 
social  and  religious  customs,  but  admitted  none  of  them  to  the  ruling  class,  which  was  distinc- 
tively Macedonian.  His  relation  to  the  Jews,  and  the  influence  of  Greek  civilization  under 
him  and  his  successors,  will  be  later  considered.  Apparently  in  order  to  guard  against  any 
possible  dispute  over  the  succession,  Ptolemy  I.  Soter,  two  years  before  liis  death  (b.  c.  284), 
abdicated  in  favor  of  his  youngest  son,  Ptolemy  H.  Philadelphus. 

The  second  Ptolemy  was  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  of  the  name.     Less  hindered  than 
his  father  had  been  by  the  necessity  of  defending  the  empire  against  the  ambi-    pjoiemv  II 
tious  designs  of  the  Syrian  rulers,  he  was  able  to  devote  himself  with  all  the  im-    Phlladel- 
mense  resources  at  his  command  to  the  object  of  making  liis  capital  the  brilliant,    ^  "*' 
undisputed  centre  of  literature  and  of  commerce  for  the  entire  civilized  world.     Alexandria 
became  at  this  time,  in  fact,  intellectually  and  commercially  what  Rome  became  two  centu- 
ries later  politically,  —  the  world's  metropolis.     Its  magnificent  lighthouse,  which   gave  its 
name  to  all  subsequent  structures  of  the  kind  ;  its  world-renowned  museum  and  library,  the 
depository  even  during  the  present  reign,  it  is  said,  of  700,000  papyrus  rolls;  the  home  of 
artists  and  scholars  from  every  land,  among  whom  history  mentions  a  Stilpo  of  Megara, 
Strato  the    Peripatetic,  Theodore,    Euclid,  Diodorus,    Theophrastus,   and    Menander;    the 
breadth  of  its  culture,  which  found  room  for  every  kind  of  human  learning  and  furnished  us 
the  first  translation  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  —  tliis  was  the  most  fitting  tribute  which  the 
successors  of  Alexander  could  have  paid  to  his  grand  tlesigns,  the  most  splendid  monument 
they  could  have  reared  to  bis  memory. 

Ptolemy  III.  Euergetes,  as  eldest  son,  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne  of  Egypt  (b.  c. 
246-221).     Under   him   the   empire   reached   the   hishest  pitch  of   its  prosperity. 
During  a  brilliant  campaign  against  Antiochus  II.  of  Syria  he  pushed  his  way  as   Eu°r^tM 
far  as  Antioch  and  Babylon,  securing  in  the  latter  place  some  of  the  trophies   ^n*  •!'» 
which  Cambyses  had  carried  away  from  Egypt  three  hundred  years  before,  and 
received,  in  consequence,  from  his  grateful  subjects  the  surname  of  ■'  Benefactor,"  which  he 
ever  afterwards  bore.     Under  Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator,  the  next  monarch  (b.  c.  221-204), 
the  period  of  degeneration  set  in.     He  preserved,  indecil,  the  integrity  of  the  empire,  signally 
defeating  in  the  noted  battle  of  Raphia  (b.  c.  217)  the  skillful  and  enersretic  Antiochus  HI. 
the  (ireat,  but  in  his  private  life  was  effeminate  and  sensual  in  tJie  extreme,  and  by  oppres- 
sive measures  provoked  among  his  Egyptian    subjects  the  first   rebellion    that  had  broken 
lut  since  the  Greeks  had  begun  to  rule.     His  only  son,  Ptolemy  V.  Epiphanes,  a  child  of  five 
years,  succeeded  him.     Antiochus  III.  the  Great  now  found  the  opportunity  for  which  be 
had  been  waiting,  to  retrieve  the  disaster  of  Ra])hia.     Joining  his  forces  with  those  of  Phili|> 
in.  of  Macedon  he  attacked  those  of  Egypt  under  Skopas  in  the  Valley  of  the  Jordan  near 
Paneas  (b.  c.  199),  and  won  a  victory  by  which  Phoenicia  and  Coele-Syria,  with  Judaea, 
passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Ptolemies  into  those  of  the  Seleucidae. 

"In  this  world's  debate,"  as  Stanley  ^  calls  the  series  of  couHicts  between  the  kings  of 
Syria  and  Egypt,  "  Palestine  was  the  principal  sta'.'c  across  which  '  the  kings  of    Affairs  in 
the  South,'  the  Alexandrian  Ptolemies,  and  'the  kings  of  the  North,'  the  Seleu-    Palestine. 

1  Cf.  Letronne,  Reckerckes  pour  servir  d  VHistoire  -if  VEsypJf,  etc. ;  Lepetus,  Kcinigsbnefi  drr  nlten  JE^ypttr  ;  Geier,  Dt 
Ptolemai  La^idtE  Vita ;  Champollion-Figeac,  Annai^s  lies  lyv^idts,  and  review  of  the  same  by  St.  Martin  ;  Nouveltes  Re- 
cherches  sur  i'Epoque  de  la  Mort  d' Alrxantire  el  sue  la  ^hrimnlogie  dei  Ptolcvlees ;  Parthey,  Das  Alej^andrinische  Museum, 
also,  Ptoleindus  Lagi^  der  Gtunder  der  32sten  asyptiscken  Difnastie ;  Hitachi,  Die  Ale^andiinisekeii  Bibliothtken;  Sharpe, 
Hittory  of  Esypl  from  the  Earliest  Times ;  Bernhardy.  Grimdriss  der  Griechischen  Litteratur.  So  too  the  various 
clasaeal  writers  of  the  period,  and  the  exceedingly  interesting  records  of  the  monuments.  English  translations  of  the 
Ajsyrian  and  Egyptian  monuments  have  been  published  by  Bagster  and  Sons,  under  the  title  Records  of  the  Past,  ot 
which  eleven  vols,  have  already  appeared.     See,  especially,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  81-90. 

■i  iii  24.3. 


16  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


cidsB  from  Antioch,  passed  to  and  fro  with  their  court  intrigues  and  their  incessant  armies, 
their  Indian  elephants,  their  Grecian  cavalry,  their  Oriental  pomp."  Coele-Syria,  including 
Judaea,  on  the  partition  of  Alexander's  empire,  had  been  assigned  to  Laomedon.  It  was 
taken  from  him  by  Ptolemy  I.  Soter,  in  the  year  following  his  victorious  campaign  against 
Perdikkas  (b.  c.  320),  and  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  which  he  entered  on  the  Sabbath,  were 
razed  to  the  ground.  At  the  same  time,  if  the  historians  of  the  period  are  to  be  trusted,  as 
many  as  a  hundred  thousand  Jews  were  carried  off  to  Egypt,*  becoming  permanetit  settlers 
there,  a  part  in  Alexandria,  and  others  in  Cyrene,  Libya,  and  even  more  distant  districts  of 
Africa.  But  the  wooded  heights  of  Lebanon  and  the  sea-coasts  of  Phoenicia  were  a  prize  too 
much  coveted  to  be  left  uncontested  in  the  hands  of  Ptolemy.  They  were  wrested  from  him 
by  Antigonus  in  the  year  B.  c.  314,  to  be  won  back  in  the  great  battle  of  Gaza,  two  years 
later,  which  period  (b.  c.  312),  moreover,  was  rendered  still  more  memorable  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Seleuciau  era.  Singularly  enough,  Seleucus  himself  was  at  this  time  a  fugitive  in 
the  camp  of  Ptolemy,  where  he  served  as  one  of  the  royal  guards.  The  latter's  triumph,  in 
turn,  was  of  short  duration.  Demetrius,  who  had  been  defeated  at  Gaza,  having  united  his 
forces  with  those  of  his  father,  succeeded  in  driving  the  Egyptians  once  more  from  the  de- 
batable provinces,  and  retained  possession  of  them  until  the  eventful  battle  of  Ipsus  (b.  c.  301), 
from  which  time,  for  the  next  hundred  years,  dates  the  permanent  rule  of  the  Ptolemies  in 
Palestine.  It  was  a  fearful  scourge  to  which  this  little  land  had  been  exposed  during  the 
twenty-two  years  of  almost  incessant  war  between  the  forces  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  It  does 
not  surprise  us  to  learn  that  in  addition  to  those  who  were  forcibly  removed,  great  numbers 
of  Jews  voluntarily  exiled  themselves  from  their  native  land.  Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus 
manumitted  130,000  who,  as  the  result  of  the  wars  under  the  previous  reign,  had  been 
brought  as  slaves  into  his  empire.  It  was  no  less  an  act  of  political  sagacity  than  of  human- 
ity. As  loyal  and  useful  subjects  of  Persia  and  of  Alexander  the  Jews  had  proved  their 
worth  as  a  support  to  the  throne.  Alexander  himself  had  accorded  them  equal  rights  with 
the  Macedonians  as  citizens  of  Alexandria.''  They  were  known  as  a  people  that  could  safely 
be  trusted.  They  had  the  fear  of  God  before  them,  and  their  moral  purity  and  steadfastness 
were  something  that,  as  elements  of  political  strength,  even  an  Oriental  monarch  knew  how 
to  appreciate.  In  Palestine  during  the  entire  reign  of  the  Ptolemies  the  people  were  left,  for 
the  most  part,  in  the  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  civil  and  religious  freedom.  Their  pecul- 
iarities of  belief  and  social  usages  seem  to  have  been  carefully  respected.  The  high  priest 
remained  undisturbed  in  his  more  than  royal  prerogatives.  If  the  twenty  Syrian  talents  of 
silver  appointed  as  yearly  tribute  were  regularly  paid,  the  rest  was  a  matter  of  comparative 
indifference. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  those  who  held  the  high  priest's  office  in  the  period  extending 
from  the  death  of  Alexander  to  the  reign  of  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes:   Onias  I. 
T'!e^^'gl>         (b.   c.  331-299);  Simon  J.  the  Just  (b.  c.  299-287);  Eleazer  (B.C.  287-266); 
""'^  ■  Manasse  (b.  c.  266-240);  Onias  II.   (b.  c.  240-227);  Simon  IL  (e.  c.  226-198); 

Onias  HI.  (b.  c.  198-175);  Jason.  Under  Onias  I.,  was  made  the  treaty  of  the  Jews  with 
the  Lacedemonians,  an  account  of  which,  in  an  embellished  form,  is  given  in  1  Mace.  (xii.  20- 
23).  During  the  term  of  ofBce  of  the  next  high  priest,  Simon  I.,  nothing  of  note  occurred. 
It  was  under  Eleazer  that  the  translation  of  the  Septuagint  was  undertaken  in  Alexandria. 
Onias  II.,  who  seemed,  at  least  in  his  later  years,  to  have  represented  the  Syrian  as  over 
against  the  Egyptian  party  in  Palestine,  came  near  having  serious  difficulty  with  the  latter 
country.  For  once,  the  usual  tribute  was  refused.  The  energetic  measures  of  his  ambitious 
nephew  Joseph,  who  himself  coUecteil  the  money  and  carried  it  to  the  Egyptian  court, 
alone  averted  the  catastrophe.  After  the  battle  of  Raphia,  Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator,  elated 
by  his  victory,  entered  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  not  only  offered  sacri6ces  there,  but 
in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  priests,  and  the  consternation  and  tears  of  the  entire  peo- 
ple, forced  his  way  into  the  Holy  of  Holies.  What  actually  took  place  there  in  consequence 
it  is  not  possible  to  learn,  the  account  in  3  Maccabees  (i.  9,  ii.  24)  being  wholly  legendary. 
But  it  is  certain  that  he  left  Jerusalem,  inllamed  with  the  deepest  hatred  towards  the  Jewish 
people,  and  proceeded  to  vent  the  same  on  their  innocent  brethren  in  Egypt.  A  similar  case 
occurred  under  Onias  HI.  Palestine  being  at  that  time  alrendy  joined  to  Syria,  Heliodorus, 
the  treasurer  of  Seleucus  IV.  Philopator.  inspired  by  the  hope  of  booty,  also  made  an  at- 
tempt to  force  his  way  into  the  Holy  of  Holies,  but,  as  we  are  informed,  was  miraculousl* 

1  Jo«.,  Antiq.,  lil.  1,  }  1.  -  J"-,  Contra  Ap  .  ii   6. 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION. 


struck  down  on  the  threshold  as  Ptolemy  had  been,  and  at  last  owed  life  Itself  to  the  friendly 
intercession  of  the  high  priest  on  his  behalf.' 

Grecian  colonization  had  been  one  of  the  controlling  ideas  of  Alexander.  Aristotle  wrote 
a  book  concerning  him  which  he  entitled,  "  Alexander,  or  about  Colonies."  ^  And 
a  marked  peculiarity  of  Alexander's  colonies,  as  of  Greek  Ufe  in  general,  as  it  de-  Greek  cul- 
veloped  itself  in  foreign  lands,  was  the  city.  In  this  it  particularly  distinguished  f"™ '? 
itself  from  that  of  the  Asiatics.  The  one  was  distinctively  ethnic  (efcos),  the  other 
polite  (Wais,  »oAi't7)s),  to  use  the  word  in  its  etymological  sense.  An  old  Ephesian  inscrip- 
tion of  the  Roman  period  reads  :  'E(tiicrlwi'  q  $ov\ii  koI  6  5fj/jos  xa!  twv  SaXojv  'EA.Ai)>'»i'  oi  eV  rp 
Atria  KayoiKomai  w6\eit  Koi  ri  e8«).  It  was  in  this  way  also,  that  the  Greek  civilization  extended 
itself  in  Palestine.  Perdikkas,  who  wore  the  signet  ring  of  Alexander,  showed  his  loyalty 
to  the  memory  of  his  chief  by  engaging  at  once  in  the  rebuilding  and  Grecizing  of  Samaria. 
Dan,  to  the  extreme  north,  received  the  name  of  Paneas  in  honor  of  the  god  Pan,  to 
whom  also  a  temple  was  built  on  the  neighboring  slopes  of  Hermon.  Bethshean,  west  of 
Jordan,  became  Scythopolis,  under  which  name  it  is  known  in  the  second  book  of  Maccabees 
(xii.  29).  On  the  other  side  of  the  river  sprang  up  new  cities,  with  such  names  as  Hippos, 
Gadara;  and  further  to  the  soulh,  Pella  and  Dion;  forming  with  some  others,  the  Decapolis 
of  Josephus  and  the  New  Testament,  and  all  being,  as  is  evident  from  their  names,  of  Macedo- 
nian or  Greek  origin.  In  honor  of  the  second  of  the  Ptolemies,  the  place  known  as  Rabbath 
Amnion  was  changed  to  Philadelphia,  and  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Aloabites,  Ar-Moab, 
received  at  about  the  same  time  the  more  euphonious  title  of  Areopolis.  Along  the  Phoeni- 
cian coast,  the  evidences  of  Greek  life  were  still  more  marked.  Old  cities  were  rebuilt  and 
repeopled,  and  new  cities  founded  with  a  zeal  and  rapidity  unknown  before  in  the  Orient. 
Straton's  Tower,  —  afterwards  known  as  Caesarca  on  the  sea, —  Gaza,  Dora,  ApoUonia,  An- 
thedon,  were  some  of  the  many  seaports  which  sprang  up  during  these  eventful  years,  and 
drew  to  them  aci'oss  the  blue  Mediterranean,  a  swarming,  adventurous  population  fi'om  the 
fatherland.  In  all  these  places  Greek  life  dominated,  the  Greek  language  was  spoken,  the 
morals  and  the  immorality  of  Hellas  practiced  with  but  little  change.  Of  the  whole  of  Pales- 
tine, Judaea  alone  remained,  as  yet,  comparatively  free  from  the  transforming  influence  of 
Greek  ideas.  There  was  but  little  in  its  thin  soil  to  tempt  cupidity,  and  its  people  were  not  of 
the  sort  to  take  kindly  to  an  influx  of  strangers.  Still  it  was  completely  girdled  with  the 
new  civilization.  It  could  not  shut  wholly  out,  if  it  would,  the  silvery  tones  of  the  Greek 
tongue;  it  could  not  remain  insensible  to  the  charms  of  Greek  art  ;  it  might  even  have  its 
weak  side  for  the  feasts,  games,  and  holiday  extravagances  of  its  neighbors  from  the  West. 
It  was,  at  least,  a  question  whose  answer  could  not  long  be  delayed. 

It  is,  however,  by  no  means  to  be  supposed  that  Judaism  was  confined  to  Judaea.  We  have 
already  seen  that  as  a  result  of  the  fearful  devastations  to  which  Palestine  was 
continually  subject  under  the  successors  of  Alexander,  large  numbers  of  Jews  Ife^xfudril" 
were  forced  to  seek  an  asylum  in  other  lands.  Of  all  the  peoples  of  the  Orient  '^'"1  "l^e- 
naturally  the  most  seclusive  and  exclusive,  they  came,  at  last,  by  the  mere  force 
of  circumstances,  that  is,  the  force  of  divine  Providence,  to  rival  the  Greeks  themselves  in 
their  capacity  for  diflFusion  and  their  cosmopolitan  character.  If  we  had  reason  to  wonder 
that  60  many  of  them,  two  centuries  before,  firmly  declined  to  return  from  their  banishment 
in  Persia  and  Babylon,  much  more  is  it  now  an  occasion  of  surprise  that  they  voluntarily 
leave  their  homes — it  is  true  that  emigration  was  also  sometimes  compulsory  —  to  go  forth 
as  merchants,  bankers,  artisans,  but  always  as  Jews,  into  every  part  of  the  inhabited  globe, 
and  that  in  all  the  great  cities  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  and  Italy,  they  make  their 
homes  side  by  side  with  the  teeming  colonists  of  Hellas  and  Macedon.  The  higher  explana- 
tion is  found  in  the  fact  that  Judaism  had  something  to  give  as  well  as  to  receive.  We  are 
*<)0  likely  to  forget,  in  contemplating  the  magnificent  service  which  the  Grecian  language  and 
philosophy  did  for  the  Jewish  faith  and  people,  the  still  more  magnificent  and  beneficent  ser- 
vice that  a  developed  and  transformed  Jewish  faith  did  for  Greece  and  for  all  mankind. 
Especially  in  Alexandria  did  the  Jewish  influence  make  itself  felt.  The  first  colonists  had 
been  particularly  favored  with  the  friendship  and  patronage  of  Alexander  and  the  early 
Ptolemies.  If  many  went,  at  first,  unwillingly  into  the  land  of  their  former  bondage,  a  larger 
number  soon  followed  them  of  their  own  choice.  All  departments  of  industry  were  open  to 
Ihem.    While  devoting  themselves  principally  to  trade,  some  also  rose  to  eminence  as  soldiers, 

1  Bee  2  Mace.  iii.  4-40  2  Cf.  8a»ke,  p.  449,  and  Droyseu,  iii.  (1),  32. 

2 


18  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


(tatesmen,  and  men  of  learning.  In  tlie  practice  of  their  religion  and  the  observance  of  their 
national  customs  they  were,  for  a  Ions;  time,  unmolested.  To  such  an  extent  did  they  thrive 
and  increase  that  at  the  time  of  Philo  they  numbered  a  million  souls,  and  two  of  the  five 
wards  of  Alexandria  were  exclusively  occupied  by  them.  Not  only  were  the  Alexandrian 
Jews  the  most  numerous  of  the  Dispersion,  they  were  also  the  most  influential.  Of  this  en- 
tire class,  indeed,  wherever  they  might  be.  Alexandria  was  the  intellectual  and  spiritual 
centre,  as  was  Jerusalem  for  the  Jews  of  Palestine. 

It  is  a  significant  fact,  on  whatever  ground  it  may  rest,  and  looked  at  either  from  an  Egyp- 
tian or  Palestinian  point  of  view,  that  in  the  ancient,  sacred  city  of  Heliopolis 
itHfliopo-  a  rival  temple  could  be  erected  (b.  c.  160?),  and  that  henceforth,  until  the  time 
of  Vespasian,  it  should  continue  to  uiainlain  its  service  and  have  its  own  priests, 
Levites,  and  landed  property.  No  better  evidence  of  the  relaxing  influence  of  Greek  civiliza- 
tion could  be  desired  than  this  willingness  to  accept  a  dilapidated  shrine  of  heathenism  aa 
the  basis  of  a  temple  to  Jehovah,  or  of  the  growth  of  a  now  method  of  Scripture  interpreta- 
tion such  as  afterwards  culminated  in  the  writings  of  Philo,  than  the  ability  to  twist  the 
poetic  language  of  Isaiah  so  that  it  should  be  made  to  contain  a  direct  approval  of  this  more 
than  doubtful  undertaking.'  It  was  regarded  with  distrust  in  Palestine,  and  although  having 
no  very  deep  or  permanent  influence  in  Egypt  was  still  a  marked  symptom  of  the  divisive 
spirit  that  charncterized  the  later  Judaism.  Already  under  Ptolemy  W.  Philopator.  the 
Jews  ill  Egypt,  for  reasons  not  difficult  to  conceive,  had  begun  to  lose  favor  alike  with  prince 
and  people.  Some  envied  them  their  prosperity.  More  hated  them  on  account  of  their  ex- 
clusiveness,  their  extravagant  assumptions  as  an  elect  people,  and  especially,  their  ill-con- 
cealed disgust  ;it  the  ignorant  idolatry  that  prevailed  about  them.  Hence,  the  favor  of  the 
court  lieing  withdrawn,  the  proverbial  lawlessness  of  the  Egyptians  broke  forth  into  open  and 
hitter  persecutions,  some  faint  reflection  of  which  has  been  preserved  in  the  fabulous  stories 
of  the  Third  Book  of  Maccabees. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  brilliant  constellation  of  learned  men,  who,  from  the  times 
of  the  Ptolemies,  for  hundreds  of  years  made  Alexandria  the  acknowledged  literary 
TheSeptua-  metropolis  of  the  entire  world.  Until  the  second  century  after  Christ  the  most 
renowned  physicians,  philosophers,  astronomers,  philologists,  and  even  theolo- 
gians, received  here  their  training.  The  first  five  librarians,  Zenodotus,  Callimachus,  Eras- 
tosthene.s,  Apollonius,  and  Aristophanes  the  Byzantine,  were  as  distinguished  for  their  culture 
as  for  the  high  position  which  they  occupied.  Two  of  the  Ptolemies  themselves  did  not  think 
it  beneath  them  to  be  reckoned  with  Manetho  as  writers  of  history.  Among  the  poets  may  be 
mentioned  Aratus,  Nicander,  and  Theocritus.  The  astronomers  of  Alexandria  were  the  first 
to  reduce  the  science  to  a  system,  introduced  the  improved  calendar  at  the  time  of  Julius  Ce- 
sar, and  gave  the  names  and  divisions  to  tlie  fixed  stars,  which  they  still  bear.  Naturally, 
all  this  literary  activitj'  could  not  but  make  a  deep  impression  on  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
Israelites  who  had  their  home  in  the  Egyyitian  capital.  And  among  them  too,  at  this  period, 
sprang  up  a  literature  of  no  inconsiderable  proportions,  fragments  of  which  still  remain. 
They  had  their  own  historians :  Demetrius.  Eupolemus,  Cleodemus,  and  Jason  of  Cyrene;  and 
their  own  poets:  the  dramatist  Ezekiel,  Philo  the  elder,  and  Theodotus.  Aristobulus,  at  the 
same  time  a  Jewish  priest  and  a  disciple  of  Aristotle,  as  also  a  teacher  or  counselor  to  the 
king,  even  made  the  attempt  to  Hebraize  the  entire  literature  of  Greece,  inaugurating  a 
movement  whose  best  known  representative  before  the  Christian  era  was  the  younger  Philo 
and  whose  culmination  was  in  the  Neo-Platonie  ]ihllosophy  of  Ammonius  Saccas  in  the  third 
century  after  Christ.  In  the  midst  of  this  intellectual  ferment  it  is  scarcely  needful  to  say 
hat  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  outside  as  well  as  inside  the  circle  of  those  who  invested  them 
with  a  sacred  character,  attracted  to  themselves  serious  attention.  That  a  demand  arose  for 
their  complete  translation  into  Greek,  the  language  here  universally  spoken,  was  a  necessity 
of  the  case.  And  the  demand  was  not  confined  to  Egypt.  Greek  colonization,  in  whose 
quick  steps  a  Jewish  colonization  almost  as  extensive  had  followed,  had  gone  into  all  lands  to 
mark  the  favored  spots  for  new  life  and  prepare  the  way  for  it.  Commerce  with  its  thou 
sands  of  wliite-winged  messengers  awaited  its  orders  under  the  friendly  shadow  of  the  Alex- 
andrian Pharos.     The  time  was,  evidently,  already  ripe  for  the  first  beginnings  of  the  move- 

1  Cf.  Stanley,  iii.  251-254 

■i  Cf.  Bohl ;  Frankel's  Voniudien  :  Frilische  in  Heraog's  Real-Evri/k.^aai  in  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  ad  voc. ;  and  SmilW 
Bib.  Diet.,  Art.  "  Septuagint.'' 


GENEUAL  INTRODUCTION.  19 

ment  in  whose  ciowuing  issue  an  apostle  Paul  afterwards  found  the  goal  and  glory  of  his 
earthly  life. 

Thei'e  are  stories  enough  concerning  the  origin  of  the  LXX.,  but  their  utter  untrustworthi- 
ness,  in  many  respects,  can  easily  be  proved.  They  sprang  from  a  natural  desire 
to  give  to  the  translation  the  character  of  an  authoritative,  inspired  work.  It  is,  P"'^^ji 
perhaps,  the  wisest  course  to  reject  them  all,  in  their  details,  and  to  fall  back  on 
the  simple  necessity  that  ruled  the  hour.  The  work  was  doubtless  begun  as  early  as  under 
Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus,  and  was  essentially  complete  when  the  son  of  Sirach  came  to  Egypt 
in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  VII.  Physcon.'  That  the  translators  were  exclusively  learned  men, 
invited  from  Palestine  to  Egypt  for  this  purpose,  is  incredible,  almost  as  much  so  as  that  each 
one  of  the  Seventy,  witliout  collusion  with  the  others,  made  precisely  the  same  version.  The 
feeling  in  Palestine  concerning  it  is  better  represented  by  the  words  used  to  signalize  the  day 
when  it  was  first  introduced  into  the  synagogues  of  Alexandria  and  Egypt:  "  The  Law  is 
Greek!  Darkness!  Let  there  be  a  three  days' fast!"  Among  the  Jews  of  the  world- 
capital,  on  the  other  hand,  the  event  was  greeted  with  every  expression  of  joy.  Unlike 
their  brethren  of  Palestine,  they  looked  forward  rather  than  backward  and  ex[)ected  only 
the  best  results  from  a  closer  comparison  of  Moses  with  Pythagoras  and  Plato.  Of  the  criti- 
cal value  of  the  version  of  the  LXX.  this  is  not  the  place  to  speak. ^  And  we  reserve  also, 
until  a  later  period,  a  description  of  the  various  woi'ks  of  a  mixed  Jewish  and  Greek  char- 
acter, which  followed  close  upon  it  and  of  which  it  was  the  more  or  less  direct  occasion. 

It  is  now  time  to  return  to  the  political  history  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  which  we  left  at 
the  point  where,  subsequent  to  the  battle  of  Paneas  (b.  c.  19'J)i  ''  W  "''^1'  Phoe-  jij^  s^ieuci- 
nieia  and  the  whole  of  Coele-Syria  into  the  hands  of  Antiochus  III.  the  Great.  '^-  Antio- 
This  change  of  rulers  well  accorded  with  the  wishes  of  the  masses  of  the  people,  and  Seicu- 
especially  after  the  lirst  mild  treatnunl  of  the  Syrian  king  led  them  to  contrast  ''"^I^- 
it  favorably  with  that  to  which  they  had  more  recently  been  subjected.  But  the  satisfaction 
experienced  was  of  short  duration.  Under  Egyptian  rule  Palestine  and  especially  Juda;a,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  been  left,  for  the  most  part,  to  itself,  except  when  the  exigencies  of  the 
unceasing  conflict  with  Syria  called  timiporarily  into  it  the  armies  of  its  rulers.  So  it  could 
not  remain  under  the  Seleucidae.  Greek  infiiience  had  already  become  too  deeply  rooted  on 
every  side.  The  social  and  commercial  as  well  as  geographical  connections  with  Antioch 
and  Damascus  were  other  than  those  with  Alexandria  had  been.  From  the  first  transfer- 
rence,  therefore,  of  political  allegiance  from  the  kingdom  of  the  South  to  that  of  the  North,  a 
strong  Syrian  party  showed  itself  at  Jerusalem.  A  Syrian  party,  it  may  be  called,  for  that 
was  the  special  direction  which  it  took,  although  it  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  a  radical  mod- 
ification, if  not  the  total  abolishment  of  that  which  had  hitherto  separated  the  Jews  from  their 
heathen  neighbors,  in  short,  a  thorough  Ilellenizing  of  Judaism  in  its  stronghold.'  What 
the  immediate  results  would  have  been,  if  the  sagacious  Antiochus  III.  had  been  free  to 
foster  in  the  beginning  this  movement  having  its  origin  in  a  deteriorated  popular  taste,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  But  his  attention  and  entire  resources  were  soon  absorbed  in  the  great 
campaign  against  the  Romans  under  the  two  Scipios,  which  ended  so  disastrously  for  him  at 
Magnesia  (b.  c.  190).  And  being  now  compelled  to  purchase  a  peace  at  the  most  extrava- 
gant pecuniary  cost,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  lay  his  hands  on  the  needed  treasures  wherever  in 
his  kingdom  he  could  find  them.  He  lost  his  life,  in  fact,  whUe  engao-ed  in  pillan'intr  a  tern- 
pie  (b.  c.  187).  The  policy  of  his  son,  Seleucus  IV.  Philopator,  significantly  called  in  the 
book  of  Daniel  (xi.  20)  a  "  raiser  of  taxes,"  was  not,  on  the  whole,  of  such  a  nature  in  its 
relation  to  the  Jews  as  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  a  Syrian  party  in  Palestine,  but  quite  the 
contrary.  It  was  his  treasurer,  Heliodorus,  of  whom  we  have  before  spoken  as  having  made 
an  unsuccessful  and  humiliating  attempt  to  secure  for  his  master  the  supposed  untold  sums 
that  were  concealed  in  the  temple  on  Mount  Moriah.  A  short  time  subsequently  (b.  c.  1 76) 
the  king  perished  at  the  hands  of  this  same  Heliodorus,  after  an  unimportant  reign  of  eleven 
years. 

It  was  during  the  sovereignty  of  his  successor  and  brother,  the  unscrupulous  Antiochus  IV. 
Epiphanes,  that  affairs  in  Judaea  reached  the  fearful  crisis  towards  which  they  had  long  beeu 
tending.     The  importance  of  this  reign  in  its  bearings  on  the  whole  subsequent  history  of  Ju- 

1  Cf.  remarks  in  Intrnd.  to  Enclesiaaticus,  under  Date. 

t  Cf.  Euenen,  iii  214-216 ;  tlie  works  of  Fraiikol  cited  in  tlie  Tndei  of  AaChori'jes,  and  Thierscli,  Di  Ftntalciuki,  ata. 

»  Bee  1  Mace,  i,  11,  B. 


20  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


daism  wiO  justify  our  dwelling  more  at  length  upon  it.  Such  a  character  as  that  of  Antiochus 
tntiochus  Epiphanes  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend,  much  less  to  describe.  It  is  marked  by  the 
IV.  Epiph-  most  startling  contrasts,  well  illustrated  in  the  double  name  the  people  gave  him: 
Epiphanes,  the  illustrious,  and  Epimanes,  the  madman.  Personally  brave,  gener- 
ous, at  times,  even  to  prodigality,  a  lover  of  art,  spending  immense  sums  on  the  erection  of 
magnificent  buildings,  he  was,  at  the  same  time,  possessed  of  an  ineffable  self-esteem,  a  self- 
esteem  which  did  not  keep  him  from  the  most  abominable  vices,  and  never  rose  to  the  dio'- 
nity  of  true  self-respect.  While  treating  the  noblemen  about  him  with  the  utmost  haughti- 
ness, arrogating  to  himself  both  the  title  and  the  prerogatives  of  deity,  he  was,  at  the  same 
time,  on  familiar  terms  with  the  lowest  of  the  people;  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  petty 
offices;  went  tooting  about  the  streets  in  the  character  of  a  strolling  musician,  and  shared  with 
the  actors  at  the  theatres  in  their  lewdest  scenes.  The  historian  Polybius  (xxvi.  10)  deemed 
some  of  his  eccentricities  worthy  of  record.  He  says  of  him:  "Just  as  though,  at  times, 
he  had  slipped  away  from  the  servants  of  the  palace,  he  made  his  appearance,  here  and  there, 
in  the  city,  sauntering  about  in  the  company  of  one  or  two  persons.  Quite  often  he  might 
be  found  in  the  workshops  of  the  gold  and  silver  smiths  where  he  chatted  with  the  molders 
and  other  workmen,  and  gave  them  to  understand  that  he  was  a  lover  of  art.  Then  again, 
he  gave  himself  up  to  confidential  intercourse  with  the  next  best  fellows  among  the  people 
and  chaffered  with  strangers  of  the  common  sort  who  happened  to  be  present.  When,  how- 
ever, he  learned  that  young  people,  somewhere  or  other,  were  having  a  carousal,  without 
waiting  to  be  announced,  he  came  marching  up  with  horn  and  bagpipe  in  revelling  style  so 

that  the  majority  of  the  guests,  horrified  at  the  strange  spectacle,  took  themselves  off 

Intelligent  people,  therefore,  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  him.     Some  thought  he  was  a 

simple,  unaffected  man;  others,  that  he  had  lost  his  wits In  the  sacrifices  which  he 

caused  to  be  offered  up  in  the  cities,  and  in  the  honors  which  he  paid  to  the  gods,  he  was  sur- 
passed by  no  other  king.  Of  this  the  temple  of  Jupiter  at  Athens  and  the  statues  about  the 
altar  at  Delos  are  proof.  He  used,  also,  to  frequent  the  public  baths  when  they  were  quite 
full  of  common  people,  at  which  times,  moreover,  lie  had  brought  to  him  vessels  of  the  most 
costly  ointment.  A  person  once  said  to  him:  '  How  happy  are  you  kings  that  you  can  have 
such  ointment,  and  exhale  such  delightful  odors  V  '  Thereupon,  on  the  following  day,  with- 
out having  said  anything  to  the  man,  he  went  to  the  place  wliere  he  bathed  and  had  a  huge 
vessel  of  the  most  precious  ointment,  the  so-called  atacte,  jioured  over  his  head.  Upon  this  all 
got  up  and  plunged  in,  in  order  to  bathe  themselves  with  the  ointment.  But  on  account  of 
the  slipperiness  of  the  floor  they  fell  down  and  excited  laughter.  The  king  himself,  also, 
was  one  of  them."  Such  was  the  kind  of  man  that  the  people  of  Judaea  now  had  over  them. 
The  throne  he  had  got  by  treachery,  and  began  his  reign  by  a  war  against  Egypt  in  defense 
of  an  injustice.     In  the  first  campaign  he  was  successful,  and  in  the  beginning 


IV.  Epipha-     °f  '^s  second  also,  but  being  finally  compelled  to  retreat,  he  vented  his  discomfi- 
■""'  ture  on  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.     Four  times  in  as  many  successive  years  (b.  c. 

171-168),  his  armies  marched  the  now  familiar  road  to  the  land  of  the  pyramids. 
The  last  time  it  was  the  Roman  legate,  Popilius  Lasnas,  whom  he  was  obliged  to  face,  and 
who  drawing  a  circle  around  him  in  the  sand,  bade  him  decide  before  he  crossed  it,  for  peace 
or  war  with  the  great  empire  of  the  West.  With  gnashing  of  teeth  Antiochus  betook  him- 
self homeward,  letting  out  the  full  flood  of  his  ungovernable  passions,  as  once  before,  on  the 
people  of  Judsea  and  Jerusalem.  It  was  his  conduct  at  this  time,  that  was  the  direct  occasion 
of  the  so-called  revolt  of  the  Maccabees.  Immediately  on  his  accession,  had  begun  at  Jerusa- 
lem the  struggle  between  the  sympathizers  with  Greek  customs,  and  their  determined  oppo- 
uents.  For  one  hundred  and  fifty  years,  Greek  civilization  had  been  developing  itself  on 
every  side.  It  had  made  startling  progress  in  the  very  centre  of  the  Israelitish  religion.  The 
moral  nerve  was  beginning  also  here  to  lose  its  tensity.  It  was  a  sad  omen  for  the  future, 
that  about  this  time,  under  one  pretense  or  another,  an  embassy  could  be  sent  from  Jerusa- 
lem to  witness  the  heathenish  games  in  honor  of  Hercules  at  Tyre.' 

Onias  HI.  was  now  high  priest,  and  a  firm  and  courageous  representative  of  the  ancestral 

faith.  An  own  brother,  Jason,  who  had  become  Hellenized,  as  it  will  be  seen, 
of'the'high  even  to  his  name,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  opposing  party,  and  persuaded  the 
priMt'i  of-      Iting  to  transfer  by  force,  to  him,  the  sacred  office  held  by  Onfas.     Once  in  powef 

he  used  all  the  influence  at  his  command  to  induce  a  wide-spread  apostasy  among 

1  Cf  2  Mace.  iT.  9-20. 


GKNERAL  INTRODUCTION.  '  21 

the  people.  Among  other  devices  he  caused  to  be  erected  close  beside  the  temple-mountain, 
a,  irymnasium,  after  the  Greek  style,  and  invited  to  its  frivolous  sports,  not  only  the  youth  of 
Jerusalem,  but  found  means  also,  to  seduce  even  the  priests  from  their  duties  at  the  altar,  that 
they  might  be  present  at  its  thronged  entertainments.  But  as  Jason  had  unjustly  possessed 
himself  of  the  high  priesthood,  so  he  lost  it  through  injustice.  Menelaus,  another  devotee  of 
the  new  ideas,  simply  offered  Antiochus  a  higher  tribute  than  Jason  was  jiaying,  and  got  the 
office.  The  latter,  however,  did  not  leave  him  long  in  peace.  AVhile  the  king  was  absent 
on  his  second  expedition  against  Egypt,  he  took  possession  of  Jerusalem  for  a  time  with  his 
retainers,  and  compelled  his  rival  to  flee  to  the  citadel.  Antiochus  professing  to  look  upon 
this  act  of  Jason  as  a  rebellion  on  thi!  part  of  his  Jewish  subjects,  on  his  return  took  fearful 
vengeance  on  temple  and  people.  But  their  cup  was  not  yet  full.  Two  years  later,  as  we 
have  said,  after  his  humiliating  rencontre  with  the  legate  of  Rome,  he  came  back  to  give  full 
proof  of  the  intensity  and  demoniacal  depths  of  his  passionate  nature.  The  Jews  seem  to 
have  "iven  him  no  new  occasion  for  fresh  complaints. 

But  it  was  quite  unnecessary.  He  was  in  one  of  his  hellish  moods.  Before  the  eVraCfla 
0ou\fiou  of  the  Roman  power  he  had  been  compelled  to  give  way.  Here,  at  least,  „  Abomina- 
were  those  who  were  weaker  than  he ;  they  should  feel  the  weight  of  his  iron  hand,  tion  of  deso- 
Besides,  Judaism  had  never  had  the  opportunity  of  showing  to  him,  as  to  Cyrus 
and  Alexander,  its  better  side.  Perhaps  he  would  have  been  incapable  of  appreciating  it,  if 
he  had  seen  it.  If  unusual  moral  stamina,  and  a  rare  industry  and  prosperity  were  developed 
within  it,  the  one  might  have  served  simply  to  challenge  his  hostility,  and  the  other  have 
been  a  temptation  to  his  cupidity  and  chronic  impecuniosity.  AVhat  he  had  seen  most  of, 
the  ambition  of  a  Jason,  and  the  meanness  of  a  Menelaus,  were  certainly  not  of  a  nature  to  en- 
courage him  to  prosecute  his  inquiries.  Enough  tliat  be  who  began  by  despising  Judaism, 
had  now  come  bitterly  to  hate  it,  an<l  lesolveil  to  sweep  it  at  a  stroke  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  At  a  review  of  troops  in  the  environs  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  Sabbath,  Apollonins,  his 
general,  began  an  indiscriminate  massacre  of  the  spectators,  and  followed  it  U])  with  the 
plundering  of  the  defenseless  city.  Antiochus  had  given  orders  further,  that  on  pain  of 
death,  all  sacrifices  and  services  peculiar  to  the  temple  should  cease,  the  Sabbath  be  no  more 
observed,  circumcision  nowhere  ])rai'ticed,  the  sacred  books  be  destroyed,  and  that  idol  wor- 
ship should  be  universally  introduced.  The  altar  of  the  temple  on  Mount  Moriah  was  spe- 
cially named  as  a  place  to  be  thus  desecrated.  With  terrific  thoroughness  did  the  unfeeling 
soldiery  enter  upon  the  execution  of  these  orders  of  the  king.  And  as  it  was  not  simply  a 
place,  but  a  people  and  a  system,  which  had  been  devoted  to  overthrow,  so  it  mattered  not 
where  in  the  Syrian  empire  a  Jew  might  be  found,  he  was  exposed  to  the  same  frenzied  as- 
saults. To  have  in  one's  possession  a  copy  of  the  law,  to  refuse,  on  being  commanded,  to  eat 
swine's  flesh,  sacrifice  to  an  idol,  or  to  participate  in  Bacchanalian  processions  crowned  with 
garlands  of  ivy  in  honor  of  Dionysos,  was  a  sufficient  pretext  for  the  most  unheard-of  cruel- 
ties. On  the  16th  of  Chisleu  —  ihe  date  could  never  be  forgotten  —  Mount  Moriah  itself  was 
dedicated  to  Jupiter,  and  a  heathen  shrine  placed  over  the  sacred  altar.  Ten  days  later  a 
her<l  of  swine"  were  driven  into  the  temple  precincts,  and  their  subsecjuent  sacrifice  com- 
pleted the  desecration.  This  was  the  "  abomination  of  desolation  "  (ffSeKvy/io.  iprnxtiireas,  1  Mace, 
i.  54),  the  synonym,  in  all  later  Jewish  history,  of  infamous  wickedness  and  of  humiliation 
to  the  uttermost.  With  not  a  few  these  efforts  to  enforce  submission  succeeded.  They  were 
those  who  had  been  the  first  to  run  to  the  gymnastic  performances  which  Jason  and  Mene- 
laus maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  temple.  But  there  were  many  otht^rs  who  still  pre- 
ferred death  to  paganism,  and  Antiochus,  to  his  astonishment,  soon  discovered  that  an  army 
of  twenty-two  thousand  men  was  quite  too  small  for  the  object  he  had  in  view.  At  first,  re- 
sistance was  passive,  but  none  the  less  heroic  and  inspiring.  A  few  such  examples  as  that 
of  the  gray-haired  Eleazer,  who  manfully  confronted  his  tormentors  with  the  words:  "  I  will 
show  myself  such  an  one  as  my  age  requii-es,  and  leave  a  notable  example  to  those  who  are 
young,  to  die  willingly  and  courageously  for  our  honored  and  holy  laws,"  could  not  long  re- 
main without  effect. 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  armed  revolt  was  as  follows:  Emissaries  of  the  king  had 
erected  a  heathen  altar  at  the  little  village  of  Modein,  a  few  miles  out  from  Jerusa- 
lem.    It  was  the  home  of  an  aged  priest  Ma'tathias,  with  the  family  name  Asmo- 
nsus,  the  father  of  five  stalwart  sons,  and  a  man  widely  known  and  respected.     He,  among 
3thers,  was  summoned  to  offrr  iilolntroiis  sacrifices  on  this  altar.     He  publicly  and  boldly  re- 


22  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


fused,  and  seeing  a  man  who  was  a  Jew  upon  the  point  of  doing  it,  he  rushed  upon  him  and 
slew  him.  Whereupon  the  Syrian  officers  also  were  put  to  death,  and  the  altar  they  had 
erected  destroyed  with  the  cry  :  "  Whosoever  is  zealous  for  the  law  and  maintaineth  the 
covenant  let  him  follow  me."  Mattathias  with  his  two  sons,  and  a  few  others,  now  plunged 
into  the  neighboring  wilderness  where  forces  might  be  safely  collected,  and  time  gained  for 
reflection  over  the  course  to  be  pursued.  This  was  tlie  small  beginning  of  that  great  politico- 
religious  movement,  by  means  of  which  the  Jewish  people,  after  more  than  four  hundrcii 
years  of  foreign  domination,  gained  again  their  independence.  It  is  a  thrilling  story,  which 
will  never  lose  its  charm  as  long  as  men  love  freedom,  admire  unselfish  heroism,  and  hate 
oppression.  It  is  only  possible  for  us  heri'  to  touch  upon  the  more  salieut  points  of  the  history, 
and  it  is  also  unnecessary,  since  it  is  to  be  found  in  full  in  the  books  of  the  Maccabees  that 
follow.  Mattathias  himself  continued  but  for  a  little  while  at  the  head  of  the  patriotic  band 
which  flocked  to  his  standard,  but  in  dying,  recommended  Judas,  his  son,  as  leader,  with  the 
words  :  "  But  as  for  Judas  Maccabieus,  he  has  been  mighty  and  strong,  even  from  his  youth 
up;  let  him  be  your  captain,  and  fight  the  battles  of  the  people."  *  The  sequel  proved  that 
the  choice  had  been  well  made. 
Judas  Maccabaeus  was  really  the  hero  of  the  whole  conflict,  and  properly  gave  his  name  to 

the  party  and  movement  of  which  he  was  the  soul.     A  childlike  piety,  a  womanly 
eab»ns.  ""     tenderness  towards  the  weak,  good  common  sense  that  could  see  at  once  the  point 

at  issue,  were  united  in  his  nature  with  a  courage  that  flinched  at  no  hardship  and 
was  appalled  at  no  danger.  The  army  that  followed  him,  if  so  it  might  be  called,  was 
always  scanty  enough,  but  like  Gideon  lie  did  not  hesitate,  at  times,  to  reduce  its  numbers 
still  more  by  sifting  out  the  timid  and  the  unresolved.  The  blast  of  his  trumpet,  as  his  ene- 
mies soon  discovered,  meant  nothing  less  than  doing  and  daring  to  the  utmost  limit  of  human 
strength.  He  first  defeated  Apollonius,  entering  upon  the  engagement  with  the  battle  en.- : 
"Eleazer,  the  help  of  God  ;  "  then  Seron;  and  again,  an  immense  army  under  Nicanor  and 
Gorgias ;  and  finally,  Lysias  himself,  and  opened  thereby  for  his  troops  once  more  the  way 
to  Jerusalem  and  the  temple.  On  the  25th  of  Chisleu,  exactly  three  years  from  the  date  of 
its  desecration,  the  purified  altar  was  again  dedicated  to  Jehovah  and  sacrifices  offered 
amidst  universal  rejoicings.  Since  this  time  the  Jews  have  ever  continued  to  observe  the 
recurrence  of  the  day  as  the  "  Feast  of  Dedication,"  and  no  festival  awakens  among  them 
more  grateful  memories.  Soon  after  occurred  in  the  far  East  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epipha- 
nes  (b.  c.  164)  under  circumstances  that  could  not  but  encourage  the  persecuted  people  still 
more  to  hope  for  the  final  success  of  their  cause.  Judas  Maccabseus,  in  the  mean  time,  set 
forward  his  well-begun  work.  At  first,  he  engaged  in  a  successful  expedition  against  the 
Edomites  to  the  south,  then  met,  for  the  second  time,  Lysias  at  Bethsur,  where,  for  once,  his 
little  band  were  forced  to  retire  before  the  overwhelming  odds  that  were  brought  against 
them,  and  a  beloved  brother,  the  brave  Eleazer,  lost  his  life.  Then  followed  the  brief  truce 
and  apparently  friendly  intercourse  with  Nicanor,  broken  off  by  his  treachery,  and  the  battle 
of  Caphar  Salama,  in  which  this  Syrian  general  was  among  the  slain.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  Judas,  recognizing  the  importance  of  securing  auxiliaries,  against  the  advice  of  some  of 
his  adherents  sent  a  delegation  to  Rome  to  ask  for  an  alliance.^  He  did  it  the  more  willingly 
because  he  had  learned  that  "  none  of  them  wore  a  crown,  or  was  clothed  in  purjile,  to  be 
exalted  above  his  fellow  citizens."  A  treaty  was  made,  but,  as  it  would  seem,  before  its  con- 
ditions could  well  have  been  known,  Judas  was  called  upon  to  meet  once  more,  and  for  the 
last  time,  the  hosts  of  the  Syrians  under  Bacchides.  The  disparity  between  his  forces  an  1 
those  of  his  antagonist  would  have  driven  any  other  than  the  lion-hearted  Maccabee  to  de- 
spair. His  officers  sought  to  dissuade  him  from  the  conflict  with  the  promise  to  take  it  up 
afterwards  when  circumstances  were  more  favorable.  But  his  memorable  answer  was  :  "  God 
forbid  that  I  should  do  this  thing  and  flee  away  from  them.  If  our  time  be  come  let  us  die 
manfully  for  our  brethren  and  leave  behind  no  stain  upon  our  honor! "  These  are  the  last 
recorded  words  of  the  heroic  soldier.  The  battle  was  accepted.  Judas  personally  fought 
with  his  usual  intrepidity  and  success.  But  his  followers  being  overpowered,  he  was  set 
upon  from  behind  and  lost  his  life  (b.  c.  160).  His  two  brothers,  however,  Jonathan  and 
Simon,  thoughtless  of  danger  to  themselves,  rescued  his  body  from  the  thronging,  exultant 
foe,  and  it  was  buried  in  the  family  tomb  at  Modein.  Great  was  the  lamentation  which  went 
np  for  him  throughout  Judaea,  and  its  burden  was  like  that  which  had  been  heard  for  Sau. 
1  1  Maoe.  U.  66.  3  Cf.  1  Mace.  TiiL 


GENERAL  INTKODUCTION.  23 

and  for  Jonathan:  "  How  is  the  valiant  fallen  that  delivered  Israel  !  ''  We  are  not  surprised 
that  in  the  olden  time  fancy  loved  to  dwell  upon  this  inspiring  name,  or  that  so  many  friendly 
pens  were  ready  to  depict  with  heightened  coloring  the  struggle  in  which  so  noble  a  life  was 
sacrificed. 

It  was  a  serious  task  which  Jonathan,  the  youngest  son  of  Mattathias,  who  had  been  elected 
to  fill  the  place  of  Judas,  had  now  before  him.  Without  the  prestige  of  Judas 
MaccabEBus,  called  upon  with  a  dispirited  handful  of  troops  to  confront  the  victo-  "b.o.  160-143. 
rious  army  of  Bacchides,  it  is  doubtful  how  the  conflict  would  have  terminated  if  a 
diversion  in  his  favor  had  not  occurred  in  the  political  affairs  of  Sjria.  One  Alexander 
Balas,  who  <;ave  himself  out  for  a  sou  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  laid  claim  to  the  throne  which 
Demetrius  I.  Soter  (b.  c.  162-150),  had  already,  for  ten  years,  had  in  possession.  Botli 
parties  naturallv  souglit  an  alliance  with  the  Asmoiiaean  chief  and  strove  to  outdo  each  other 
in  the  magnificence  of  their  offers  for  his  support.  From  Alexander  Jonathan  received  in 
addition  to  all  the  rest,  a  jmrple  mantle,  a  golden  crown,  and  the  promise  of  the  high  priest's 
office,  which,  since  the  death  of  the  infamous  Alcimus  (b.  c.  159),  had  remained  vacant. 
As  the  p.-irty  which  Alexander  represented  was  supported  by  nearly  all  the  kings  of  the 
neio^hborini'  land.-  and  had,  by  far,  the  best  promise  of  success,  Jonathan  did  not  long  hesi- 
tate to  give  it  his  own  influence.  At  the  same  time,  also,  he  accepted  the  generous  terms 
offered,  and  put  on  tlie  ])ontificaI  robes  at  the  Feast  of  Taliernacles  in  the  year  B.  c.  152. 
From  this  time  the  Asmonaean  family  ruled  in  Judsea.  The  dependence  on  Syria,  however, 
still  continued,  and  the  land  for  a  considerable  period  was  more  or  less  involved  in  the  strug- 
gles among  rival  claimants  for  the  crown.  One  of  these,  named  Tryphon,  having  by  artifice 
got  Jonathan  into  his  power,  treacherously  put  him  to  death  in  the  year  B.  c.  143. 

But  one  son  of  Mattathias,  Simon,  already  an  old  man,  now  remained.  He  had  been  the 
trusted  counselor  of  the  family  from  the  first.  He  was  still  vigorous  in  mind  and 
body.  In  a  speech  that  he  made  at  this  time  for  the  encouragement  of  the  people,  ,.  <,.  1^136 
he  said:  "You  yourselves  know  what  great  things  I  and  my  brothers  and  my 
father's  house  have  done  for  the  laws  and  the  sanctuary,  the  battles  also,  and  troubles  we 
have  seen  by  reason  whereof  all  my  brethren  are  slain  for  Israel's  sake,  and  I  am  left  alone. 
Now,  therefore,  be  it  far  from  me  that  I  should  spare  my  own  life  in  any  time  of  trouble,  for 
I  am  no  better  than  my  brethren."  Under  the  influence  of  these  touching  words  the  people 
were  roused  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm,  and  cried  out,  with  a  loud  voice:  "Thou 
shalt  be  our  leader  instead  of  Judas  and  Jonathan  thy  brother."  ^  There  was  no  one  better 
fitted  than  he  to  execute  the  sacred  trust  which  by  natural  right,  as  well  as  the  vote  of  the 
people,  had  been  thus  committed  to  him.  What  Judas  by  hard  blows  had  won,  what  Jona- 
than by  a  sagacious  policy  had  preserved  and  increased,  that  was  now  to  be  carried  on  to  its 
natural  conclusion,  namely,  complete  freedom  from  a  foreign  joke  and  the  reestablishment  of 
the  Jewish  commonwealth  unimpaired.  In  accomplishing  this  object.  Simon  was  greatly 
aided,  as  Jonathan  had  been,  by  the  internal  divisions  of  the  Syrian  empire.  Tryphon,  who 
in  the  murder  of  the  child  Antiochus  VI.,  whose  interests  he  had  professed  to  represent,  had 
thrown  off  the  mask  he  had  hitherto  worn,  was  contesting  by  force  of  arms  the  throne  with 
Demetrius  II.  The  latter,  in  order  to  win  for  himself  their  support,  at  the  request  of  Simon, 
not  only  remitted  to  the  Jews  all  past  and  future  dues  for  ta.xes,  but  confirmed  them  in  the 
possession  of  certain  fortresses  which  for  prudential  reasons  they  had  occupied  and  provis- 
ioned against  any  political  emergency  that  might  arise,  and  expressed  his  willingness,  for  the 
future,  to  receive  Jewish  officers  into  his  army  and  at  his  court.  It  was  a  high  day  for  Israel 
when  this  news  was  proclaimed,  and  from  this  year  (b.  c.  143),  they  were  accustomed,  as  well 
on  coins  as  on  public  and  private  contracts,  to  date  their  national  independence.  Beautiful 
is  the  picture  which  the  historian  gives  of  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Simon,  especially 
when  contrasted  with  the  stormy,  troublous  times  of  Judas  and  of  Jonathan.  He  "made 
peace  in  the  land;  and  Israel  rejoiced  with  great  joy  ;  for  every  man  sat  under  his  fig-tree 
and  there  was  none  to  terrify  him,  nor  was  any  left  in  the  land  to  fight  against  them."  "  In 
the  midst  of  great  public  rejoicings  Simon  drove  out  the  remnants  of  the  Syrian  party  which 
for  forty  years  had  held  possession  of  the  citadel  in  Jerusalem.  He  enlarged  the  boundaries 
of  the  country,  encouraged  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  agriculture,  had  an  excellent  harbor  con- 
structed at  Joppa,  cleared  the  land  of  idolaters,  enriched  and  beautified  the  temple,  renewed 
under  the  most  friendly  auspices  former  treatii-s  with  the  Lacedsemonians  and  liomans;  and  by 
1  1  Msec   xiii.  3-8.  2  See  1  Mace.  xir.  11,  12. 


24  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


a  course  at  once  firm  and  conciliatory  held  in  check  that  factious  and  partisan  spirit  which 
was  already  beginning  to  manifest  itself  with  ominous  power  among  the  people.  So  great  was 
the  gratitude  and  admiration  that  were  felt  for  Simon  that  a  brazen  tablet  inscribed  with  his 
deeds  and  those  of  his  family  was  set  up  to  his  honor  in  the  temple,  and  the  office  of  prince 
and  high  priest  (jiyoiiifvos  ko!  opx'^Cf "s)  was  made  hereditary  in  his  house  ' '  until  there  should 
arise  a  faithful  prophet."  '  But  like  every  other  member  of  his  family  he,  too,  was  destined 
to  meet  a  violent  death.  Through  the  treachery  of  an  ambitious  son-in-law,  Ptolemy,  whom 
he  had  made  governor  of  the  district  of  Jericho,  he  together  with  his  two  sons,  Mattathias 
and  Judas,  was  assassinated  in  a  most  dastardly  manner  after  a  reign  of  eight  years  (b.  c. 
135). 

Simon  was  succeeded  in  both  the  offices  which  he  had  clothed  with  so  much  honor  by  his 
J  .     _  son,  John  Hyrcanus.     The  first  part  of  his  reign  was  marked  by  ill  success.    Hin- 

nns.  dered,  through  fear  of  evil  consequences  to  his  mother,  whom  Ptolemy  had  in  his 

1.0.  35-105.  pQ^gj.^  from  avenging  the  murder  of  Simon,  he  was  at  the  same  time  compelled 
to  make  a  humiliating  treaty  with  Antiochus  VII.  Sidetes,  who  had  invaded  Palestine  and 
shut  Hyrcanus  up  in  Jerusalem.  Subsequently,  thanks  anew  to  the  contentions  of  rival  fac- 
tions in  Syria,  and  the  friendship  of  the  Romans,  he  gradually  threw  off  again  the  foreign 
yoke,  conquered,  and  thoroughly  wasted  Samaria  to  the  north,  and  on  the  south  compelled 
the  Edomites  to  adopt  the  Jewish  faith,  including  the  rite  of  circumcision.  This  is  one  of  the 
most  memorable  examples  in  Israelitish  history  of  an  attempt  to  enforce  conversion,  and  is 
especially  noticeable  as  having  brought  with  it  its  own  swift  retribution.  To  these  same  cir- 
cumcised Edomites  belonged  the  family  of  that  Herod  who  afterwards  became  the  "evil 
genius  of  the  Asmonseans."  ^  We  reserve  until  later  an  account  of  the  violent  party  spirit, 
especially  between  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees,  which  now  began  to  rage.  Hyrcanus  had 
the  sagacity  to  adopt,  in  general,  a  wise  middle  course,  although  driven,  as  it  would  seem, 
late  in  life  to  take  sides  positively  with  the  Sadducees.  The  extant  coins  of  this  reign  are 
interesting  as  showing  that  the  people  still  retained  their  political  rights  unimpaired.  They 
bear  the  inscription :  "  John  the  high  priest  and  the  Commonwealth  of  the  Jews;  "  or  "  John, 
the  high  priest.  Head  of  the  Jewish  Commonwealth."  The  assembly  (yfpovala),  afterwards 
developins  into  the  Sanhedrin,  was  able  to  make  its  voice  heard  in  all  matters  affecting  the 
public  weal.  On  the  whole,  the  long  reign  of  Hyrcanus  may  be  characterized  as  brilliantly 
successful.  Josephus,'  whUe  giving  him  the  title  of  prince  and  high  priest,  also  ascribes  to 
him  the  gift  of  prophecy.  Under  him  the  Jewish  people  reached  a  degree  of  prosperity 
which  had  been  unknown  before,  since  the  days  of  Solomon  and  David.  But  with  him,  too, 
that  prosperity  reached  its  culmination.  The  history  that  follows  is  little  else  than  a  sad 
record  of  domestic  feuds  and  the  intrigues  of  rival  parties,  until,  after  a  little  more  than  a 
single  generation,  the  Roman  power,  at  first  invited  in  to  arbitrate,  stayed  to  dictate  and  to 
rule. 

Aristobulus  I.,  the  eldest  of  the  sons  of  HjTcanus,  was  designated  by  the  latter  for  the 

.  .  ,  high  priesthood,  while  the  political  sovereignty  was  left  to  his  widow.  Such  a 
I.  B.  c.  105-  change  in  the  traditional  order  of  government  did  not  at  all  suit  the  ambitious 
^'^'  Aristobulus,  and  he  soon  found  means  to  remove  his  mother  from  the  throne  and 

cast  her,  together  with  his  brothers,  into  prison.  One  brother  alone,  Antigonus,  he  per- 
mitted to  share  the  government  with  him.  Aristobulus  was  the  first  of  the  Asmonaean  family 
who  claimed  for  himself  the  title  of  king,  and  of  all  that  had  hitherto  ruled  he  was  the  least 
worthy  of  it.  His  real  name  was  Judas,  and  one  might  suppose  that  he  would  have  borne  it 
with  pride  in  honor  of  the  heroic  Maccabaeus,  but  his  devotion  to  Greek  ideas  was  predomi- 
nant. He  was  even  known  among  his  subjects  under  the  contemptuous  nickname  of  Phil- 
hellen  (*iK4\\vv),  lover  of  the  Greeks.  He  caused  a  Greek  title  to  be  inscribed  on  the 
national  coins  along  with  various  emblems,  which,  in  the  eyes  of  a  real  Pharisee  of  the  time, 
must  have  made  contact  with  them  seem  almost  like  a  transgression  of  the  ceremonial  law.* 
In  the  mean  time,  the  leaven  of  dissension  continued  ominously  to  do  its  work.  Antigonus, 
the  best  loved  brother,  fell  a  victim  to  the  intrigues  of  the  court  and  the  suspicions  of  the 
ling,  whose  own  painful  death  followed  soon  after. 

It  was  one  of  the  hitherto  imprisoned  Ijrothors  of  Aristobulus  I.,  Alexander  Jannaeus,  who 
succeeded  him,  making  Alexandra  (Heb.,  Salome),  the  former's  widow,  who  had  released  him 

1  See  1  Mace.  xiT,  41.  2  cf.  Holtzmann,  ulm,  p.  26. 

8  Anliq.,  xiii.  10,  §§  6,  7.  ■•  f"f.  Oraetz.  iii.  103,  and  Schiirer,  p  118. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  25 

from  prison,  his  wife.     His  long  reign  was  one  continued  series  of  conflicts  with  foreign  and 
domestic  foes.    He  had  inherited  the  warlike  spirit  and  taste  of  his  ancestors,  but    ^e^anjer 

without  their  sagacity  or  self  control.     At  one  time  his  whole  kingdom  was  at  the   Janu«us. 

.  .BO   104-78. 

mercy  of  Ptolemy  of  Cyprus,  and  was  saved  to  him  only  by  the  friendly  inter- 
vention of  the  latter' 3  mother  and  bitter  opponent,  Cleopatra  of  Egypt.  At  a  later  period 
his  arms  were  more  successful,  and  he  made  important  conquests  on  the  western  coasts.  But 
in  its  fearfully  disastrous  effects  on  the  land  of  Judsa  these  troubles  from  without  were 
greatly  overshadowed  by  those  from  within.  Partisan  spirit  had  made  gigantic  strides 
among  the  people  since  the  death  of  Simon.  The  going  over  of  the  court,  at  the  time  of 
Hyrcanus,  to  the  side  of  the  Sadducees,  had  not  been  the  moans  of  weakening  the  opposing, 
popular  party,  but  qiute  the  contrary.  During  his  campaign  against  fondgn  eniMnie.i  Alexan- 
der had  been  able  to  keep  tolerably  clear  of  strife  at  home.  But  it  was  rather  due,  on  both 
sides,  to  lack  of  occasion  than  of  will.  The  high  priest  and  king  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been 
thoroughly  despised  and  hated  by  the  majority  of  his  subjects.  That  there  were  sufficient 
grounds  for  it  other  than  the  mere  spirit  of  party  is  evident.  His  ideas  of  ruling  as  well  as 
his  vices,  were  but  little  removed  from  those  of  a  Belsbazzar  or  an  Ahasuerus.  Daily, 
at  his  repasts,  he  flouted  the  self-respect  of  his  subjects  by  intercourse  with  courtesans  and 
the  wildest  sensual  excesses.  How  could  it  be  overlooked  by  those  in  whom  the  memory  of 
the  simplicity  and  self-renunciation  of  the  Maccabaean  period  was  still  green  ?  The  first  overt 
acts  of  rebellion  took  place  at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  It  was  customary  for  the  high  priest 
on  this  occasion  to  make  a  libation  of  water  from  a  silver  basin  upon  the  altar.  But  the 
practice  was  of  Pharisaic  origin,  and,  therefore,  with  the  intention  of  casting  contempt  upoD 
it,  the  king,  in  this  case,  instead  of  pouring  the  water  upon  the  altar  simply  poured  it  upon 
the  ground.  A  fearful  popular  tumult  was  the  result,  and  those  who  were  present  in  the 
temple,  excited  almost  to  frenzy,  ventured  even  to  pelt  the  king  and  high  priest  while  en- 
gaged in  his  official  duties  with  the  citrons  and  other  soft  fruits  with  which,  at  such  times, 
they  were  abundantly  provided.  The  irascible  Alexander  was  not  the  person  to  submit 
tamely  to  such  an  insult.  He  called  up  at  once  his  foreign  mercenaries,  and  six  thousand 
persons  were  mercilessly  cut  down  within  the  precincts  of  the  temple.  The  hatred  of  the 
Pharisaic  party  was  now  inflamed  to  the  last  degree  and  the  land  became  divided,  as  it  were, 
into  two  great  hostile  camps,  such  as  had  existed  in  the  evil  times  of  the  feuds  between  Judah 
and  Israel.  Shortly  afterwards,  Alexander,  in  a  conflict  with  an  Arab  prince,  fell  into  an 
ambuscade,  lost  his  entire  army,  and  escaped  himself  to  Jerusalem  only  with  his  life.  This 
was  the  opportunity  for  which  his  enemies  had  waited.  A  rebellion  broke  out  that  lasted  sLc 
years,  and  was  suppressed  only  with  the  aid  of  foreign  troops,  and  at  the  cost  of  fifty  thou- 
sand lives  of  Jewish  subjects.  In  one  stage  of  it  the  king  was  desirous  of  peace.  He  in- 
quired of  the  Pharisees  with  what  terms  they  would  be  satisfied.  Their  reply  well  illustrates 
the  utter  impassableness  of  the  gulf  that  divided  the  conflicting  parties :  "  The  first  condition 
to  a  permanent  peace,"  was  the  defiant  answer,  "  is  thy  death."  Success  subsequently 
crowning  the  arms  of  the  king  he  had  eight  hundred  of  the  leading  rebels  crucified  iu  his 
presence,  and  while  they  were  still  alive  their  wives  and  children  slaughtered  before  their 
eyes.  Eight  thousand  others  sought  an  asylum  in  foreign  lands,  a  part  in  Syria  and  the  rest 
in  Egypt.  The  last  days  of  Ale.xander,  if  we  may  trust  the  account  of  Josephus,  were 
clouded  with  misgivings,  and  he  bitterly  regretted  the  unwise  course  he  had  taken  with  his 
opponents.  According  to  another  authority,  however,  he  cherished  his  old  feelings  to  the 
end,  and  strove  to  dispel  the  anxious  forebodings  of  the  queen  with  the  words  :  "  Fear  not 
the  Pharisees,  and  fear  not  those  who  are  not  Pharisees.  But  fear  the  hypocrites  —  the 
tarnished  Pharisees  —  whose  acts  are  the  acts  of  Zimri,  and  who  claim  the  reward  of  Phine- 
nas."  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Pharisees  did  not  change  in  their  feelings  toward  the  king,  but, 
with  a  rare  display  of  intolerance  and  narrow-mindedness,  long  celebrated  the  anniversary 
of  his  death  as  a  festival. 

Alexandra,  who  now  became  regent,  appointed  her  eldest  son,  Hyrcanus  H.,  a  facile  young 
man  without  strength  of  character,  as  high  priest.     Whatever  may  have  been  the 
advice  given  her  by  the  late  king,  she  acted,  at  least,  on  the  principle  that  his  pol-    b.o'!^69. 
icy  toward  the  Pharisees  had  been  radically  wrong.     Her  own  was  just  the  op- 
posite of  it.     They  were  among  her  chief  counselors.     Josephus  says  of  her:  "  She  ruled 
over  others  while  she  herself  was  ruled  by  the  Pharisees."  '     She  restored  again  to  their  full 

I   Aaliq-,  xiii.  1'),  §  2. 


26  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


force  the  various  statutes  which  they  had  introduced  and  which,  since  the  time  of  John  Hyr- 
canus,  had  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  been  disregarded.  Thousands  of  prominent  citizens, 
who,  during  the  previous  reign,  had  fled  the  country,  were  invited  to  return.  The  Sanhe- 
drin,  under  the  direction  of  the  queen's  supposed  Ijrother,  Simon  ben  Shetah,  and  that  of 
Judah  ben  Tabbai,  took  on  a  wholly  different  character.  Important  alterations  were  made 
in  the  services  of  the  temple;  new  festivals  were  appointed,  and  the  code  relating  to  pnnish- 
ments  not  a  little  changed.  In  short,  a  general  naition  took  place,  and,  like  all  reactions  of 
this  character,  especially  when  occurring  under  the  influence  of  partisan  zeal,  it  went  too  far. 
The  Sadducees,  in  turn,  became  the  persecuted  party,  and,  among  others,  one  of  their  most 
noted  leaders,  Diogenes,  a  favorite  counselor  of  Alexander  Jannteus,  fell  a  victim  to  the 
bloody  excesses  of  their  opponents.  A  spirit  of  retaliation  ruled  the  houi-.  At  last,  the 
queen's  own  son,  Aristobulus  II.,  headed  a  deleg.ition ,  which  petitioned  the  crown  for  a  ces- 
sation of  these  unjustly  discriminating,  partisan  measures.  Still  later,  the  same  son  revolted 
against  the  government,  and  had  already  got  some  of  the  most  important  fortresses  of  the 
land  into  his  possession,  when  the  queen  died. 

And  now  began,  between  the  two  brothers  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus,  with  their  adherents, 
AriBtobulns  ^^^  eventful  struggle  for  supremacy  which  ended  with  the  haughty  interference  of 
«,?'  *  cf  th^*"  *^®  Roman  power  and  the  irremediable  loss  of  national  independence.  Unable  to 
Roman  arbi-    withstand  the  superior  force  which  .Vi-istobulus  brought  against  him,  Hyrcanus 

'"'°'  capitulated  after  a  short  resistance,  and  agreed  to  renounce  his  claim  both  to  the 

office  of  high  priest  and  to  the  crown.  Subsequently,  however,  supported  by  the  Idumsean 
Antipater  and  the  Arabian  prince,  Aretas.  he  again  took  up  the  contest  and  defeated  his 
brother  in  a  battle  that  soon  followed.  Forsaken  by  most  of  his  army,  .\ristobulus  now  took 
refuge  on  the  temple-mountain  and  was  there  besieged.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  interest- 
ing episode  related  by  Josephus  took  place,  in  which  a  certain  Onias,  distinguished  for  the 
supposed  efficacy  of  his  prayers,  had  the  leading  part.  He  was,  one  day,  brought  by  the 
partisans  of  Hyrcanus,  who  represented  the  Pharisees,  to  pray  for  the  success  of  their  efforts 
in  subduing  the  party  of  Aristobulus.  And  this  is  said  to  have  been  his  noble,  courageous 
prayer:  "  O  God,  the  king  of  the  whole  world,  since  those  that  stand  with  me  are  thy  peo- 
ple, and  those  that  are  besieged  are  thy  priests  [/.  e.  the  party  of  the  Sadducees],  1  beseech 
thee  that  thou  wilt  neither  hearken  to  the  prayers  of  those  against  these  nor  of  these  against 
those."  ^  Without  capacity  to  compi-ehend  the  grandeur  of  such  a  spiiit  the  fanatical  crowd, 
it  is  said,  stoned  the  heroic  old  man  till  he  died.  Before  this  wretched,  internecine  conflict 
was  finally  decided,  a  messenger  arrived  from  the  victorious  Pompey,  already  advancing 
through  Asia  Minor,  who  for  the  time  being  gave  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  younger  brother. 
Later,  however,  Pompey  himself  espoused  the  cause  of  Hyrcanus,  and  after  a  siege  of  three 
months  took  possession  of  the  temple-mountain,  where  the  party  of  Aristobulus  were  strongly 
'ntrenched.  A  fearful  massacre  of  twelve  thousand  Jews,  inclusive  of  many  priests  who 
eU  ministering  at  the  altar,  signalized  the  \ietory  of  the  Roman  arms.  It  was  in  the  fall  of 
the  year  b.  c.  63,  and  during  the  consulate  of  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero,  that  the  Roman  eagles 
waved,  for  the  first  time,  over  the  holy  city.  A  sad  chanje,  indeed,  it  seems,  when  one  re- 
flects simply  on  the  loss  of  the  national  freedom  which  had  been  bought  at  so  dear  a  price 
and  enjoyed  for  a  period  of  scarcely  eighty  years.  But  a  change,  on  the  other  hand,  not 
wholly  unwelcome,  when  one  thinks  of  the  high  priesthood  in  the  hands  of  an  Alexander 
Jannseus  and  the  fratricidal  sword  in  those  of  an  Aristobulus  II.  In  the  mean  time  the  Ro- 
man mihtary  power  itself,  as  much  as  the  Greek  language  and  Greek  philosophy,  had  its 
providential  mission.  And  this  mission  was  beautifully  foreshadowed  in  the  fact  that  the 
very  captives  whom  Pompey  dragged  to  Rome,  to  grace  his  triumphal  entry,  became,  on 
the  bank  of  the  far-off  Tiber,  the  nucleus  and  germ  of  a  Christian  church  and  an  important 
centre  of  early  Christian  Ufe. 

From  one  point  of  view,  the  Maccabaean  struggle,  looked  upon  as  a  whole,  has  almost  the 
'coneof  the  ^Ppearance  of  triviality.  Such  questions  as  those  of  Sabbath  observance,  the  rite 
Maccabaean  of  circumcision,  distinction  in  food  as  clean  or  unclean,  or  even  the  freedom  of 
•  ^K*-  temple  worship,  might  not  be  supposed  to  be  of  suflieient  importance  to  lead  an 
entire  people  to  stake  its  existence  upon  them.  It  is  certainly  not  such  questions  that  shape 
the  poUtics  and  control  the  movements  of  armies  at  the  present  day.  But  it  is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  under  the  theocratic  government  of  the  Jews,  every  matter  of  religion,  however 

'  ]   Aiti'i/..  xiv.  2.  §  1. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION. 


trifling  it  might  seem  in  itself,  was  also  a  matter  of  political  and  social  economy.  Moreover, 
it  is  clear  from  other  and  various  considerations,  that  it  was  not  simply  zeal  for  ceremonial 
observances,  that  inspired  the  hearts  of  the  AlaccabfBan  htroes,  important  as  these  wrre  felt 
to  be  by  every  right-thinking  Israelite.  It  was  a  noble  patriotism;  it  was  a  determination  to 
defend  at  any  cost,  the  right;  it  was  an  unselfish  devotion  to  principles  of  righteousness  and 
honor,  such  as  found  utterance  from  time  to  time,  in  the  speeches  of  the  great  Asinonaean 
chief  and  his  successors:  "  We  fight  for  our  lives  and  our  laws."  '•  The  jeopardizing  of  a 
gallant  soldier  is  to  the  end  that  he  may  deliver  his  pi^ople  and  win  for  himself  a  perpetual 
name."  And  those  last  memorable  words  of  Jndas:  "  If  our  time  be  come,  let  us  die  man- 
fully for  our  brethren,  and  leave  behind  no  stain  upon  our  honor."  More  than  once  these 
men  showed  that  a  broader  spirit  than  that  which  developed  itself  in  the  later  partis.nn  con- 
flicts, characterized  and  inspired  them.  They  did  not  hesitate,  when  circumstances  required 
it,  boldly  to  cut  the  web  of  irritating  formalities  with  whiih  they  were  invested.  When,  fir 
instance,  their  enemies  so  far  pi-esumed  upon  their  reverence  for  the  Sabbath,  as  always  to 
attack  them  on  that  day,  they  were  not  long  in  discovering  a  principle  that  lay  deeper:  that 
the  Sabbath  was  made  for  man,  and  not  man  for  the  Sabbath.  They  knew  how  to  comfort 
themselves  when  deprived  of  the  services  of  the  temple,  with  the  thought,  not  unworthy  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  that  "  God  did  not  choose  the  people  for  the  place's  sake,  but 
the  place  for  the  people's  sake."  ^  They  thought  it  no  crime  to  seek  to  strengthen  themselves 
politically  by  means  of  alUances  with  foreign  powers.  Here  and  there,  in  short,  there  is 
pleasant  evidence  that  these  Maccabaean  heroes  fought  for  ideas  as  well  as  institutions,  that, 
indeed,  they  were  inspired  by  unutterable  hopes  of  a  better  time  to  come.  At  the  coronation 
of  Simon  as  high  priest  and  prince,  we  meet  with  an  intimation  whose  mystery  is  solved  only 
in  the  predictions  of  Isaiah  and  Malachi.  These  offices,  it  was  said,  were  to  remain  heredi- 
tary in  his  family  until  there  should  "arise  a  faithful  prophet."  For  him,  then,  in  some 
sense,  they  still  waited,  and  this  expectation  it  was,  so  far  as  it  had  force,  that  gave  to  the 
whole  contest  with  the  Syrian  oppressors  an  elevation  of  purpose,  that  of  itself  sufficed  to 
redeem  it  from  the  charge  of  narrowness  or  triviality.  The  eye  was  sometimes,  at  least, 
turned  toward  the  future.  And  especially  after  the  struggle  had  ceased  to  be  one  almost  of 
despair,  and  had  become  a  victory,  a  real  success,  and  the  newly  consecrated  temple  on 
Mount  Moriah  could  be  looked  upon  in  friendly  prophetic  vision,  as  likely  after  all  to  become 
the  gathering  point  of  myriads  from  East  and  West,  North  and  South,  the  stream  of  sacred 
exultant  song  began  to  flow  again,  and  the  mind  to  dwell  with  quickened  courage  and  confi- 
dence on  the  glories  of  that  kingdom,  whose  bounds  were  to  reach  from  the  rising  of  the 
sun  to  the  going  down  of  the  same. 

But  they  were  "  not  all  Israel  that  were  of  Israel."  There  were  those  who  disputed,  at 
times,  the  authority  of  the  Maccabaean  leaders;  disliked  their  breadth  of  spirit; 
preferred  defeat  to  defending  themselves  on  the  seventh  day;  slavish  submission  ties.  The 
rather  than  an  alliance  with  heathen  states;  and,  in  fact,  carried  their  conserva-  '■''»™°«"- 
tism.  not  infrequently,  to  the  verge  of  treason.  Once,  for  example,  a  number  of  Scribes  went 
over  to  the  side  of  Bacchides  and  the  infamous  Alcimus.  And  the  "  Assidaeans  were  the 
first  among  the  children  of  Israel  that  sought  peace  of  them."  ^  The  secret  was,  that  Alci- 
mus, ungodly  wretch  though  he  was  known  to  be,  happened  to  be  in  the  regular  Aaronic  suc- 
cession I  That  was  enough  to  draw  these  short-sighted  Scribes  away  from  the  patriotic  party 
at  a  most  critical  period  of  its  history.  So  It  came  to  pass  that  the  brave  little  company  that 
rallied  around  the  banner  of  Judas  and  of  Jonathan  had  to  contend  with  dlvi'^ions  in  Its  own 
ranks.  There  were  Israelitlsh  brethren  who  were  ready  to  lend  them  their  Influence  only  so 
far  as  the  contest  was  carried  on  in  the  interests  of  their  own  theological  views.  And  hence, 
It  happened,  that  one  marked  result  of  the  struggle  itself  was  the  strengthening  of  such 
views,  the  tenfold  bracing  and  hardening  of  the  peculiar  opinions  respecting  what  it  wa*  that 
constituted  Judaism  and  its  mission.  These  opinions  and  prepossessions  were  sanctified,  so 
to  speak,  by  the  sufferings  that  had  been  endured,  and  the  blood  that  had  been  shed  on  their 
supposed  behalf,  so  that  they  were  lifted  into  ever  greater  prominence,  became  the  shibboleth 
of  parties  and  the  matter  of  overshadowing  importance  in  all  subsequent  history.  We  have 
spoken  of  the  Assidaeans,  or  Chasldim  of  the  time  of  Judas  Maccabaus.  There  Is  little  doubt 
that  the  principles  which  they  advocated  became  afterwards  the  prevailing  ones  in  Israel, 
were  developed  into  those  of  the  Pharisees,  who  early  represented  the  party  of  the  overwhelm- 

1  3  tSMt».  T.  19.  2  1  Mace.  Tii.  12,  13. 


28  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


ing  majority  of  the  Jewish  people.  They  were  those  who  would  have  found  fault  with  Judas 
for  carrying  in  his  battles  the  sword  which  he  had  won  from  the  Syrian  general,  ApoUonius, 
although  there  might  have  been  adduced  for  it  the  excellent  Scriptural  example  of  David, 
who  had  wielded  with  such  success  the  weapon  of  the  uncLrcumcised  Goliath.  But  they  had 
another  Scripture,  a  companion  volume  to  Moses  and  the  Prophets,  whose  leading  principle 
was  ceremonial  purity.  Since  the  days  of  Ezra  it  had  been  one  of  the  absorbing  tasks  of  the 
Scribes  to  bring  this  new  Bible  to  perfection.  And  if,  at  the  time  of  the  Asmonseans,  it  was 
still  incomplete,  its  essential  requirements  at  least  were  well  understood  and  were  already  in 
process  of  being  carried  out  in  the  most  painfully  scrupulous  observances.  It  was,  in  a  word, 
a  system  of  special,  infinitesimal  prohibitions  and  commands  which  was  meant  to  reach,  what 
the  more  ancient  legislation,  as  it  was  supposed,  did  not,  every  separate  detail  of  the  dailv 
life.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it  served  to  weaken  at  its  centre  the  very  principle  of 
obedience.  It  laid  the  emphasis  on  the  letter  more  than  on  the  spirit,  and  the  commandment 
of  God  was  made  of  no  effect  by  the  tradition.'  The  Pharisees,  indeed,  did  not  hesitate 
while  the  Scriptures  and  tradition  thus  existed,  and  were  used  side  by  side,  to  give  the  de- 
cided preference  to  the  latter."  A  certain  rabbi.  Eleazer  from  Modein,  once  said:  "Who- 
ever interprets  the  Scriptures  in  opposition  to  tradition  has  no  part  in  the  future  world."  • 
We  get  from  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  not  a  few  graphic  hints  of  what  the  system 
essentially  and  practically  was.  It  required  the  making  "  clean  the  outside  of  the  cup  and 
platter;"  had  extended  the  rule  of  tithes  to  include  "  mint,  anise,  and  cummin,"  while 
neglecting  the  "  weightier  matters  of  the  law,  judgment,  mercy,  and  truth;"  had  greatly 
multiplied  the  number  of  fasts  and  encouraged  the  unseemly  custom  of  prayers  at  the  street 
corners  "  to  be  seen  of  men."  A  painful  minuteness  and  strictness  attached  particularly  to 
the  observance  of  the  Sabbath.  No  one,  for  example,  on  that  day  was  permitted  to  go  more 
than  a  thousand  steps  from  his  dwelling.  Even  the  rubbing  out  of  kernels  of  wheat,  or  the 
healing  of  the  sick,  was  looked  upon  as  a  transgression  of  the  later  code.  The  Mishna  enu- 
merates thirty-nine  different  kinds  of  activity  that  were  positively  forbidden  on  the  Sabbath. 
The  day  itself  was  lengthened  and  made  to  begin  before  the  setting  of  Friday's  sun  in  har- 
mony with  the  exaggerated  character  of  the  whole  system.  And  such,  in  general,  was  the 
burdensome  nature  of  its  myriad  precepts,  effectually  crushing  out  not  only  all  spontaneity  of 
soul  but  all  sensitiveness  of  conscience  and  making  the  spiritual  life  solely  a  matter  of  ma- 
chine-like routine  and  dreary  outward  observances. 

To  say,  now,  that  Phariseeism  was  the  immediate  result  of  the  Maccabsean  contest  would  be 
to  take  no  account  of  forces  that  began  to  work  before  it  sprang  up  and  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  continued  to  work  to  its  close.  But  this  contest,  from  its  very  nature,  served  greatly 
to  strengthen  that  which  formed  the  nerve  and  sinew  of  Phariseeism,  that  which  is  clearly 
represented  in  the  name  Pharisee  (E'^^E)-  that  is,  national  and  moral  separatism.  Still  it 
ought  to  have  been  known  that  all  efforts  at  mere  outward  uniformity,  resting  on  no  deep 
moral  and  universally  acknowledged  principles,  however  violent  and  long  continued  they 
might  be,  could  never  produce  a  real  unity.  How  often  since  and  at  what  fearful  costs  has 
the  experiment  been  made,  to  end  as  that  of  the  Pharisees  ended,  and  sometimes  with  even 
more  fatal  results ! 

Sadduceeism  was  a  natural  reaction  from  the  teachings  of  the  Chasidim  and  their  succes- 
sors and  became  its  theological,  political,  and  social  counterpoise.  What  strength 
Juc^!*'  'l''^  Pharisaic  party  had  already  gained  at  the  time  of  John  Hyrcanus,  appears 
from  the  circumstance  that  certain  of  its  leaders  on  one  occasion  dared  to  insult 
and  brave  the  king  himself  when  surrounded  by  his  courtiers,  in  his  own  palace.  On  the 
ground  of  an  old  scandal,  that  his  mother  had  not  always  been  true  to  her  marriage  vows, 
they  openly  called  in  question  his  right  to  the  position  he  occupied.  Up  to  this  period,  as  it 
would  seem,  the  Maccabaean  family  had  been  identified,  to  a  greater  or  less  degree,  with  the 
Pharisaic  party.  But  this  public  insult  they  made  the  occasion  for  demonstratively  break- 
ing with  it  and  going  over  to  the  side  of  its  opponents,  and  Sadduceeism  comes,  for  the  first 
time,  into  special  prominence.  The  origin  of  the  name  Sadducee  is  in  dispute,  but  most 
likely  it  is  derived  from  Zadok,  who  was  high  priest  at  the  time  of  David.*  They  were  de- 
scendants or  adherents  of  this  family  just  as  the  Herodians  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
Bent*  were  adherents  and  partisans  of  the  family  of  Herod.     All  that  we  know  of  their 

1   3f.  Mark  Tli.  13.  2  Cf.  Jos.,  Aniiq.,  xviii.  1,  §  3  S  Abolli  ili.  11,  cited  by  Schiirer,  p.  igi. 

4  Cf.  SchUrer,  p.  427.  5  Miitt.  xxii,  16. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  29 

history  serves  to  confirm  this  view  of  their  origin.  As  over  against  the  Pharisees,  who  were 
the  party  of  the  people,  they  were  the  gentry,  the  aristocracy,  nobility  of  the  land.  The 
priests,  generally,  though  not  universally,  were  Sadducees.  So  it  continued  to  be  in  the 
time  of  the  Apostles,  as  we  read  in  the  Acts  (v.  17)  :  "  Then  the  high  priest  rose  up,  and 
all  that  were  with  him  —  which  is  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees  —  and  were  filled  with  indigna- 
tion." They  were  those  who  insisted  on  the  preeminence  of  the  temple  and  its  services,  as 
opposed  to  the  growing  influence  of  the  synagogues,  where  Pharisaism  had  its  stronghold. 
The  Pharisees,  on  the  other  hand,  relatively  depreciated  the  temple,  and  as  the  Saviour  him- 
self showed,  often  foolishly  and  inconsistently,  holding,  for  example,  the  gold  of  the  temple, 
;'.  e.,  its  golden  vessels  and  ornamentation,  as  of  greater  sacredness  than  the  building.^ 
While  accepting  the  Scriptures  as  their  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  —  although  without  dis- 
playing any  great  devotion  to  them,  —  the  Sadducees  did  not  accept  anything  else  as  on  an 
equality  with  them,  rejecting  with  ridicule  and  contempt  the  oral  law  held  in  such  high  es- 
teem by  their  opponents.  "See,"  they  were  accustomed  to  say,  "these  Pharisees  will 
purify  in  the  end  the  sun  itself."  ^  So,  too,  the  hair-splitting  of  the  latter  with  respect  to 
moral  precepts  and  rules  was  utterly  distasteful  to  them.  It  was  held  by  the  Pharisees,  for 
example,  that  the  Scriptures  must  be  copied  on  parchment  made  from  the  skins  of  animals 
ceremonially  clean,  since,  otherwise,  these  holy  books  themselves  could  not  be  safely 
handled.  To  which  the  Sadducees  ironically  replied  :  "  We  complain  of  you,  Pharisees,  who 
affirm  that  the  Scriptures  will  pollute  the  hands  while  the  writings  of  Homer  do  not."  ' 
With  respect  to  dogmas;  the  rule  of  Providence;  the  destiny  of  the  soul;  the  e.xistence  of 
angels  and  the  like,  their  attitude,  in  general,  was  not  one  of  special  partisanship  but  rather 
of  indifference.  Still  they  not  only  would  not  go  beyond  what  the  Scriptures  taught  on  these 
subjects,  but  from  a  natural  spirit  of  opposition  to  Pharisaism  did  not  allow  to  them  their 
full  force.^  The  priestly  aristocracy,  moreover,  could  not  but  have  been  more  influenced  than 
others  by  foreign  life  and  ideas  as  coming  into  closer  contact  with  them.  Hence,  too,  it 
would  be  a  matter  of  personal  interest  with  them  to  reject  the  popular  notion  of  national 
isolation,  and,  with  their  wealth  and  love  of  ease,  it  was  not  strange  that  they  had  no  taste 
for  the  subtile  refinements  and  burdensome  precepts  inculcated  by  their  opponents.  But 
their  own  hereditary  rights  they  were  ever  ready  to  defend  against  encroachments.  Fearful, 
indeed,  was  the  struggle  that  went  on  during  the  last  century  before  Christ,  one  example  of 
which  we  have  already  noticed  in  connection  with  the  reign  of  Alexander  Jannaeus.  Yet, 
it  was  not  doubtful  how  such  a  conflict  would  finally  end  :  the  people  against  the  aristocracy, 
the  synagogues  against  the  temple.  In  the  very  next  reign,  after  Alexander  Jannseus  had 
striven  with  all  his  niight  to  crush  them  out,  the  Pharisees  come  again  into  power  and  wield 
an  influence  that  is  wider  than  ever.  The  circle  of  the  one  was  ever  increasing,  that  of  the 
other  continually  diminishing.  The  Pharisee  compassed  sea  and  land  to  make  one  proselyte. 
He  artfully  insinuated  himself  into  the  good-will  of  the  masses.  "  Do  not  separate  thyself 
from  the  congregation,"  was  one  of  his  maxims.  And  it  is  mentioned  as  a  marked  excellence 
of  a  certain  predecessor  of  Hillel,  —  and  an  excellence  it  was  if  prompted  by  a  real  humanity, 
—  that  his  house  opened  toward  the  street,  and  that  the  poor  found  with  him  the  welcome  of 
children.'  Thus,  one  point  after  another  was  slowly  won  :  the  management  of  the  temple 
services ;  the  regulation  of  the  festivals ;  the  mitigation  of  the  severities  of  the  penal  code  as 
in  the  interests  of  the  people;  the  control  of  the  Sanhedrin ;  and  the  final  grapple  was  just  at 
hand  when  both  parties  went  down  together  in  the  common  ruin. 

It  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  speak  here,  also,  of  the  sect  of  the  Essenes,  since  their  origin 
may,  apparently,  be  traced  to  the  same  general  causes  which  produced  the  two 
great  national  parties  just  described.  They  first  make  their  appearance  in  the  '■'''« Essenes 
time  of  the  Asmonaean  Jonathan,  and  Josephus  relates  that  one  of  their  prophets  predicted 
the  murder  of  Antigonus  by  his  royal  brother.  They  never  gained,  however,  a  very  exten- 
sive following,  their  numbers  in  Palestine  at  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  being  reck- 
Dned  at  only  four  thousand.  They  were  ascetics,  and  their  asceticism,  if  we  may  trust  Jose 
phus,«  was  rather  Pythagorean  than  Jewish.  Excluded  from  the  temple  on  account  of  thi  'i 
rejection  of  sacrifices,  they  formed  a  class  by  themselves.  A  prolonged  and  severe  probation 
was  necessary  in  order  to  gain  admission  to  it.  An  axe  and  an  apron  were  given  to  candi- 
dates during  the  first  year's  novitiate,  the  first  as  a  symbol  of  labor,  the  second,  of  purifica- 

1  Matt,  xxiil.  17.  2  Qraetz  iii.  461.  3  Qractz,  idem. 

*  Cf.  Mark  xii.  26.  5  Si-e  ttiusrath,  ZeilsesMclile,  i.  130.  6  Cf.  Kuenen,  iii.  127. 


30  THE  ArOCRYi'HA. 


tion.  They  abstained  from  the  eating  of  meat,  and  as  a  rule,  from  marriage.  Their  meals 
they  regarded  as  a  sort  of  religious  exercise.  To  the  Sabbath  they  at'corded  an  even  stricter 
observance  than  the  Pharisees,  their  rules  not  allowing  that  so  much  as  a  call  of  nature  be 
attended  to  on  that  day.  The  practice  of  ceremonial  purification,  also,  was  carried  to  a  pain- 
ful extreme.  No  food  could  be  eaten  that  was  not  prepared  by  a  member  of  the  order.  They 
showed  a  special  reverence  for  the  sun,  which  amounted,  in  fact,  to  little  less  than  idolatry. 
Their  pursuits  were  peaceful,  and  they  opposed  alike  war  and  slavery.  Their  few  wants  were 
supplied  from  a  common  treasury  and  all  lu.xury  and  pleasure  were  carefully  eschewed.  In 
short,  this  body  represents  within  itself  a  strange  mixture  of  exaggerated  Pharisaic  tradi- 
tions, combined  with  some  unmistakable  elements  of  pure  heathenism.  Its  origin  must  be 
sought  in  the  extraordinary  associations  and  influences  to  which  the  Jewish  people  were  at 
this  time  exposed.  The  Therapeutfe  have  been  regarded  by  some  as  simply  a  branch  of  the 
Essenes,  whose  principles  led  them  to  the  adoption  of  a  contemplative  rather  than  an  active 
life.  But  there  seems  to  be,  at  present,  a  growing  conviction  that  the  work  attributed  to 
Philo,  in  which  this  sect  is  described,  is  a  forgery,  and  that  the  sect  itself  had  an  existence 
only  in  the  brain  of  some  person  who  meant  to  give  a  picture  of  ideal  asceticism.^ 

Naturally,  the  government  of  the  purely  Greek  cities  of  Palestine,  as  of  the  neighboring 
Political  countries  of  which  we  have  spoken,  was  modeled  after  that  to  which  the  inhabi- 
constitution.  tants  had  been  accustomed  in  their  native  land.  It  consisted  of  a  council,  ofteo 
governing  made  up  of  several  hundred  persons,  to  which  all  matters  of  public  interest  were, 
bociie.«.2  ^y  general  consent,  referred.     In  the  distinctively  Jewish  regions  of  Palestine,  on 

the  other  liand,  that  is  to  say,  in  Judaea  and  in  parts  of  Galilee,  regulations  derived  from  the 
Mosaic  code  remained,  to  a  considerable  extent,  in  force  down  to  the  late  New  Testament 
times.  As  far  as  these  had  been  dependent  on  the  constitution  and  relations  of  the  various 
tribes  and  families  they  ceased,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  be  in  operation  as  soon  as  the  tribal 
relations  and  genealogies  of  families  fell  into  confusion.  Every  place  of  any  considerable 
size  was  provided  with  a  local  court,  consisting  of  not  less  than  seven  persons,  who  took  cogni- 
zance of  all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  questions  requiring  judicial  decision.'  At  first,  these  local 
courts  were  composed  exclusively  of  Levites;  later,  however,  they  were  made  up  of  a  class  of 
Scribes,  who  might  be  specially  fitted  by  knowledge  and  experience  for  the  responsible  post. 
Trials  and  hearings  took  place  in  the  synagogue,  and  were  held  ordinarily  on  market  days, 
in  order  the  better  to  accommodate  those  living  at  a  distance.  Punishment,  also,  on  convic- 
tion, was  not  infrequently  administered  on  the  spot.  "  Beware  of  men,"  said  our  Saviour  to 
the  twelve.  "  for  they  will  deliver  you  up  to  the  councils,  and  they  will  scourge  you  in  their 
synagogues."  *  The  Mosaic  law  permitted,  in  no  case  of  chastisement,  more  than  forty  blows 
to  be  given.  And  the  rabbis,  in  order  to  be  on  the  safe  side,  had  them  limited  to  thirty-nine. 
Paul,  it  will  be  remembered,  relates  that  five  times  he  had  received,  of  the  Jews,  forty  stripes 
save  one.^  Such  cases  alone  as  involved  points  about  which  the  judges  of  the  local  courts 
were  not  clear  what  decision  ought  to  be  given,  were  referred  to  Jerusalem.  In  the  larger 
places  the  number  of  judges  seems  to  have  been  greater,  the  Mishna  stating  that  a  city  which 
had  at  least  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  was  entitled  to  a  Sanhedrim  of  twenty-three  per- 
sons.' In  Jerusalem,  in  fact,  there  were  several  such  smaller  courts,  which,  however,  were 
naturally  limited  and  overshadowed  in  their  activity  by  the  so-called  Great  Sanhedrim. 

The   origin   of   the   Great   Sanhedrin   of    seventy-one  members  in  Jerusalem  is  uncertain. 

Among  the  later  suppositions  is  that  of  Kuenen,  encouraged  by  Schiirer,'  that  it 
Sanhed^.      fi""*'  arose  in  the  time  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  who  sought  in  this  way  to  win  for 

themselves  the  support  of  the  Jewish  nobility;  and  that  of  Keim,'  that  it  dates 
from  about  the  year  B.  c.  107,  when  Pbilhellenism  began,  in  a  noticeable  manner,  to  force  its 
way  into  Judtea.  The  name  is  of  Greek  derivation,  and  its  first  appearance  as  the  title  of  a 
Jewish  court  is  after  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  dominibn.^  There  is  little  doubt,  however, 
that  this  is  but  another  designation  for  the  Senate  (yepova-ia) ,  of  which  we  read  occasionally 
in  the  works  that  sprang  up  during  the  Maccabsan  period,  or  shortly  subsequent  to  it.'"  Ic 
the  New  Testament  this  body  is  often  mentioned,  and  it  continued  to  exist  until  the  destruc- 

1  So  Graetz,  iii.  463-66  ;  Jost,  i.  214,  n.  2 ;  Kuenen,  iii.  218 ;  Nicolas,  Revue  rie  T/ieoL.  Sieme  Bine.  vi.  25-42. 

2  Of.  Hartmaiin,  pp.  166-225;  Schiirer,  pp.  395-123;   Kcil,  Arch/eoL,  pp   685-743  ;  Schcnkel's  Bib    Lex.,  ad  voc. 
8  Cf.  Jos.,  Aniiq.,  iy.  8,  §  14. 

4  Matt.  X,  17.  6  2  Cor.  xi.  24  ;  cf.  Ex.  xw.  3.  6  See  Leyrer  in  Heraog'8  /  ml-Encyk.,  XT.  847,  1 

7  Page  408.  8  iii.  347.  5  See  Psalter  of  Sol.,  iv.  1 

10  Sac  1  Mace.  xii.  6 ;  Judith  iv.  8,  el  pawim  ,■  cf.  Graetz.  iii.  88.  ff. 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION.  31 

tion  of  Jerusalem,  A.  D.  70.  It  was  composed,  as  we  have  said,  of  seventy-one  members,  of 
whom  one  third  formed  a  quorum  sufficient  for  the  transaction  of  business.  An  interesting 
feature  of  the  assemblies  was  the  regular  attendance  as  listeners  of  a  considerable  number  of 
young  men,  Jewish  students,  who  thus  familiarized  themselves  with  the  details  of  its  rules 
and  methods.  Its  meetings,  unlike  those  of  the  smaller  bodies  of  which  we  have  just  spoken, 
were,  or  might  be  held  daily,  with  the  exception  of  the  Sabbath  and  usual  holidays.  It  was 
made  up  of  priests,  elders,  and  scribes,  and  the  high  priest  presided  at  the  sittings.  Among 
the  priests  were  included  any  who  had  served  as  high  priest,  as  well  as,  in  general,  members  of 
such  leading  families  as  had  furnished  the  incumbents  of  this  office.  The  elders  were  gener- 
ally distinguished  laymen,  but  might,  also,  include  priests.  The  scribes  were  depended  on 
for  the  interpretation  of  all  abstruse  points  of  law.  Both  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  had  seats 
in  the  body,  although,  in  the  later  times,  the  former  seem  to  have  been  in  the  majority  or,  at 
least,  to  have  wielded  the  greater  influence.  Before  the  Gi-eat  Sanhedrin  were  brought  such 
questions  for  decision  as  the  settlement  of  disputed  te.xts  of  Scripture,  the  appointment  of  the 
time  for  the  various  festivals,  all  weightier  points  relating  to  marriage  and  inheritance,  the 
proper  theocratic  form  of  contracts,  and  the  like.  As  distinguished  from  the  lower  courts  it 
was  the  administrative  and  judicial  body  for  all  matters  that  were  distinctively  theological, 
although,  as  the  Jewish  Commonwealth  was  constituted,  the  distinction  between  civil  and 
theological  questions  was  not  very  marked.  Our  Lord  was  cited  before  the  Sanhedrin  for 
assuming  to  be  the  ^lessiah;  Peter  and  John,  on  the  ground  of  teaching  false  doctrine; 
Stephen,  for  blasphemy  ;  and  Paul,  for  transgressing  the  rules  of  the  temple.  And,  as  we 
notice  in  the  earlier  history  of  Paul,  the  decisions  of  the  Sanhedrin,  at  Jerusalem,  were  bind- 
ing on  the  Jews  outside  of  Palestine.^  The  ordinary  place  of  meeting  was  in  one  of  the 
buildings  connected  with  the  temple.  It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  a  change  to 
another  locality  was  made  a  short  time  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era;  but  Schiirer  ' 
has  shown  that  this  was  not  the  case.  Irregular,  and  especially  night  sessions,  at  which  time 
the  gate  of  the  temple-mountain  was  closed  and  under  watch,  might  have  been  held  elsewhere, 
as  in  the  case  of  our  Saviour's  trial,  which  was  held  in  the  palace  of  the  high  priest.^  It  has, 
indeed,  been  denied  by  recent  writers  (Jost,  Graetz,  Hilgenfeld,  Leyrer),  that  a  regularly 
organized  Sanhedrim  e,\isted  at  the  time  of  our  Lord's  trial,  but  the  affirmative  has  been 
successfully  defended,  among  others  by  such  scholars  as  Schenkel,*  Wieseler,'  Keim,^  Ilaus- 
rath,'  and  Schiirer.' 

It  has  been  already  indicated,  in  general,  in  speaking  of  the  functions  of  the  Great  Assem- 
bly, what  the  duties  of  the  scribe,  in  the  original  conception  of  the  office,  were. 
But  with  the  growth  of  the  so-called  oral  law,  and  of  the  Pharisaic  principle  that  ""sm. 

the  entire  life  of  the  individual  Jew  in  its  smallest  particular  must  be  included  within  an  un- 
broken network  of  precepts  and  prohibitions,  the  jirofession  of  scribe  took  on  quite  another 
character.  From  being  a  simple  copyist  of  the  original  Scriptures,  as  the  title  scribe  would 
naturally  suggest,  he  rose  to  the  dignity  of  teacher,  law-giver,  and  judge,  and,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  high  priest,  no  one  enjoyed  a  greater  influence  among  the  people.  The  orig- 
inal aim  of  the  Pharisees,  to  bring  every  individual  Jew  under  the  rule  of  the  Mosaic  institu- 
tions, was  obviously  a  good  one.  The  means,  however,  which  they  adopted  to  brinf  it  about 
cannot  but  be  regarded  as  childishly  inadequate  and  unwise.  Cognizance  was  taken  of  every 
act,  even  to  the  brushing  of  the  teeth  and  the  washing  of  the  hands;  every  act  was  looked 
upon  as  lawful  or  unlawful,  as  a  merit  or  as  a  sin.  The  fourth  commandment,  for  instance, 
as  we  have  already  said,  was  enlarged  in  the  schools  of  the  rabbis  to  embrace  thirty-nine 
different  prohibitions.  But  this  was  not  all.  Each  one  of  these  separate  prohibitions  was 
itself  subdivided,  and  defined,  and  atomized  to  an  extent  that  is  almost  incredible.  The 
thirty-second  one,  for  example,  was  directed  against  writing.  It  was  further  defined  as  fol- 
lows: "  He  who  writes  two  letters  [of  the  alphabet]  whether  they  are  of  one  kind  or  of  dif- 
ferent kinds,  with  the  same,  or  with  different  sorts  of  ink,  in  one  language,  or  in  different 
languages,  is  guilty.  He  who  forgets  himself  and  writes  two  letters  is  guilty,  whether  he 
write  with  ink  or  with  coloring  matter,  with  red  chalk,  with  gum,  with  vitriol,  or  with  what- 
soever makes  a  mark  that  remains,  Eurther,  he  who  writes  on  two  walls  which  run  together, 
or  on  two  pages  of  an  account-booc  so  that  one  can  read  it  continuously,  is  guilty.     He  i» 

1  Acta  ix.  2.  2  See  Uliid.  u.  Krit.,  1878,  iy.  608,  ft. 

8  Matt  xxvi.  3,  57.  4    Dax  ChnractirbiUl  Jesu,  p.  807. 

6  Btitra^t  zar  richtigcn  WiirdiguTig  da  EvangelitH,  f.  216.  6  i.  ISi,  201 ;  iii   326,  f 

7  ZtitgtsMcktt,  i.  69  f.  8  P«ge  408. 


32  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


guilty  who  writes  on  his  body.  If  one  write  in  a  dark  fluid,  in  the  juice  of  fruit,  in  the  dust 
of  the  road,  in  scattered  sand;  or,  in  general,  in  anything  where  the  writing  does  not  remain, 
he  is  not  guilty.  If  one  write  with  the  hand  turned  about,  with  the  foot,  with  the  mouth, 
with  the  elbow ;  if  further,  one  adds  a  letter  to  what  is  already  written,  or  draw  a  line  over 
such  writing;  if  one  intending  to  make  a  H  makes  simply  two  ^' ;  or  when  one  writes  one 
letter  on  tlie  earth  and  another  on  the  walls  of  the  house,  or  on  the  leaves  of  a  book,  so  that 
they  cannot  be  read  together,  he  is  not  guilty.  When  he  twice  forgets  and  writes  two  letters, 
one  in  the  morning  and  the  other  in  the  evening,  according  to  rabbi  Gamaliel,  he  is  guilty ; 
the  learned  [however]  declare  him  not  guilty."  ' 

This  is  no  exaggerated  specimen,  but  one  of  thousands,  of  what  it  was  that  occupied  the 

thoughts  and  absorbed  the  activities  of  the  scribes  of  the  later  times.  It  suffices 
Kabbinism      (g  show  the  spirit  that  animated  them,  and  so,  too,  the  great  ruling  party  of  the 

Pharisees.  Indeed,  it  was  the  Pharisees  who  were  the  originators  and  directors 
of  the  movement,  and  the  scribes,  while  forming  a  distinct  profession,  a  learned  body  by 
themselves  and  not  belonging  exclusively  to  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  were  yet  their  willing 
agents.  It  is  a  significant  circumstance  that  in  the  New  Testament  times  the  relations  of  the 
two  had  become  so  intimate  that  their  names  are  sometimes  used  interchangeably.^  AVhat 
the  natural  results  of  such  a  state  of  things  would  be  it  is  easy  to  conceive.  First,  upon  the 
scribes  themselves.  In  the  schools  they  were  the  originators  and  teachers  of  this  vast,  com- 
plex, painfully,  and  at  the  same  time,  ludicrously  minute  system  of  external  rules  and  checks, 
by  means  of  which  it  was  expected  that  the  Jews  would  attain  their  destiny  as  the  chosen 
people  of  God.  In  the  synagogues  they  were  the  acknowledged  expounders  of  the  same,  and 
at  every  opportunity,  by  admonition  and  appeal,  brought  it  home  to  the  hearts  and  con- 
sciences of  their  fellow  Israelites.  And  finally,  in  the  courts,  they  were  virtually  the  judges 
to  decide  upon  all  cases  of  transgression,  and  to  determine  the  character  and  extent  of  the 
punishment  to  be  inflicted  on  the  offender.  The  scribe,  in  short,  had  made  himself  indispen- 
sable at  every  point  and  turn  of  life.  It  would  not  be  surprising,  if  with  some  exceptions, 
such  a  commanding  influence  should  work  with  most  damaging  effect  upon  him.  And  we 
find  this  to  be  the  case.  Though  nominally  giving  their  services  and  supporting  themselves 
by  other  means,  it  could  be  said  of  them,  in  their  greed  of  gain  and  hypocrisy,  as  a  class,  that 
they  devoured  widows'  houses  and  for  a  pretense  made  long  prayers.  They  arrogated  to 
themselves  the  most  honorary  titles ;  demanded  from  their  pupils  a  submission  and  reverence 
greater  than  that  which  was  accorded  to  parents;  loved  to  be  saluted  in  public  places;  dressed 
in  a  most  ostentatious  manner ;  demanded  for  themselves  the  first  places  in  the  synagogues 
and  at  private  feasts,  and  thereby,  in  all,  brought  down  upon  themselves  the  greater  condem- 
nation.'  And  the  effect  upon  the  people  was  no  less  disastrous.  The  whole  matter  of  religion 
became  simply  a  matter  of  externalities.  The  really  fundamental  and  important  precepts  of 
the  Mosaic  law  were  almost  hopelessly  covered  up  and  lost  sight  of  under  this  enormous  mass 
of  mere  rabbinical  rubbish.  The  worthless  and  absurd  chiefly  occupied  the  attention.  Twelve 
tracts  of  the  Mishna  treat  solely  of  the  subject  of  what  things  are  to  be  regarded  as  clean  and 
what  unclean,  and  in  what  the  process  of  purification  consists.  The  sole  question,  in  the  end, 
came  to  be,  not  what  is  right,  but  what  is  forbidden.  Moral  freedom  and  spontaneity  gave 
place  to  a  weary,  mechanical  following  of  a  prescribed  course.  For  the  really  earnest  soul 
life  could  not  have  been  otherwise  than  a  pitiable  round  of  uninteresting  and  burdensome 
duties;  for  the  rest  —  a  keen  effort  by  hook  or  by  crook  to  evade  the  same.*  And  we  see 
how  well  deserved  were  the  denunciations,  which  One,  to  whom,  also,  the  name  of  rabbi  was 
given,  but  who  taught  not  as  the  scribes,  so  often  uttered  against  this  terrible  perversion  of 
the  teachings  of  Moses  and  the  prophets. 

It  is  well  known  that  for  more  than  a  century  before  the  Christian  era  the  Hebrew  had 

,  ceased  to  be  a  living  language.     The  changes  which  took  place  in  it  after  the 

Language  o  o      o  =  .         i  , 

used  in  Pal-  Exile  were,  however,  very  gradual.  The  prophets  who  wrote  at  its  close,  show 
estlne.  .^  their  works  no  special  traces  of  an  Aramaic  influence.     The  old  theory  that 

the  Israelites  forgot  their  mother  tongue  in  Babylon  is  now  generally  abandoned.  The 
tources  from  which  it  was  most  affected  were  rather  the  lands  that  bordered  on  Palestine, 
with  which  its  people  had  continual  intercourse.     The  Aramaic  became  the  language  of  com- 

1  See  the  Tract  of  the  Mishna  on  the  Sabbath,  cited  by  Schvirer,  p.  484.  2  Matt.  lii.  12  j  Mark  ili.  6. 

I  Matt,  xxiii.  6,  7  ;  Mark  xii.  20,  38,  39  ;  Luke  xi.  43 ;  xx.  47. 

*  See,  for  some  ludicrous  examples  of  the  latter  sort,  Schurer,  p.  507. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  33 

mon  life  for  a  considerable  period  before  it  was  used  in  writing.  The  books  of  Eeclesiasticus, 
Judith,  and  1  Maccabees  were  undoubtedly  composed  in  Hebrew.  Especially,  at  the  time  of 
the  Seleucidae,  when  the  Jews  were  brought  under  the  rule  of  a  people  speaking  Aramaic,  this 
language  must  have  made  the  greatest  progress  in  Palestine  toward  becoming  the  vernacular. 
It  is  matter  of  doubt  how  far,  in  connection  with  the  Syro-Chaldaic  or  Aramaic,  the  Greek 
tongue  became  a  medium  of  communication  among  the  people  generally. ^  There  were,  cer- 
tainly, many  influences  at  work  during  the  last  two  centuries  before  Christ  to  effect  for  it  an 
entrance  into  Palestine.  It  was  the  court  language  of  the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidse.  As 
we  have  already  seen,  Judaea  was  fairly  surrounded  with  enterprising  Greek  cities.  The 
Greek  and  not  Latin  must  have  been  employed  by  the  Jews  in  their  intercourse  with  their 
Roman  conquerors.  According  to  the  Talmud  there  were  four  hundred  and  eighty  syna- 
gogues in  Jerusalem  alone,  where  Jews  from  abroad  assembled  at  the  great  feasts  to  the 
number  of  hundreds  of  thousands  for  worship,  and  where,  naturally,  the  Greek  tongue  was 
used.'^  It  is  said  of  Paul,  on  one  occasion,  that  he  received  permission  to  speak  to  the  people 
in  Jerusalem,  and  when  they  perceived  that  he  would  address  them  in  Aramaic  they  gave 
the  more  marked  attention.'  From  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  they  had  expected  he 
would  speak  to  them  in  Greek,  and  further,  that  they  would  have  understood  the  same.  It 
has  been  suggested,  moreover,  that  the  LXX.  must  have  found  some  readers  in  Palestine 
outside  of  the  Hellenistic  synagogues  or  the  circle  of  the  learned  scribes.  The  translation  of 
the  Scriptures  into  Aramaic  —  the  Targuras  —  did  not  aj)pear  until  after  the  beginning  of 
our  era.  And  it  may  be  supposed  that  not  a  few  even  of  tliose  who  did  not  belong  strictly 
to  the  learned  classes  would  desire  to  possess  the  Bible  in  Greek,  which,  to  say  the  least, 
they  could  understand  far  better  than  the  original  Hebrew.  It  is  also  a  weighty  fact  that 
the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  employ  the  LXX.  as  though  it  were  their  own,  and  as 
though  it  were  in  common  use  in  Palestine. 

Since  in  Part  II.  of  this  Introduction  the  subject  of  the  literature  of  this  period,  including 
the  question  of  the  Palestinian  and  Alexandrian  canons,  is  to  be  fully  treated,  it  ^j^^  i^^^  ^^ 
may  be  now  omitted.  But  the  objects  of  the  present  review  would  seem  to  de-  the  Disper- 
mand,  at  this  point,  some  further  notice  of  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  especially 
of  the  spiritual  atmosphere  that  was  breathed  by  those  of  Alexandria  and  the  philosophy  of 
religion,  which,  accordingly,  was  there  developed.  By  far  the  larger  part  of  the  Jewish 
people  were  at  this  time  outside  of  Palestine.  It  is  well  known  that  but  comparatively  few  of 
those  who,  at  different  periods  since  the  ninth  century  before  Christ,  and  especially  at  the 
time  of  the  Babylonian  captivity,  were  removed  from  the  country,  ever  returned  again.  Ten 
of  the  original  twelve  tribes  became,  as  such,  wholly  lost  to  view.  Under  the  reign  of  the 
Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidffi,  as  before  noticed,  the  work  of  depopulation  went  on.  Antio- 
chus  HI.  introduced  into  Asia  Minor  at  one  time,  under  favorable  conditions,  no  less  than  ten 
thousand  Jewish  families,  —  they  were  taken,  however,  in  this  case  from  the  regions  of  Mes- 
opotamia and  Babylon,  —  that  they  might  serve  as  a  support  for  his  throne.  In  a  letter  of 
Agrippa  to  Caligula,  preserved  by  Philo,  the  following  graphic  description  of  Judaism  out- 
side of  Palestine  is  given:  "  Jerusalem  is  the  capital  not  alone  of  Judaea,  but,  by  means  of 
colonies,  of  most  other  lands  also.  These  colonies  have  been  sent  out,  at  fitting  opportuni- 
ties, into  the  neighboring  countries  of  Egypt,  Phoenicia,  Syria,  Ccele-Syria,  and  the  further 
removed  Pamphylia,  Cilicia,  the  greater  part  of  Asia  as  far  as  Bithynia  and  the  most  remote 
corners  of  Pontus.  In  the  same  manner,  also,  into  Europe:  Thessaly,  Boeotia,  Macedon, 
.ZEtolia,  Attica,  Argos,  Corinth,  and  the  most  and  the  finest  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus.  And 
not  only  is  the  mainland  full  of  Israelitish  communities,  but  also  the  most  important  islands: 
Euboea,  Cyprus,  Crete.  And  I  say  nothing  of  the  countries  beyond  the  Euphrates,  for  all 
of  them,  with  unimportant  exceptions,  Babylon  and  the  satrapies  that  include  the  fertile  dis- 
tricts lying  around  it,  have  Jewish  inhabitants."  ^  From  other  sources  we  know  that  this 
statement  of  Agrippa  is  not  exaggerated.  So  numerous  were  the  Jews  in  the  East  that  they 
were  able,  at  the  beginning  of  our  era,  to  found  at  Nahardea  an  independent  kiniidom,  which 
though  afterwards  subdued  by  the  Babylonians,  continued  to  be  occupied  chiefly  by  them. 

1  See  Koberts,  Discussions  on  the  Gospels,  and  on  the  general  subject  of  this  section :  the  Introda.  of  Bleek  and  Kell , 
Noldeke  in  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  art.  "Hebraische  Sprache ;  ■'  Bohl,  pp.  71-110;  and  Holtzmann,  idem,  pp.  63,  54. 

3  Uf.  Acts  Ti.  9.  8  Act.i  xxii.  2. 

4  See,  in  addition  to  the  Histories  of  Qra*t!!,  Herzfeld,  and  Jost.  Scblirer.  pp.  619-647  ;  Holtznunn,  idem,  pp.  82-91,  and 
Frankel,  Monal.'scliri/t .  1853,  Hefte  11  and  12,  and  1854,  pp.  40H13,  439  460. 

6  Cr  Schiirev,  p.  620. 

s 


34  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Even  the  Romans  in  the  year  b.  c.  40,  represented  by  the  legate  P.  Petronius,  regarded  it  as 
a  dangerous  experiment  to  excite  the  hostility  of  tliis  powerful  people  settled  along  the  banks 
of  the  Euphrates.'  At  Adiabene,  the  present  Kurdistan,  they  enjoyed  so  great  influence 
that  the  royal  family  itself  adopted  the  Jewish  religion.  At  Antiocli  they  formed  a  respecta- 
ble portion  of  the  population,  and  had,  as  at  Alexandria,  their  own  ethnarch  or  alabarch. 
According  to  Josephus  there  were,  on  a  single  occasion,  during  the  wars  with  the  Romans, 
ten  thousand  Jews  put  to  death  at  Damascus;  and  the  same  writer  affirms  that  eight  thousand 
of  this  nation,  living  in  Rome,  gave  their  support  to  a  deputation  which  had  been  sent  to 
Augustus  by  their  brethren  of  Palestine.^  We  have  already  seen  how  early  the  Jewish 
emigration  to  Egypt  began,  and  what  immense  proportions  it  afterwards  assumed.  Their 
council  of  seventy  elders  enjoyed  an  influence  only  second  to  that  of  the  Sanhedrim  at  Jeru- 
salem. Their  magnificent  synagogue  was  the  resort  of  such  multitudes  that  no  single  voice 
could  reach  them,  and  a  flag  was  therefore  used  to  give  the  appropriate  signal  when,  after  a 
prayer  or  benediction,  the  responsive  "  Amen  "  was  expected  from  the  people. 

The  Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  wherever  they  mvuht  be  found,  and  under  whatever  unfavor- 
able circumstance,  with  but  rare  individual  exceptions,  remained  true  to  their 
thTofsper"*  national  faith  and  customs.  Other  nationalities,  and  many  of  them,  were  simply 
Bion  (contin-  swallowed  up  in  the  great  Grecian  and  Roman  empires,  leaving  scarcely  a  trace 
behind.  The  Jews,  on  the  other  hand,  in  whatever  lands,  east  or  west,  north  or 
south,  they  had  colonized,  remained  as  distinct  in  their  peculiarities,  offered  as  bold  a  con- 
trast in  social  usages  and  religious  belief,  with  their  neighbors  around  them,  as  did  the  peo- 
ple of  Judsa  with  those  of  Egypt  and  of  Babylon.  With  their  monotheistic  creed,  supported 
by  an  unconquerable  national  pride,  a  past  signalized  by  glorious,  divine  interpositions,  and  a 
future  full  of  the  brightest  promise,  it  is  not  so  much  a  matter  of  wonder.  Moreover,  the 
Mosaic  law,  which  they  carried  with  them  in  written  form  into  the  uttermost  parts  of  the 
earth,  under  the  manipulations  of  ii;e  wilv  scribes,  had  already  become  a  hedge  so  impenetra- 
ble that  no  deviation  from  it,  short  of  absolute  apostasy,  was  easily  possible.  So,  too,  in- 
numerable synagogues  and  proseuchse,  which  sprang  up  according  to  need  on  every  hand, 
being  as  well  attractive  centres  of  social  and  religious  life  as  civil  courts  where  Israelitish 
justice  was  dispensed,  were  no  less  a  potent  means  to  unite  in  indissoluble  bonds  the  scattered 
people  to  one  another,  to  their  traditional  usages  and  their  native  land.  At  the  same  time, 
the  oreat  central  attraction,  the  beloved  temple  at  Jerusalem,  was  not  for  a  moment  forgotten. 
The  regularly  recurring  national  festivals  were  always  heralded  with  astronomical  exactness 
from  this  point.  Hundreds  of  thousands,  from  every  part  of  the  world,  made  each  year  their 
pilgrimage  to  its  sacred  precincts.  The  high  priest  at  Jerusalem  still  remained,  for  all,  the 
sovereio-n  representative  of  Jewish  national  dignity  and  religion.  The  Sanhedrin  there  was 
the  last  court  of  appeal  from  supposed  unjust  decisions  in  the  synagogues  whether  on  the 
Nile,  the  Euphrates,  or  the  Tiber.  Contributions  of  fabulous  sums  flowed  in  one  continuous 
stream  from  the  faithful  children  of  the  covenant  into  the  temple  treasury.  Regular  places 
of  collection,  as  at  Nisibis,  Nahardea,  for  vast  regions  of  country  were  appointed,  and  at  cer- 
tain fixed  seasons  delegations,  often  consisting,  for  safety's  sake,  of  thousands  of  persons,  and 
headed  by  members  of  the  noblest  families,  conveyed  these  free-will  offerings  to  the  sacred 
city.  And  so  Jerusalem  was,  in  fact,  as  Agvippa  had  declared,  the  capital  of  a  mighty  com- 
monwealth whose  bounds  were  more  extensive  than  those  of  the  realm  of  Alexander.  And 
amidst  crumbling  empires,  then  and  now,  this  people  furnishes  a  most  instructive  example  of 
the  importance  of  recognizing  moral,  as  well  as  political  and  social  forces  in  the  life  of  states. 
We  have  shown  that  the  Jews  were  but  comparatively  little  affected  in  their  dispersion  by 
the  heathen  life  with  which  they  were  surrounded.  Heathenism,  however,  felt 
Proselytes.s  j^  ^^^  slight  degree  the  influence  of  Judaism.  The  term  proselyte  (irpocrijAuTO!) 
was  applied  to  such  strangers  as  embraced  the  Jewish  faith.  At  and  before  the  beginning  of 
the  Christian  era  they  might  have  been  reckoned  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  if  not  millions. 
The  frequent  allusions  to  them  by  classical  writers  of  the  period  is  a  significant  fact,  even 
though  such  allusions  generally  take  the  form  of  ridicule  or  contempt.*  At  Rome,  an  im- 
perial concubine  was  numbered  among  them,  and,  at  Damascus,  nearly  all  the  better  class  of 

1  Cf  Schiirer,  621.  2   Wars  of  the  Jews,  ii.  20,  §  2,iind  6,  §  1  ;  cf.  Xn(i«.,XTU.  11,  §  1. 

a  See  arts,  by  Leyrer  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.;  Stelner  in  Schenkel'B  Bih.  Lex.;  Plumptro  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet., 
Winer,  B'ti.  R^atw'irterburh,  ad  voe  ;  and  Hausrath,  Zeilgesrhiclite.,  ii.  101-126. 

4  Cf.  Horace,  Sal.,  i.  4.  142,  143 ;  Juvenal,  Sat.,  vi.  543-547  ;  Tacitus,  Hist.,  v.  9 ;  Seneca  cited  by  Augustine,  De  Oiin. 
tau  Dei,  vi.  11 ;  Dio  Cassius,  xxxvii.  17. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  35 

women.  The  New  Testament,  it  will  be  remembered,  gives  us  an  account  of  a  Roman  cen- 
turion at  Capernaum  who  loved  the  Jewisli  nation  and  had  built  a  synagogue;'  and  of 
another  who  imitated  the  subject  people  in  fasting,  prayer,  and  the  giving  of  alms.''^  Previous 
to  the  Exile,  proselytism  had  been  mostly  a  matter  of  forcing  the  Jewish  religion  upon  subju- 
gated peoples  or  individual  slaves.  Even  under  the  Asmonaan  dynasty  such  examples  of  en- 
forced conversion,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Idumaeans  and  Iturteans,  were  not  unknowu.'  But, 
as  a  rule,  in  the  later  times,  and  as  a  matter  of  course  after  the  Jews  had  lost  their  political 
power,  the  step  was  voluntarily  taken.  There  were  abundant  grounds  for  it.  The  Jews  en- 
joyed a  freedom  from  military  service  and  other  civil  privileges  that  were  not  granted  to 
others.*  Their  successful  industry  and  commercial,  prosperity  were  proverbial  and  must  have 
made  a  profound  impression  on  their  heathen  neighbors.  Sometimes,  too,  there  may  have 
been  social  reasons,  as  particularly  the  desire  for  intermarriage,  that  prompted  to  the  step. 
But  most  of  all  the  positive  religious  faith  of  the  Jewish  people  having  its  basis  in  a  written 
canon  as  over  against  a  prevailing  skepticism,  or  the  empty  forms  of  a  materialistic  worship, 
found  a  natural  response  in  the  deeper  longings  of  many  a  human  soul.  That  such  a  case  as 
that  of  Cornelius  of  "  the  Italian  band  "  was  not  a  solitary  one  is  evident. 

There  were  two  classes  of  proselytes:  the  so-called  proselytes  of  the  gate,  whose  name 
seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  frequent  formula  of  Scripture,  "  the  stranger  that  is  with- 
in thy  gates,"  and  the  proselytes  of  righteousness.  It  was  only  the  latter,  who  havinn-  been 
baptized  and,  if  men,  circumcised,  and  having  brought  an  appointed  offering,  were  admitted 
to  the  full  rights  of  the  theocracy.  Their  number,  as  compared  with  the  former  class,  was 
small.  Proselytes  of  the  gate,  on  the  other  hand,  bound  themselves  to  avoid  the  following 
things:  blasphemy,  idolatry,  murder,  uncleanness,  theft,  disobedience  towards  the  authori- 
ties, and  the  eating  of  flesh  with  its  blood.  The  social  position  of  proselytes,  especially  in 
the  later  times,  was  a  peculiarly  hard  one.  Despised  and  hated  by  their  own  people,  tiiey 
were  distrusted  also  by  the  Jews,  and  conditions  of  the  most  stringent  character  came  to  be 
enacted  for  the  purpose  of  excluding  supposed  unworthy  candidates. 

The  Jews  oiP  the  Dispersion  may  properly  be  divided  into  two  great  classes  :  those  that 
made  use  of  the  Greek  language  and  the  Septuagint  version  of  the  Bible,  and 
those  who  spoke  Aramaic.  Of  the  former,  next  to  Jerusalem,  and  in  some  re-  jrian^ihUM- 
spects  above  Jerusalem,  Alexandria  in  Egypt  was  the  great  spiritual,  as  well  as  ophy  of 
commercial  centre.  Of  the  peculiar  religious  philosophy  which  during  the  last  "*  '^'™' 
two  centuries  before  Christ  there  developed  itself,  and  left  so  deep  an  impression  on  the  re- 
ligious thought  of  many  succeeding  centuries,  we  will  now,  in  closing  the  present  section, 
briefly  speak.  A  philosophy  of  religion  among  the  Jews  appears,  at  first  thought,  an  un- 
warranted expression.  How  could  they  who,  on  the  intellectual  and  religious  side,  secluded 
themselves  so  sedulously  from  all  intercourse  with  neighboring  peoples  and  were  fully  deter- 
mined to  give  no  admission  to  their  sacrilegious  notions  concerning  God  and  religious  matters, 
come  to  feel  any  need  of  a  religious  philosophy,  or  to  have  any  inclination  for  it.  The  reason 
was  that  the  attempted  seclusion,  especially  in  Alexandria,  was  far  from  complete,  the  spir- 
itual blockade  inadequate  to  accomplish  its  purpose.  It  was  inevitable  that  Greek  ideas 
would  follow  the  Greek  language,  and  as  soon  as  the  doors  were  opened  widely  enough  to 
admit  the  Septuagint  version,  some  other  means  of  defense  than  simple  attempts  to  exclude 
and  ignore  the  supposed  hostile  force  were  imperative.  Hence  began  the  period  of  com- 
promise. Hellenism  and  the  Hellenistic  philosophy  were  an  effort  to  harmonize  the  revela- 
tion of  the  Old  Testament  with  the  current  and  dominant  teachings  of  Plato,  Aristotle,  and 
Pythagoras.  Jewish  scholars,  like  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  like  Aristobulus  and 
Philo,  did  not  intend  by  any  means  to  surrender  anything  essential  to  their  faith,  but,  on  the, 
contrary,  to  win  for  their  own  prophets  and  wise  men,  even  among  the  Greeks,  a  position 
higher  than  that  held  by  their  most  admired  philosophers.  They  hoped  to  beat  the  enemy 
on  his  own  ground.  Philo,  in  one  place,  even  bravely  expresses  the  thought  that  the  Scrip- 
tures which  in  the  original  tongue  had  be«n  accessible  to  so  few  comparatively  might  now, 
that  they  were  translated  into  Greek,  become  the  means  of  salvation  to  the  greater  part,  if 
not  indeed,  the  whole  of  mankind. ^  We  may,  therefore,  admire  and  commend,  in  general, 
the  apparent  aim  of  these  philosophic  defenders  of  the  Jewish  faith  without  at  all  approving 

1  Luke  Tii.  6.  2  Acta  x.  2,  30.  8  Joa.,  Antiq.,  xiii.  9,  §  1.  4  Jos.,  Antiq.,  liv.  10,  §  3. 

6  See  Lipsius  io  Schenkel'8  Bih.  Ux..  art.  "  Alex.  Philosophie  ;  "  Miiller  in  Herzog's  FUal-Encylc.,  art.  ''  Philo  ;  "  Diiline ; 
Sfrorer ;  Kuenen,  iii.  168-206 ;  Freudenthal,  HtUenistisclte  Siudien  :  and  other  authorities  given  in  Schiirer,  p.  648. 

•  Dt   Vita  Mosis.  ii.  140. 


36  THE  APOCEYPHA. 


tlie  means  that  they  adopted.  That  would  be  impossible.  They  acted  indeed,  as  though 
they  were  ashamed  to  have  the  Scriptures,  in  the  simple  and  natural  form  of  their  teachings, 
brought  into  comparison  with  the  refined  subtilties  of  the  Greek  philosophers.  Someihin" 
corresponding  to  these  subtilties,  something  spun  out  of  their  own  brains,  must  therefore  be 
first  introduced  into  the  sacred  national  literature  to  render  it  fit  to  be  put  in  circulation 
among  intelligent  Greeks.  From  our  point  of  view,  however,  the  impression  is  irresistible 
that  such  a  state  of  things  implies,  on  the  part  of  these  Jewish  thinkers  themselves,  a  kind  of 
intellectual  and  spiritual  apostasy.  It  would  seem  that  in  their  own  judgment  the  Scriptures 
were  not  on  a  level  with  the  philosophical  and  religious  development  of  the  age  in  which 
they  lived,  and  needed  no  little  tinkering  in  order  to  bring  them  to  the  required  standard. 
Or,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we  suppose,  as  perhaps  we  ought,  that  Pliilo  and  others  were  really 
sincere  in  thinking  that  what  they  deduce  from  the  Scriptures  was  actually  contained  in 
them,  tlien  we  can  give  them  credit  for  but  a  small  amount  of  common  sense  and  an  e.xcerd- 
ingly  low  estimate  of  what  is  required  by  any  reasonable  theory  of  Biblical  inspiration  and 
hermeneutics. 

The  first  evidences  of  a  philosophizing  spirit  on  the  part  of  the  Jews  of  Ale,\andria  ap- 
Rise  of  the  peared  at  a  comparatively  early  period.  We  have  already  alluded  to  a  certain 
allegorical  Ezekiel  who  dramatized  in  Greek  the  history  of  the  departure  of  the  Israelites 
interpreta-  from  Eg)pt,  an  elder  Philo,  who  wrote  an  epic  poem  on  Jerusalem,  and  a  Theodo- 
''™-  tus,  who,  likewise,  in  the  form  of  Epic   verse  described  the  history  of  ancient 

Sychem.  At  about  the  same  time,  contemporaneously  perhaps,  with  the  origin  of  the  LXX., 
we  meet  with  efforts  to  introduce  Biblical  ideas  into  Greek  works.  The  text  of  Homer,  for 
instance,  in  the  Odyssey  (v.  26-.'),  was  changed  so  as  to  convey  the  meaning  that  God  fin- 
ished the  work  of  creation  in  seven  days.  The  LXX.  itself,  moreover,  is  not  without  clear 
traces  of  a  like  tendency  to  curry  favor  with  the  popular,  philosophical  conceptions  of  the 
time.  Especially  is  there  a  perceptible  effort  to  soften  down  as  much  as  possible  the  anthro- 
pomorphic representations  of  the  being  and  activity  of  God,  and  the  idea  that  he  comes  per- 
sonally in  contact  with  the  visible  creation.'  So  the  name  Jehovah  (Jabveb)  instead  of  be- 
ing transferred  bodily  into  the  Greek,  like  any  other  proper  name,  and  written  with  Greek 
letters,  is  translated  by  the  expression,  the  Lord.  It  is  true  that  Alexandrian  Judaism  does 
not,  in  this  respect,  go  much  beyond  the  ideas  and  usages  that  prevailed  also  in  Palestine  at 
the  same  time.  Still,  these  examples  show  a  spirit  already  ripe  whose  fullest  development 
was  the  religio-pbilosophical  system  of  an  Aristobulus  and  a  Philo.  The  definite  and  unmis- 
takable form  which  it  takes  in  certain  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  we  have  elsewhere 
sufliciently  illustrated.  It  appears,  also,  in  various  pseudepigraphal  works  of  the  period, 
particularly  in  the  so-called  Epistle  of  Aristeas '^  and  in  the  Jewish  Sibyls.'  But  the  spirit 
and  method  of  the  entire  school,  if  so  it  may  be  called,  is  best  studied  in  its  chief  repre- 
sentatives. 

Aristobulus,  if  we  may  trust  the  accounts  which  we  have  of  him  and  a  later  writer  did  not 
assume  the  name  of  an  earlier,  lived  at  Alexandria  in  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Philo- 
meter  (cir.  B.  c.  160),  and  was  the  first  among  the  Jews  who  devoted  himself  espe- 
cially, to  the  study  of  philosophy.  He  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Pentateuch,  fragments  of 
which  have  been  preserved  by  Eusebius  of  Caesarea  ("  Prseparatio  Evangelica,"  vii.  14;  viii.  10; 
xiii.  12),  and  Clement  of  Alexandria  (Strom.,  i.  15,  22;  v.  14;  vi.  13).  His  philosophical 
tendency  may  be  learned  from  the  fact  that  he  was  known  as  a  Peripatetic.  The  special 
object  of  his  commentary  was  to  prove  that  the  true  source  of  wisdom  was  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, and  that  whatever  was  true  and  beautiful  not  only  in  the  writings  of  the  Greek  phi- 
losophers like  Plato  and  Pythagoras,  but  also  in  the  poets  like  Orpheus,  Hesiod,  and  Homer, 
was  derived  from  it.  He  says,  for  example,  that  "Plato  has  imitated  our  legislation  and 
made  himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  it  contains.  Before  the  conquests  of  Alexander 
and  the  Persians,  parts  of  the  law  had  already  been  translated,  so  that  it  is  obvious  that  the 
said  philosopher  borrowed  a  great  deal  from  it."  ^  Somewhat  further  on  he  makes  the  same 
assertion  with  respect  to  Pythagoras  and  Socrates.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  his  alle- 
gorical interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  in  a  passage  where  he  is  trying  to  show  what  is  meant 
when  they  speak  of  the  feet  of  God  and  of  his  standing  :  "  The  organization  of  the  worW 

.  Cf.  Oen.  vi.  6,  7  ;   xv.  3 ;   xix.  3  ;  Ex.  ixiv.  9-11  ;  Numb.  xii.  8.  2  Sec  Merx,  Arc/lli;  i  240-312. 

«  Schinvr,  pp.  513-520;  Lficke,  pp.  66J9 ;  Reuss  in  Herzogs  Rral-Eacyk.,  xiT.  315-329. 

t  Ofrorer,  ii.  71-121  ;  Diihne,  ii.  73-112.  6  Euseb.,  Praip.  Et:,  xiii.  12.  cited  bv  Rueneii.  iii.  192. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  37 

may,  in  accordance  with  its  greatness,  be  fitly  called  God's  standing.  For  God  is  over  all, 
and  all  is  subject  to  him,  and  has  received  from  him  its  stability,  so  that  man  can  discover 
that  it  is  immovable.  I  mean  this,  that  the  sky  has  never  been  earth,  nor  the  earth  sky,  the 
sun  has  never  been  the  bright  moon,  nor  conversely  the  moon  the  sun,  the  rivers  never  seas, 

nor  the  seas  rivers It  is  all  unchangeable,  and  alternates  and  passes  awav  always  in 

the  same  manner.  With  tliis  in  view  we  can  speak  of  God's  standing,  for  all  is  subject  to 
him."  1 

But  Aristobulus  was  not  content  with  such  weak,  and  therefore,  comparatively  harmless 
philosophizing.  He,  or  somebody  in  his  name,  deliberately  falsified  his  authorities  in  order 
to  bring  them  into  harmony  with  what  he  tliought  ought  to  lie  true,  thus  illustrating  in  him- 
self the  fearfully  demoralizing  etfects  of  the  false  methods  he  had  adopted.  He  alleged,  for 
instance,  that  Orpheus  had  once  met  Moses  —  in  Greek  Musseus  —  in  Egypt,  and  on  that 
basis  went  on  to  interpolate  facts  from  the  Mosaic  cosmogony  into  the  Orphic  poems 
(I'epis  Aiiyos).  Inasmuch  as  the  poems  in  their  original  form  are  still  extant''  it  is  easy  to  de- 
tect the  changes  which  Aristobulus  dishonestly  introduced  into  them.  A  recent  writer  has 
remarked  :  "  Aristobulus  was  the  spiritual  ancestor  of  Philo,  and  Philo  was  the  immediate 
parent  of  that  fantastic  theology  which  to  most  of  the  fathers  and  the  schoolmen  took  the 
place  of  the  reasonable  and  critical  interpretation  of  all  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament 
and  of  much  of  the  New."  * 

Little  is  known  of  the  personal  history  of  the  renowned  Jewish  allegorist  Philo.  The  date 
of  his  birth  is  generally  given  at  cir.  B.  c.  20.  He  was  a  person  of  great  influence 
among  his  countrymen  in  Alexandria,  brother  of  the  alabarch,^  and  was  himself  ' "' 
sent  at  the  head  of  a  delegation  to  the  emperor  Caligula  on  the  occasion  of  the  outbreak  of 
persecution  against  the  Jews,  A.  D.  37-41.  His  works  consist  of  a  series  of  essays  or  treatises 
on  various  topics  suggested  by  the  Old  Testament  writings,  particularly  the  Pentateuch.  One 
series  has  such  subjects  as  the  Creation,  the  Cherubim,  the  Sacrifices  of  Cain  and  Abel, 
the  Snares  laid  for  the  Good  by  the  Wicked,  the  Descendants  of  Cain,  etc.,  etc.,  which  follow, 
as  it  will  be  seen,  the  chronological  order  of  the  sacred  history.  Another  series  was  on  the 
life  of  Moses  in  three  books,  to  which  was  appended  essays  on  Circumcision,  the  Decalogue, 
Sacrifices,  etc.  He  also,  wrote  an  account  of  the  embassy  to  Kome  and  a  work  against 
Flaccus,  who  was  governor  of  Egypt  at  that  time.  With  respect  to  the  Scriptures,  Philo's 
attitude  was  much  the  same  as  that  of  Aristobulus.  He  held  that  they  were  divinely  in- 
spired and  significant  to  the  last  word.  In  them,  moreover,  he  found,  simply  because  he  was 
determined  to,  all  that  he  considered  good  in  the  Greek  philosophy.  His  .system  represents 
a  singular  admixture  of  Biblical  elements  with  the  speculations  of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  of 
Stoics  and  Pythagoreans,  and  the  obvious  want  of  agreement  in  its  several  parts  seems  not 
to  have  disturbed  his  equanimity  or  detracted  from  the  zeal  and  learning  which  he  devoted 
to  its  support.  In  one  place,  for  instance,  he  defines  God  as  pure  being  without  attributes, 
and  later,  proceeds  to  ascribe  to  him  the  various  attributes  of  a  supposed  perfect  beinc.  In- 
asmuch as  in  his  conception  of  God,  He  could  not  without  contamination  come  into  immedi- 
ate contact  with  anything  outside  of  himself,  for  the  construction  of  the  world  and  its  gov- 
ernment it  was  necessary  to  suppose  a  vast  and  complicated  system  of  mediation.  And  this 
mediatory  system  of  Philo  is  one  of  the  most  striking  features  of  his  philosophy.  In  it  he 
has  combined  Plato's  doctrine  of  ideas,  that  concerning  operative  forces,  or  causes,  as  held 
by  the  Stoics,  that  of  angels  as  taught  in  the  Bible,  and  of  demons  as  found  in  the  Greek 
philosophy.  At  one  time  he  represents  these  mediating  forces  as  somethino-  immanent  in 
God,  at  another  time  as  quite  independent  of  him,  without  pausing  to  reconcile  the  incon- 
sistency or  even  seeming  to  be  aware  that  such  inconsistency  exists.  In  the  word  Locos 
(^\6yos)  es])ecially,  Philo  found  something  eminently  suited  to  his  purpose.  This  he  repre- 
sented as  the  chief  of,  and  as  including  within  itself  all  those  forces  which  are  at  once  imma- 
nent in  Gud  and  yet  are  self-existent  entities.  The  double  meaning  of  the  word,  as  referring 
both  to  that  which  is  spoken  and  also  to  the  thought  of  which  the  word  is  the  outward  ex- 
pression, ada[)ted  it  particularly  to  his  use.' 

1  Eoseb.,  Prap.    Ei'.,  viii.  10. 

2  Pseudo-Justin,  De  Monarch.^  cap.  ii. ;    Cohortat.  ad  Oen.^  cap.  ST.,  cit«d  by  Lipsius,  1.  c,  p.  89. 

3  Stanley,  Hi.  281. 

4  In  adJition  to  the  works  referred  to  under  Aristobulus,  cf.  Stahl,  "  Versucli  eines  systematischen  Entwurfs  def 
Lehrbegrifff*  Philo's  Ton  Alex.,''  in  Eichhorn's  AU^emtine  Bib.  d.  Bih.  Lil.,  iv.  770-890 ;  Miiller,  Phito^s  Buck  von  drr 
Wrltsrhiipliim  :  .irticles  by  Creuzcr  ,ind  D,ihne  respectively,  in  Sliul.  u.  Kril..  1832,  3-43 ;  1833,  984-1040  ;  Heinze.  Dii 
Ltkre  ftim  Lit::"^,  etc.     The  best  edition  of  Philo's  works  is  still  that  by  Mangey,  Lund.,  1702. 

S.lo^  ,  AitiKi  ,  xviii.  8,  I  1.  8  See  Slud.  ii.  Krit.,  1868,  pp.  300-314 ;  1871,  pp.  503-509. 


38  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Willi  respect  to  the  material  -n-orld  he  teaches  that  as  matter  it  has  an  independent  exis 
tence.  The  universe  was  not  created  but  formed  through  the  Logos  and  othei 
Knuedl^™"  mediating  forces.  Matter  is  in  itself  corrupt  and  corrupting,  and  from  the  begin- 
ning on  DO  person  can  be  free  from  sin  while  connected  with  a  material  body. 
The  highest  goal  of  man  therefore  is,  as  spirit  derived  from  God,  through  the  aid  of  the 
Logos  to  tread  tlie  material  and  sensual  under  foot  and  rise  above  it.  When  this  is  accom- 
plished or  to  the  degree  that  it  is  accomplished,  one  has  his  reward  in  a  nearness  to  God  and 
in  a  beatific  vision  of  his  person  and  glory.  There  is  no  denying  that  with  much  that  is 
purely  speculative  and  without  basis  in  reason  or  revelation  there  are  also,  here  and  there, 
thoughts  uttered  that  are  both  reasonable  and  practicable.  The  ini[)ortance  that  he  ascribes 
to  faith  and  love  as  ethical  principles,  the  fact  that  he  insists  on  the  pursuit  of  virtue  for  its 
own  sake,  cannot  be  overlooked. ^  At  tlie  same  time,  regarded  as  a  means  for  reconcilinc  the 
Old  Testament  with  the  Greek  philosophy,  Philo's  system  must  be  regarded  as  a  signal  failure. 
Its  methods,  like  those  of  Aristobulus,  are  dishonest  and  false.  Its  conclusions  are  often  based 
on  premises  that  have  no  existence  save  in  the  imagination.  And  wliile  its  influence  on  re- 
tlecting  minds  among  the  Greeks  was  inconsiderable,  on  the  thinking  Jew  it  could  scarcely 
have  been  otherwise  than  evil.  If  one  might  interpret  the  Mosaic  law  thus  allegorically,  why 
could  he  not  also  keep  it  allegorically  ?  What  further  need  for  the  burdensome  system  of 
praying,  fasting,  almsgiving,  and  ceremonial  purifications?  Philo  himself,  indeed,  seems  to 
have  remained  to  a  good  degree  loyal  to  the  Jewish  faith.  But  it  is  a  fact  not  without  its 
significance  that  a  nephew  of  his  who  became  governor  of  Judaea  A.  D.  46-48  abandoned  it. 
Tlie  principal  value  of  Philo's  labors,  as  of  those  of  his  predecessors,  consists  in  the  material 
which  was  thereby  furnished  for  the  use  of  Christian  writers  and  thinkers  of  the  following 
centuries.  As  well  single  words  as  formulas  of  speech,  unknown  to  the  world  before,  were 
made  ready  for  the  new  thought  and  new  life  that  were  about  to  dawn  upon  it.  From  a 
providential  point  of  view  this  seems  to  have  been  the  mission  of  the  religious  philosophy  of 
Alexandria. 

It  is  no  reflection  on  the  originality  or  sublimity  of  the  opening  chapter  of  the  fourth  Gos- 
pel to  say  that  the  fitting  language  in  wliich  its  profound  and  glorious  thoughts  are  clothed 
was  forged  in  the  workshop  of  the  Alexandrian  Philo.  But  the  legacy  of  this  thinker  was 
far  enough  from  being  an  unmixed  good  to  his  successors.  As  its  effects  upon  Judaism 
could  not  have  been  otherwise  than  weakening,  so,  as  a  system  of  philosophy  it  hurt  more 
than  it  helped  Christianity.  The  deluge  of  dogmas  which,  humanly  speaking,  came  so  near 
overwhelming  and  destroying  the  church  of  the  first  Christian  centuries  and  from  whose  dam- 
aging effects  it  has  not  even  yet  recovered,  has  a  direct  connection  with  the  speculations  of 
Philo  and  his  school.  And  still,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  a  noble  idea  underlay  his  striving, 
however  little  he  himself  may  have  been  consciously  controlled  by  it.  Tlie  Bible  does  con- 
tain moral  and  spiritual  elements  which  may,  and  often  must  be,  separated  from  the  outward 
form  in  which  they  have  come  down  to  us.  Its  truths  are  universal  in  their  scope,  and  har- 
II  onize  with  what  is  true  always  and  everywhere.  And  there  is  a  philosophy  of  religion  rec- 
:  ncilable  with  the  Scriptures  and  largely  dependent  on  them  for  its  fundamental  principles, 
nlthough  it  may  still  await  one  greater  than  a  Philo  or  an  Origen  to  give  it  adequate  and 
nracticable  form. 

1  Cf.  EaeDen,  Ul.  190, 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION.  39 


PART  SECOND. 

THE  APOCRYPHAL  BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT,  —  THEIR  ORIGIN,  CHAR- 
ACTER  AND  SCOPE,  AND  HISTORY. 

1.    Origin  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha. 

The  books  in  the  English  Bible  included  in  the  so-called  Apocrypha  are  as  follows:  1  and 

2  Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  Additions  to  Esther,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch    ,„   ..     , 

~,  1        o  r    ci  *•  hat  boots 

with  the  Epistle  of  Jeremiah,  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  the  Story  of  Su-    are  here  in- 

sanna,  the  Idol  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  the  Prayer  of  Manasses,  and  1  and  2  Mac-  '^'"<'«<*- 
cabees.  These  books  were  inti'oduced  into  the  English  version  by  Miles  Coverdale  in  his 
translation  made  in  the  year  1535.  Succeeding  versions,  also,  as  Matthews,  the  Great  Bible, 
Crumwell's,  and  those  that  followed  published  them,  and  hence  they  found  their  way,  though 
not  without  opposition,  into  the  '-authorized"  translation  of  1611.^  This  accounts,  moreover, 
for  the  fact  that  the  list  of  books  in  the  English  Bible  does  not  agree,  in  all  respects,  with 
that  of  the  LXX.  The  number  of  books  is  the  same,  but  instead  of  3  Maccabees  we  have 
2  Esdras.  The  latter  work  does  not  exist  in  any  Greek  version,  but  was  admitted  into  the 
Vulgate  from  a  Latin  translation  and  from  thence  into  the  Swiss-German  Bible  (1524-29, 
1539),  on  which  Coverdale's  was  based.  The  omission  of  3  Maccabees  in  the  English  ver- 
sion though  it  was  contained  in  the  earlier  editions  of  the  German  Bible,  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  it  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  Vulgate  —  having  first  been  translated  into  Latin  in  the 
sixteenth  century  —  nor  in  the  complete  edition  of  the  German  Bible,  edited  by  Luther  him- 
self (1534). 2 

In  the  present  work  2  Esdras  has  been  omitted  and  3  Maccabees  introduced,  not  only  as 
being  in  harmony  with  the  LXX.,  but  with  the  fitness  of  things,  the  latter  book  being  histori- 
cally connected  with  the  two  others  of  the  same  name,  while  the  former  in  its  language,  age, 
and  general  characteristics  is  to  be  reckoned  with  such  works  as  the  Book  of  Enoch,  the  Sib- 
ylline Oracles,  and  like  represenlatives  of  the  Jewish  Apocalyptic  literature.  The  position 
which,  in  the  Greek  Bible,  has  been  given  to  the  apocryphal  additions,  is  as  follows:  1  Esdras 
is  found  before  the  canonical  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah ;  Tobit  and  Judith  immediately 
after  the  latter;  the  additions  to  Esther  in  connection  with  that  book;  the  Prayer  of  Man- 
asses immediately  after  the  Psalms;  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon  and  Ecclesiasticus  follow  the 
Song  of  Solomon  ;  Baruch  and  the  Epistle  of  Jeremiah  have  a  place  after  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah  but  before  Lamentations  ;  the  additions  to  Daniel  are  naturally  found  in  connection 
■with  that  book,  while  the  three  books  of  Maccabees  follow  it,  at  the  end  of  the  Greek  Bible. 
A  fourth  book  of  Maccabees,  falsely  ascribed  to  Josephus,  is  contained  in  the  Sinaitic  and 
.\lexandrine  manuscripts  and  in  some  editions  of  the  LXX.,  but  excepting  its  name  it  has 
nothing  ill  common  with  the  other  three. 

The  word  apocrypha  (onrciKpu^a)  first  came  into  use  among  early  ecclesiastical  writers  in  the 
sense  of  matters  secret  or  mysterious.     It  was  so  used  particularly  by  the  Gnostics 
as  referring  to  certain  books  possessed  by  them,  which  either  themselves  were  not    title'."" 
to  be  made  public,  or  contained  doctrines  that  were  to  be  concealed  from  the  un- 
initiated.    These  books  bore  the  names  of  sacred  personages  belonging  either  to  the  old  or 
new  covenant  and,  as  it  was  asserted,  had  been  obtained  by  means  of  a  secret  tradition. 
They  were  so  numerous  and  so  often  quoted  that  it  came  to  be  understood  among  Christians 
that  when  apocryphal  books  were  spoken  of,  these  private,  heretical  writings  of  the  Gnostics 
were  meant.     They  were  also,  on  the  part  of  their  defenders,  accorded  the  dignity  of  canon- 
ization as  over  against  the  canonical  books  of  the  Bible.     And  this  fact  served  still  further 
to  modify  tJie  meaning  of  the  word,  so  that  in  addition  to  the  idea  of  being  something  hereti- 
oal  it  also  came  to  be  applied  to  a  work  which  made  improper  claim  to  acceptance  among 
canonical  books.     Up  to  this  time,  however,  the  term  had  not  been  used  to  designate  any  of 

1  See  Anderson,  p.  470 ;   Westcotfs  Bib.  in  Church,  p.  286,  f. 

2  Cf.  Herzog'8  Real-Encyk..  vii.  266,  and  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  iv.  98 

8  See  Oieseler  in  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1829,  pp.  141-146 ;  Bleek,  in  the  same.  1853,  p.  267,  also,  the  lattot's  Itttrod.  to  Old 
Test.,  u.  302,  304. 


40  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


the  now  so-called  apocryphal  books,  but  only  such  as  are  known  among  us  as  pseudepigraph' 
al  works  like  the  Ascension  of  Moses,  Janines  and  Jambres,  and  the  Book  of  Enoch.  Our 
apocryphal  books,  on  the  other  hand,  were  generally  known  under  the  title  St&\ta  amyiyo)- 
<TK6ij.eya,  i.  e.,  ecclesiastical  books,  inasmuch  as  they  were  read  in  the  churches  and  recom- 
mended for  study  to  the  catechumens.  But  as  they  had  been  joined  to  the  Greek  version  of 
the  Old  Testament  and  hence  seemed,  like  the  books  of  the  Gnostic  canon,  to  make  unde- 
served claim  to  canonical  rank,  the  same  term,  apocrypha,  was  finally,  also  applied  to  them. 
And  Jerome  seems  to  have  been  among  the  first  to  introiluce  the  change.  In  his  preface  to  the 
Book  of  Kings,  after  enumerating  the  works  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  he  adds:  Quidquid  extra 
hos  est,  inter  apocrypha  esfe  ponendum.  At  the  same  time,  however,  —  as  must  not  be  over- 
looked, —  the  meaning  of  the  word  apocrypha  underwent  still  further  change,  being  used  no 
longer  to  indicate  what  was  heretical,  or  spurious,  but  what  had  no  sufficient  claim  to  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Biblical  canon.  Still  later,  the  word  passed  through  yet  another  phase,  and 
was  made  to  refer  to  such  works  as  were  not  ecclesiastically  received,  could  not  be  used  as 
sources  of  proof  in  religious  discussions,  and  was  understood  to  include  not  only  the  books 
now  known  as  apocryphal,  but  also  the  writings  of  some  of  the  Fathers,  as  those  of  Tertullian, 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  the  church  history  of  Eusebius. 

The  literature  which  sprang  up  among  the  Jews  of  Palestine  and  Egypt  in  connection  with 

the  Old  Testament,  during  the  last  two  or  three  centuries  of  Israclitish  history,  is 

stances  un-     remarkable  both  in  its  character  and  in  its  extent.     It  was  not  the  result,  to  any 

der  which       considerable  decree,  of  partisan  rivalry  or  the  strife  of  sects.     It  can  still  less  be 

the  apocrv-  .,      ,  ,  .p.-.i  iiei*  p 

phai  boolis  ascribed  to  any  supposed  passion  for  imitating  the  secret  books  or  the  priests  of 
originated.'  heathen  temples.  It  was  rather  the  spontaneous  growth  of  Jewish  institutions 
themselves.  It  was,  indeed,  the  direct  result  of  the  extraordinary  attention  that,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  after  the  cessation  of  prophecy,  was  directed  to  the  study  of  the  Scrip- 
tures. The  entire  national  life,  as  well  political  and  social  as  religious,  centered  in  them. 
Such  attention,  moreover,  was  not  a  little  enhanced  by  the  efforts  of  the  wise  to  fix  upon  a 
canon  of  the  sacred  books  and  the  subsequent  baptism  with  martyr  bloo<l  which,  during  the 
persecutions  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  these  treasured  rolls  received.  But  aside  from  other 
and  more  general  influences,  the  two  great  causes  that  contributed  most  toward  the  produc- 
tion of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  and  similar  works  were  the  translation  in  Egypt  of  the 
Scriptures  into  Greek  and  the  almost  unlimited  development  in  Palestine  of  the  so-called 
Haggadah.  We  have  already  remarked  upon  the  literary  activity  which,  under  the  Ptole- 
mies and  their  successors,  displayed  itself  in  the  brilliant  Egyptian  capital,  and  have  seen  that 
the  Jews,  who  formed  so  large  and  influential  a  part  of  the  population,  were  not  without  dis- 
tinguished representatives  in  it.  And  we  have  seen,  too,  that  this  singular  people,  wherever 
hey  went  and  in  whatever  occupation  they  engaged,  remained  Jews,  retained  to  the  last 
heir  national  peculiarities,  their  devotion  to  law  and  temple,  tradition  and  usage.  Whether 
they  wrote  historv,  as  Eupolemus  and  Demetrius,  or  poetry  like  Theodofus,  or  philosophy  as 
Aristobuhis  and  Philo,  its  groundwork,  its  inspiration,  and  its  goal  were  in  the  Hebrew  Scrip- 
tures and  the  Hebrew  people.  Hence,  it  is  no  surprise  to  find  among  the  luxuriant  literary 
growths  of  Alexandrian  Judaism  such  works  as  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  3  Maccabees,  the 
Story  of  Susanna,  and  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  or  that  they  attach  themselves  externally  as 
closely  to  the  sacred  histories  as  though  they  were  their  natural  outgrowth.  And  if,  at  first, 
in  the  case  of  some  of  them,  their  false  titles  and  claims,  their  spiritual  shallowness,  their 
literary  weaknesses  and  extravagances,  tend  to  repel  and  disgust,  a  more  careful  examination 
will  serve  to  convince  an  impartial  stmlent  that  they  are  a  legitimate,  and  by  no  means  unim- 
portant product  of  their  time,  illustrating  and  characterizing  its  spirit  and  aims,  supplying 
missing  links  in  its  fragmentary  records,  and  that  their  loss  would  have  been  for  the  Chris- 
tian philosophy  and  history  of  subsequent  periods  a  real  calamity. 

But  all  these  works,  not  excluding  in  a  certain  sense  the  Septuagint  itself  as  a  simple  ver- 
sion, may  be  said  to  have  had  their  ultimate  origin  in  that  great  national  institu- 
The  llagga-  jio,,  of  dig  later  Judaism,  the  so  called  Haggadah.     It  is  a  term  that  cannot  be 
defined,  it  must  be  described.     It  is  derived  from  a  Hebrew  word  (rTia^n),  which 
means  "  what  is  spoken,"  and  is  used  in  distinction  from  Ilal.achah  (n^^H),  "  what  is  gi\en 

1  See  Zunz,  Vartrdge.  pp.  36-118  i  Frankel,  Vorsludien,  pp.  38-61 ;  Deutsch  In  Smith's  Bib.  Dirt.,  art.  "  Ancient  Ver 
lion«,"  under  "  Tarium  ;  "  DUlmann  in  Herzog"«  Real-Encylc.,  xil.  300-303  j  Schiirer,  pp.  36  f.,  446  f. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION  41 

as  a  rnle,"  the  authoritative  law  by  wliieh  the  conduct  was  to  be  regulated.  And  this  dis- 
tinction is  a  great  deal  more  radical  and  important  than  would  appear  from  the  etymology  of 
the  words.  It  is,  in  fact,  as  radical  and  decisive  as  that  between  an  inspired  prophecy  and 
an  acknowledged  work  of  the  imagination,  between  the  Mosaic  law  and  an  invented  story  or 
legend.  The  Halachah  was  the  sum  of  those  oral,  traditional  precepts  which,  in  the  course 
of  time,  had  gathered  about  tlie  written  law  and  under  the  manipulations  and  authority  of 
Scribe  and  Pharisee  had  come  to  take  at  least  an  equal  rank  with  it.  The  Haggadah,  on 
the  otlier  hand,  was  not  law  or  precept  at  all  but  simply  independent  and  relatively  irre- 
sponsible illustration  and  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  in  whatever  regular  or  irregular 
form  it  might  choose  to  take.  The  elaboration  and  fixing  of  the  Halachah  was  the  sacred 
and  closely  guarded  duty  of  a  particular  class  in  Israel,  whose  life  was  devoted  solely  to  it 
and  who  rose  in  connection  with  it,  as  we  have  already  seen,  to  a  position  of  the  most  com- 
manding influence.  The  Haggadah  might  be  cultivated  by  any  Israelite,  whatever  his  pro- 
fession or  rank ;  be  pursued  as  a  business,  or  used  to  while  away  a  leisure  moment  ;  be  de- 
veloped into  volumes  or  confined  to  simple  sagas,  tales,  and  parables.  The  Halachah  and 
Haggadah  together  formed  the  principal  part  of  what  was  known  as  the  Midrash  or  Com- 
mentary. They  had  their  origin  in  the  same  period,  grew  up  side  by  side,  employed  them- 
selves with  the  same  historic  and  prophetic  themes  in  the  Scriptures,  passed  down  from  gen- 
eration to  generation  through  the  same  avenue  of  tradition,  and,  while  totally  distinct  in 
underlying  idea,  in  method,  and  in  authority,  were  yet  mutually  complementary  and  ser- 
viceable, and  unitedly  give  its  peculiar  stamp  to  the  Judaism  of  the  later  times. 

"  To  the  Haggadah  belonged  everything  that  could  not  be  incluiied  under  the  examina- 
tion of  the  written,  or  the  accommodation  of  the  traditional  law.  It  was  the  product  of  in- 
dividual investigation  as  over  against  the  strict  authority  of  the  spiritual  rulers,  the  schools, 
and  the  synagogues.  AVhat  the  Halachah  developed  was  something  permanent,  making 
itself  felt  in  the  practical  life  of  the  Jews,  while  the  Haggadah  sought  rather  to  recognize 
some  passing  thought,  not  overlooking  the  form  in  which  it  was  clothed,  and  had  often  for 
its  object  simply  the  momentary  effect.  The  Halachah  went  forth  from  the  highest  tri- 
bunal, clothed  with  the  highest  sanctions,  was  something  that  must  be  obeyed  as  well  by  the 
ruler  as  private  citizen  ;  for  the  Haggadah  it  sufficed,  in  order  to  be  acknowledged  Haggadah, 
simply  to  be  spoken."  "  It  is  not  meant  by  this  that  it  made  no  difference  what  kind  of 
notions  respecting  the  contents  and  meaning  of  the  Scriptures  were  uttered  by  a  Jew,  that 
they  were  forthwith  reckoned  to  the  Haggadah.  On  the  contrary,  while  the  Halachah  was 
the  law  itself,  the  Haggadah  was  something  that  must  be  regulated  by  the  law,  must  not  go 
beyond  certain  well-defined  limits  of  reason  and  morality.  In  the  one  case,  it  was  the  code 
and  the  dictum  of  the  hierarchy  that  were  the  regulative  norm ;  in  the  other,  it  was  public 
opinion,  piety,  love  of  country,  and  the  like  which  served  to  restrain,  and  guide,  and  prune, 
so  that  the  Haggadah  in  its  moral  and  spiritual  aspects  is  also  not  without  significance,  has 
indeed,  a  real,  historical  value."  ' 

The  beginning  of  the  Haggadah  has  been  referred  to  the  custom  instituted  or  reinstituted 
by  Ezra  after  the  Exile,  in  which,  in  connection  with  the  reading  of  the  law,  a  jiie  nagKa- 
needed  translation  and  interpretation  were  added:  "  So  they  read  in  the  book  of  dahtcon- 
the  law  distinctly  and  gave  the  sense  and  expounded  as  they  read."  '  The  grad- 
ual decay  of  the  Hebrew  as  vernacular  made  such  translations  and  expositions  in  the  Aramaic 
that  took  its  place,  a  necessity.  They  received  the  name  targums,  i.  e,,  interpretations.  At 
the  same  time  there  sprang  up  an  order  of  persons  called  interpreters  who  performed  this 
service,  and  who  are  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Scribes.  They  held,  both  politically  and 
socially,  quite  a  different  position,  and  absurdly  minute  and  arbitrary  rules  were  supposed  to 
be  needful  to  confine  their  explanations  within  prescribed  limits.'  In  process  of  time  and 
under  different  circumstances,  these  oral  versions  and  explanations  of  tlie  Scriptures,  like 
the  so-called  oral  law,  having  become  a  too  he.avy,  and  as  was  thought,  too  precious  load  to 
be  carried  simply  in  the  memory,  were  committee'  to  writing.  These  targums  then,  or  para- 
phrases of  Scripture,  form  no  unimportant,  although  the  least  embellished  portion  of  the 
extant  Jewish  Haggadah,  other  elements  of  it  being  found  in  the  younger  parts  of  the  Mid- 
rash,  in  various  places  in  both  the  Jerusalem  and  Babylonian  Talmud,  and  in  a  striking  and 
characteristic  form  in  the  apocryphiil  books  of  the  Old  Testament.     The  latter  combine  in 

1  Zqdz,  VortrO^e,  for  substaoce,  pp.  57,  58.  a  Neh.  viil.  8. 

8  See  Deutfich  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  1.  c,  and  Schiirer,  pp.  448,  449. 


42  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


themselves,  in  fact,  the  three  principal  developments  of  the  Hajrgadah  :  the  historical,  the 
ethical,  and  what  may  be  called  the  exegetical.  Of  the  fir?t,  the  books  of  the  Maccabees,  1 
Esdras,  Judith,  Tobit,  and  the  additions  to  Esther  and  Daniel,  are  conspicuous  examples  ;  of 
the  second.  Ecclesiasticus  and  Wisdom  ;  while  nearly  all  the  books  offer  numerous  instances 
of  the  third,  if  but  individual  and  sporadic.  These  works  belon'i;  in  general,  moreover,  to 
th.it  class  of  Haggadistic  literature  in  which  an  independent  form  is  assumed.  There  is 
something  more  than  a  simple  effort  to  explain  and  ;ipply  the  sacred  text.  There  is  the  same 
reverent  attitude  towards  the  Scriptures,  but  mere  exposition  and  a  minute  dependence 
have  given  place  to  what  is  general  and  universally  acknowledged,  the  letter  to  the  spirit. 
The  political  and  moral  currents  of  the  time  show  themselves,  but,  in  a  still  more  marked 
degree,  the  pure  Jewish  instinct,  loyalty  to  the  national  idea.  There  was  occasion  enough 
for  such  a  literature,  and  one  cannot  be  surprised  at  its  extent  as  shown  in  extant  fragments. 
In  2  Esdras  (xiv.  46),  no  less  than  seventy  apocryphal  works  are  distinguished  from  the 
twenty-four  canonical  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures. 

It  was  a  natural  reaction  from  the  preciseness  and  littleness  of  the  rabbinic  traditions,  the 
spirit  of  play  reasserting  itself  as  over  against  the  dominant  spirit  of  work  and  worry.  In 
this  field  the  heart  and  intellect  were  no  longer  cramped  ;  there  was  room  and  liberty.  In 
the  narrow  ways  of  the  Halachah  no  opportunity  offered  for  talent,  fancy,  or  flowers  of 
rhetoric,  to  display  themselves,  there  was  no  space  even  for  unimpeded  movement  but 
onlv  for  dreary  plodding,  wearying  trials  of  memory  and  fine  drawn  casuistry.  We  can 
easily  conceive  how  noble  spirits  would  chafe  in  such  trammels,  especially  when  oppression 
and  injustice  exercised  by  foreign  powers  excited  to  the  utmost  pitch  of  endurance  the  sup- 
pressed emotions,  and  what  relief  they  would  find  in  writing  or  perusing  such  works  as  the 
story  of  the  heroic  Judith,  the  struggle  of  the  Maccabees,  or  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children. 
At  such  times  only  deep  coloring  could  satisfy.  The  plain  fact,  the  simple  homely  truth 
were  insufficient  to  still  the  inward  craving.  And  if  the  exaggeration  we  meet  with  in  these 
writings  is  almost  grotesque  in  its  proportions,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  it  results  from  cir- 
cumstances that  are  extraordinary;  that,  in  fact,  it  is  the  natural,  if  inexcusable  rebound 
from  a  literalness  that  was  infinitesimal,  and  a  prosiness  that  was  no  longer  to  be  endured. 
We  do  not  wonder  at  the  fact  that  the  Haggadah  represented  the  popular  side  of  the  Mid- 
rash,  or  that  it  gained  continually  on  its  competitor,  in  the  estimation  of  the  common  people. 
The  later  targums  became  ever  less  and  less  translations  and  more  sermons  and  appeals. 
The  following  incident  will  illustrate  the  tendency  :  Two  rabbis,  the  one  a  Halachist,  the 
other  a  Haggadist,  "  once  came  together  into  a  city  and  preached.  The  people  flocked  to  the 
latter  while  the  former's  discourses  remained  without  a  hearer.  Thereupon  the  Haggadist 
comforted  the  Halachist  with  a  parable.  '  Two  merchants  came  into  a  city  and  spread  their 
wares,  —  the  one  rare  pearls  and  precious  stones;  the  other  a  ribbon,  a  ring,  glittering  trin- 
kets; around  whom  will  the  multitude  throng?  ....  Formerly,  when  life  was  not  yet 
bitter  labor,  the  people  had  leisure  for  the  deep  word  of  the  law  ;  now  it  stands  in  need  of 
comfortings  and  blessings.'  "  * 

2.    Character  and  Scope  of  the  Apocrypha. 

In  the  special  introductions  to  the  several  books  we  have  spoken  of  their  contents  as  it  re- 
spects composition,  date,  literary  worth,  theological  bearings,  etc.,  and  it  remains 
Pt*"''  .  for  us  here  simply  to  characterize  them  as  a  whole  with  particular  reference  to 
Apocrypha  the  canonical  works  with  which  they  are  connected.  The  apocryphal  books  of 
witHhosr*  the  Old  Testament  have  doubtless  suffered  not  a  little  from  being  associated  by 
of  the  New  name  with  those  of  the  New  Testament.  It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  they  are 
of  a  wholly  different  character.  The  Apocrypha  of  the  New  Testament  have 
never,  by  any  branch  of  the  Christian  Church,  been  regarded  as  a  constituent  part  of  the 
Bible  and  circulated  with  it ;  have  never  been  thought  worthy  of  a  translation  into  the  ver- 
nacular tongues,  or  even  of  much  critical  investigation  by  scholars;  and  their  very  titles  \ia.\t 
remained  almost  unknown  to  the  majority  of  theological  students.  They  even  rank,  with  re- 
spect to  literary,  historical,  and  <iogmatic  interest,  considerably  below  many  a  so-called 
pseudepigraphal  work  of  the  Old  Testament,  as,  for  instance,  the  book  of  Enoch,  the  Ascen- 
(ion  of  Isaiah,  or  the  second  book  of  Esdras.     The  history  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha. 

1  Deutsch  in  Smlth'a  Bib.  Diet.,  1.  e. 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION.  43 

on  the  other  hand,  from  their  origin  to  the  present  day,  runs  parallel  with  that  of  the  Bible 
itself.  In  a  large  part  of  the  Christian  Church  they  have  always  been  accorded  a  respect 
scarcely  inferior  to  that  paid  to  the  acknowledged  Scriptures ;  have  been  bound  up  and  cir- 
culated with  them  ;  have  become  incorporated  by  citation,  reference,  or  general  coloring  with 
treasured  liturgical  forms  and  the  entire  body  of  religious  literature.  It  is  not  an  uncommon 
thing  in  Europe  even  at  the  present  day,  and  in  Protestant  churches,  to  hear  sermons 
preached  from  texts  taken  from  these  books,  particularly  from  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus. 
One  of  the  most  familiar  hymns  in  the  German  Church  is  founded  on  Ecclus.  1.  23  ("  Nun 
danket  alle  Gott"),  and  the  words  of  pseudo-Solomon,  "The  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in 
the  hand  of  God,"  etc.  (Wisd  iii.  1),  furnish  a  favorite  theme  for  funeral  orations  over  the 
graves  of  the  departed.^  On  the  authority  of  Ebrard,  who  wrote  in  1851,  the  use  of  the 
Bible  without  the  Apocrypha  in  the  Protestant  schools  of  Bavaria,  was  forbidden  by  the  ec- 
clesiastical authority.''  In  England  and  America,  however,  the  OM  Testament  Apocrypha 
have  been  strangely  neglected.  But  it  is  to  be  expected  that  the  great  attention  devoted  to 
them  in  Germany,  especially  since  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  will  also  ultimately 
bear  fruit  among  us. 

With  respect  to  outward  form  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  may  be  divided  into  his- 
torical works,  as  the  books  of  the  Maccabees  and  the  larger  portion  of  1  Esdras; 
moral  fictions,  as  Tobit,  Judith,  the  Additions  to  Esther  and  Daniel ;  poetic  and    „(,jj  f^^^ 
quasi-prophetic  works,  as  Baruch,  the  Epistle  of  Jeremiah,   and  the  Prayer  of 
Manasses  ;  and  finally,  philosophical  and  didactic  compositions,  as  Ecclesiasticus  and  Wis- 
dom.    Of  these  a  part  were  doubtless  written  in  the  Hebrew  language,  although  the  originals 
have  long  since  perished,  and  the  proofs  of  such  origin  are  necessarily  circumstantial.     These 
are  Ecclesiasticus,  1  Maccabees,  Judith,  and  a  part  of  Baruch  (i.-iii.  8).     The  remaining 
works,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Tobit,  were  composed  in  Greek.     Only  one  of   them, 
Ecclesiasticus,  has  furnished  us  with  the  name  of  its  actual  author,  the  most  of  the  others 
having  adopted  pseudonyms,  for  the  evident  purpose  of  gaining  thereby  the  greater  currency 
and  repute.    They  differ  greatly  from  one  another  in  literary  and  moral  worth,  a  part  of  them, 
in  the  estimation  of  some  modern  critics,  taking  rank  with  the  best  specimens  of  Hebrew  liter- 
ature, while  others  merit  attention  only  on   account  of  their  age  and  their  association  with 
the  Bible. 

The  question  of  the  canonicity  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocryphal  books  may  indeed  be 
readily  settled.  But  as  ancient  literary  productions,  originating  with  one  of  the  .  . 
most  remarkable  peoples  of  antiquity,  although  in  many  respects,  no  doubt,  fall-  specta  vaiua- 
ing  below  similar  works  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans  which  are  so  sedulously  studied  "' 
in  our  schools,  they  still  deserve  particular  interest  and  examination.  As  histories  they  sup- 
ply important  links  in  the  scanty  annals  of  a  most  interesting  period.  So,  too,  from  a  philo- 
sophical point  of  view  they  can,  by  no  means,  be  set  aside  as  worthless.  Some  of  them 
witness  in  a  marked  degree  to  the  influence  of  the  leaders  of  the  Greek  philosophy  in  the 
countries  where  they  were  written,  and  exhibit  the  peculiar  product  resulting  from  the  con- 
tact of  such  philosophy  with  the  sacred  learning  of  the  Jews.  But  their  chief  value  is  un- 
questionably theological.  They  show  how  the  Old  Testament  was  interpreted  and  applied 
by  the  Jews  themselves  during  the  period  stretching  nearly  from  the  close  of  the  canon  to 
the  coming  of  Christ ;  what  progress  was  made  in  the  apprehension  and  development  of  im- 
portant truths,  especially  those  relating  to  the  unseen  world  and  the  future  state,  and  serve 
as  well  by  their  exaggerations  and  mistakes  as  by  their  statement,  or  reflection  of  facts,  to 
prepare  the  way  for  Him  who  spoke  with  authority  and  not  as  the  scribes.  Hence,  it  will 
not  be  out  of  place  to  give,  at  this  point,  a  brief  review  of  the  theological  and  moral  teaching 
of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  in  its  relation  both  to  the  canonical  books  that  preceded 
and  those  that  followed  them.' 

As  the  oldest  extant  remains  of  the  extensive  Hebrew  literature  that  sprang  up  subsequent 
to  the  close  of  the  canon,  the  apocryphal  books  are  of  no  little  importance  as  wit- 
nesses for  it  and   as  showing  the  estimation  in  which  the  Holy  Scriptures  were    ^jt],  aspect 
held  at  that  period.     In  the  prologue  to  Ecclesiasticus,  for  example,  we  find  the    totheSorip. 
first  allusion  to  the  canonical  Scriptures  as  a  whole,  under  the  general  title,   "  the 
law,  the  prophets,  and  the  other  books."     This  general  designation,  in  one  form  or  another, 

1  Cf.  NitMoh  in  tho  Deutsche  Zeilsdirift ,  1850,  No.  47,  p.  369.  2  ZetignisK  gegen  die  Apok.,  p.  20. 

*  Cf.  BretjictlDeider,  Systemat.  DarsttU. ;  and  Cramer,  Die  Moral  der  Apokryp/ten. 


a  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  translator  applies  to  the  canonical  books  several  times,  showing  that  it  was  in  common 
use  as  such  at  that  period.  There  is  in  the  passage,  moreover,  every  evidence  that  the  Son 
of  Sirach  did  not  regard  his  own  work  as  on  a  level  with  those  which  are  thus  alluded  to,  but 
rather  the  contrary.  The  same  author,  also,  in  another  place  (xlix.  10),  after  mentioning 
Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  speaks  of  the  twelve  minor  prophets,  concerning  whom  he  expresses  the 
wish  that  their  "  bones  may  revive  again  from  the  grave."  In  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees, 
too.  there  is  clear  testimony  to  the  high  estimation  in  which  the  Scriptures  were  held.  As  a 
sort  of  apology  to  the  Lacedaemonians  for  seeking  an  alliance  with  them,  as  though  their  own 
sources  of  strength  had  become  exhausted,  the  remark  is  made,  "  albeit,  we  need  none  of 
these  things,  seeing  that  we  have  the  holy  books  in  onr  hands  to  comfort  us."  Again  in  2 
Maccabees  (ii.  13),  it  is  said  of  Nehemiah,  on  the  authority  of  some  unknown,  extra-canon- 
ical work,  that  he  made  a  collection  of  books,  "the  histories  of  the  kings  and  the  propliets, 
and  of  David,  and  the  Epistles  of  the  kings,"  i.  e.  the  proclamations  of  the  Persian  kings,  as 
found  in  the  books  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra.  Tliis  passage,  notwithstanding  the  obscurity 
that  rests  upon  the  sources  from  which  the  information  given  is  said  to  be  derived,  and  the 
generally  untrustworthy  character  of  the  book  in  which  it  is  found,  is  not  without  considera- 
ble value  as  a  witness  to  the  canon  and  its  origin.  What  is  really  due  to  Ezra  and  others, 
includiucr  Nehemiah,  is,  indeed,  by  the  author,  ascribed  exclusively  to  the  latter,  but  it  is  not 
the  only  instance  in  his  work  where  important  names  are  thus  exchanged  (cf.  i.  18).  The 
different  parts  of  the  canon  are  clearly  distinguished,  the  Pentateuch  being  omitted,  simply 
because  there  was  no  occasion  for  mentioning  it  in  this  place.  The  writer  refers  only  to  such 
works  as,  in  addition  to  the  law  which  had  been  previously  cared  for  (ver.  2),  were  in  danger 
of  being  lost,  and  must  therefore  be  collected  together.  The  word  eirKrwriyayf  (ver.  13),  in- 
deed, would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  works  gathered  were  to  be  added  to  a  collection  already 
bei'un.  Besides  these  general  allusions,  there  are,  also,  in  the  Apocrypha  a  great  number  of 
more  or  less  direct  citations  from  the  canonical  Scriptures,  in  which  the  three  divisions  of  the 
canon  are  plainly,  if  not  equally  recognized,  and  an  acquaintance  with  most  of  the  books  of 
Vfhich  they  are  composed  made  evident. 

A   peculiar  authority,  moreover,  is  imputed  in  the  Apocrypha  to  the  canonical  writings. 
They  are  held  to  be  distinct  from  all  other  books,  and  given  of  God  for  human 
orth™sSip-    guidance,  through  prophets  inspired  for  the  purpose.     They  are  called  "  holy 
tures.  books  "  (1  Mace.  xii.  9),  and  their  writers  are  represented  to  have  been  under  the 

influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (1  Esd.  i.  28;  vi.  1;  Ecclus.  xlviii.  24).  It  is  distinctly  said  of 
Jeremiah  in  one  place  (Ecclus.  xHx.  7),  that  he  was  a  prophet  "  sanctiBed  from  the  mother's 
womb."  So  in  Baruch  (ii.  21)  a  passage  is  cited  from  this  prophet  with  the  formula  :  "Thus 
saith  the  Lord."  The  common  division  of  the  Scriptures  into  law  and  prophets,  too,  shows 
that  the  authors  of  the  several  canonical  books  were  looked  upon  as  prophets,  that  is,  as  in- 
spired men.i  And  what  was  true  of  the  canonical  hooks,  in  general,  had  special  force  as 
applied  to  the  five  books  of  Moses.  No  epithets  were  thought  extravagant,  no  praise  too 
high  to  be  bestowed  on  him,  the  greatest  of  the  prophets,  and  his  divinely  prompted,  divinely 
acknowledged  work.  He  was  like  the  glorious  angels  and  beloved  of  God  and  men  (Ecclus. 
xlix.  2).  The  Mosaic  Code  was  the  law  of  the  Highest  (Ecclus.  xlix.  4),  holy,  and  God- 
given  (2  Mace.  vi.  23).  It  was  the  sum  total  of  all  wisdom.  "  All  these  things,"  said  the 
son  of  Sirach,  "  are  [true  of]  the  book  of  the  covenant  of  the  most  high  God,  the  law  which 
Moses  commanded  for  an  heritage  to  the  congregations  of  Jacob.  It  gives  fullness  of  wisdom 
as  Pison,  and  as  Tigris  in  the  time  of  the  new  fruits.  It  maketh  the  understanding  to  abound 
like  Euphrates,  and  as  Jordan  in  the  time  of  harvest.  It  maketh  the  doctrine  of  knowledge 
appear  as  the  light  and  as  Gihon  [i.  e.  the  Nile]  in  the  time  of  vintage  "  (Ecclus.  xxiv.  23- 
27). 

The  fundamental  idea  of  the  divine  Being,  which  we  find  in  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  that  he  is  the  one  self-existing  Creator  and  Preserver  of  all  things,  the 
HoSrcOT-'*^  omnipotent  Ruler,  to  whom  all  creatures  and  all  events  are  completely  subject,  is 
cemingQod.  jj|gp  retained  in  the  Apocrypha,  while,  at  the  same  time,  this  idea  is  philosophi- 
cally not  a  little  developed  in  certain  directions  in  some  of  these  writings,  and  a  particular 
emphasis  laid  on  attributes  which  in  the  canonical  books  are  less  strongly  marked.  Nature 
itself  proves  the  existence  of  God  (Ecclus.  xliii.  2;  cf.  xlii.  15),  and  they  are  fools  who  can- 
not out  of  the  "  good  things  that  are  seen  know  him  that  is,"  and  "  who  while  considering  the 

1  Cf.  Job.,  Conira  Ap.,  i.  7. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  45 

work  do  not  recognize  the  Master"  (Wisd.  xiii.  1;  cf.  Song  of  Three  Child.,  ver.  39,  ff.). 
There  is  only  one  God  (Ecclus.  xxxiii.  5;  Bar.  iii.  35;  Wisd.  xii.  13;  Song  of  Three  Child., 
ver.  23),  and  his  power  over  his  creatures  is  unlimited  (Jud.  xvi.  13,  14;  2  Mace.  viii.  18;  xvi. 
35;  Prayer  of  Man.,  ver.  3-5).  He  is  all-wise  (Ecclus.  xxiii.  19,  20;  Jud.  ix.  5,  6),  holy, 
hating  and  punishing  sin  (Ecclus.  xii.  6;  Wisd.  xiv.  9),  righteous  (Tob.  iii.  2;  Ecclus.  xvi. 
12-14 ;  3  Mace.  ii.  3),  kind  and  pitiful  (2  Mace.  i.  24  ;  Song  of  Three  Child.,  ver.  G6;  Wisd. 
XV.  1;  Jud.  ix.  11),  and  ready  to  forgive  (Ecclus.  ii.  11  ;  v.  4-8;  Tob.  xiii.  6).  Anthropo- 
pathic  and  anthropomorphic  representations,  especially  the  latter,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, arc  less  frequent  in  the  Apocrypha  than  in  the  older  books,  and  in  some  of  them,  as 
for  instance  in  Ecclesiasticus  and  Wisdom,  the  idea  of  the  divine  Being  as  pure  spirit,  is  at 
least  approached.  The  Son  of  Sirach  declares  that  no  man  has  seen  God  (xliii.  31),  and 
pseudo-Solomon  speaks  of  his  holy  spirit  (ri  07101/  aou  -irtevfia,  ix.  17);  and  elsewhere  says  that 
his  incorruptible  spirit  is  in  all  things  and  "  filleth  the  world"  (i.  7;  xiii.  1).  On  the  other 
hand,  in  some  of  the  apocryphal  books  the  notion  of  God  is  exceedingly  limited,  and  He  is  set 
forth  as  scarcely  more  than  a  national  deity  as  over  against  the  idols  of  the  heathen.  This 
is  especially  true  of  the  books  of  Judith  and  Baruch  (Jud.  viii.  18-20;  xiii.  4,  5,  7;  Bar. 
iii.  1  ff. ;  iv.  6);  while  in  Tobit  the  propitiation  of  Him  through  prayers  and  almsgiving  takes, 
as  in  idolatrous  sacrifices,  the  form  of  an  opus  operalum  (cf.  .xii.  8-13). 

The  teaching  of  the  Old  Testament,  for  the  most  part,  respecting  creation  as  the  work  of 
God,  remains  unchanged  in  the  Apocrypha,  but  pseudo-Solomon  (xi.  17;  cf.  2 
Mace.  vii.  28),  in  harmony  with  the  philosophy  of  his  time,  seems  to  have  held  ^yid'en?"'' 
that  it  was  on  the  basis  of  an  original  formless  material  (^{  afiip(pov  Satis),  and  not, 
as  is  represented  in  Genesis,  a  creation  from  nothing.  The  same  Being  who  made,  also  up- 
holds and  governs  (Wisd.  vi.  9;  viii.  1;  xi.  25;  Ecclus.  i.  2;  xiii.  23;  Bar.  iii.  32).  His 
government,  moreover,  is  a  providence  (irpSmta;  Wisd.  xiv.  3),  itself  being  guided  by  wisdom 
and  love  (Wisd.  xvi.  13;  Tob.  iv.  19;  Jud.  viii.  14;  Ecclus.  x.  4);  the  evils  with  which  tlie 
world  is  afflicted,  war,  famine,  pestilence,  according  to  the  books  of  Ecclesiasticus  and  Wis- 
dom, are  for  the  punishment  of  human  wickedness,  while  serving,  in  the  case  of  the  godly,  as 
means  of  discipline  and  spiritual  culture  (Ecclus.  xl.  9,  10;  Wisd.  vi.  8).  Death  entered 
the  world  through  the  envy  of  the  devil.  God  created  man  for  immortality  (Wisd.  ii.  24). 
In  both  of  the  latter  compositions,  also,  the  wisdom  ((TO(pia)  of  God  personified  is  represented 
as  having  the  principal  part  in  the  works  of  creation  and  providence;  and  in  that  of  pseudo- 
Solomon  the  representation  is  carried  so  far  as  to  leave  the  impression  on  some  minds  that 
he  actually  hypostasized  it  and  recognized  a  second  divine  Person  under  that  name  (vii.  22, 
et  pas:<im).  This  seems,  however,  to  be  due  to  the  natural  tendency  to  exaggeration  which 
we  find  in  all  these  works,  there  being  no  particular  in  which  they  are  more  clearly  distin- 
guished from  the  canonical  books  than  in  their  want  of  simplicity  and  accuracy,  the  rhetori- 
cal figures,  moreover,  forming  one  of  the  best  illustrations  of  this  defect.' 

The  existence  of  both  good  and  evil  angels  is  recognized  in  the  apocryphal  books.  They 
are  spiritual  beings  and  capable  of  assuming  human  forms.  The  good  angels 
surround  the  throne  of  God  in  heaven,  and  serve  not  only  as  his  messengers  in 
general,  but  as  mediators  in  the  providential  government  of  the  world.  Satan  (Sti$o\os),  as 
the  first  great  deceiver,  is  alluded  to  in  the  Book  of  Wisdom  (ii.  24),  and  also,  as  it  would 
seem,  in  Ecclesiasticus  (xxi.  27).  In  the  books  of  the  Maccabees  (2  Mace.  iii.  26;  x.  29; 
3  Mace.  vi.  18),  angels  are  represented  as  appearing  for  the  defense  of  the  harassed  Jews 
and  the  punishment  of  their  oppressors.  In  Tobit,  as  we  show  in  the  introduction  to  that 
book,  the  matter  of  angelic  interposition  in  human  affairs  is  given  abnormal  prominence,  in 
fact,  assumes  a  form  that  is  both  incredible  and  absurd.  It  is  represented,  for  instance,  that 
among  the  good  angels  there  are  seven  presence-angels  who  present  the  prayers  of  the  saints 
before  God.  One  of  them,  Raphael,  serves  as  guide  to  Tobias  on  a  long  journey,  and  pre- 
scribes, like  a  (ihysician,  for  physical  ailments.  Among  the  evil  angels,  a  certain  Asmodajus 
acts  an  extraordinary  part  :  has  power  to  take  human  life,  is  also  capable  of  sexual  lust,  but 
may  be  exorcised  by  means  of  certain  medicaments  which,  being  burned,  make  a  stench  that 
to  him  is  unendurable  (iii.  17;  vi.  7,  16).  It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  such  views  could 
not  have  been  derived  from  any  legitimate  interpretation  of  the  teachings  of  the  canonical 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  on  this  subject. 

1  Cf.  Bruch,  Wnsheitslehre  der  Hebrder ;  Oehler,  Grundzii^e  der  A.  T.  Weisheil  ,-  Langen.  Jiidenlhum,  etc.,  p.  25  ff. ; 
Herzog's  Rcal-Encyk.  and  Schenkel's  Bib.  Ltx.,  art.  •  Weisheit ;  "  also,  Dillmaan,  Dai  Bum  HrrW'h,  Einleit.,  x.  ff.,  n 
162,  f. 


46  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


With  respect  to  man  the  representations  of  the  Apocrypha  deserve  particular  attention  a» 
Anthro-  illustrating  the  influence  of  the  then  philosophy  in  the  development  of  doctrines 
pology.  concerning  human  nature  and  destiny.     Man  was  created  by  God   and  is  com- 

ma endmS  posed  of  body  and  soul,  the  latter  being  sometimes  designated  by  ir^eCua  and  some- 
mentsand  times  by  ifux^,  the  distinction  between  them  being  nowhere  closely  marked  (cf. 
Wisd.  ix.  15).  He  was  made  in  the  image  of  his  Creator,  endowed  with  reason, 
the  power  of  distinguishing  between  right  and  wrong,  and  a  frei;  will,  and  was  placed  on 
earth  to  be  its  ruler  (Ecclus.  xv.  14  £f.,  xvii.  1-8  ;  Wisd.  ix.  2,  3).  The  image  of  God  in 
which  man  was  created  consists,  according  to  the  Son  of  Sirach,  in  the  superiority,  in  gen- 
eral, in  which  he  stands  with  respect  to  the  creation  (xvii.  3),  according  to  pseudo-Solomon 
(ii.  23)  in  his  immortality.  The  latter  work,  moreover,  clearly  teaches  the  preexistence  of 
the  soul,  and  more  than  intimates  that  it  was  its  connection  with  a  body  which  was  the  occa- 
sion of  its  fall  and  is  the  ground  of  its  continued  sunken  moral  condition  (viii.  19,  20;  ix. 
15).  That  the  author  is  in  this  respect  inconsistent,  inasmuch  as  elsewhere  (ii.  23,  24),  he 
represents  the  fall  as  having  been  brought  about  through  the  envy  of  the  devil,  and  so  recog- 
nizes the  historical  validity  of  the  account  in  Genesis  (iii.  1-6),  may  be  ascribed  to  his  un- 
successful efforts  to  mediate  between  the  current  philosophical  axioms  and  the  Scriptures. 

The  principle  by  which  one,  according  to  the  Apocrypha,  was  to  be  governed  in  the  mat- 
ter of  moral  obligations  and  duties,  was  that  he,  in  all  that  he  did,  should  have 
J'™^  reference  to  the  will  of  his  Maker  as  expressed  in  the  Mosaic  law,  and,  at  the 

same  time,  to  his  own  happiness.  The  will  of  God  as  set  forth  in  the  various 
precepts  of  the  Mosaic  code  was,  properly,  to  be  the  goal  of  his  striving,  while  the  motive  to 
the  same  was  the  personal  advantages  to  be  derived  from  such  a  course.  It  would  not  seem 
that  the  apocryphal  books  place  the  chief  end  of  man  in  the  love  and  service  of  God,  in 
themselves  considered,  but  regard  these  simply  as  a  means  by  which  the  highest  good,  indi- 
vidual happiness,  was  to  be  attained.  In  the  most  of  these  books  such  a  reward  of  right 
doing  was  set  forth  as  attainable  in  this  world;  in  some  of  them,  as  to  be  expected  only  in 
the  life  to  come,  or  at  least,  in  connection  with  the  future  Messianic  kingdom  (Tob.  xiii.  14  ; 
Wisd.  i.  16;  iii.  1;  vi.  18;  Ecclus.  iii.  18;  Bar.  v.  2  ff.).  The  apocryphal  writers,  moreover, 
conceived  of  sin,  so  far  as  they  considere<l  the  matter  at  all,  as  something  appertaining  to 
the  outw.ard  conduct,  a  transgression  of  the  acknowledged  standards,  and  seem  rarely,  if  ever, 
to  have  reached  the  more  radical  conception  of  it  as  being  a  want  of  inward  conformity  to 
the  divine  will.  The  underlying  motive,  the  governing  purpose  of  the  heart,  being,  for  the 
most  part,  left  out  of  account,  and  the  consequences  of  one's  conduct  being  thought  of  sim- 
ply in  their  relation  to  individual  happiness,  it  was  possible  for  such  philosophers  as  the  Son 
of  Sirach  and  pseudo-Solomon  to  set  forth  a  gradation  in  virtue  and  vice,  and  to  speak  of 
cardinal  virtues,  as  self-control,  temperance,  prudence,  righteousness,  fortitude,  and  cardinal 
sins  like  idolatry,  etc.  (Ecclus.  xviii.  30  ff.  ;  Wisd.  viii.  7),  than  which  nothing  could  be 
regarded  as  more  injurious  than  the  one,  and  nothing  as  more  profitable  to  men  in  life  (S>» 
XPVti^^'iTepo:'  oiiSfu  itrriv  iv  &i<f  avBptiiron)  than  the  other.  At  the  same  time,  too,  as  might 
have  been  expected  on  the  basis  of  this  low  moral  plane,  while  the  mint,  anise,  and  cummin 
•were  carefully  tithed,  the  weightier  matters  of  the  law  were  depreciated  or  ignored.  A  Razis 
was  justified  in  committing  suicide  if,  persecuted  for  righteousness'  sake,  he  were  in  danger  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies;  and  a  Judith  might  invoke  the  blessing  of  God  on  her 
Receptions  and  prostitute  her  person  for  the  weal  of  her  fatherland.  Minute  directions  are 
g'ven  how  one  is  to  behave  in  society,  how  to  eat  to  excess  without  evil  consequences  (Ecclus. 
xxxi.  21),  and  to  preserve  the  health  through  the  avoidance  of  melancholy  (xxxviii.  18);  but 
love  to  God  in  any  other  sen.se  than  veneration  or  reverence  (Ecclus.  vii.  30)  seems  scarcely 
to  have  been  thought  of.  He  was  the  happy  man  who  lived  to  see  the  death  of  his  enemies, 
(Ecclus.  x.xv.  7),  and  by  his  cood  deeds,  especially  the  giving  of  alms,  had  purchased  from 
heaven  the  forgiveness  of  his  .sins  and  won  a  permanent  place  in  the  memories  of  men  (Ecclus. 
iii.  30;  xxix.  12;   Tob.  iv.  10;  xii.  9;  xiv.  11). 

In  only  two  of  the  apocry])hal  books,  2  Maccabees  and  Wisdom,  is  to  be  found  anything 

worthy  of  special  attention  on  the  subject  of  eschatology.     In  the  rest,  the  point 

EBchatology."  ^j  ^j^^  j^  much  the  same  as  that  in  the  Olil  Testament  Scriptures  generally,  with 

the  exception  of  Ecclesiasticus,  where  a  less  advanced  position  is  taken  than  in  some  of  the 

1  «iee  my  article  In  the  Bibliothtca  Sacra  for  April,  1879,  on  the  "  Eschatology  of  the  0.  T.  Apocrypha,"  and  the  au 
thonties  there  cited. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION. 


canonical  books,  and  1  Maccabees,  where  an  apparently  intentional  omission  of  all  allusion  to 
the  future  state  seems  to  betray  a  Sadducsean  origin.  In  2  Maccabees,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  belief  in  a  bodily  resurrection  is  set  forth  with  a  fullness,  clearness,  and  emphasis,  that  are 
almost  startling,  leading  to  the  inference,  that,  as  over  against  its  earlier  and  historically  more 
trustworthy  namesake,  it  was  written  with  a  partisan  purpose  and  under  direct  Pharisaic  in- 
fluence (cf.  vii.  passim,  and  xiv.  46,  ff.).  This  conclusion  is  confirmed,  moreover,  by  what  is 
said  by  the  author  of  Judas  Maccabaeus'  praying  for  the  dead,  "  in  that  he  was  mindful  of  the 
resurrection  "  (xii.  43-45).  The  Book  of  AVisdom,  on  the  other  hand,  while  led  by  its  phi- 
losophy to  reject  the  opinion  that  the  body  would  rise  again  from  the  dead  (i.  13;  ii.  23;  viii. 
20;  ix.  15),  clearly  teaches  the  conscious,  personal,  unending  existence  of  the  soul  after  death 
both  of  the  good  and  of  the  evil  (iii.  1-4;  iv.  8-10;  v.  15;  vi.  19),  the  former  in  happiness 
with  God  (vi.  20),  the  latter  in  misery  (i.  12,  16,  et passim).  Pseudo-Solomon  seems,  also,  to 
have  held  to  a  judgment-day  following  the  present  state  of  probation,  at  which  time  the 
wicked,  both  living  and  dead,  would  be  judged  and  cast  into  hell  (i.  9;  iii.  7,  13,  18  ;  iv.  18- 
20),  while  the  righteous  would  descend  to  reign  in  the  everlasting  kingdom  which  God  would 
set  up.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  however,  that  on  this  point  —  whether  the  judgment  was  re- 
garded as  taking  place  during  life  and  at  death  or  after  death  —  there  is  a  want  of  clearness 
in  his  representations.  Still,  there  might  be  a  reason  for  this,  not  simply  in  the  writer's  own 
mind,  but  also  in  the  nature  of  the  subject  itself.  In  an  important  sense,  to  the  incorrigible, 
every  act  of  God  with  respect  to  them  might  be  considered  an  act  of  judgment,  without  how- 
ever excluding,  but  rather  requiring  a  final  summing  up  at  the  Last  Day. 

It  is  a  significant  fact,  in  view  of  the  claim  that  is  made  in  some  quarters  for  the  books 
before  us,  that  the  traces  of  the  Messianic  hope  which  they  contain  are  only  of  the 
faintest  character.  This  hope,  moreover,  seems  in  no  case  to  have  centered  anic  hope.i 
clearly  in  the  coming  of  a  personal  Messiah,  but  to  have  developed  itself  rather  in 
longings  for,  and  descriptions  of  a  certain  future  kingdom,  such  as  had  been  the  subject  of  the 
later  prophecies.  In  addition  to  the  expectation  of  the  return  of  the  dispersed  Israelites  and 
the  reawakening  of  the  spirit  of  prophecy  which  we  find  in  Barucb  and  2  Maccabees  (Bar. 
iv.  36,  37;  v.  5-9;  2  Mace.  ii.  18),  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  is  predicted  in  Tobit  (.xiii. 
11-18;  xiv.  6,  7),  the  eternal  existence  of  the  Jewish  people  as  such  in  Ecclesiasticus  (xxxvii. 
25;  xliv.  18),  and  elsewhere,  the  fact  that  this  continued  existence  is  somehow  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  family  of  David  (Ecclus.  xlvii.  11;  1  Mace.  ii.  57).  The  Son  of  Sirach  also 
speaks  in  one  place  (xlviii.  10,  11)  of  the  return  of  Elijah  in  the  form  foretold  by  JNIalachi, 
and  adds:  "  we,  also,  shall  surely  live,"  i.  e.,  at  his  coming  we  shall  be  alive.  And  in  the  Book 
of  Wisdom  (iii.  7;  v.  1  ff.),  as  we  have  said,  a  day  of  final  judgment  seems  to  be  taught,  fol- 
lowing which  an  eternal  kingdom  of  the  saints  will  be  set  up  in  which  the  Lord  will  be  their 
King. 

Various  efforts  have  been  made  to  explain  this  remarkable  absence  of  allusion  to  the  Mes- 
siah in  the  apocryphal  books.     Schiirer,  for  instance,  ascribes  it  to  the  fact  that 
their  contents  are,  for  the  most  part,  historical  or  didactic  and  not  prophetic,    the  disap- 

But  this  did  not  prevent  references  from  hein^  made  to  the  expected  universal    P«>rance  of 
I  ^  '  .      such  hope. 

and  eternal  kingdom  of  Israel.    Why  should  it  shut  out  the  idea  of  the  Messiah  if 

it  was  still  entertained?  Hengstenberg  ^  held  that  it  was  due  to  a  fear,  on  the  part  of  the 
apocryphal  writers,  of  giving  offense  to  the  heathen  among  whom  they  dwelt.  Tliis  view, 
however,  is  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  attitude  which  some  of  these  books  assume  as  over 
against  the  oppression  and  idolatry  of  the  heathen.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  with 
Grimm,  Oehler,  and  others  that  the  Jews,  at  the  time  when  the  present  books  were  written, 
h.ad  ceased  to  feel  the  need  of  the  coming  of  a  personal  Messiah.  The  Messianic  hope  in  the 
Old  Testament  is  always  united  with  that  of  deliverance.  As  deliverance  in  a  political  sense 
this  would  not  have  been  desired  for  a  long  time  subsequent  to  the  Maccabaean  struggle.  And 
as  far  as  it  referred  to  a  deliverance  from  sin  the  later  Jews  seem  to  have  lost  all  conscious- 
ness of  the  want  of  it.  The  law  in  its  two  parts,  as  written  and  oral,  was  looked  upon  as  suffi- 
cient for  all  needs,  the  complete  revelation  of  God  not  only  for  the  Jews  but  for  the  whole 
world.  With  the  Captivity  the  worship  o/  idols  was  given  up  in  order  to  make  an  idol  of 
their  own  institutions,  particularly  of  the  Mosaic  Code.    This  is  especially  seen  to  be  the  case 

1  Cf.  particnlarly.  Oehler,  in  Heraog^s   Reai-Encyk.,  art.  "  Messias  ;  "  Langen,   Das  Judenthum,  etc.,  pp.  891-461 J 
Bchenkel,  Bib.  Lex.,  art.  "  Mesaias ; ''  Schiirer.  pp.  663-599;  and  Drammond,  Tlie  Jewish  Messiah, 
%  Ev.  Kirchen-Zritung,  1863,  p.  567. 


48  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


In  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  where  the  conception  of  wisdom  is  carried  to  such  a  point  of  deTel- 
opment  that  there  is  absolutely  no  room  left  for  any  adequate  idea  of  a  Messiah  alongside  of 
it.  If  it  does  not  include  it,  —  which  cannot  be  supposed,  —  it  excludes  it  of  necessity.  We, 
therefore,  agree  in  the  main  with  Drummond,  who  says:  "  An  argument  from  silence  is  al- 
ways more  or  less  doubtful;  but  we  can  hardly  help  inferring,  from  their  total  silence  on  the 
subject,  that  the  authors  of  these  works  had  no  belief  in  the  coming  of  a  Messiah.  It  cannot 
be  said  that  their  subjects  did  not  lead  them  to  speak  of  this  belief;  for  the  above  references 
show  how  fully  they  shared  the  prophetic  aspirations  after  the  future  glory  of  their  race;  and 
when  they  describe  the  magnificence  of  the  Jerusalem  that  is  to  be,  or  dwell  upon  the  cove- 
nant made  with  David,  or  picture  all  nations  turning  from  their  idolatry  to  the  fear  of  God, 
it  is  inconceivable  that  they  should  omit  the  central  figure  through  whose  agency  every  bless- 
ing was  to  come,  if  such  a  personality  really  entered  into  their  belief.  We  cannot  of  course 
conclude  that  the  belief  had  entirely  died  out  of  the  hearts  of  the  Jewish  people  ;  for  as  we 
observed  in  the  writings  of  the  prophets  that  the  person  of  the  Messiali  advances  and  recedes, 
as  we  turn  from  one  to  another,  so  a  difference  of  opinion  may  have  prevailed  in  the  later 
time  of  which  we  are  treating.  But  from  the  little,  and  in  part  doubtful  evidence  that  re- 
mains to  us,  it  would  seem  that  in  the  period  between  the  Captivity  and  the  rise  of  the  Mac- 
cabees the  Messianic  hope  resolved  itself  into  vague  anticipations  of  a  glorious  and  happy 
future,  in  which  the  presence  of  God  would  be  more  manifest,  but  of  which  a  Messiah  would 
form  no  essential  feature.' 

In  addition  to  what  has  just  been  said  respecting  the  almost  total  ignoring  in  the  apocry- 
phal books  of  that  which  forms  the  central  figure  of  the  later  canonical  Scriptures, 
^u°fonB.™°'  attention  should  perhaps  be  called,  in  our  estimate  of  the  relative  value  of  the 
former,  to  other  points  of  dissimilarity.  In  very  many  respects,  in  fact,  these  books, 
so  far  from  representing  the  continuity  of  the  divine  revelation  and  of  the  kingdom  of  God  as 
set  forth  in  the  Old  Testament,  misinterpret  and  interrupt  it.  There  is  found  in  them,  in- 
deed, a  further  development  of  Old  Testament  ideas,  but,  at  the  same  time,  such  lines  of  de- 
velopment are  rather  interesting  than  valuable.  Tliey  are  mostly  abnormal,  and  hence,  un- 
healthy growths.  They  connect  themselves  with  the  superficial,  variegated  life  of  the  peo- 
ple rather  than  with  the  deeper  currents  of  religious  thought  that  show  themselves  in  the 
Scriptures.'  A  direct  line  from  Malachi  to  John  the  Baptist  is  not  taken,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, a  path  which,  if  pursued,  would  lead  away  from  the  manger  of  Bethlehem.  Hence 
there  seems  to  be  no  justification  for  the  theory  of  Bleek  (1.  c.  p.  317),  which  recognizes  in 
these  works  only  a  somewhat  lower  grade  of  the  same  kind  of  divine  revelation  and  inspira- 
tion that  are  found  in  the  canonical  Scriptures.  On  the  contrary,  false  beacon  lights  are 
kindled  by  them  such  as  those  by  wliich  the  Samaritans  sought  to  confuse  and  mislead  the 
Jewish  colonists  in  Assyria.  Judith  glories  in  an  act  which  was  bewailed  and  denounced  by 
a  patriarch  (ix.  2;  cf.  Gen.  xlix.  5).  In  Tobit  and  Ecclesiasticus  the  idea  of  righteousness 
degenerates  into  simple  mercifulness,  and  that  mercifulness  is  mainly  manifested  in  almsgiving. 
In  the  Maccabees,  in  addition  to  the  disappearance  of  the  accuracy  and  simplicity  to  be  ex- 
pected in  works  of  this  character,  we  find  a  naive  parade  of  legends,  the  most  obvious  anach- 
ronisms, the  angelology  of  the  Old  Testament  travestied  and  new  doctrines  taught  which  are 
utterly  without  Scriptural  support.* 

The  Israelitish  history,  in  fact,  is  everywhere  depicted  on  its  worldly  side,  and  the  great 
moral  goal  of  the  same  obviously  lost  sight  of  is,  indeed,  replaced  by  something  else.  There 
were,  as  we  know,  some,  when  Christ  came,  who  were  waiting  for  the  "  consolation  of  Is- 
rael "  (Luke  ii.  25),  but  they  were,  evidently,  those  whose  thoughts  had  been  busy  with  what 
Moses  and  the  Prophets  had  written  and  not  the  admirers  of  the  pliilosoi)hy  of  Pseudo-Solo- 
mon, or  such  as  had  sought  to  mould  their  lives  or  stimulate  their  hopes  by  the  precepts  of  the 
Son  of  Sirach.  Here  and  there  are  to  be  found,  it  is  true,  feeble  imitations  of  prophecy,  but 
it  was  a  true  instinct  that  led  Luther  to  say  of  the  best  specimens  of  it:  "  It  is   not  credible 

1  ITw  Jewish  Messiah,  pp.  198,  199. 

2  See  works  of  Keerl,  Stier,  KUige,  Ebrard,  Scheele.  and  others,  as  given  in  tlie  Index  of  Autliorities  and  articles  by 
Hengetenberg  in  the  Evangel.  Kirchin-Z-Mimg,  1833,  1854 ;  Bleek  in  Slud.  u.  Krit.,  1853,  pp.  267-364  ;  NitZBch  in  the 
Deutsche  Zeilsehri/l,  1850,  Nos.  47-49 ;  the  introduction  to  Echhorn's  Einleil.  in  die  Apok.  Schriften ;  and  Llgen,  Die 
Gescliichle  TtihVs,   Vorretie,  iii.-xxiii. 

8  So  NitZHch,  ulern,  p.  375 :  "  Djis.s  sie  aber,  und  die  vorzUglichst^n  am  entschiedenfiten,  die  iilteete  Erscheinung  de» 
•chul-  und  pektenni;i.''sit;en  und  von  d:ilier  wieder  dem  A'olksleben  Bich  mehr  Oder  minder  beimisclienden  Judenthum 
bergaben,  kann  niclit  bezweifclt  werden." 

4  See,  for  example  of  the  latter,  2  Mace.  xii.  39^6 ;  and  the  remark  applies  especially  to  2  and  3  Mace. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  49 

that  the  servant  of  Jeremiah  should  not  have  had  a  higher  and  richer  spirit  than  this  Ba- 
ruch."  '  We  look  in  vain,  moreover,  for  any  traces  of  the  sublimity  and  power  that  dis- 
play themselves  in  the  poetry  of  Job  and  of  the  Psalms,  and  especially  for  that  fineness  of 
conception,  modesty  of  coloring,  and  general  excellence  of  literary  taste  that  always  charac- 
terize the  rhetorical  figures  of  the  Old  Testament.-  And,  finally,  there  is  an  extraordinary 
narrowness  of  spirit,  as  well  as  the  process  of  its  growtli  from  stage  to  stage,  exhibited  in  the 
apocryphal  books  with  respect  to  the  Jewish  people,  their  place  in  history,  their  relations  to 
Jehovah,  and  their  future  destiny,  that,  in  no  sense,  fairly  represents  the  teachings  of  the  Old 
Testament,  but  is  rather  a  caricature  of  them,  and  that  serves  not  a  little  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  Pharisaic  bitterness  which  afterwards  uttered  itself  against  the  One  true  Interpreter 
of  the  ancient  faith  and  Founder  of  the  universal  religion  in  the  contemptuous  words,  "  Away 
with  him!     Crucify  him!  " 

Still,  one  should  not  be  blinded  by  any  of  these  reasons  to  the  fact  that  the  Old  Testament 
Apocrypha  have  a  value,  as  we  have  before  shown,  quite  independent  of  any  questions  of 
canonicity.  They  are  witnesses  that  cannot  be  overlooked,  if  not  in  all  respects  such  as  we 
might  desire.  They  have  a  value  as  witnesses,  moreover,  in  what  they  fail  to  say  as  well  as 
in.  that  which,  with  no  little  confusion  and  contradiction,  they  do  say.  At  least,  as  a  foil 
they  serve  to  set  off  in  a  clearer  light  the  unrivaled  dignity  and  worth  of  the  writings  with 
which  they  are  associated.  And  as  reflecting,  too,  in  all  its  various  phases  the  popular  life 
of  the  Jewish  people  in  the  period  when  they  appeared,  they  can  never  be  otherwise  than  im- 
portant. It  was  one  of  the  most  eventful  of  epochs  in  the  history  of  Israel.  During  it  they 
came  in  more  or  less  direct  contact  with  every  civilized  people  of  the  earth;  achieved,  in  the 
most  heroic  of  struggles,  and  lost  again  their  national  independence;  determined  the  canon 
of  the  Sacred  Books;  evolved  the  order  of  the  Scribes  and  the  worship  of  the  synagogues; 
began  the  so-called  hedge  around  the  law  which  still  exists  in  Mishna  and  Gemara;  devel- 
oped in  bitter  strife  over  points  of  interpretation  and  precedent  the  later  parties  with  their 
sharp  antagonisms  —  and  the  present  books  are  a  kind  of  cross-section  of  the  period  by  means 
of  which,  in  the  way  of  example,  all  this  political  and  moral  activity  is  reproduced  before  us. 
Besides  they  are  the  repository  of  not  a  few  philological  and  grammatical  treasures,  furnish 
many  a  terra  and  form  employed  by  Christ  and  his  Apostles  as  the  vehicle  of  the  grandest 
revelations,  so  that  no  thorough  student  of  the  New  Testament  can  afford  to  overlook  or  de- 
spise them.  And  there  is  good  in  them  too,  of  another  sort.  No  one  can  help  being  at- 
tracted and  charmed  by  the  picture  of  wisdom  drawn  for  us  by  the  Alexandrian  Solomon; 
and  there  are  succinct,  well-worded  proverbs  to  be  found  here  and  there  in  the  Son  of  Sirach 
that  shine  with  the  beauty  and  speak  with  the  power  of  the  deepest  moral  truth.  It  is  re- 
lated of  John  Bunyan,8  that  being  greatly  comforted  by  a  certain  passage  which  occurred  to 
him,  he  was  nevertheless  perplexed  that  he  could  not  find  it  within  the  four  comers  of  the 
Bible.  It  was  this:  "  Look  at  the  generations  of  old  and  see;  did  ever  any  trust  in  the  Lord 
and  was  confounded?  "  He  says  in  regard  to  it:  "  Then  I  continued  above  a  year  and  could 
not  find  the  place ;  but,  at  last,  casting  my  eyes  upon  the  Apocrypha  books  I  found  it  in  the 
tenth  verse  of  the  second  chapter  of  Ecclesiasticus.  This  at  the  first  did  somewhat  daunt 
me;  because  it  was  not  in  those  texts  that  we  call  holy  or  canonical.  Yet  as  this  sentence 
was  the  sum  and  substance  of  many  of  the  promises,  it  was  my  duty  to  take  the  comfort  of 
it,  and  I  bless  God  for  that  word,  for  it  was  good  to  me.  That  word  doth  still  oft-times  shine 
before  my  face." 

3.  History  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha. 

The  Apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  either  as  a  whole  or  in  part,  were  never 
admitted  by  the  Jews  into  connection  with  what  is  known  as  the  Hebrew  canon,    ji^st  ^^^. 
They  became  associated  with  the  Scriptures,  at  first,  solely  through  the  Septua-    nectionof 
gint  version.     The  Jews  speaking  Greek  who  made  use  of  that  translation,  hav-    pha  with  the 
ing  laxer  views  than  their  brethren  of  Palestine  concerning  inspiration  and  canon-    ScnpturBS. 
icity,  and,  at  the  same  time,  regarding  it  simply  as  a  version  of  the  Scriptures,  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  connect  with  it,  for  ecclesiastical  use,  such  other  moral  works   of  Jewish  authors  as 
from  time  to  time  appeared,  with  but  little  discrimination  as  to  their  real  merits.     Josephus 
gives  the  number  of  books  of  the  actual  canon  in  his  day  as  twenty-two  (c.  Ap.  i.  8),  and, 

1  Cited  by  Keerl,  Das  Wort  Sofffs  und  die  Apok.,  1853,  p.  10. 

2  Of.  my  art.  in  Coii^e^ationai  Review  for  January,  1870,  "  The  Rhetorical  Figures  of  the  Old  Testament  " 
8  See  Stanley,  iii.  265. 

4 


50  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


as  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Origen  (Euseb.,  Ec.  Hist.,  vi.  25)  and  Jerome  (Prol.  lo  Bookn 
of  Sam.)  were  accustomed  to  reckon  the  books  of  our  present  canon  at  that  number,  it  is 
douhtless  true  that  Josephus  included  in  his  Ust  simply  and  solely  the  books  of  our  present 
canon. 1  This  testimony  of  Josephus  is  the  more  important  because,  as  we  know  from  hia 
writings,  he  was  well  acquainted  with  several  of  the  apocryphal  books  and  used  them  freely. 
Further,  it  seems  clear  that  the  Jews  nei;er  had  any  other  canon  of  the  Scriptures  than  that 
which  is  known  as  the  Hebrew,  and  which,  according  to  Josephus  and  other  witnesses,  was 
composed  of  the  books  that  make  up  our  present  Old  Testament  Scriptures.  It  has  been 
sufficiently  proved  by  Oehler  2  and  Frankel  «  that  the  Jews,  even  at  Alexandria,  did  not  at- 
tach the  idea  of  canonical  authority  to  the  Septuagint,  much  less  to  the  additions  that  were 
made  to  it,  and  that  the  notion  of  a  separate  Alexandrian  canon  of  the  Scriptures,  as  distin- 
guished from  a  Hebrew  canon,  never  prevailed  among  them. 

It  may  also  be  true  that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  did  not  hold  to  the  idea  of  a  canon,  in  its 
Properly         Strict  Sense,  at  all,  but  adopted  principles  rather  that  were  antagonistic  to  it. 

speaking         Still,  SO  far  as  they  held  to  the  notion  of  a  canon,  it  was  not  to  a  canon  of  their 

there  was  no  .    *^ 

Alexaniirian    Own  as  over  agamst  that  of  their  Palestinian  brethren,  but  one  that  was  repre- 

canon.  sented  in  the  original   Hebrew  Scriptures  as  current  in   their  native  land.     As 

their  Egyptian  temple  at  Leontopolis  never  rose  to  the  first  place  in  their  esteem,  as  they  re- 
ceived all  higher  judicial  decisions  and  their  most  authoritative  teachers  from  Palestine,*  so  it 
is  clear  that  their  Greek  version  of  the  Scriptures  could  not  have  been  regarded  by  them,  at 
least  at  first,  as  holding  any  other  than  a  subordinate  place,  as  anything  more,  in  fact,  than 
a  temporary  expedient  for  supplying  themselves,  as  far  as  possible,  with  the  sacred  literature 
of  their  people.  And  the  fact  that  they  permitted  other  works  like  Judith,  Tobit,  and  the 
Story  of  Susanna  to  be  associated  with  this  version  points  to  such  a  conclusion  even  more 
directly  than  to  the  one  that  their  notion  of  the  canon  altogether  was  a  very  loose  one.  The 
legends  that  were  invented  and  the  various  efforts  that  were  subsequently  made  to  give  the 
version  currency  and  authority  were  the  natural  consequence  of  the  spirit  of  distrust  and  jeal- 
ousy that  existed  between  the  Jews  of  Egypt  and  those  of  Palestine,  a  spirit  whose  bitterness 
shows  itself  in  the  well-known  utterances  of  the  Palestinian  party:  "  He  who  studies  the  un- 
canonical  books  will  have  no  portion  in  the  world  to  come."  "  He  who  introduces  into  his 
house  more  than  the  twenty-four  (i.  e.,  our  twenty-two)  introduces  confusion."'  Kuenen, 
also,  has  recognized  the  fact,  that  the  Septuagint  version,  in  itself,  had  in  no  sense  for  the 
Jews  of  Ale.xandria  and  the  Dispersion  the  force  of  an  authoritative  standard.  Speaking  of 
the  criticisms  of  the  same  by  the  grandson  of  Jesus  ben  Sirach,  he  adds:  "  Thus,  either  the 
whole  of  the  Old  Testament  which  we  now  possess,  or,  at  any  rate,  by  far  the  greater  part  of 
it,  was  then  translated,  but  —  as  it  also  follows  from  the  words  just  quoted  —  as  yet  had  no 
manner  of  authority,  and  was  tested  by  the  original  by  any  one  who  had  the  power  and  the 
inclination  to  do  so."  * 

It  is  not  to  be  disputed,  however,  that  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  and  of  the  Dispersion  gen- 
erally, on   the   orrounds   above  given,  received   to   their  collection   of  the  sacred 

Tc6  AdociT"  o  ' 

phaandthe  books  as  contained  in  the  LXX.,  those  also  which  we  now  designate  as  the  Old 
New  Testa-  Testament  Apocrypha.  But  it  is  a  most  interesting  fact,  that  notwithstanding 
that  the  New  Testament  writers  in  citing  the  Old  Testament  make  use  of  this 
Greek  translation,  they  do  not,  in  a  single  well-accredited  instance,  quote  any  of  the  apocry- 
phal works  that  were  connected  with  it.'  And  even  certain  supposed  reminiscences  and 
latent  references  to  them  which  have  been  noticed  by  scholars  are  of  an  uncertain  character, 
and  may  better  be  referred  to  a  general  traditional  source  of  historical  material  from  which 
these  writers  in  common  with  others  drew.*  This  remarkable  circumstance  can  scarcely  be 
explained,  with  Schiirer,  considering  the  extent  and  miscellaneous  character  of  the  Apocry- 

1  Cf.  Schurer  in  Herzog's  RecU-Eruyk.  (2to  Aufl.),  art.  "  Apokryphen  des  A.  T." 

■i  Heraog  B  Rtal-Enryk.,  art.  "  Kanon.''  8   Vorstuditn,  pp.  56-61.  *  Piirst,  Dtr  Kan  des  A.  T.,  p.  142. 

6  Cf.  Faret,  idem,  pp.  140-150.  «  iii.  1'3.  1"4. 

7  See,  on  the  general  subject,  Kuinoel,  Ob^ervaiiones,  etc. ;  Bleek  in  Stu/t.  u.  Krit.,  1853.  p.  325,  ff. ;  Stier,  Keerl,  and 
Nitzsch.  1.  c.  ;  Fritzsche  in  Schenkel's  Bii.  Lex.,  art.  "Apok.  des  A.  T.  ;"  and  Schurer  in  Herzog'a  Real-Encyk.  (2t« 
iufl.),  idem. 

8  So  Nitzsch,  1.  c.  :  ('DemuDgeacht«t  bleibt  ee  vollkommen  denkbar,  dass  Christuji  und  die  Apostein  als  Zeugen  der 
Offenbarung,  zwar  unabliissig  beschiiftigt  mit  (iesetz,  Propheten  und  Psalnien,  sogar  von  den  wichligeren  Apokr>  phen 
keine  Kenntni.-w  nahmeu,  datw  sie  durch  keine  Rede  Oder  schriftliche  Aeusserung  eine  Hinwei.*ung  auf  djeselben  beabsici> 
tigten,  und  allenthalbeD.  wo  ein  so  nahes  Zusammentreffen  beider  Seiten  in  Worten  und  Gedanken  stattfindet,  bci'le  von 
tinandtr  unab/tiin^  aus  den  gemeinsamen  Vorstellungskreiseo  testamentischer  Religion  schopfen." 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION.  51 

pba  and  the  number  of  times  the  Old  Testament  is  cited  in  the  New,  on  the  ground  that  the 
Apocrypha  belong  to  that  special  category  of  Old  Testament  writings  which  are  seldom,  or 
not  at  all  quoted,  but  must  be  considered  as,  to  some  extent,  the  natural  —  not  to  say  super- 
natural—  result  of  the  well-known  relation  in  which  these  books  stood  to  the  canon,  and  also 
of  the  fact,  noticed  under  the  previous  head,  that  they  lay  outside  the  direct  line  of  the  divine 
revelation  of  redemption  in  Jesus  Christ. 

Hence,  the  assertion  of  some  Roman  Catholic  theologians  is  false,  that  the  Apostles  gave  a 
Bible  containing  the  .\poc-rvpha  to  the  churches  established  by  them.  On  the 
contrary,  the  most  thit  can  be  said  is  that  the  Apostles  used  a  version  of  the  Old  phaan'd^he" 
Testament  which  contained  the  Apocrypha,  but  with  so  careful  an  avoidance  of  Christian 
the  latter  that  it  cannot  with  certainty  be  affirmed  that  in  all  their  writings  they 
make  a  single  direct  allusion  to  them.  It  was  otherwise,  however,  with  their  successors.  The 
so-called  Apostolic  Fathers,  without  making  any  positive  citations  from  these  works,  undoubt- 
edly show  acquaintance  with  them.  Clement  of  Rome,  for  instance  (c.  Iv.),  alludes  to  Judith 
as  an  example  of  heroism  on  the  part  of  a  woman.  In  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  xix.),  there 
seems  to  be  a  reference  to  Ecclesiasticus  (iv.  31);  at  least,  the  two  passages  have  a  certain 
similarity  of  thought.  In  a  fragment  of  the  Second  Epistle  of  Clement  (xvi.  4),  which  ap- 
pears in  the  edition  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  by  Gebhardt  and  Harnack  (Lips.,  1875),  is  a 
possible  reminiscence  of  a  passage  in  Tobit  (xii.  8,  9),  although  the  resemblance  is  only  in 
general  coloring.  And  Justin  Martyr  (ApoL,  i.  46),  evidently  made  use  of  the  Additions  to 
Daniel,  hut  not  in  such  a  way  that  it  can  properly  be  inferred  that  he  regarded  the  book  as  a 
legitimate  part  of  the  Scriptures.  The  first  actual  citation  of  the  Apocrypha  among  Chris- 
tian writers  occurs  in  Irenseus,  who  quotes  from  Baruch  as  from  a  composition  of  Jerendah 
{Adv.  Hcer.,  v.  35;  of.  iv.  20).  Clement  of  Alexandria,  too,  cites  Baruch  as  ri  fle/o  ypaipi]  {Peed., 
ii.  3;  cf.  Strom.,  iv.  16.)  Tertullian,  also,  refers  to  Ecclesiasticus  with  the  usual  formula  of 
citation  from  Scripture,  sicut  scriptum  est  {Ex.  Cast.,  c.  ii. ;  cf.  Adv.  Valent.,  c.  ii.,  and  De  Cullu 
Fern.,  i.  3).  And  Cyprian  makes  use  of  a  number  of  the  apocryphal  books,  introducing  cita- 
tions with  the  words:  sicut  scriptum  est  and  scriptura  divina  dicit. 

It  would  not,  however,  be  putting  the  matter  in  just  the  proper  light  to  say,  with  some, 
that  Christian  writers  of  the  first  centuries  made  no  essential  distinction  between 
the  hooks  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  those  of  the  Apocrypha.  They  found  in  their  cited  care- 
Greek  Bibles  the  Apocrypha  connected  with  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  and,  ''""'y- 
as  it  would  seem,  solely  through  ignorance  or  inadvertence,  at  least  with  no  intention  of  liv- 
ing them  a  theological  significance  and  indorsement  which  should  be  valid  for  subsequent 
times,  made  use  of  them,  although  far  less  proportionably,  than  of  the  canonical  Scriptures. 
It  does  not  seem,  moreover,  quite  fair  to  say,  that,  in  the  early  church,  cases  of  dissent  from 
the  validity  of  the  apocryphal  writings  were  simply  sporadic  and  the  result  of  learned  inves- 
tigation, wiihout  representing  any  general  view.  For,  apart  from  these  incidental  efforts  at 
actual  e.xamination,  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  characterized  as  intelligent  opinion  on 
the  subject.  It  was  simply  drifting.  The  mere  fact  that  these  works  were  found  in  the  Bible 
n  common  use,  was  enough,  in  itself,  as  we  know  from  similar  results  still,  in  places  where 
:he  Apocrypha  are  circulated  in  connection  with  the  canonical  Scriptures,  to  account  fully 
for  the  esteem  in  which  they  seem  to  have  been  held.  And  it  is  as  remarkable  as  significant  a 
fact,  that  in  instances  where  special  investigations  with  reference  to  the  matter  were  made, 
as  in  the  case  of  Melito  of  Sardis  (Euseb.,  H.  E.,  iv.  33),  and  Origen  {idem,  vi.  25)  the  line 
was  unhesitatingly  drawn  which  excluded  all  this  later  Jewish  Uterature  from  the  canon  of 
Scripture.  That  Origen  was  so  inconsistent  as  to  cite  the  Apocrypha  as  Scripture,  notwith- 
standing his  deliberate  judgment  respecting  their  relative  value,  and  even  to  defend  them  as 
such,  in  the  heat  of  discussion  {Epiit.  ad  African.,  c.  xiii.),  shows  simply  the  power  of  fixed 
habit.  In  his  commentary  on  Matthew  he  candidly  remarks:  '•  It  is  the  part  of  a  great  man 
to  hear  and  fulfill  that  which  is  said,  '  Prove  all  things;  hold  fast  that  which  is  good.'  Still, 
for  the  sake  of  those  who  cannot,  like  '  money-changers,'  distinguish  whether  words  are  to  be 
held  as  true  or  false,  and  cannot  guard  themselves  carefully,  so  as  to  hold  that  which  is  true 
and  yet  abstain  from  all  evil  appearance,  no  one  ought  to  use  for  the  confirmation  of  doctrines 
any  books  which  are  not  received  in  the  canonized  Scriptures."  ' 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  further,  that,  as  a  result  of  investigation  on  the  part  of  men  of 
learning,  a  gradual  change  was  introduced  in  Christian  public  sentiment,  so  that,  while  the 

I  See  Wastcott,  Bib.  in  Churck,  p.  137. 


52  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


practice  of  different  writers  was  various,  the   theory  that  came  to  prevail  among  the  principai 

leaders  of  thought  demanded  that  a  decided  difference  should  be  made  between  the 
tion'pro^'  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  subsequent  additions.  By  Athanasius,  foi 
dnced  a.  instance,  the  apocryphal  works  were  assigned  a  separate  place  under  the  title  ot 

"ecclesiastical  books"  (Epist.  Fest.,  39).  On  the  other  hand,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem, 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  and  Amphilochius,  give  lists  of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  in  which 
the  Apocrypha  do  not  at  all  occur.  These  books,  in  fact,  as  a  whole,  were  never  adopted 
into  any  catalogue  of  the  Scriptures  recognized  by  an  early  general  council.  It  has  been 
affirmed  that  three  synods  —  all  African  and  under  the  dominating  influence  of  Augustine  — 
formally  sanctioned  the  Apocrypha  along  with  the  canonical  books,  putting  all  in  the  same 
rank.i  But  this  is  saying  quite  too  much,  such  recognition  referring  to  ecclesiastical  use  only. 
Moreover,  Augustine  himself  repeatedly  makes  a  distinction  between  the  Hebrew  canon  and 
tlie  Apocrypha,  admitting  that  the  latter  are  not  of  unquestionable  authority.  Against  the 
Donatists,  who  cited  a  passage  found  in  2  Maccabees  (xiv.  37),  he  denied  the  soundness  of 
the  argument,  on  the  ground  that  the  book  was  not  admitted  into  the  Hebrew  canon,  to  which 
Christ  bore  witness,  although  "  it  had  been  received  by  the  church  not  unprofitably,  if  it 
were  heard  or  read  judiciously."  ^ 

Of  the  Greek  church  generally  it  may  be  said,  that  as  early  as  the  fourth  century,  under 

Origen's  influence,  the  Hebrew  canon  was  accepted  as  properly  fixing  the  limits  of 
«nd  S?*  tbe  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  even  the  reading  of  the  Apocrypha  being  in  some 
Western         cases  forbidden.     And  this  position  the  Greek  church  —  the  same  is  also  true  of 

the  older  Syrian  church — has  maintained,  with  but  a  slight  wavering  of  individ- 
ual fathers,  to  the  present  day.  At  the  Reformation  this  church,  in  harmony  with  the  en- 
tire body  of  Protestants,  reaflirmed  its  decision  that  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  alone, 
are  to  be  held  as  authoritative,  although  more  recently,  through  the  probable  influence  of  the 
Romish  church  and  in  opposition  to  Protestants,  there  has  been  an  apparent  weakening  in 
this  respect.*  In  the  Latin,  or  Western  church,  also,  such  fathers  as  Jerome,  Hilary,  and 
Rufinus,  took  a  position  of  greater  or  less  opposition  to  the  Apocrypha.  The  latter  declared 
(^Expos.  in  Si/mb.  Apost.,  c.  26)  of  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  that  they  were  the  "in- 
spired Scriptures,"  "  Ex  qiiibusjidei  nostrce  assertiones  constare  sotuerunt."  Besides  these  there 
were  others  that  were  "  ?ion  canonica  sed  ecdesiastica  a  majoribus  appellati  sunt."  The  pro- 
nounced attitude  of  Jerome,  also,  is  well  known.  After  enumerating  {Prol.  Galeaius  to  the 
books  of  Samuel),  the  works  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  he  says:  "  Quidquid  extra  hos  est,  inter 
Apocrypha  esse  ponendum."  And  in  another  place  (Ep.  ad  Lwtam),  he  speaks  very  dispar- 
agingly of  the  Apocrypha,  saying  that  there  was  much  evil  mixed  up  with  them  and  that  it 
required  great  skill  to  seek  out  the  gold  in  the  mud:  "  multaque  his  admixta  viliosa,  et  grandia 
esse  prudenticB  aurum  in  luto  qucerere."  Still,  it  is  to  be  admitted,  that  Augustine's  uncertain 
position  (cf.  De  Doctr.  Christ.,  ii.  81),  together  with  the  thorough  hold  of  the  popular  miud 
which  the  Apocrypha  had  gained  by  theu-  early  use  in  the  Old  Latin  versions,  and  the  incon- 
sistent practice  of  nearly  all  those  Fathers  who  theoretically  condemned  such  indiscriminate 
use,  prevented,  notwithstanding  the  weighty  opposition  mentioned,  a  full  and  just  settlement 
of  the  matter.  And  it  remained  an  unsettled  question  down  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation, 
a  goodly  list  of  Christian  scholars  refusing  to  be  bound  by  the  opinion  of  Augustine  as  over 
against  that  of  the  more  learned  and  accurate  Jerome,  although  the  former  had  the  sanction 
of  the  Roman  bishop.  Gregory  the  Great  (a.  d.  590-604*),  for  example,  apologizes  for  ad- 
ducing  a  proof  text  from  1  Maccabees,  since  it  was  not  a  canonical  book  {Moral,  in  Job,  xix 
17).  So  Anastasius  Sinaita  (fA.  D.  599),  Venerable  Bede  (cir.  A.  D.  672-735),  Notker,  Abbot 
of  St.  Gall  (a.  d.  830-912),  Hugo  of  St.  Victor  (a.  d.  1140),  Hugo  Carensis  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  Antonius,  Archbishop  of  Florence  in  the  fifteenth,  and  the  Cardinals  Ximenes  and 
Caietan  in  the  sixteenth  century,  among  many  others,*  adopted,  for  substance,  the  opinion  of 
Jerome,  which  excluded  our  apocryphal  books  from  the  list  of  canonical  Scriptures. 

Until  that  of  Trent  (a.  d.  1545-1563),  no  general  council  of  the  church,  either  in  the  first 
The  Council  Centuries  or  in  the  Middle  Ages,  had  ever  given  any  decision  on  the  question  of 
of  Trent.'        the  limits  of  the  canon  or  the  contents  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.     It  was  the  criti- 

1  Daviiison'fl  Introil.  to  O.  T.,  iii.  348.  2  Cf.  Westcott,  idem,  pp.  186,  189. 

8  See  Bleek's  Innod.  to  O.  T.,  ii.  336. 

4  See  a  full  list  of  such  scholars  in  Keerl  (ed.  of  1852),  pp.  140-144  ;  and  cf  De  Wette,  p.  64  ;  Reuss,  GesMcJite  de. 
/v.  r.,  ii.  54  IT. ;  and  Westcott,  Eib.  in  Church,  chap.  is. 

6  Cf  Delitzsch,  Lehrsyslem  der  Romischrn  Kirchi,  pp.  385^13;  Credner,  Geschirhle  der  N.  T.  Kan.,  p,  332  £f.  ;  Buck 
tey,  Hill.  !•/  C.  of  Trim,  paasim ;  and  Hase,  Oturch  History,  p.  454,  with  authorities  there  cited. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  5:3 

cisms  of  Protestants,  particularly  of  Erasmus  and  Luther,  on  the  loose  practice  of  Roman- 
ists respecting  the  Bible,  that  led  to  a  consideration  of  the  subject  at  this  time.  From  the 
writings  of  the  latter  reformer  which  had  been  spread  before  the  council  were  selected  cer- 
tain expressions,  in  which  he  had  declared  his  approval  of  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  canon 
alone,  exclusive  of  the  Apocrypha,  and  his  rejection  of  the  so-called  antilegomena  of  the 
New  Testament.  In  the  discussion  that  took  place  over  them  the  same  difference  of  opinion 
showed  itself  among  the  assembled  ecclesiastics  that  had  always  ruled  in  the  church,  since 
the  times  of  Jerome  and  Augustine.  Some  advised  that  the  course  of  Gregory  the  Great  and 
Caietan  be  pursued,  and  that  two  distinct  classes  of  books  in  the  Scriptures  be  recognized, 
arguing  that  Augustine,  also,  had  really  been  of  this  opinion.  Others  held  that  there  were 
rather  three  classes  of  writings  embraced  in  the  Bible:  the  acknowledged,  the  disputed,  and 
the  apocryphal,  and  that  whatever  decision  was  made  one  should  take  account  of  this  fact. 
Still  others  considered  it  unwise  to  attempt  any  decision  of  the  perplexing  problem,  and  pro- 
posed that  the  council  should  content  itself  with  giving  a  bare  list  of  the  books  of  Scripture 
and  leave  the  question  of  their  relative  worth  open.  But  against  these  several  views  a  fourth 
party,  which  contended  for  the  position  that  all  the  books  usually  included  in  the  Scriptures 
should  be  pronounced  of  equal  canonicity  and  authority,  finally  prevailed.  Although  this  fact 
is  denied  by  some  Romanist  theologians,  the  form  of  the  decree  itself  places  the  matter  be- 
yond a  doubt.  It  is  as  follows:  "The  holy,  oecumenical  and  general  council  of  Trent  .... 
following  the  example  of  the  orthodox  fathers,  receives  and  venerates  all  the  books  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  ....  and  also  traditions  pertaining  to  faith  and  conduct  ....  with 
an  equal  feeling  of  devotion  and  reverence."  The  list  of  the  books  then  follows,  including  the 
Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  in  the  following  order:  "  Esdrae  primus  et  secundus,  qui  dicitur 
Nehemias,  Tobias,  Judith,  Esther,  Job,  Psalterium  Davidicum  centum  quinquaginta  psal- 
morum.  Parabolic,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticum  Canticorum,  Sapientia,  Ecclesiasticus,  Isaias,  Jere- 
mias  cum  Baruch.  The  two  books  of  Maccabees  (duo  Macbabaeorum,  primus  et  secundus) 
were  placed  at  the  end  of  the  Old  Testament  after  the  Minor  Prophets.  This  order  is  wor- 
thy of  special  attention,  since,  contrary  to  an  earlier  resolution  of  the  body  which  had  deter- 
mined on  the  arrangement  found  in  the  Augustinian  canon,  where  all  the  apocryphal  books 
are  placed  at  the  end  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  so  in  a  comparatively  subordinate  position, 
they  are  here  mixed  up  with  the  rest  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  Greek  Biblc.i  Following 
the  list  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  the  decree  goes  on  to  say  :  "  If,  how- 
ever, any  one  does  not  receive  the  entire  books  with  all  their  parts,  as  they  are  accustomed  to 
be  read  in  the  Catholic  church  and  in  the  Old  Latin  Vulgate  edition,  as  sacred  and  canonical, 
let  him  be  anathema." 

The  concluding  sentence  of  the  decree,  moreover,  serves  to  show  in  what  sense  the  Triden- 
tine  ecclesiastics  meant  the  words  "  with  an  equal  feeling  of  devotion  and  rever- 
ence," as  applied  to  the  books  of  Scripture,  should  be  taken:  "Let  everyone  liow  to  be 
therefore  know  what  principle  the  synod  in  the  establishment  of  the  creed  and  '"'«'■?■■«'«''• 
the  restoration  of  the  usages  of  the  church  makes  use  of."  That  is  to  say:  all  these  books, 
in  like  manner,  and  in  an  equal  degree,  are  to  be  regarded  as  sources  of  Christian  doctrine  and 
practice.  In  fact,  no  consistent  Romish  theologian  has  the  right,  in  view  of  the  decisions  of 
this  council,  to  allow  that  there  is  any  essential  difference  of  authority  among  the  books  thus 
pronounced  "  sacred  and  canonical."  It  is  true  that  some  of  them  still  continue  to  speak  of 
works  "  canonical  "  and  '•  deutero-canonical,"  meaning  by  the  latter  the  Apocrypha.  Bellar- 
min  even  distinguishes  three  classes  of  Scriptural  writings,  reckoning  the  Apocrypha  among 
those  whose  authority,  notwithstanding  their  prophetic  and  apostolic  origin,  has  not  always 
been  undisputed.  But  no  theologian  of  this  church,  at  the  risk  of  being  charged  with  heresy, 
is  permitted  to  doubt  that  all  of  these  works  are  to  be  esteemed  as  a  part  of  the  inspired 
Word  of  God,  and  that  they  are  legitimate  sources  from  which  Christian  dogmas  may  be  de- 
rived. The  declaration  that  the  text  of  these  books  as  found  in  the  Vulgate  is  the  alone 
authentic  and  authoritative,  the  same  having  been  hastily  and  most  imperfectly  prepared  by 
Jerome,  a  notorious  opponent  of  the  Apocrypha,  and  the  attempt  to  support  their  action  in 
general  respecting  the  books  of  Scripture  on  the  basis  of  previous  conciliar  decisions,  as  those 
of  Laodicea,  of  Carthage,  and  of  Florence,  show  in  what  a  fatal  network  of  contradictions 
the  Roman  Catholic  divines  at  Trent  involved  themselves.  The  decision  of  the  first  council 
was  of  a  directly  contrary  nature,  wliile  those  of  the  other  two,  if  indeed  that  of  Florence 
i-especting  the  Scriptures  can  be  considered  genuine,  had  an  entirely  different  scope. 
1  See  EauleD,  GesMchle  drr  Vulgala,  p.  389,  cited  by  DeliUsch,  iJem,  p.  392. 


Si  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


And  it  is  obvious  that  this  important  step  was  taken  by  the  Council  of  Trent  for  other  than 
simple  historical  reasons.     Without  doubt  one  of  these  was  to  emphasize,  as  much 


Reasons  for 
it. 


as  possible,  the  differences  existing  between  themselves  and  the  Protestants  as 
represented  by  their  two  trreat  leaders,  Erasmus  and  Luther.  In  fact,  this  pur- 
pose was  openly  announced  by  Cardinal  Polus.^  Another  reason  is  to  be  found  in  the  weighty 
circumstance  that  the  apocryphal  books  might  be  found  very  useful,  if  not,  indeed,  absolutely 
essential  in  defending  certain  peculiar  dogmas  of  the  Romish  church,  as,  for  instance,  that  of 
the  intercession  of  angels  (Tob.  xii.  12)  and  of  departed  saints  (2  Mace.  xv.  14;  of.  Bar.  iii. 
4),  of  tlie  merit  of  good  works  (Tob.  iv.  7  ;  Ecclus.  iii.  30),  its  teaching  concerning  purgatory 
and  the  desirability  that  the  living  pray  for  the  dead  (2  Mace.  xii.  42  ff.).  Tanner  ^  candidly 
acknowli'dges,  indeed,  that  the  Apocrypha  were  pronounced  canonical  because  the  "church 
found  its  own  spirit  in  these  books."  Still  fiu-ther,  it  was  a  matter  of  no  little  interest  to 
maintain  at  all  hazards  the  dignity  of  the  Vulgate,  and  this  would  have  been  greatly  imper- 
iled if,  on  the  authority  of  a  general  council,  so  large  a  part  of  it  as  was  contained  in  the 
Old  Testament  Apocrypha  was  declared  to  be  of  interior  value.  But  if  none  of  these  rea- 
sons considered  separately,  or  when  taken  togetlier,  could  be  regarded  as  sufficient  to  deter- 
mine the  action  of  the  council  with  reference  to  the  Scriptures,  there  is  anotlier  whose  wei^lit 
cannot  be  disputed.  It  is  the  principle  that  then  dominated  and  must  ever  dominate  in  such 
a  system  as  the  Romisli  church  represents,  namely,  that  there  are  no  distinct  periods  of  di- 
vine revelation,  but  that  it  is  an  uninterrupted  process  going  forward  in  and  through  the 
church.  "  When  therefore  the  Catholic  church  insists  with  special  emphasis  on  the  full  and 
equal  canonicity  of  the  Apocrypha,  its  interest  in  them,  before  all,  declares  itself  for  the 
reason  that  by  their  means  the  gaps  in  the  inspired  literature  are  filled  up  and  that  continu- 
ity ["  solid .aritiit "]  of  canonical  development  restored,  which,  in  turn,  forms  the  innermost 
idea  of  the  dogma  of  tradition."  ' 

Karlstadt,  one  of  the  early  friends  of  Luther,  was  the  first  in  the  Protestant  church  to  give 
Writer.^  on  particular  attention  to  the  subject  of  the  Canon.*  While  placing  all  the  so  called 
the  Protes-  Apocrypha  outside  the  same,  he  made  tlie  distinction  among  them  of  apucryphi  la- 
wn affiograpJn  et  plane  apocryphi  virgis  censoriis.  To  the  first  class  belonged 
Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  Judith,  Tobit,  and  the  two  books  of  the  Maccabees.  In  the  first 
complete  original  edition  of  Luther's  version  of  the  Bible,  the  Apocrypha  were  placed  at  the 
end  of  the  Old  Testament  as  an  appendix,  with  the  title,  "  Apocrypha  —  that  is,  books  that 
are  not  held  as  equal  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  yet  are  good  and  useful  to  read."  It  may 
be  said,  in  general,  that  the  opinion  of  Luther  on  this  subject  became  the  prevailing  one  in 
the  church  which  he  represented.  But  such  a  statement  should  not  be  made  without  limita- 
tions. Luther's  view  was  a  too  subjective  one  to  be  made  the  platform  of  an  important 
branch  of  the  Christian  church.  Personal  feeling  more  than  historical  evidence,  or  gram- 
matical criticism,  he  made  the  test  of  canonicity.  He  did  not  liesitate  to  admit  that  the 
Scriptures  contained  many  imperfections  and  logical  errors.  He  sometimes  took  the  liberty 
of  explaining  passages  from  the  Old  Testament  in  a  way  different  from  that  in  which  they  are 
explained  in  tlie  New  Testament.  Of  Paul's  symbolical  interpretation  of  the  history  of  Ha- 
gar  and  Sarah,  for  instance,  he  declared  that  it  was  "  too  weak  to  hold."  ^  Hence,  it  does  not 
surprise  us  that  besides  excluding  the  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament  from  the  Bible  he 
distinguished  in  the  New  Testament  the  antilegomena  from  the  other  books  by  assigning  tliem 
to  a  subordinate  position.  The  leader's  influence  was  so  far  felt  in  the  Lutheran  church  that 
the  matter  of  the  canon  was  left  in  its  standards,  for  the  most  part,  an  open  question.  Like 
the  doctrine  of  inspiration,  the  fact  of  the  existence  of  a  canon  of  Scripture  was  rather  some- 
thing that  was  assumed  than  made  a  distinct  dogma.  Still,  in  the  so-called  Form  of  Concord 
which,  on  the  25th  of  June,  1580,  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  publication  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  was  solemnly  promulgated  by  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  for  a  large  part  of  the 
Lutheran  churcli  had  the  force  of  a  creed,  it  was  declared  that  the  Prophetical  and  Apostoli- 
cnl  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  constitute  the  oidy  rule  of  faith,  and  that  no 
oher  writings  have  equal  authority.^  Moreover,  the  position  and  title  which  had  been  given 
:o  the  Apocrypha  in  the  German  Bible,  in  that  of  Ziirich  and  Strassburg  of  1529,  as  well  as 

1  Delitzsch,  i'lrm,  p.  395. 

2  Ueb'r  dii  kalkotische  Traditions  und  das  Protestantische  Sc/iri/iprincip,  p.  127. 
8  iloltzmann,  Kaiuin  und  Tradit..  p,  431  f. 

4   De  Cannniris  Scriplvris  Libelliis.  5  See  Herzog's  Rfot-Encyk.,  yi.  64*6. 

6  See  \rt.  "  Concordien-Fonnel  ■'  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.^  iii.  87  ff. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  55 

Luther's  of  1534,  in  the  absence  of  a  distinct  article  in  the  Confession  respecting  them, 
served  as  a  guide  in  the  formation  of  opinions.  And  subsequently,  a  number  of  distinguished 
Lutheran  theologians,  as  Chemnitz,  Hollaz,  and  Gerhard,  drew  a  sharp  line  of  distinction  in 
their  writings  between  the  books  qui  in  codice  quidem  sed  non  in  canone  biblico  exstant,  and 
those  which  immediato  Dei  afflatu  scripti  sunt. 

Yet,  not  only  in  theory  but  also  in  practice,  the  Reformed  church  took  a  more  pronounced 
position  with  respect  to  these  works  than  the  Lutheran.  The  Helvetic  Confession 
declares  unequivocally  :  "  Credimus  Scripturas  canonicas  sive  prophetarum  et  Apos-  ^  church™' 
lolorum  utriusque  Testamenli  ipsum  esse  verbum  Dei."  As  Westcott  has  said: 
"  The  Lutherans,  or  more  strictly  Luther,  judged  the  Written  Word  by  the  Gospel  contained 
in  it,  now  in  fuller  now  in  scantier  measure,  to  which  the  Word  in  man  bore  witness  :  the 
Calvinists,  accepting  without  hesifcxtion  the  Old  Testament  from  the  Jewish  Church  and 
the  New  Testament  from  the  Christian  Church,  set  up  the  two  records  as  the  outward  test  and 
spring  of  all  truth,  absolutely  complete  in  itself  and  isolated  from  all  history."  i  The  French 
Bible  of  1535  says  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  title  to  the  same,  that  it  is  made  up  of  the 
books  translated  from  the  Hebrew,  and  gives  the  Apocrypha  in  the  form  of  an  appendix  with 
the  heading:  "  The  volume  of  the  Apocryphal  Books  contained  in  the  Vulgate  translation 
which  we  have  not  found  in  the  Hebrew  or  Chaldee."  This  may  be  taken  as  expressing  the 
deliberate  judgment  of  Calvin,  who  was  the  responsible  editor  of  the  work.  In  the  Confession 
of  Faith  made  at  Basle  (1534)  and  in  the  two  Helvetic  Confessions  (1536,  1566),  as  well  as  in 
the  Genevan  Catechism  (1545),  the  references  to  the  Scriptures  are  all  of  a  positive  character, 
but  no  express  list  of  the  canonical  books  is  given,  the  same  being  generally  understood  to  be 
conterminous  in  the  Old  Testament  with  the  Hebrew  canon.  The  Belgian  Confession  (1561- 
1563)  mentions  the  books  by  name,  both  those  of  the  Old  and  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
adds  :  "  These  books  alone  we  receive  as  sacred  and  canonical  non  tarn,  quod  ecclesia  eos  pro 
hujusmodi  reci/jial  et  ap/irobet,  quam  imprimis  quod  spiritus  sanctus  cordihus  nostris  lestatur  a  dec 
profi'ctos  esse  compriibationemque  in  se  ipsis  liabeant."  In  the  Confession  of  the  French  Re- 
formed church  (1561),  art.  4,  the  Apocrypha  are  apparently  comprehended  under  the  title  : 
"  Alii  libri  ecdesiastici,  qui  ut  sint  utiles,  non  sunt  tamen  ejusmodi,  ut  ex  iisconstitui  possit  aliquis 
Jidei  miiculus.'^  ^ 

The  discussions  that  were  held  on  the  subject  of  the  canon  at  the  synod  of  Dort  are  of 
much  interest,  and  seem  worthy  of  a  more  extended  notice.'  According  to  the 
olHcial  records  published  at  Leyden  in  1620  (Acta  Synodi  Dordrechtanae),  in  the  ^^  ° 
ninth  sitting  (1618-1619),  the  following  result  was  reached:  "  Since  it  is  clear 
that  the  apocryphal  books  are  mere  human  writings,  some  of  them  spurious  and  disfigured  by 
Jewish  legends  and  inventions,  as,  for  instance,  the  books  of  Judith,  Susanna,  Tobit,  Bel  and 
the  Dragon,  and  particularly  the  third  and  fourth  book  of  Ezra;  since  some  of  them,  also,  in 
doctrinal  and  historical  points  contain  contradictions  to  the  canonical  books;  and  since  they 
neither  in  the  Jewish  or  early  Christian  church  were  added  to  the  codex  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment :  it  was  consequently  discussed  whether  these  books  were  even  worthy  of  a  special 
translation,  and  further,  whether  it  were  best  that  they  should  be  bound  up  in  the  same  vol- 
ume with  the  sacred  codex,  inasmuch  as  such  a  connection  in  the  course  of  time  might,  as 
in  the  papal  church,  expose  to  the  danger  that  mere  human  productions  would  finally  come 
to  be  esteemed  by  the  ignorant  as  canonical  and  divine.  The  matter  having  been  considered 
for  a  long  time,  and  the  most  diverse  and  weighty  grounds  adduced  on  both  sides,  further  time 
was  desired  in  order  to  give  said  grounds  riper  deliberation."  "  In  the  tenth  sitting, 
Gomarus  and  Diodati  (of  Geneva),  together  with  other  pastors,  presented  their  views  in 
written  form,  and  the  opinion  of  those  from  Tubingen  having  also  been  heard,  the  majority 
voted  :  '  The  Apocrypha  should  be  translated  into  Dutch,  but  it  did  not  seem  necessary  to 
bestow  the  same  careful  attention  upon  them  as  is  demanded  in  the  translation  of  the  canon- 
ical books.'  "  It  was  further  resolved  to  continue  to  permit  the  Apocrypha  to  be  bound  up 
with  the  other  books,  but  only  on  the  condition  that  they  be  separated  from  them  by  a  suit- 
able space,  and  be  marked  by  a  special  title  in  which  it  should  be  emphasized  that  they  were 
purely  human,  —  in  fact,  apocryphal  books.  They  were  to  be  printed  in  smaller  type,  differ- 
ently paged,  and  the  places  where  they  differed  from  the  canonical  books  indicated  on  the 
margin,  particularly  the  passages  cited  by  the  Papists  in  support  of  their  peculiar  dogmas. 

1  J3i'6.  in  Church,  p.  248.  2  See  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.  vii.  266. 

«  See  Zeilschrift/Ur  hisloriscke  Theologie,  1854,  pp.  645-648. 


56  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


And  finally,  they  were  assigned  a  place,  not  as  usual,  between  the  Old  and  New  Testaments, 
but  at  the  end  of  the  whole  Bible. 

In  the  sixth  of  the  Latin  Articles  of  1562  of  the  Anglican  church,  translated  into  English 
the  following  year,  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  are  enumerated,  with  the  ex- 
England,  ception  of  Baruch,  which,  however,  was  doubtless  meant  to  be  included  in  Jere- 
miah, under  the  title  of  "  other  books,"  that  were  to  be  read  for  "  example  of  life 
and  instruction  of  manners,"  but  were  not  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  doctrines  (ad  exein- 
pla  vita  el  fonnandns  snores,  illos  tamen  ad  dogmata  confinnanda  non  adhibel).  lu  the  Articles  of 
1571,  ratified  by  Parliament  in  their  English  form,  the  Book  of  Baruch  is  mentioned  by  name 
as  well  as  all  the  rest  usually  found  in  the  list.  In  practice,  however,  the  Anglican  forms  an 
exception  in  some  respects  to  the  otherwise  universal  rule  of  all  branches  of  the  Reformed 
church.  Passages  from  Tobit  and  Wisdom  are  quoted  in  the  Homilies  as  Scripture;  Baruch 
is  called  a  prophet;  and  quotations  from  the  Book  of  Tobit  are  also  still  retained  in  the  Com- 
munion Service  (Tob.  iv.  8,  P).  A  proposition  in  Convocation  to  substitute  for  these  refer- 
ences others  taken  from  the  canonical  Scriptures  was  made  in  1689,  but  was  voted  down  by 
a  majority  of  the  members.'  The  same  general  position  as  that  taken  in  the  English  Articles 
with  respect  to  the  Apocrypha  was  also  adopted  in  the  Irish  Articles  of  1615.  They  declare 
that  the  books  commonly  called  Apocrypha  are  not  inspired,  "  and  therefore  are  not  of  suffi- 
cient authority  to  establish  any  point  of  doctrine ;  but  the  Church  doth  read  them  as  containing 
many  worthy  things  for  example  of  life  and  instruction  of  manners."  In  the  various  trans- 
lations of  the  Bible  that  were  made  for  use  in  England,  from  that  of  Coverdale  in  1535  to  the 
Authorized  Version  of  1611,  the  Apocrypha  were  invariably  found,  but  in  a  subordinate  po- 
sition, and  usually  prefaced  by  a  note  characterizing  them  as  "  Apocrypha,"  or  more  fully, 
as  writings  without  dogmatic  authority.  Coverdale,  in  his  first  edition,  put  Baruch  among 
the  canonical  books,  but  in  the  second  (1550),  among  the  apocryphal.  In  Cranmer's  Bible 
of  1540  the  term  Hagiographa  is  strangely  employed  instead  of  Apocrypha  as  a  title,  and  in 
later  editions  even  this  is  omitted.  The  Westminster  Confession  (1643)  treats  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  its  first  five  articles.  The  third  is  as  follows:  "  The  books  commonly  called  Apocry- 
pha, not  being  of  divine  inspiration,  are  no  part  of  the  canon  of  Scripture ;  and  therefore  are 
of  no  authority  in  the  Church  of  God,  or  to  be  any  otherwise  approved  or  made  use  of  than 
other  human  writings." 

Although  under  cover  of  a  supposed  hereditary  right  the  Apocrypha  had  found  a  place,  if 

_  .  .an  inferior  one,  in  the  English  Bible,  it  was  destined  soon  to  lose  the  same.     As 

Subsequent  j  n  i 

history  of  early  as  in  the  edition  of  1629  ("  Imprinted  at  London  by  Bonham  Norton  and 
phlfnth?"  Joh°  B'll-  Printers  to  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majestie  "),  the  apocryphal 
English  books  began  to  be  omitted.     In  1643,  Dr.  Lightfoot,  in  a  sermon  from  Luke  i.  17, 

delivered  before  the  House  of  Commons,  denounced  them  as  the  "  wretched 
Apocrypha,"  a  "  patchery  of  human  invention,"  by  which  the  end  of  the  Law  was  divorced 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Gospel.  Again  in  1645,  in  the  same  place,  he  pleaded  for  "  a 
review  and  survey  of  the  translation  of  the  Bible,"  and  that  Parliament  as  a  body  would 
"look  into  the  oracle,  if  there  be  anything  amiss  there  and  remove  it."  Providentially, 
it  was  not  left  to  the  government  of  England  to  interfere  in  the  matter,  but  without  any 
special  official  act  these  books  came,  as  by  common  consent,  to  be  omitted  from  new  editions 
of  the  Authorized  Version. 

During  the  present  century  two  important  conflicts  have  sprung  up  over  the  Apocrypha, 
both  occasioned  by  the  demand  of  Protestant  Christians  on  the  continent  ol 
flfc'tT  "°  Europe  that  these  books  be  bound  up  and  circulated  with  the  canonical  Scrip- 
tures. From  its  first  organization  in  1804,  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society 
had  been  accustomed  to  give  aid  to  similar  societies  on  the  continent,  the  so-called  Cansteiii 
Bibles  containing  the  Apocrypha  being  made  use  of  for  circulation  there.  After  a  few  years 
considerable  opposition  to  the  measure  began  to  manifest  itself  among  some  of  the  auxiliary 
societies,  particularly  in  Scotland.  As  early  as  1811,  consequently,  a  request  was  made  ot 
the  European  beneficiaries  by  the  parent  society,  that  they  leave  out  the  Apocrypha  from 
the  Bibles  whose  circulation  was  promoted  by  the  same.  So  much  feeling,  however,  was 
awakened  by  it,  and  the  fact  became  so  obvious  that  there  was  no  probability  of  its  being 
tomplied  with  on  the  continent,  that,  after  two  years,  it  was  withdrawn.     From  this  tims 

1  Cf.  Macaulay,  Hiil.  of  En?.,  lil.    387,  388.     New  York,  1850. 

3  Cf.  An.  Reports  of  Brit,  and  Foreign  Bib.  Soc,  and  Histories  of  that  Society  by  Owen  and  Brown  respecUrely. 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  57 

until  the  year  1819  there  was  a  continual  discussion  of  the  subject  in  the  pulpit  and  press  of 
Great  Britain,  all  parties,  on  the  Protestant  side,  admitting  that  the  Apocrypha  were  un- 
inspired writings,  but  without  being  able  to  agree  on  the  point  of  their  relative  worth  and 
the  propriety  of  circulating  them  with  funds  contributed  to  a  Bible  Society.  Assistance  given 
in  the  year  1819  toward  publishing  a  Roman  Catholic  version  in  Italian,  Spanish,  and  Por- 
tuguese, brought  matters  to  a  crisis,  the  Edinburgh  branch  characterizing  the  action  as  a 
breach  of  previous  contracts.  The  parent  society,  after  long  deliberation,  resolved  (1822)  to 
retrace  its  course,  deciding  that  henceforth  its  funds  should  be  used  only  for  the  distribution 
of  the  canonical  Scriptures,  and  that  whatever  was  done  by  auxiliaries  toward  printing  ■■wd 
publishing  the  Apocrypha  should  be  done  at  their  own  expense.  Such  a  middle  course,  how- 
ever, served  rather  to  enhance  than  diminish  the  difficulties  of  the  situation.  An  appropri? 
tion  of  five  hundred  pounds  made,  under  these  conditions,  to  Leander  Van  Ess  to  aid  him  i« 
the  public.ition  of  his  Bible,  he  agreeing  to  provide  independently  the  necessary  means  for  in- 
cluding the  Apocrypha  with  the  same,  called  forth  the  most  vigorous  protests.  It  was  asserted 
that  the  society  would  thereby  be  condoning  a  serious  fault,  and,  in  effect,  lending  its  influ- 
ence to  give  the  color  of  inspiration  to  books  that  were  full  of  errors,  even  below  the  level  of 
many  human  writings,  and  that  contained  not  a  few  actual  contradictions  of  the  canonical 
Scriptures. 

The  consequence  was  that  in  December,  1824,  the  directors  of  the  society  voted  to  rescind 
the  action  taken  about  three  months  before,  and  now  declared  that  they  would  aid  in  the 
publication  of  Bibles  containing  the  Apocrypha  only  in  case  the  same  were  printed  as  an 
appendix  to  the  canonical  books  and  not  distributed  among  them.  The  excitement,  however, 
already  ran  too  high  to  be  allayed  by  such  a  measure.  It  was  argued  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  society  not  only  not  to  give  the  least  encouragement  to  the  circulation  of  the  Apocrypha, 
but  to  discourage  it  and  bear  witness  at  every  opportunity  to  the  true  limits  of  the  Biblical 
canon.  Under  the  powerful  leadership  of  the  Edinburgh  branch,  the  opposition  made  itself 
felt  to  such  an  extent  that,  in  the  following  year,  all  action  taken  with  reference  to  the 
Apocry]>ha  since  1811  was  stricken  from  the  records  of  the  parent  society,  and  in  1827  the 
following  positive  ground  assumed,  which,  as  far  as  Great  Britain  was  concerned,  put  an  end 
to  the  controversy  :  The  principles  of  the  society  excluded  the  circulation  of  the  Apocrypha. 
Persons  and  associations,  therefore,  receiving  aid  from  it  must  bind  themselves  not  to  circu- 
late them.  Further,  bound  Bibles  alone  should  be  put  into  the  hands  of  auxiliaries,  and  that 
only  to  the  extent  that  pledges  were  given  to  circulate  the  same  unchanged.  And  finally, 
auxiliaries  circulating  the  Apocrypha  must  place  a  sum  corresponding  to  the  value  of  the 
Bibles  granted  them  to  the  credit  of  the  London  society. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  commotion  excited  in  Great  Britain  by  these  discussions  had  awak- 
ened a  corresponding  one  on  the  continent  of  Europe.      Nitzsch  writes,  with 

,  ,  •  ,         n-  ,     r  T^      1       1  ,  ,  ■    .  ,.    The  conflict 

some  humor,'  concerning  the  ettorts  made  irom  England  to  learn  the  opinions  of  on  the  con- 
various  scholars  at  the  continental  universities  on  this  subject.  As  long  as  the  '""'°'- 
London  society,  however,  on  which  all  the  continental  societies  were  more  or  less  dependent, 
permitted  the  publication,  with  funds  furnished  by  it,  of  the  Apocrypha  in  any  form,  the  dis- 
cussions going  on  in  Great  Britain  awakened  but  little  interest  in  the  rest  of  Europe.  But 
when  by  the  resolutions  of  1826  and  1827  all  further  cooperation  on  this  basis  was  rendered 
impossible  and,  in  addition,  the  brethren  of  the  continental  churches  were  advised  to  make 
a  bonfire  of  the  troublesome  books,-  the  storm  that  sprang  up  was  unprecedented.  The  Bible 
Society  of  Basle,  in  a  communication  addressed  to  that  of  London  (May,  1826),  endeavored 
to  dissuade  it  from  the  measure  resolved  upon,  and  on  receiving  an  unfavorable  response,  sought 
to  unite  all  the  auxiliaries  of  the  continent,  more  than  fifty  in  number,  in  an  effort  in  the 
same  direction,  and  in  ease  of  its  failure  to  induce  them  to  form  a  union  for  carrjang  on  the 
work  as  hitherto.^     The  connection  between  the  London  society  and  its  continental  auxil- 

1  Deutsche  Zeitschri/l,  No.  47,  p.  370 ;  "  Dies  geschah  in  den  zwanzigen  Jahren  unsers  Jahrhunderts.  Ich  erinnere 
micb,  das  der  Beauflragte  schon  in  Basel,  Tubingen,  Heidelberg,  auch  in  Frankfurt  a.  M.  angefragt  hatte,  als  er  mir  in 
Bonn  dieses  Zutrauen  erwies.  AUe  batten  begreiflicher  Weise  fiir  die  Mitverbreitung  der  Apokrypben  und  gegen  die 
schottiscben  Antrage  gestimmt.  Was  mau  ihm  von  Graden  der  Inspiration  gesagt  hatte,  schieu  ibu  am  meisten  zu  iuterefi- 
eiren,  aber   wenig  zu  erbauen." 

2  See  Metzger,  Gescftirhte  der  deutschen  Bibel-Uebersetzung,  p.  326. 

8  One  of  the  resolutions  of  the  paper  thus  communicated  is  worthy  of  special  notice.  It  reads  :  ''  In  Erwiigung.  das3 
das  Merkmal  christlicher  Universalitat  den  Grundcharacter  einer  Mnttergesellschaft  bildet,  und  in  der  gerechten  Besorg- 
niss,  dass  die  Bibelgesellschaft  in  London  dtirck  Missverstdndniss  zii.  ihrer  Verfiigung  wider  iliren  Willen  g^niilhi^t  irorden 
ist,  erklaren  wir  hiermit,  dass  wir  ibr  mit  unausldslichor  Dankbarkeit  zugethan  bleiben  und  uns  alsbald  bereitwiUig  aD 
flie,  als  die  Muttergesellschaft,  anschliessen,  wenn  sie  dem  Character  der  Universalitat  fortdauernd  huldigen  wird." 


58  THE  APOCRii'iiA. 


iaries  was  finally  broken  off  October  27,  1827.  The  discussions  called  forth  in  Enropeac 
circles  by  these  events  were,  for  the  most  part,  of  a  superficial  character,  with  the  exception 
of  certain  works  by  Reus;,  Moulinie,  and  Stier,'  which  helped  prepare  the  way  for  the  more 
radical  and  decisive  conflict  that  took  place  twenty  years  later. 

The  renewal  of  the  strife  in  Germany  in  1850  was  no  insignificant  symptom.  "  Ortho- 
doxy," as  Fritzscbe  somewhat  sarcastically  remarks,  "  had  powerfully  gained  in 
velopmenr  Strength,  and  now  began  to  show  its  horns."*  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  question 
could  not  rest  where  it  had  been  left  in  the  previous  discussions,  especially  as 
over  against  the  now  pronounced  position  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  and  a 
more  thorough  treatment  of  it  soon  became  an  absolute  necessity.  The  immediate  occasion 
of  the  opening  of  the  controversy  was  the  offering,  by  a  society  in  Carlsruhe,  1851,^  of  a 
prize  for  the  best  work  on  the  character  and  worth  of  the  Apocrypha.  The  first  prize  was 
won  byKeerl  in  a  treatise  entitled:  "  Die  Apokryphen  des  Alten  Testaments"  (Leipz.,  1852); 
and  the  second,  by  Kluge:  "  Die  Stellung  und  Bedeutung  der  Apokryphen  "  (Frankfurt  a. 
M.,  1852),  the  latter  being  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue  and  of  an  eminently  popular  cast.  Keerl 
followed  up  his  first  work  by  three  others  (1853,  1856),  in  which  he  defended  it  against  at- 
tacks, especially  those  of  Stier  and  Hengstenberg,  and  showed  more  fully  the  errors  and  con- 
tradictions of  the  Apocrypha  in  their  relation  to  the  Scriptures.  Other  more  fugitive  com- 
positions on  the  same  side,  that  is,  against  the  Apocrypha,  by  Wild,  Schiller,  Schroder, 
Sutter,  Ebrard,  Kraussold,  whose  full  titles  we  give  elsewhere,  appeared  at  about  the  same 
time,  and  the  contest  was  now  fairly  entered  upon.  As  champions,  on  various  grounds,  for 
the  retention  of  the  Apocrypha  in  published  editions  of  the  Bible,  appeared  persons  of  no 
less  distinction  and  weight  than  Rudolph  Stier,*  Hengstenberg, ^  and  Bleek.^  The  discussion 
was  conducted  with  great  warmth  on  both  sides,  Stier  particularly  placing  himself  through 
an  often  misdirected  zeal  in  weak  and  dangerous  positions.  And  even  Hengstenberg  was  be- 
trayed into  intimating  that  the  opponents  of  the  Apocrypha  were  too  much  influenced  in  their 
efforts  by  the  wish  to  share  the  pecuniary  resources  of  English  Christians,  and  that  it  might 
be  better  to  give  up  the  circulation  of  the  Bible  altogether,  than  to  submit  to  the  latter's  nar- 
rowness.' The  views  of  Bleek  were  undoubtedly  most  free  from  bias,  but  being,  at  the  same 
time,  based  on  a  theorv  of  inspiration  which  destroys  the  essential  distinction  between  works 
canonical  and  apocryphal,  they  did  not  have  the  influence  which,  in  other  respects,  they  de- 
served. One  practical  result  of  the  discussion  was  that  the  so-called  Bergische  Bibelgesell- 
schaft  passed  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  no  more  Bil)les  containing  the  Apocrypha  would 
be  circulated  by  them  gratis,  or  at  a  reduced  rate,  but  that  ("  auf  ausdriickliches  Verlangen," 
'•on  sjiecial  request  ")  such  Bibles  would  be  issued,  at  the  full  cost  price,  to  those  wi^hinj 
them  on  those  terms.*  And  a  still  more  important  result  was,  that  the  attention  of  leading 
scholars  on  the  continent  was  now  directed  to  the  matter  of  subjecting  these  works  to  a  crit- 
ical and  exhaustive  study,  the  fruits  of  which  have  greatly  enriched  the  theological  literature 
of  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  and  contributed  not  a  little  towards  harmonizing  the  opinions 
of  all  Protestants  on  this  hnportant  question.  It  may  serve  as  a  sign  of  the  change  that  is 
taking  place  in  Christian  public  sentiment  that  scholars  appointed  in  Switzerland  (1857-58) 
for  the  revision  of  the  German  Bible,  in  a  report  subsequently  made,^  expressed  their  regret 
that  it  had  not  been  permitted  them  to  leave  out  certain  of  the  Apocryphal  books  not  found 
.n  the  Lutheran  translation,  namely,  1  and  2  Esdras  and  3  Maccabees,  and  declared  that,  al- 
totrether.  thev  had  found  their  labor  on  these  writings  dreary  and  unsatisfying.  They  gave 
the  Apocrypha,  moreover,  a  new  and  separate  paging  as  better  corresponding  to  their 
acknowledged  position  relative  to  the  canonical  Scriptures. 

As  we  speak  circumstantially  of  the  Greek  text  and  the  old  translations  in  connection  with 

the  several  separate  introductions,  it  remains  for  us  here  simply  to  characteriz*- 

The  Greek      (his  text  in  seneral  in  its  published  form,  and  describe  the  various  manuscripts 

that  are  supposed  to  be  represented  in  the  respective  books.     All  other  editions  of 

the  Septuagint,  including  the  Apocrypha,  are  based  on  four  principal  ones,  namely:  the  Com- 

1  See  Index  of  Authorities  below.  2  Schenkel's  Bib.  La.,  art.  "Apok.  des  A.  T." 

8  "  Verein  (Ur  iDnere  Mission  Angsb.  Bekenntnisses,  im  Grosshereogthum  Baden." 

4   Dif  Apok.  (1853).  6  Er.  Kirchenzeitiing,  1353.  1864. 

0   Sliul.  u.  Krit.,  1853.  '  See  Keerl  (ed-  of  1853),  pp.  45,  46. 

8   Ev.  Knrhnztiluns.  1854,  p.  680  9  Metzger,  p.  379. 

10  Cf   Smith's  Bib   Did..  Att.  "Septuagint;"  Rosenmiiller,  HandiiKA,  ii.  262-3M;  Frankel,  roMdidien,  pp.  242-25* 
Bchiirer,  in  Heraog's  Rial-Encyk.  (2l«   AuB  ),  1.  494  f 


GENERAL   INTRODUCTION.  C9 

phitensian  Polyglot  (•'  in  Comphitensi  universitate,"  1514-151  7);  the  Aldine  ("  SaciEe  Sorip- 
tur£e  Veteris  Novteque  omnia,"  1518);  the  Roman  ("  Vetus  Testamentum  juxta  Septuaginta 
ex  auctoritate  Sixti  V.  Pont.  Max.  etiitum,"  Romse,  1587);  and  Haher's  facsimile  ,o^  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus  (1816-28).  An  edition  of  the  latter  was  also  published  by  Grabe  (1707- 
1720),  but  its  critical  value  is  far  below  that  of  Baber's.  The  text  of  the  Roman  edition,  be- 
ing mainly  that  of  the  Vatican  MS.  (1209.),  is  much  superior  to  the  others,  and  as  most  of  the 
later  editions  of  the  LXX.  are  founded  upon  it,  the  ordinary  printed  text  is  an  unusually  good 
one.  The  entire  Greek  Apocrypha  (('.  e.,  1  Esdras,  Tobit,  Judith,  Additions  to  Esther,  Wis- 
dom, Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch,  Epistle  of  Jeremiah,  Additions  to  Daniel,  and  1,  2,  and  3  Mac- 
cabees), are  found  in  all  these  editions,  except  that  1  Esdras  is  wanting  in  the  Complutensi:i:i 
Polyglot,  while  Codex  Alexandrinus  contains  in  addition  4  Maccabees  and  the  Prayer  of  .Man- 
asses. 

The  most  important  subsequent  edition  of  the  Greek  Bible  in  the  order  of  time  was  that  of 
Holmes  and  Parsons  (5  vols.  1798-1827,  Apocrypha  in  vol.  v.),  which  is  accompanied  by  a 
great  number  of  valuable  readings  of  MSS.  and  previous  editions.  The  Vatican  MS.  (1209. 
named  here  II.)  was  collated  for  only  a  part  of  the  Apocrypha  (1  Esd.,  Additions  to  Esth., 
Jud.,  and  Tob.),  it  having  been,  during  the  progress  of  the  work,  put  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
editors.  In  the  year  1850  appeared  the  first  edition  of  Tischendorf's  "  Vetus  Testamentum 
Greece  juxta  LXX.  interpretes  "  (Lips.,  5th  ed.  1875).  He  gave  the  readings  of  the  Codex 
Alexandrinus  and,  so  far  as  known  at  the  time  of  publication,  those  of  the  Sinaitic  MS. 
(Friderico-Augustanus)  and  of  the  palimpsest  of  Ephraim  the  SjTian.  Further,  in  1869,  was 
published,  by  Mr.  Field  at  Oxford,  an  edition  of  the  LXX.  ("  Vetus  Testamentum  Grasce 
juxta  LXX.  interpretes,  recensionem  Grabianam  denuo  recognovit  "),  on  the  basis  of  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus,  manifest  errors  of  transcription  being  corrected  by  the  aid  of  other 
MSS.  The  apocryphal  books  are  separated  from  the  canonical,  and  the  order  of  the  latter 
is  that  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  Other  minor  editions  are  those  of  Bos  (Franeq.,  1709), 
Breitinger  (4  vols.,  Turici,  1730-32),  and  several  by  Bagster.  The  last  has  also  published 
a  separate  edition  of  the  Apocrypha  in  Greek  (text  of  the  Roman  edition),  with  the  English  in 
parallel  columns  (Lond.,  1871).  The  Apocrypha  in  Greek,  moreover,  have  been  published 
in  a  separate  form  by  Fabricius  (1691,  1694),  Augusti  (1804),  Apel  (1837),  and  Fritzsche 
(1871).  The  last  work,  with  its  rich  and  well-arranged  critical  apparatus,  is  far  superior  to 
any  that  has  preceded  it,  but  is  itself  so  far  imperfect  that,  for  some  of  the  books  (Ecclus., 
Bar.,  Ep.  of  Jer.,  and  Additions  to  Dan.),  no  collation  of  the  Vatican  MS.  (II.)  was  made, 
while  for  the  remaining,  the  collation  of  Holmes  and  Parsons  was  followed,  except  in  the  Book 
of  Wisdom,  for  which  Fritzsche  made  use  of  the  faulty  transcript  of  the  MS.  by  Cardinal  Mai 
(Romje,  1857).  In  view  of  the  recent  appearance  of  this  famous  Codex  in  a  far  more  cor- 
rect form  in  the  edition  of  Vercellone  and  Cozza  (Romse,  1868-1875,  vols,  i.-v;  vol.  vi., 
jontaining  the  critical  apparatus,  was  promised  for  the  year  1878),  and  the  new  photo-litho- 
graphic edition  of  the  Syriac  Hexapla  by  Ceriani  (Mediol.,  1874),  a  new  edition  of 
Fritzsche's  otherwise  most  excellent  and  satisfactory  work  would  seem  to  be  called  for. 
Editions  of  single  books  of  the  Apocrypha  have  appeared  at  diflferent  times,  as  follows:  by 
Linde,  Ecclesiasticus  (1795);  the  same  by  Bretschneider  (1806);  of  Esther,  by  Fritzsche 
(1848);  Wisdom  (1858)  and  Tobit  (1870),  by  Reusch. 

The  uncial  MSS.  containing  a  greater  or  less  portion  of  the  Apocrypha  are  comparatively 
numerous.      (1)  The  most  important  and  valuable  of   these  is  Vaticanus  1209. 
by  Holmes  and  Parsons,  whose  nomenclature  Fritzsche  follows,  called  No.  II.     It    2"""^  '"*''• 

Udci^Ia 

originated,  as  is  supposed,  in  the  fourth  century,  and  contains  the  following  Apoc- 
ryphal books:  1  Esd.,  Wisd.,  Ecclus.,  Additions  to  Esth.,  Jud.,  Tob.,  Bar.,  Ep.  of  Jer.,  and 
Additions  to  Daniel.  (2)  Codex  Sinaiticus,  likewise  of  the  fourth  century,  is  the  next  uncial 
in  age  and  rank.  It  is  kept  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  name  given  it  by  Fritzsche,  as  including 
the  MS.  Friderico-Augustanus,  an  earlier  discovered  fragment  of  the  same  preserved  at 
Leipsic,  is  X.  It  contains  the  Additions  to  Esther,  Tobit  (i.-ii.  2  in  Frid.- August.),  Jud.,  1 
and  4  Mace,  Wisd. ,  and  Ecclesiasticus.  (3)  Codex  Alexandrinus  (III.)  is  of  the  fifth  century, 
ind  now  to  be  found  in  the  British  Museum.  The  Apocrypha  have  in  it  the  following  order: 
Bar.,  Ep.  of  Jer.,  Additions  to  Dan.,  Additions  to  Esth.,  Tob.,  Jud.,  1  Esd.,  1,  2,  3,  4 
Mace,  Prayer  of  Man.,  Wisd.,  Ecclus.  (4)  Codex  Ephraemi  rescriptus  (C.)  is  preserved  at 
Paris,  and  is  thought  to  have  originated  in  the  fifth  century.  It  has  considerable  fragments  of 
Ecclus.  (cf.  Tischendorf's  ed.  of  LXX.,  Prolegom.,  p.  Ixxxiii.)  and  Wisdom  (viii.  5-xii.  10;  xiv. 


60  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


19-xvii.  18;  xviii.  24-xix.  22).  (5)  Codex  Venetus  is  found  at  the  library  of  St.  Mark's, 
Venice.  It  was  falsely  numbered  as  a  cursive  MS.  (23.)  by  Holmes  and  Parsons.  It  ap- 
parently originated  in  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  and  contains  all  the  Apocrypha  here 
treated  except  1  Esd.,  Additions  to  Esth.,  and  the  Prayer  of  Manasses.  (6)  Codex  Basili- 
ano-Vaticanus  2106.  (XL)  is  from  the  ninth  century,  and  contains  of  our  books  :  1  Esd.  (ex- 
cept viii.  1-6;  ix.  2-55),  and  the  Additions  to  Esther.  (7)  Codex  Marchalianus,  or  Vati- 
canus  2125.  (XII.),  is  from  the  sixth  or  seventh  century,  and  contains  of  the  Apocrypha: 
Bar.,  Ep.  of  Jer.,  and  the  Additions  to  Daniel.  (8)  Codex  Cryptoferratensis,  of  the  seventh 
century,  was  published  by  Cozza,  at  Rome,  in  1867  (2  vols.,  vol.  iii.  1877),  and  has  frag- 
ments of  Baruch.  of  the  Ep.  of  Jer.,  and  the  Additions  to  Daniel.  It  seems  not  to  have 
been  collated  hy  Fritzsche.  (9)  There  remain,  moreover,  yet  to  be  collated  two  palimpsests 
of  Ecdus.  and  ^\'isd.,  discovered  by  Tischendorf  and  now  preserved  at  St.  Petersburg. 
'J'liis  scholar  had  reserved  them  for  volume  viii.  of  the  Monumenta  sacra  inedita,  which  did 
not  appear. 

The  following  cursive  MSS.  also,  the  most  of  them  first  collated  for  the  edition  of  the  LXX. 
by  Holmes  and  Parsons,  are  noticed  in  the  critical  apparatus  of  Fritzsche's  "  Libri 
Apocryphi  V.  T.  Graece,"  and  for  convenience  may  be  here  more  particularly 
described  :  For  1  Esdras  were  used  44.  (Cod.  Zittaviensis,  e  codd.  biblioth.  senatus  Zittavis 
ascribed  to  the  15th  cent.);  52.  (Cod.  Liguriensis,  Florence,  parchment,  of  the  10th  cent.), 
55.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  1,  parchment,  some  say  from  the  10th,  others  from  the  12th  cent.);  58. 
(Cod.  Vat.  n.  10,  parchment,  c.  13th  cent.)  ;  64.  (Cod.  Parisiensis  n.  2,  parchment,  c.  11th 
•cent.);  68.  (library  of  St.  Mark's,  Venice,  n.  5,  parchment);  71.  (Cod.  Par.  n.  1,  paper,  i.e. 
fharta  bombycina,  c.  13th  cent.,  carelessly  transcribed);  74.  (Cod.  Marcianus,  at  Cloister  of 
St.  Mark  near  Florence,  c.  12th  cent.,  lacks  vi.  4-30,  written  by  different  hands);  106.  (Cod. 
Ferrariensis,  paper,  c.  14th  cent.,  found  at  library  Garmelitarum  Calceatorum  ad  div.  Paulum, 
Ferrarae) ;  107.  (Cod.  Ferrariensis,  paper,  had  same  copyist  as  106.,  dated  1334);  119.  (Cod. 
Par.  n.  6,  parchment,  13th  cent.);  120.  (Cod.  Venetus  n.  4,  parchment,  11th  or  12th  cent.); 
121.  (Cod.  Venetus  n.  3,  parchment,  probably  of  the  11th  cent.);  134.  (Cod.  Mediceus,  e 
codd.  biblioth.  Mediceo-laurentianas,  Florence,  parchment,  10th  cent.);  236.  (Cod.  Vat.  n. 
331,  parchment,  10th  cent.);  243.  (Cod.  Coislinianus  n.  8,  10th  cent.,  especially  rich  in  read- 
ings from  Aquila,  Symmaehus,  and  Theodotion);  245.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  334,  parchment,  date 
before  10th  cent.);  248.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  346,  paper,  c.  14th  cent.).  Additions  to  Esther: 
55.93  b.  (see  93.  below)  108a.  (see  108.  below);  249.  (Cod.  Vat.,  parchment);  52.64.  243.  248. 
44.  68.  71.  74.  76.  (Cod.  Par.  n.  4,  parchment,  apparently  of  12th  cent.);  106.  107.  120.  236. 
Additions  to  Daniel.  26.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  556,  parchment,  c.  13th  cent.),  33.  (Cod.  Vat.  1154, 
parchment,  10th  cent.,  is  mutilated  at  the  beginning  and  has  only  five  verses  of  Bel  and 
Dragon)  ;  34.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  303,  parchment,  c.  12th  cent.)  ;  35.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  866,  c.  12th 
cent.);  49.  (Medicean  Lib.,  11th  cent.);  87.  (Cod.  Chisianus,  9th  cent.);  88.  (Cod.  Chis., 
has  both  texts)  ;  89.  (11th  cent.);  91.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  452,  parchment,  11th  cent.);  130.  (Cod. 
Cajsareus,  Vienna,  parchment,  10th  or  12th  cent.);  148.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  2025,  parchment,  c. 
12th  cent.);  149.  (at  Vienna,  parchment,  c.  13th  cent.,  contains  of  additions  only  Bel  and 
Dragon);  228.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  1764,  parchment,  c.  13th  cent.);  229.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  675,  14th 
cent.,  closes  with  ver.  2  of  Bel  and  Dragon)  ;  230.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  1641,  parchment,  c.  12th  cent.)  ; 
231.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  1670,  parchment,  11th  cent.);  232.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  2000,  parchment, 
c.  12th  cent.)  ;  234.  (Cod.  Mosquensis);  235.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  2048).  Prayer  of  Mananses  : 
T.  (Cod.  Turicensis,  a  MS.  of  the  Psalms  at  Zurich).  Baruch:  231.  96.  (Cod.  of  the  Hexa- 
pla  in  the  collection  of  Moldenhauer,  at  Copenhagen);  49.  26.  198.  (Nat.  Lib.  at  Paris  — 
formerly  Colbert,  n.  14.  parchment,  apparently  of  11th  cent.,  contains  i.  1-ii.  19);  229.  33. 
70.  (belongs  to  lib.  of  Church  of  St.  Agnes,  Augsburg,  parchment,  lOth  or  11th  cent.)  ;  86. 
(lib.  of  Card.  Barberini,  Rome,  very  old  but  corrected  from  Hexapla)  ;  87.  88.  91.  228.  239. 
(Cod.  of  lib.  S.  Salvatoris,  Bologna,  n.  641,  parchment,  dated  1046).  The  Epixtle  of  Jeremiah 
is  found  in  the  same  MSS.,  in  general,  as  Baruch.  In  231.  verses  54  to  the  end  are  wanting, 
and  the  MSS.  70.  96.  229.  do  not  contain  the  Epistle.  Tobil :  44.  52.  (from  iii.  16  on, 
wanting),  55.  58.  (lacks  xiii.  7-14),  64.  71.  74.  76.  106.  107.  236.  243.  248.  249.  Judith  :  52. 
55.  64.  243.  248.  249.  44.  71.  74.  76.  106.  107.  236.  1  Maccabees:  44.  52.  55.  56.  (from  x.  16 
on,  wanting),  62.  64.  71.  74.  106.  107.  134.  (begins  with  xi.  33),  243.  (lacks  xi.  63-xv.  4). 
S  Maccabees:  Is  found  in  the  same  MSS.  generally  as  the  first  book,  except  that  it  fails  in 
134.  ;  66.  (begins  with  v.  11,  and  ends  vi.  7);  64.  (lacks  x.  13  to  end  of  chapter);  243.  (ends 


GENERAL  INTRODUCTION.  61 

with  xiv.  23).  S Maccabees :  55.  74.  44.  (lacks  ii.  5-8, 13-15),  71.  (is  fragmentary,  wanting 
ii.  3-19;  iii.  28,  30  ;  v.  11-13  ;  vi.  4-15,  25,  26,  34-36,  38-40;  vii.  2),  19.  62.  64.  (ends  with 
vi.  13),  93.  Ecdesiasticiw: :  55.  68.  70.  106.  155.  157.  (ends  with  Ii.  21),  248.  253.  254.  296. 
(wants  xviii.  18-xix.  3;  xxiii.  3-16;  xlviii.  12-xlix.  15,  and  chap.  Ii),  307.  (Cod.  Monacensis 
n.  129,  paper,  14th  cent.,  lacks  xxi.  3-xxvi.  20,  and  all  after  xlii.  33).  Wisdom:  55.  68.  106. 
(lacks  xi.x.  18,  to  the  end);  155.  (Cod.  Meermaiii,  end  of  12th  cent.,  vi.  23-xv.  19  is  wanting); 
157.  (Basil.  B.  vi.  23);  248.  253.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  336,  parchment,  14th  cent.)  ;  254.  (Cod.  Vat. 
n.  337,  parchment,  apparently  13tli  cent.);  261.  (Medicean  Library  n.  30.,  14tli  cent.,  end 
fails  as  in  106.,  and  in  other  respects  like:  "oninino  genielli  sunt,"  Fritzsche) ;  296.  (Cod. 
Vaticano-palatino-heidelberg.  n.  337,  parchment,  13tli  cent.).  Fritzsche  also  gives  for  this 
book  the  readings  of  several  Paris  MSS.  collated  by  Thilo,  designated  respectively  by  the 
letters  A.  Aa.  (fragment  i.-iv.  7,  connected  with  A.),  B.  C.  D.  E.  F.  G.  H.  I. 

The  following  codices  belong,  according  to  a  recent  discovery  of  Paul  de  Lagarde  '  and 
Mr.  Field, 2  to  the  recension  of  the  martyr  Lucian,  made  in  the  third  century:  19.  (Cod.  Bibl. 
Chigianae,  Rome,  10th  cent.,  containing  1  Esd.  ii.  16-ix.  36,  and  .\dd.  to  Esth.,  Judith.  1,  2, 
and  3  Maccabees) ;  93.  (Cod.  Arundelianus,  British  Museum,  contains  1  Esd.,  Add.  to  Esth., 
1,  2,  3  Maccabees);  108.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  330,  paper,  14th  cent.,  contains  1  Esd.,  Add.  to 
Esth.,  Tobit,  except  x.  8  ff.);  36.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  303,  parchment,  c.  13th  cent.,  contains 
Baruch,  Ep.  of  Jer.,  and  Add.  to  Dan.);  48.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  1794,  parchment,  11th  cent.,  con- 
tains same  books)  ;  51.  (Cod.  of  Medicean  Lib.,  parchment,  11th  cent.,  same  books);  62.  (at 
Oxford,  13th  cent.,  same  books  and  in  addition  1,  2,  3  Maccabees)  ;  90.  (Cod.  Bibl.  Lau- 
rentianae,  parchment,  c.  11th  cent.,  has  Add.  to  Dan.,  Bar.,  and  Ep.  of  Jer.)  ;  147.  (Bodleian 
Lib.,  13th  cent.,  same  books);  233.  (Cod.  Vat.  n.  2067,  12th  cent.,  same  books);  22.  (Brit. 
Mus.,  11th  or  r2th  cent.,  has  Baruch)  ;  308.  (Vienna,  contains  the  same  parts  of  Ecclus.  as 
296.,  and  lacks  in  addition  xlv.  15-xlvi.  12). 

Other  characters  used  by  Fritzsche  in  his  critical  apparatus  and  adopted  in  the  present  vol- 
ume, are  as  follows:  Co.,  Complutensian  Polyglot;  Aid.,  the  Aldine  edition  of  the  LXX. ;  H., 
Hoeschel's  Codex  Augustanus;  HF.,  the  edition  of  Tobit  in  Hebrew  by  Fagius;  HM.,  the 
edition  of  Tobit  in  Hebrew  by  MUnster;  Syr.  P.,  the  Peshito  Version;  Syr.  Ph.,  the  Philoxen- 
ian  version;  Ar.,  Arabic  ;  Vet.  Lat.,  Old  Latin;  Vulg.,  Vulgate,  and  to  be  distinguished  from 
vulg.,  by  which  the  texlus  receplus  is  sometimes  designated. 

The  translators  of  the  English  version  of  the  Apocrypha,  incorporated  with  the  Bible  of 
1611,  have  not  left  us  wholly  in  doubt  respecting  the  authorities  made  use  of  by 
them.     By  means  of  the  marginal  notes  and  references,  as  well  as  by  comparing   ^"^fu"*-',. 
the  readings  adopted  with  the  critical  works  known  to  have  been  in  their  hands,    used  in  the 
a  tolerably    correct  judgment   of  their  method  of   procedure  may  be   obtained,    len'.s"" 
Next  to  the  Latin  translation  of  the  Apocrypha,  by  Junius,  they  depended  mainly 
on  the  Complutensian   Polyglot  (1517),  and  the  Aldine  edition  of  the  LXX.  (1518).     For  1 
Esdras,  the  last  was  their  principal  authority  (cf.  ii.  12),  as  that  book  did  not  find  its  way 
into  the  work  of  Cardinal  Ximenes.     And  for  the  Prayer  of  Manasses  there  seem  to  have 
been  no  Greek  authorities  at  hand,  the  same  not  appearing  in  the  Polyglot  of  Walton  till  1657, 
and  the  Alexandrine  Codex  first  reached  England  in  the  year  1628.     But  the  Roman  edi- 
tion of  tlie  LXX.  (1587)  was  also  in  their  hands,  as  is  evident  from  direct  references  to  it 
(cf.  margin  at  1  Esd.  v.  25;  viii.  2;  Tob.  xiv.  5;  1  Mace.  ix.  9),  although  it  seems  to  have  ex- 
erted no  preponderating  influence.     Sometimes  the  Aldine  copy  was  followed  in  preference 
to  the  united  testimony  of  the  Roman  edition  and  the  Complutensian  Polyglot  (cf.  Jud.  iii. 
9;  viii.  1;  Ecclus.  xvii.  31;  xxxi.  2;  xxxvi.  15;  xxxix.l7;  xlii.l3;  xliii.26;  .xlvii.l;  Bel  and 
Drag.,  ver.  38;  2  Mace.  i.  31 ;  viii.  23;  xii.  36;  xiv.  36).     And  again  the  Roman  edition  was  fol- 
lowed as  against  the  other  two  (cf.  1  Mace.  iii.  14,  15,  18,  28;  iv.  24;  v.  23,  48;  vi.  24,  43, 
57;  vii.  31,  37,  41,  45;  viii.  10;  ix.   9;  x.  41,  42,  78;  xi.  3,  15,  22,  34,  35;  xii.  43;  xiii.  22, 
25;  xiv.  4,  16,  23,  46;  xv.  30;  xvi.  8;  2  Mace.  viii.   30;  xv.  22).*     It  looks  somewhat  suspi- 
cious, however,  that  so  many  of  the  latter  passages  are  to  be  found  in  one  book  of  the  Apoc- 
rypha, and  it  makes  the  impression,   by  itself,  that  simple  convenience  may  have  been  too 
much  consulted  in  the  matter. 

1  Sm  Theotog.  Literaturztitung,  1878,  col.  605.  2  Idem,  col.  179- 

i  Cf.  SoriveQex,  Tfu  Cambridgt  Farasraph  BibUy  Introd.,  pp.  zxrii.,  xxviii.      4  ScriTener,  idem,  p.  xxvii.,  DOte  4. 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS.' 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  title  which  this  book  bears  in  the  English  Bible  was  first  given  to  it  in  1560,  by  the 

translators  of  the  so-called  GeneTan  Tersion.  The  church  of  England,  however,  in  its 
article  of  religion  relating  to  the  Scriptures,  promulgated  two  years  later,  and  again  in  1571, 
following  the  usage  of  the  Vulgate,  calls  it  the  "  Third  Book  of  Esdras  "  ;  our  present 
canonical  Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  being  known,  respectively,  as  "First"  and 
"  Second  Esdras."  ^ 

In  the  Old  Latin,  Syriac,  and  Septuagint  versions,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  designated 
as  the  '-First  Book  of  Ezra,"  and  held  a  corresponding  position  in  the  order  of  books. 
This  was  doubtless  due  to  the  nature  of  its  contents,  which  include  a  somewhat  earlier  period 
of  history  than  the  books  with  which  it  is  associated,  and  not,  as  Movers  '  and  Pohlmann  * 
strangely  conjecture,  on  account  of  its  superior  age.  The  Codex  Alexandrinus  and  some 
MSS.  of  the  LXX.  name  the  work  i  Upeis,  —  Ezra  being  regarded  as  a  priest  ^aj-  excellence ; 
while  Jerome,  in  his  Prologus  Galeatus,  reckons  the  work  among  the  "apocryphal"  books 
of  the  Old  Testament,  under  the  name  of  "  Pastor,"  and  is  followed,  in  this  respect,  by 
some  writers  at  a  later  period  (Petrus  Comestor,  cir.  a.  d.  1170).  On  the  basis  of  this  fact 
it  has  been  asserted,  even  by  so  sagacious  a  critic  as  Credner,  that  Jerome  classed  the  well- 
kuown  Paxtor  Hermes  with  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha.^ 

By  Isidore  of  Seville  {Origq.,  vi.  2)  the  book  is  entitled  the  "  Second  Book  of  Ezra"  ; 
Nehemiah  and  the  canonical  Ezra  being  regarded  as  the  First  Book.  In  times  still  more 
modern,  writers  have  inaccurately  applied  to  it  such  titles  as  the  "  Pseudo-Ezra,"  and  the 
"  Apocryphal  Ezra,"  which  might  easily  lead  to  confounding  the  work  with  what  is  known 
in  the  English  Bible  as  "  Second  Esdras."  A  fit  title,  both  as  it  respects  convenience  and 
definiteness,  would  be  the  "Greek  Ezra";  this  distinguishes  the  book  alike  from  the 
canonical  Ezra  with  its  Hebrew  original,  and  from  the  "Apocalypse  of  Ezra,"  which  is 
extant  in  a  Latin  text  only. 

I.   Contents  and  Scope. 

The  contents  of  the  book  are  as  follows:  Chap.  i.  agrees  in  general  with  2  Chron.  xxxv., 
xxxvi. ;  ii.  1-15  agrees  in  general  with  Ez.  i. ;  ii.  16-30  agrees  in  general  with  Ez.  iv.  7-24; 
iii.-v.  6  is  of  unknown  origin;  v.  7-73  agrees  in  general  with  Ez.  ii.-iv.  6;  vi.-ix.  36 
aorees  in  general  with  Ez.  v.-x.  44;  ix.  37-55  agrees  in  general  with  Neb.  vii.  73-viii.  l.S. 

Different  opinions  prevail  respecting  the  aim  of  the  work.  DeWette  ^  says,  that  no  object 
of  the  "characterless  compilation"  is  discoverable.  Ewald,  Fritzsche,  Keil,  and  others, 
however,  agree  that  the  object  aimed  at  seems  to  have  been  to  give  a  history  of  the  restora- 
tion of  the  temple.  The  Old  Latin  version,  indeed,  led  the  way  in  this  opinion,  having 
given  as  the  subject,  De  reslitutione  templi.  In  the  language  of  Bertholdt  (Einleit.  in  d.  All. 
Test.,  p.  1011),  "  He  [the  compiler]  would  bring  together  from  old  works  a  history  of  the 
temple  from  the  last  period  of  the  legal  cultus  to  the  time  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  same  and 

1  This  iQtroduction,  excepting  a  few  changes  and  additions,  appeared  as  an  article  in  tlie  BStiiotheca  Sacra  for  April, 
1877. 

••i  Of.  Cosin,  Scholast.  Hist,  of  Can.,  p.  sx,  and  Woetcott,  BibU  in  Church,  pp.  281  ff. 

8   Kirchfn-Lfxicon,  art.   "  Apok.  Lit.,"'  and  Loci  quitlam  HistorifE  Can.   Vet.  Test.,  p.  30. 

4    Tui.   Theolog.  Quarlalschri/I,  1859,  p.  257  ff. 

6  G'trhichte  d.  N.  T.  Kan.,  pp.  273,  312,  313.  Cf.  Bertholdt,  Einleil.,  p.  1006,  and  Diestel,  OoMehte  d.  Htm  IkM. 
HI  d.   Christ    Kirchf,  p.  182. 

•  Eitiltit    in  d.  AU.  Test.,  p.  665. 


THE   FIRST  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS.  63 

the  restoration  of  the  appointed  service  therein."  To  this  it  should,  perhaps,  be  added,  that 
special  and  undue  emphasis  is  put  upon  the  generosity  of  Cyrus  and  Darius  in  their  relations 
to  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple,  apparently  as  furnishing  a  fit  example  for  other  heathen 
rulers.  1 

II.  Arrangement  of  Materials. 

With  this  supposed  aim  of  the  book  the  arrangement  of  its  matter,  so  far  as  it  can  be  said 
to  have  any  arrangement,  appears  to  agree.  In  the  first  chapter,  the  author  places  the 
account  of  the  celebration  of  the  Passover  under  Josiah,  and  carries  the  history  forward  to  a 
period  just  previous  to  the  Babylonian  Captivity.  He  then  passes  over  in  the  second 
chapter  to  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  giving  an  account  of  the  return  of  the  Jews  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Sanabassar  [Zerubbabel],  the  attempt  at  rebuilding  the  temple,  and  the  prohibition 
of  the  work  by  Artaxerxes.  In  chaps,  iii.-v.  6  comes  the  only  independent  portion  of  the 
work,  in  which  it  is  narrated  that,  after  a  great  feast  given  by  Darius,  three  young  men, 
who  formed  his  body-guard,  held  a  discussion  in  his  presence  on  the  question,  "  What  is 
mightiest?"  Zerubbabel  is  represented  as  one  of  these  three  young  men  (?),  and  secures 
the  victory  in  the  contest.  He  is  able,  consequently,  to  obtain  the  king's  consent  to  the 
return  of  the  Jews.  Then  follows,  ch.  v.  7-73,  a  list  of  the  families  that  returned  (in  the 
time  of  Cyrus!),  an  account  of  the  resumption  of  work  on  the  temple,  the  opposition  encoun- 
tered, and  an  interruption  for  two  years  (!)  until  the  time  of  Darius  (!).  Chaps,  vi.-vii. 
continue  the  history  to  the  completion  of  the  temple  and  the  restoration  of  its  service,  which 
took  place  under  the  direction  of  Zerubbabel,  and  during  the  reign  of  Darius.  Then  follows, 
viii.-ix.  36,  a  narrative  of  the  return  of  Ezra  at  the  head  of  a  colony,  the  history  of  his 
dealings  with  those  who  had  married  foreign  wives;  and,  at  the  close,  ix.  37-5.^,  the  public 
reading  of  the  law. 

By  placing  the  order  of  the  history  in  the  related  parts  as  found  in  the  canonical  books 
side  by  side  with  that  adopted  by  our  author,  the  evident  confusion  of  the  latter  will  be  still 
more  apparent. 


Order  of  Canonical  Books.  ■ 

1.  Return  under  Zerubbabel. 

2.  List  of  those  returning. 

3.  Efforts  to  rebuild  the  temple,  and  opposition  of  the 

Samaritans. 

4.  Cassation  of  work  by  order  of  Artaxerxes. 

5.  Resumption  and  completion  of  the  work  by  Zerub- 

babel in  the  reign  of  Darius. 

6.  Return  of  Ezra  with  a  caravan. 


1  Esdras. 

1.  Return  under  Sanabassar  [Zerubbabel]. 

2.  Attempt  to  rebuild  the  temple,  and  opposition  of  the 
Samaritans. 

3.  Cessation  of  work  by  order  of  Artaxerxes. 

4.  Resumption  of  work  by  permission  of  Darius. 

5.  A  list  of  persons  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  [in 
the  time  of  Cyrus !] 

6.  Resumption  of  work  on  the  temple,  which  the  Samar- 
itans cause  to  cease. 

7.  Completion  of  temple  by  Zerubbabel  during  the 
reign  of  Darius,  who  uses  against  the  opposing 
Samaritans  a  decree  of  Cyrus. 

8.  Retiu-n  of  Ezra  with  a  caravan. 

Naturally,  the  difficulties  presented  to  the  critic  by  this  arrangement  have  been  among  the 
most  perplexing  of  the  book.  Indeed,  the  palpable  contradiction  and  absurdity  of  repre- 
senting, among  other  things  of  a  similar  character,  that  the  Samaritans  effectually  opposed 
the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  under  Zerubbabel  after  his  return  from  Darius  with  plenipoten- 
tiary powers,  and  that  such  opposition  continued  until  the  time  of  Daritis,  when  it  was 
overcome  by  appealing  to  a  decree  of  Cyrus,  are  so  gross  that  most  writers  make  no  attempt 
at  explanation.  De  Wette  (Einleit.,  p.  566)  characterizes  this  arrangement  as  false  and 
nonsensical.  And  Hervey,  in  Smith's  Bible  Dictionary  (art.  "1  Esdras"),  holds  that 
efforts  "  to  reconcile  the  different  portions  of  the  book  with  each  other  and  with  Scripture 
are  lost  labor." 

Josephus,  who  made  considerable  use  of  the  book,  sought  in  vain  to  bring  its  several  parts 
into  chronological  order.  He  made  a  series  of  suppositions  to  which,  although  they  are  evi- 
dently suppositions  only,  he  did  not  scruple  to  give  the  form  and  force  of  historical  statements. 
He  represented,  for  instance,  (1)  that  Zerubbabel  returned  to  Babylon  from  Jerusalem;  and, 
as  a  matter  of  personal  friendship,  was  made  one  of  his  body-guard  by  Darius;  (2)  that  the 
Samaritans  were  refused  permission  by  the  Jews  to  participate  with  them  in  the  rebuilding  of 

1  Cf.  Ewald,  Oese/tichte^  iv  164;  Keil,  Einleit.^  p.  708,  and  Zotenberg's  tianstatiCQ  from  the  Peman  of  the  History 
)/  Daniel  in  Mcrx's  ArcMv,  1869,  pp.  397-399. 


64  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  temple,  on  the  ground  that  the  latter  had  received  their  permission  from  Cyrus  and  from 
Darius;  and  (3)  that  the  disappointed  Samaritans  then  complained  to  Darius,  not  that  the 
Jews  had  aijain  begun  to  rebuild,  but  that  the  looi'k  was  proceeding  too  fast  (^Antiq.  of  the 
Jews,  xi.  3,  4).  Josephus  did  not  seem  to  consider  that  the  age  of  Zerulibabel  must  have  dis- 
qualified him  from  being  one  of  the  "  young  men  "  (vtavlnKot)  mentioned  (iii.  4;  cf.  v.  5),  or 
that  his  other  explanatory  statements  fall  far  short  of  covering  the  ground  of  our  author's 
difficulties.  For  a  notice  of  additional  misplacements  of  the  facts  of  this  history  by  Jose- 
phus, see  Ewald  (Geschichte,  iv.  167). 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  immediate  occasion  for  the  series  of  contradictions  in 
which  our  author  involves  himself,  is  to  be  sought  in  the  narrative  of  the  debate  before  Da- 
rius. This  seems  to  have  been  with  him  a  principal  point  of  attraction,  and  its  false  glitter 
blinded  him  to  the  deficiencies  of  his  work  in  other  partiS.  Fritzsche  supposes  that  the  orig- 
inal hero  of  this  part  was  not  Zerubbabel,  but  his  son  Joakira  (cf.  v.  5),  and  that  the  former 
name,  as  the  more  illustrious,  had  been  substituted  (iv.  13)  previous  to  the  compilation  of  our 
present  book.  But,  ingenious  as  this  suggestion  is,  it  seems  to  us  less  probable  than  that  the 
name  of  Zerubbabel  was  originally  introduced  into  the  legend  under  the  mistaken  impression 
that  the  Sanabassar,  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  conducting  the  first  company  of  captives  from 
Babylon,  was  some  other  person  than  Zerubbabel.  This  critic's  theory  for  explaining  the 
confused  arrangement  is  as  follows :  After  the  author  had  given  an  account  of  the  return  in 
the  time  of  Cyrus,  he  passes  at  once,  in  order  to  come  without  delay  to  the  history  of  affairs 
under  Darius,  to  the  offici.al  prohibition  to  build  by  Artaxerxes.  Then,  since  according  to 
his  text  in  the  original  fragment,  the  historical  position  of  Zerubbabel  had  been  changed,  in 
that  he  was  understood  to  have  conducted  a  subsequent  caravan  to  Jerusalem  during  the 
reign  of  Darius,  he  first  relates  this  fact,  and  then,  without  being  conscious  of  the  anachro- 
nism, takes  up  the  list  of  those  returning  in  the  time  of  Cyrus  (cf.  Einleit.,  p.  6  f.). 

But  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  any  supposed  haste  of  the  compiler  to  get  forward 
in  his  narrative  to  the  time  of  Darius  could  have  been  the  occasion  for  his  omitting,  in  its 
proper  place,  so  conspicuous  and  closely-connected  a  part  of  the  history  as  a  long  list  of 
names  which  lie  deems  of  importance  enough  to  justify  its  subsequent  introduction.  Herz- 
feld's  effort  to  support  the  forced  supposition  of  Josephus,  that  Zerubbabel  went  a  second 
time  to  Babylon,  by  appealing  to  Zech.  i.  7;  iii.  8,  9  ;  vi.  13,  cannot  be  regarded  as  success- 
ful.! 

3.  Author,  Time,  and  Place  nf  Compilation. 

As  helping  to  a  decision  of  the  question,  who  the  compiler  of  our  book  was,  and  when  and 
where  his  work  was  done,  the  original  portion,  chap.  iii. -v.  6,  appears  to  be  of  special  im- 
portance, both  on  account  of  its  own  peculiar  character  and  the  interest  with  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  be  himself  regarded  it.  That  the  writer  of  this  portion  of  the  book  did  not  live 
in  the  time  of  the  Persian  kings,  seems  evident  from  the  fact,  that  he  uses  the  phrase,  "  Medes 
and  Persians,"  and  "  Persians  and  Medes,"  interchangeably;^  that  he  lived  in  Egypt  ap- 
pears probable  from  his  allusion  (iv.  23)  to  "  sailing  upon  the  sea  and  upon  the  rivers  "  for 
the  purpose  of  "  robbing  and  stealing;  "  ^  that  he  wrote  after  the  period  of  the  reception  of 
Esther  and  Daniel  into  the  canon,  is  indicated  by  the  language  chap.  i.  1,  2  ff.;  cf.  also,  iii. 
9,  with  Dan.  vi.  3.  But  was  the  compiler  of  the  book  himself  the  author  of  this  independent 
portion?  It  is  scarcely  to  be  supposed  ;  and  the  idea  is  entertained  by  no  considerable  num- 
ber of  critics.  Still,  the  fact  that  he  came  into  possession  of  it  at  all,  and  used  it  with  so 
much  esteem,  while  it  bears  in  contents  and  form  so  evidently  the  stamp  of  the  Alexandrian 
school,  cannot  be  without  its  weight. 

The  evidence  to  be  gained  from  other  parts  of  the  work  on  the  points  before  us  is  less  de- 
cisive. Fritzsche's  opinion  that  the  author  was  a  Hellenist  living  in  Palestine,  which  he 
supports  only  by  a  single  doubtful  reference  to  the  book  itself  (v.  47),  can  hardly  pass  for  a 
probable  conjecture.  On  the  other  hand,  Dahne's  argument,^  which  Langen  ^  ably  supports, 
10  prove  an  Egyptian  origin  for  the  entire  work  from  certain  marked  peculiarities  of  its  lan- 
guage, seems  to  be  entitled  to  more  weight  than  Fritzsche  (See  Nachlrage  in  his  Com.)  is 
willing  to  allow  it.  It  might  also  be  added,  that  while  no  lack  of  interest  in  the  contents  of 
such  a  book  could  be  predicated  of  the  Jews  of  the  Dispersion,  there  would  natur.ally  be  far 
more  need  felt  for  a  Greek  translation  of  this  kind  in  Egypt  than  in  Palestine. 

1   Gesdiichtc,  i,  321-823  ;  cf.  Keil,  Einlfit.,  p.  706,  and  Fritzsche,  Einleit.,  p.  7.  2  Uitzig,  Geschichte,  p.  277. 

>  Cf.  Oraete,  iii.  p.  39  f.,  and  Qutmann,  EittUil.,  p.  214.  *  ii.  116  ff.  6  Das  Jiidrntkum,  etc.,  p.  176  t 


THE   FIRST  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS.  65 

After  what  has  been  already  said,  it  will  be  evident  that  the  date  of  the  compilation  can- 
not be  fixed  with  any  degree  of  definiteness.  The  acknowledged  use  of  the  book  by  Josephus 
furnishes  a  limit  in  one  direction.  Most  critics,  iu  fact,  agree  in  assigning  it  to  the  first  or 
second  century  before  Christ ;  Fritzsche  deciding  for  the  former  period  as  the  more  probable. 
Grimm  finds  in  its  language  evidence  of  a  late  origin.  Cf.  Com.  on  1  Mace.  i.  43;  ii.  18;  iii. 
46  ;  X.  18,  el  passim;  also,  my  notes  at  iii.  14  ;  vi.  7. 

4.  Sources  of  the  Work  and  Character  of  the  Text. 

Even  a  cursory  comparison  of  the  text  of  our  book  with  that  of  the  canonical  writers  in 
parallel  passages,  will  at  once  disclose  the  fact  that,  while  there  is  a  general  agreement,  there 
are,  on  the  other  hand,  in  detail,  not  a  few  cases  of  variation  and  disagreement,  for  some  of 
which  it  is  difficult,  with  our  present  information,  satisfactorily  to  account.  These  devia- 
tions, which  formerly  led  Biblical  students  to  the  too  hasty  conclusion  that  the  book  was  quite 
valueless,  have,  in  later  times,  by  a  natural  but  e.xtreme  reaction,  been  regarded  by  some  as 
evidence  that  the  author  used  another  recension  of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  one,  in  more  or 
fewer  instances,  superior  to  the  Masoretic.  An  overwhelming  majority  of  the  diverse  read- 
ings of  our  book,  however,  may  undoubtedly  be  referred  to  the  acknowledged  fact,  that  its 
author  sought,  as  a  matter  of  primary  importance,  to  make  his  work  smooth  in  language  and 
clear  in  thought;  and  that  to  attain  this  object  he  did  not  hesitate  to  use  whatever  text  he 
may  have  had  before  him  with  the  utmost  freedom.  And  since  this  is  admitted  to  be  the 
fact,  it  would  appear  to  be  a  more  reasonable  course  to  seek  an  explanation  for  the  really 
very  few  instances  where  a  supposed  belter  reading  is  followed  in  the  general  spirit  and  drift 
of  the  work,  than  in  the  bold  theory  of  another  recension  of  the  original  text. 

Ninety-nine  one  hundredths  of  all  the  passages  which  disagree  with  the  extant  Hebrew 
original  may  probably  be  classed  under  the  following  heads: '  (1)  Passages  in  which  the  author 
seeks  to  avoid  hard  Hebraistic  expressions,  viii.  6,  cf.  Ez.  vii.  9  ;  (2)  where  he  shortens,  for  the 
take  of  smoothness,  to  avoid  repetition,  or  for  other  reasons,  i.  10,  cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  10-12; 
ii.  16,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  7-11;  vi.  3,  4,  cf.  Ez.  v.  3,  4;  (3)  jnakes  changes  or  omissions  in  superscrip- 
tions to  letters,  ii.  15,  16,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  7-11  ;  v.  7,  cf.  Ez.  ii.  1  ;  (4)  gives  different  lists  of  articles, 
viii.  14,  cf.  Ez.  vii.  17  ;  viii.  20,  cf.  Ez.  vii.  22;  (5)  omits  names  from  lists,  v.  5  ff.,  cf.  Ez. 
viii.  1  ff. ;  (6)  makes  additions  for  the  sake  of  clearness  or  completeness,  i.  56,  cf.  2  Chron. 
xxxvi.  20;  ii.  5,  cf.  Ez.  i.  3;  ii.  9,  cf.  Ez.  i.  4;  ii.  16,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  7,  8;  ii.  18,  of.  Ez.  iv.  12; 
V.  46,  cf.  Ez.  ii.  70;  v.  47,  cf.  Ez.  iii.  1;  v.  52,  cf.  Ez.  iii.  5;  v.  66,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  1;  vi.  18,  cf. 
Ez.  V.  14  ;  vii.  9,  cf.  Ez.  vi.  18;  vi.  9,  cf.  Ez.  v.  8;  v.  41,  cf.  Ez.  ii.  64  ;  (7)  makes  an  ex- 
planation, ii.  17,  24,  25;  vi.  3,  7,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  8,  13,  17 ;  ii.  19,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  13  ;  ii.  20,  26.  cf.  Ez. 
iv.  14,  19;  ix.  38,  cf.  Neh.  viii.  1  ;  (8)  changes  on  doctrinal  grounds,  i.  15,  cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv. 
15;  i.  28,  cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  22;  (9)  would  honor  the  temple,  i.  5,  cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  4  ;  ii. 
18,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  12;  ii.  20,  cf.  Ez.  iv.  14;  (10)  makes  a  mistake,  ix.  49,  cf.  Neh.  viii.  9;  (11) 
substitutes  an  equivalent,  v.  36,  37,  cf.  Ez.  ii.  59  ;  (12)  changes  the  form  of  proper  7wmes,  v.  69, 
cf.  Ez.  iv.  2;  vi.  3,  cf.  Ez.  v.  3;  viii.  41,  61,  cf.  Ez.  viii.  15,  31;  v.  8  ff.,  viii.  26  ff.,  cf.  Ez. 
ii.  2  ff.,  viii.  2  ff.;  (13)  introduces  changes  for  no  reason  now  apparent,  but  not  of  such  a  char- 
acter that  they  can  be  accepted  in  preference  to  the  Hebrew,  i.  34,  cf.  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  1  ;  viii. 
24,  cf.  Ez.  vii.  26;  viii.  69,  cf.  Ez.  ix.  1. 

With  respect  now  to  the  question  of  the  immediate  sources  of  the  book,  the  opinions  of 
critics  may  be  divided  into  two  general  classes  :  those  who  hold  that  it  is  a  direct  translation 
from  the  Hebrew,  and  from  a  te.xt  in  some  instances  superior  to  that  which  has  come  down 
to  us;  and  those  who  hold  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  independent  portion,  iii.-v.  6,  it 
is  simply  a  free,  and  somewhat  altered,  working  over  of  a  former  Greek  translation  of  the 
canonical  books,  either  the  LXX.,  as  Keil  maintains,  or  a  different  one,  as  maintained  by 
Ewald,  Diihne,  Langen,  and  others.  Ewald  formerly  advocated  the  first  theory,  but  in  the 
latest  edition  of  his  history  fully  abandons  it.^  It  still  has  the  support  of  such  critics  as 
Michaelis,  Trendelenburg  (and  Eichhorn),  Bcrtholdt,  Herzfeld,  De  Wette,  and  Fritzsche.  It 
is  to  be  said,  however,  that  some  of  the  last-named  scholars  content  themselves  with  justify- 
ing this  view  either  by  a  single  citation  or  two  fi'om  the  work  itself,  or,  as  is  quite  common, 
refer  to  the  results  of  Trendelenburg's  critical   study  of  the  same  (/.   c.    pp.   178-232).' 

1  Cf.  KeU,  Einleil.,  ad  loc,  and  Trcndeleuburg,  Eiclihorn's    A'l^.  Bihliolh'lc  da  Bib.  Lit.,  i.  177  f. 

2  Geschicltle,  iv.  Ifi6. 

8  Eichhorn  adopt.s  without  chsinge  this  work  of  TruinJeleiiburg's  in  hi.s  Eiiil.  in  d.  Apolcr.,  pp.  835-377. 


36  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Miehaelis  makes  the  sweeping  declaration,  that  the  readings  of  the  Greek  Ezra  not  seldom 
appear  to  him  to  be  preferable  to  those  of  the  canonical  books,  and  that  now  one,  and  now 
the  other  is  to  be  followed. '  But  in  the  course  of  a  somewhat  thorough  study  of  the  entire 
book  before  us,  in  which  we  have  taken  continual  counsel  of  Miehaelis'  able  and  useful  work, 
we  do  not  find  that  his  assertion  is  by  any  means  borne  out  by  his  own  use  of  the  apocryphal 
author.  Bertholdt  adduces  a  single  passage.  Herzfeld  makes  no  citations  where  he  treats 
of  this  point,  but  promises  to  note  passages  which  are  pertinent  as  they  shall  incidentally 
occur  in  the  course  of  his  history.  De  Wette,  who  is  content  to  hold  the  theory  of  a  differ- 
ent recension  of  the  Hebrew  text  without  maintaining  that  it  is  a  superior  one,  directs  at- 
tention to  the  investigations  of  Trendelenburg.  Finally,  in  the  nearly  seventy  pages  of 
Fritzsehe's  work,  including  Introduction  and  Commentary  to  our  book,  we  cannot  discover 
on  actual  examination  that  he  is  ready  to  maintain  in  more  than  about  a  dozen  instances  that 
it  has  readings  superior  to  the  traditional  text,  and  these  include  the  entire  numlier  of  pas- 
sages cited  by  Trendelenburg,  and  adopted  by  Eichhorn,  as  supportiu'^  the  same  theory, 
with  the  exception  of  two  of  minor  importance. 

We  may,  therefore,  conclude  that  if  there  is  any  real  ground  for  this  opinion,  whose  bear- 
ings are  so  important,  it  will  be  found  in  these  passages.  But,  at  the  outset,  we  make  the 
discovery  that  in  some  of  them  our  author,  in  departing  from  the  current  Hebrew  text,  es- 
sentially follows  the  LXX.  version  of  the  same  passages  in  the  canonical  books.  Hence,  in 
the  face  of  an  alternative  theory  that  the  book  itself  is  a  compilation  from  the  LXX.  version, 
they  cannot  fairly  be  used  as  evidence  to  support  the  theory  of  a  Hebrew  original,  and  much 
less  of  one  with  a  text  superior  to  the  Masoretic.  These  passages  are  as  follows  :  (1)  i.  43; 
cf.  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  9.  In  the  Hebrew  it  is  said  that  Jchoiachin  was  eight  years  old  when  he 
bean  to  reign.  But  it  is  obviously  an  orthographical  mistake,  since  in  2  Kings  xxiv.  8,  his 
age  is  given  as  eighteen  at  this  time.  Cf.  also  Ezek.  xix.  5-9,  where  the  same  fact  is  pre- 
supposed. Hence  we  are  not  surprised  that  the  best  authenticated  te.xt  of  ihe  apocryphal 
book  has  the  reading  SiKooKTii.  (2)  v.  69 ;  cf.  Ez.  iv.  2.  The  question  here  is  between  the 
reading  sb  and  lb  in  the  Hebrew.  If  there  is  really  any  difference  of  meaning  in  them  as 
here  used,  and  the  former  is  not  simply  a  less  common  form  of  writing  the  latter,  then  our 
books  agree  with  the  LXX.  in  giving  the  preference  to  the  latter.  (3)  viii.  32;  cf.  Ez. 
viii.  5.  In  the  Hebrew  a  name  has  probably  fallen  out.  The  LXX.  agrees  with  the  Greek 
Ezra  in  supplying  it  with  Zae6vs.  (4)  viii.  36;  cf.  Ez.  viii.  10.  Here  the  same  fact  occurs. 
The  two  latter  authorities  supply  a  name  that  is  wanting  and  are  essentially  agreed  in  its 
form,   BaWas  (LXX.,  Baavi). 

(1.)  Of  the  remaining  passages  the  first  is  i.  27  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  21).  Our  author  translates 
as  follows:  ^irl  yip  rov  Ev<j>pdTov  i  Tr6\eti6s  fioi  eVri,  "  for  my  war  is  upon  the  Euphrates."  The 
Hebrew,  at  this  place,  literally  translated  is:  "  but  against  the  house  of  my  war;  "  i.  e.  "  the 
family  with  which  I  wage  war,"  "  my  hereditary  enemy  "  ["  have  I  come  out  this  day"]. 
It  ie  maintained  that  the  author  of  the  Greek  work  before  us  must  have  found  in  his  Hebrew 
text,  and  read,  n~lS,  instead  of  ri'S  of  the  present  text;  and  that  it  is  a  better  reading. 
The  Hebrew,  as  it  stands,  is  pronounced  "  hard  and  unnatural  ";  while  2  Kings  xxiii.  29  is 
cited  as  a  parallel  passage,  where  it  is  declared  that  the  war  mentioned  was  actually  on  the 
Euphrates.  But  to  this  it  may  be  replied  first,  that  the  LXX.  does  not  translate  this  passage 
in  2  Chron.  at  all ;  thus  leaving  our  author,  on  the  supposition  that  he  might  otherwise  have 
been  influenced  by  its  rendering,  to  his  own  devices.  And  secondly,  the  passage  as  it  is 
found  in  the  Greek  Ezra  has  every  appearance  of  being  a  paraphrase,  and  the  supposition 
that  it  is  such  would  be  in  entire  harmony  with  the  usual  course  of  this  book  in  instances  of 
"  hard  and  unnatural  "  Hebraisuis.  Moreover,  the  passage  cited  from  2  Kings  would  seem 
to  favor  the  theory  of  a  paraphrase  by  our  author,  quite  as  much  as  any  other.  Again,  if  the 
Hebrew  be  here  "  hard  and  unnatural,"  light  is  shed  upon  it  from  other  parts  of  Scripture 
where  a  similar  Hebrew  expression  is  found:  cf.  1  Chron.  xviii.  10;  2  Sam.  viii.  10,  where 
tniin  of  Ihe  wars  of  Tou,  means  the  man  who  wagt'S  war  witli  Tou.  And  finally,  the  text  as  it 
stands  is  .■•ufriciently  clear;  while,  historically,  it  is  far  more  significant  than  that  which  it  is 
proposed  to  substitute  for  it.      The  latter  point  is  well  illustrated  by  Miehaelis.^ 

(2.)  The  second  instance  is  i.  3.'i  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  3),  nal  tmeaT-naiv  aSnhv  0ainKevs  Aiyiiir- 
Tov  rov  fiii  0airt\fvfii' iv 'IfpouaaK-fi/j..  The  translation  of  the  Hebrew  here  is  as  follows:  "and 
the  king  of  Egypt  put  him  down  [removed  him]  at  Jerus.alem."     It  is  supposed  that  the 

1    Anmerk.  zum  Ez.,  p.  40.  2  VA  Anmerk.  zu?n  2len  Buck  d.  Oironik,  p.  296. 


THE  FIRST   BOOK   OF  ESDRAS.  t)7 

word  ?[bSiJw  has  fallen  out  from  the  present  text,  but  was  to  be  found  in  that  used  by  our 
author.  It  might  be  granted  that  the  passage  would  read  more  smoothly  if  this  word  were 
to  be  admitted;  and  also,  as  is  maintained,  that  it  is  ordinarily  found  in  connection  with 
similar  expressions  in  the  Scriptures.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  these  two  reasons  would, 
nndoubtedly,  have  had  great  weight  with  the  author  of  our  book  to  lead  him  to  introduce  the 
word  into  the  text  if  he  did  not  find  it  there,  while  the  exceedingly  faulty  rendering  of  the 
immediate  context  shows  that  he  did  not  scruple  to  make  any  changes  which  seemed  best  to 
him.  Still  more  to  the  point  is  it,  however,  that  the  LXX.  has  interpolated  in  the  preceding 
verse  in  2  Chron.  a  passage  from  2  Kings  xxiii.  33,  which  ends  with  the  very  expression  be- 
fore us,  namely,  tou  /*))  $a<n\eMiv  atirhi/  iv  'UpovaaX-hiJi.  And  it  is  a  far  more  likely  conjecture, 
that  he  adopted  the  suggestion  thus  brought  to  his  hand  by  the  LXX.  than  that  he  had  a  dif- 
ferent reading  of  the  original  text  before  him. 

(3.)  The  next  passage  is  i.  46  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  10).  The  Hebrew  as  it  stands  is  trans- 
lated: "  and  made  Zedekiah,  his  brother,  king  over  Judah  and  Jerusalem."  Now  we  learn 
from  parallel  passages  in  the  canonical  books  themselves  —  2  Kings  xxiv.  17,  18;  1  Chron. 
iii.  15  —  that  Zedekiah  was  not  really  a  brother,  but  an  uncle  of  the  preceding  king.  And 
the  LXX.  likewise  has  koL  e^SatrUeufre  XeScKiat^  aSi\(p})v  rov  -naTphs  auTov  ^iri  ^lovZav  KoX  'lepouffoA^/A. 
But  it  can  scarcely  be  said  that  the  Greek  Ezra  has  a  better  reading  here,  for  it  does  not 
translate  the  word  in  question  at  all ;  illustrating  once  more  in  this  case  a  marked  habit  of 
the  book,  namely,  to  avoid  supposed  ditHculties  when  possible.  Hence,  the  commendations 
bestowed  on  our  author  by  Fritzsche,'  Bertheau,'  and  Graf^  at  this  point,  seem  hardly  to  be 
deserved,  especially  if  we  consider  that  the  Hebrew  as  it  stands  may  not  be  even  in  error. 
Calling  a  nephew  a  brother  is,  indeed,  just  what  is  done  in  the  case  of  Abraham  and  Lot, 
and  is  a  usage  not  strange  to  the  Old  Testament. 

(4.)  Again,  we  are  referred  to  the  discrepancy  in  the  number  of  vessels  which  it  is  said  Cy- 
rus delivered  to  Sheshbazzar  to  be  carried  to  Jerusalem,  ii.  13  (cf.  Ez.  i.  9-11).  According 
to  the  canonical  book  the  entire  number  is  represented  as  being  five  thousand  four  hundred. 
But  we  find,  on  adding  the  number  of  separate  articles  as  there  given  together,  that  the  sum 
is  only  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  nineti-nine.  In  the  Greek  Ezra,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  sum  of  the  separate  articles  exactly  corresponds  to  the  whole  amount  as  there  stated. 
Hence,  it  is  proposed  to  emend  the  former  account  by  the  latter.  But  a  glance  should  sat- 
isfy any  one  that  there  is  no  reasonable  proportion  in  the  number  of  vessels  among  themselves 
as  given  in  the  apocryphal  work.  There  are  said  to  be,  for  instance,  just  as  many  gold  as 
silver  chargers;  but  the  number  of  silver  basins  is  given  as  two  thousand  four  hundred  and 
ten,  while  the  gold  basins  number  but  thirty.  Moreover,  Fritzsche  agrees  with  Trendelen- 
burg that  a  mistake  is  made  in  the  Greek  Ezra  in  interchanging  a  Hebrew  word  which  means 
of  the  second  quality,  CDC"^,  for  iZ^SC';  and  hence  the  whole  number  has  been  made  too 
great  by  two  thousand.  The  most  that  can  be  said,  therefore,  is  that  the  Hebrew  text  here 
has  suffered  corruption,  and  that  neither  account  can  be  regarded  as  strictly  accurate. 

(5.)  The  next  case,  v.  9  (cf.  £z.  ii.  2),  is  simply  a  matter  that  relates  to  the  proper  divid- 
ing of  a  verse.  The  phrase  which  Trendelenburg  thinks  should  be  placed  as  in  the  apocryphal, 
rather  than  as  in  the  canonical  work,  is  simply  the  superscription  to  a  following  list :  'A/ji9^ir 
ruv  airh  tov  iBvovs  KoX  ol  Trpo-qyovfievoi  airruv.  And  if  the  division  of  verses  were  at  all  a  matter 
with  which  we  have  any  concern  in  this  connection,  we  still  cannot  understand  by  what  rule 
it  is  judged  that  the  phrase  in  question  has  a  more  correct  position  at  the  beginning  of  one 
verse  than  at  the  end  of  the  previous  one. 

(6.)  Again,  in  ix.  2  (cf.  Ez.  x.  6),  Fritzsche,  Bertheau,  and  others  think  that  the  Greek 
Ezra  shows  that  the  reading  ~t"  ^^•'>]  was  before  it,  rather  than  that  of  the  extant  text  Tf^"! 

DtT-  Its  translation  is  koI  avKiaSth  ejcei,  "and  remained  [lodged]  there."  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  the  two  Hebrew  words  have  a  very  close  resemblance,  and  might  easily  be  mistaken 
for  one  another;  also  that  by  substituting  the  former  for  the  latter,  a  smoother  sentence 
would  be  secured.  On  the  other  hand,  the  current  text  of  the  LXX.,  which  translates  tlio 
Hebrew  by  (tal  iiroiifiBi)  tKil,  might  easily  have  suggested  to  our  author  the  iilea,  especially  as 
the  very  same  wonl,  i-aopeie-ri,  occurs  in  the  preceding  line.  At  least  the  immediate  repetition 
of  the  same  thought  in  the  Hebrew,  supposing  its  present  form  to  be  genuine,  would  furnish 

I   Com.  ad  toe.  2  Cam.  zum  2len  Biuti  <1.  Clironitc,  ad  lot. 

8  flic  GcKhicM.  Buchtr  d.  Ail.   Tesl.,  p.  183. 


68  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


an  occasion  not  likely  to  be  left  unimproved  by  our  author  for  exercising  his  talent  for  con- 
traction, or  making  a  paraphrase,  and  the  context  might  easily  suggest  to  him  the  form 
which  he  has  adopted.  Still,  the  repetition  of  a  thought  in  this  manner  would  be  no  sufficient 
reason  for  distrusting  the  genuineness  of  the  passage  (cf.  vers.  5,  G,  and  1  Sam.  ii.  14).  De 
Wctte's  rule  for  determining  the  true  reading  where  the  MSS.  of  the  New  Testament  dififer, 
is  certainly  quite  as  applicable  in  many  of  the  cases  of  variation  found  in  the  present  book. 
He  says,  "  That  reading  to  which  the  origin  of  the  others  may  be  traced,  is  the  original.  The 
more  obscure  and  difficult  reading  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  clearer  and  easier;  the  harder, 

elliptical,  Hebraizing,  and  ungrammatical,  to  the  more  pleasing  and  grammatical 

the  sliorter,  to  the  more  explanatory  and  wordy.' 

(7.)  The  next  passage  cited  is  ix.  16  (cf.  Ez.  x.  16).  It  is  held  that  our  author  read 
ib  bi:;-"!,  koI  fTrtAe'loTo  eaur^,  instead  of  !lb"T3*1.  Undoubtedly  the  extant  Hebrew  is  corrupt. 
But  only  the  copula  1  is  wanting  before  the  word  CK'^S  to  restore  what  seems  to  be  tlie 
correct  reading ;  and  since  all  the  old  versions,  with  the  exception  of  the  Syriac,  supply  this 
copula  in  rendering  the  passage,  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  resort  to  the  theory  proposed. 

(8.)  Once  more,  it  is  said  by  Fritzsche,  in  his  Introduction  to  this  book  (p.  7),  that  the 
readinn-  in  Neh.  viii.  9,  where  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  are  represented  as  prosecuting  a  common 
work  in  Jerusalem  at  the  same  time,  is  historically  improbable;  and  he  would,  therefore, 
adopt  the  reading  found  in  1  Esd.  ix.  49  as  the  correct  one.  But,  in  the  first  place,  the  read- 
ino'  of  our  book  is  not  such  that  the  statement  made  in  the  book  of  Nehemiah  is  denied;  nor 
is  another  statement  made  which  is  irreconcilable  with  it.  In  the  Greek  Ezra  the  whole  pas- 
sage is  not  given.  The  title  of  the  satrap  of  Syria  is  given,  but  not,  as  in  the  canonical  book, 
the  name  of  the  person  who  held  the  office.  From  this  silence  of  our  author  it  would  seem  to 
be  too  weighty  an  inference  which  Fritzsche  would  draw.  And  secondly,  to  characterize  as 
historically  improbable  the  opinion  that  the  work  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  in  Jerusalem  was  for 
a  certain  period  of  their  lives  contemporaneous  is  allowing  too  little  weight  to  a  theory  which, 
according  to  Nagelsbach  (Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  iv.  173),  is  held  by  a  majority  of  Biblical 
students.'' 

We  adil  a  few  more  examples  of  a  supposed  superior  text  in  1  Esdras,  which  liave  been 
noted  by  Bertheau.  At  Ez.  viii.  3,  this  critic  would  punctuate  as  at  1  Esd.  viii.  29,  by  which 
the  phrase  ''of  the  sons  of  Shechaniah  "  is  connected  with  Hattush,  and  forms  the  conclusion 
of  ihe  second  verse.  This  is  also  the  view  of  the  Speaker^s  Com.,  it  being  based  on  1  Chron. 
iii.  22,  where  a  Hattush  is  mentioned,  who  is  the  grandson  of  Shechaniah.  But  in  order  to 
make  the  latter  passage  of  value  for  this  place,  it  should  state  that  Shechaniah  was  "of  the 
sons  of  Hattush,"  which  it  does  not  do.  He  is  said  to  be  "  of  the  sons  of  Shemaiah."  See 
on  the  contrary,  the  other  cases  in  verse  second.  It  is  more  probable,  as  Fritzsche  and 
others  suppose,  that  a  word  has  fallen  out  of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  the  arrangement  in  1  Es- 
dras is  simply  an  effort  to  smooth  over  the  difficulty.  At  Ez.  iii.  3,  again,  Bertheau  would 
alter  the  Hebrew  to  conform  with  the  text  of  the  apocryphal  work  (v.  48  f.),  which  represents 
that  enemies  came  upon  Israel  while  they  were  erecting  an  altar,  but  that  the  latter  were  able 
to  carry  out  their  intention  because  a  fear  of  the  Lord  fell  upon  the  heathen.  In  the  Hebrew 
it  is  represented  that  the  fear  was  on  the  part  of  the  Israelites,  a  fear  of  the  heathen  round 
•ibout  them,  this  causing  them  to  hasten  their  work.  But  it  is  plain,  as  Fritzsche,  Keil,  and 
others  have  shown,  that  it  was  simply  a  failure  to  understand  the  Hebrew  that  led  our  com- 
piler to  make  this  change.^ 

Still  further,  at  Ez.  vi.  15  we  read  according  to  the  Hebrew  text,  "  And  this  house  was 
finished  on  the  third  day  of  the  month  Adar."  With  this  the  LXX.  agrees.  Our  book  on 
the  other  hand  (vii.  .5),  has  "  on  the  twenlij-third  day  of  the  month  Adar."  The  latter,  as 
Bertheau  maintains,  is  the  original  reading.  His  reasons  are  that  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
compiler  of  this  book  would  change  the  number  3  to  23,  because  it  might  seem  to  him  better  to 
suppose  th.at  the  feast  of  dedication  lasted  eight  days  (cf.  1  Kings  viii.  60;  2  Chron.  xix.  18), 
and  he  would  thereby  just  fill  out  the  last  eight  days  of  the  Jewish  year.  Bat  just  that  is 
most  likely.  It  accords  perfectly  well,  in  character,  with  other  changes  that  are  made  by  the 
sompder  in  different  parts  of  the  work  and  with  the  spirit  of  the  whole. 

1  Inlroit.  to  New  Test.  fFrothingham'fl  trans.),  pp   80,  81. 

2  Cf.  on  the  subjwt,  Winer's   Renlwurtert.  art.   "  Neh."  ;    Hiirernick,  Einleit.,  ad  loc.  ;    Henfeld,  ii.  S5 ;   Vaihiogei 
Slud.  !/.  Kril.  186J,  p.  122  S  ;  Ebrard,  Ulud.  u.  Kril.  1847,  p.  679  f. ;  Bwald,  GesMc/it-  it.  188-213. 

8  Cf  Kos<!n/,»eig,  p   41. 


THE   FIRST  BOOK   OF  ESDRAS.  69 


With  respect,  now,  to  the  question  of  a  direct  Hebrew  original  for  our  book,  which,  of 
course,  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  more  important  point  just  considered,  a  few  additional 
passages  have  been  cited  in  support  of  such  a  view,  on  the  ground  that  the)'  agree  better  with 
the  Hebrew  than  with  any  extant  Greek  translation.  None  of  them  agree  literallv  with  the 
Hi^brew,  however,  while  all  such  variations  from  the  LXX.  may  be  accounted  for  on  the  quite 
credilile  supposition  (see  below)  that  for  the  book  before  us  a  text  of  this  version  was  used 
differing  in  many  points  from  the  one  that  has  come  down  to  us.'  On  the  other  hand,  there 
are  positive  reasons  of  no  little  weight,  which  bear  in  the  contrary  direction.  They  are  such 
as  these:  the  frequent  literal  agreement  of  our  work  with  the  LXX.  in  the  character  of  the 
(jreek  used,  even  where  the  words  are  unfamiliar  and  rare,  viii.  86  (cf.  PjZ.  ix.  13);  ix.  51  (cf. 
Neh.  viii.  10);  the  fact  that  the  LXX.  is  so  often  followed  with  more  or  less  fidelity,  in  its 
deviations  from  the  Hebrew  text,  i.  3  (cf .  2  Chron.  xxxv.  3)  ;  i.  9  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  9) ;  i. 
12  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  13);  i.  23  f.  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv.  19,  20)  ;  i.  33  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxv. 
26);  i.  38  (cf.  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6);  ii.  30  (cf.  Ez.  iv.  23);  that  in  the  case  of  deviations  from 
both  the  Hebrew  and  the  LXX.  the  readings  of  our  book  are  more  easily  referred  to  the  lat- 
ter than  the  former,  viii.  92  (cf.  Ez.  x.  2). 

To  these  examples  cited  from  Keil,  we  would  add  the  following  also  derived  from  chapter  i.  of 
1  Esdras.  At  i.  5  we  read:  "  according  to  the  magnificence  (icaTcl  tV  (U€7oAeiiJT7)Ta)  of  Solomon." 
The  Hebrew  has:  "  According  to  the  writing  (i.  e.,  written  regulation)  of  Solomon."  The 
LXX.  reads.  5io  x*'P^s  2.,  which  seems  to  have  suggested  the  idea  of  Solomon's  crreatness  and 
power  to  our  compiler.  The  LXX.  and  1  Esdras,  moreover,  both  translate  as  though  the  par- 
ticle 3  rather  than  3  stood  in  the  original.  The  Hebrew  of  2  Chron.  xxxv.  10,  11,  12,  our 
book'(i.  10,  11)  has  strangely  metamorphosed,  partly,  as  it  would  seem,  from  not  understand- 
ing the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  and  partly  from  reading  it  falsely.  But  the  close  of  verse  1 1 
he  gives  like  the  LXX.  :  "and  thus  in  the  morning,"  (o8t»s  t6  TrpoiiVov;  LXX.:  oih-a!  fh  rb 
wpwQwhere  the  Hebrew  is  :  "  and  so  they  did  with  the  oxen."  A  most  remarkable  coincidence, 
which  could  scarcely  be  explained,  except  on  the  theory  of  the  dependence  of  the  one  work 
on  the  other.  At  2  Chi-on.  xxxv.  22,  the  Hebrew  reads:  "  but  disguised  himself."  The  verb 
is  tt'Bnrin,  the  Hithpacl  of  tPOn.  Cf.  1  Samuel  xxviii.  8,  and  1  Rings  xx.  38,  where  it  is  used 
in  the  same  sense  as  here.  Our  book  translates  the  passage,  however,  as  though  the  verb 
were  "Tn  and  agrees  with  the  LXX.  in  doing  so,  the  one  employing  the  verb  iKparaide-n 
(LXX.),  the  other  ^Trcx^'pf?  to  translate  it.  Again,  at  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6,  "  and  bound  him 
in  fetters  to  carry  him  to  Babylon."  In  the  Greek  Ezra,  on  the  other  hand,  we  read :  "And 
bound  him  with  a  chain  of  brass  and  carried  him  to  Babylon."  That  is,  in  the  one  case  it  is 
translated  as  though  the  preposition  7  with  the  infinitive  stood  in  the  original ;  in  the  other, 
as  though  it  were  the  copula  1.  And  our  book  agrees  with  the  LXX.  in  this  particular. 
That  the  difference,  moreover,  small  as  it  seems,  is  not  unimportant,  may  be  seen  by  the 
weighty  conclusions  which  some  critics  base  upon  it.     Cf.  Bertheau,  idem,  ad  loc. 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  if  anything  were  still  wanting  to  confirm  the  theory  of  a  Greek 
original  for  our  book,  which,  if  not  exclusively  was  largely  used  as  authority  by  the  compiler 
of  our  work,  it  might  be  found  in  the  fact  of  the  extraordinary  variations  in  the  text  of  the 
different  MSS.  of  the  LXX.  According  to  Jerome  (^Ep.  ad  Suniam  et  Fetelam,  also  Prcef. 
in  Para/ip.),  there  were  two  copies  of  this  work,  the  older  one  being  much  the  less  faithful  to 
he  Hebrew.  And  an  examination  of  extant  MSS.  furnishes  abundant  reason  for  crediting 
his  statement.  Taking,  for  instance,  the  Roman  edition  of  the  LXX.  (1587)  as  a  standard, 
ind  comparing  with  it  other  MSS.,  we  shall  find  eighty  places  where  some  of  them  disagree 
with  it  while  agreeing  with  the  Hebrew,  and  only  twenty-si.x  places  where  they  at  the  same 
time  disagree  with  it  and  with  the  Hebrew.  Moreover,  when  there  is  variation  from  the 
Hebrew,  it  is  chiefly  shown  in  the  addition  or  omission  of  words  and  clauses.^ 

V.  History  of  the  Book. 

Josephus  is  the  first  writer  who  shows  any  acquaintance  with  the  Greek  Ezra.  In  his 
work  on  the  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,  it  seems  to  have  been  his  favorite  book  of  reference  for 
that  part  of  the  history  which  it  includes.     It  was  most  probably  the  smooth  and  graceful 

1  See  Keil,  Einleit.,  p.  705. 

2  Cf.  Selwyn.  art.  "  Septuagint  "  in  Smitll^s  Bib.  Diet. ;  Fritzsclie  ip   Qerzog's   Renl-Encyk.  and  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lez. 
ri^chenilnrf,   Xttits  TestnmenlumGrace,  "  Prolegom."  |  Frankel,   Vorstudien ;  also,  Gfrbrer,  Dahne,  and  Buhl. 


70  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


style  of  the  author,  which,  as  has  been  already  shown,  was  one  of  his  most  marked  charac- 
teristics, that  specially  attracted  this  Jewish  historian.  That  he  would  not  liave  been 
hindered  from  using  the  work  on  account  of  its  apparent  discrepancies  when  compared  with 
the  holy  books  of  his  nation,  is  evident  from  the  manner  in  wliich,  as  we  have  shown  above, 
he  attempts  to  pass  off  liis  own  suppositious  as  history.  That  be  was  not  insensible  to  it? 
want  of  accuracy  appears  from  his  efforts  at  correction.  The  statement  of  Movers,^  made 
also  by  Pohlmann,^  that  Josephus  in  no  case  leaves  the  Greek  Ezra  to  follow  the  canonical 
books,  is  not  justified  by  the  facts.  At  i.  9  he  has  /tS^xovs  fTTTaKoiriovs,  Josephus,  ^oDs  7r€;'To- 
<co<rlous,  in  agreement  with  2  Chron.  xxxv.  9.  At  i.  38  he  has  icol  eSrjaev  'luaKi/j.  tovs  ^Leyta-ravas, 
whereas  Josephus  agrees  with  the  account  as  given  in  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  4.  Cf.  Antifj.,  x.  5, 
§  2.     See  also  ii.  16  in  the  commentary  below,  and  the  accompanying  remarks. 

By  Christian  writers  during  the  first  five  centuries  after  Christ,  the  book  is  frequently 
alluded  to;  but  it  is  impossible  to  say,  in  all  cases,  in  just  what  estimate  it  was  held,  or, 
indeed,  whether  it  or  the  canonical  Ezra  was  meant.  Diestel,  referring  to  the  article  of 
Pohlmann  just  cited,  says,  that  most  of  the  church  Fathers,  excepting  Jerome,  held  the  work 
for  canonical.'  But,  if  this  be  true,  it  is  not  shown  by  the  citations  of  Pohlmann.  Of  the 
score  of  church  Falliers,  Greek  and  Latin,  whom  he  adduces,  the  great  majority  give  no 
certain  evidence  in  the  citations  made  from  their  works  that  they  valued  tlie  work  before  us 
as  "  Holy  Scripture."  Cyprian  and  Origen  do,  indeed,  introduce  it  under  the  well-known 
formula,  ut  scriptum  est.  Augustine  speaks  of  the  picture  of  Truth  given  in  iv.  38-40,  as  a 
possible  prediction  of  Christ ;  but  Jerome,  whom  Pohlmann  well  styles  "  der  griindlichste 
Kenner  der  alttestamentlichen  Literatur,"  denounced  the  work  as  "  apocryphal,"  and  pre- 
pared tlie  way  for  its  rejection  by  the  entire  Western  church.  His  language  is,  "  Nee  quem- 
quam  moveat,  quod  unus  a  nobis  editus  liber  est  nee  apocryphorum  tertii  el  quarti  libri  somniis 
deleetemur,  quia  et  apud  Hebroeos  Esdrm  Nehemiceque  serinones  in  unum  volumen  coaretantur  " 
etc.*  Moreover,  we  find  on  examination  that  three-fourths  of  all  the  citations  from  the 
Fathers  made  by  Pohlmann  refer  to  the  one  circumstance  of  the  literary  contest  before 
Darius,  and  most  of  them  to  the  striking  expression  which  it  contains  respecting  the  power 
of  the  truth.  This  attractive  story,  taken  in  connection  with  a  loose  way  of  making 
quotations  at  this  time,  naturally  became  a  kind  of  stock  reference  in  the  early  church,  and, 
once  started,  readily  passed  from  hand  to  hand  with  little  or  no  thought  of  its  origin.  The 
most  that  can  be  said,  therefore,  is  that  the  book  was  used  with  respect  by  a  number  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  Fathers. 

But  the  probable  reason  why  it  was  not  accepted  as  canonical  by  the  Tridentine  council 
in  1546,  which  elevated  to  this  rank  other  works  having  apparently  less  claim,  was,  that  in 
addition  to  the  pronounced  opposition  of  Jerome,  it  was  not  then  known  to  exist  in  Greek. 
Luther,  speaking  of  First  and  Second  Esdras,  says:  "  These  books  we  would  not  translate, 
because  they  have  nothing  in  them  which  you  might  not  lietter  find  in  JSsop."  CEco- 
lampadius  and  Calvin  express  themselves  with  more  care,  but  refuse  the  book  a  place  in  the 
canon.  The  same  is  true  of  the  English  church  from  its  earliest  history,  as  is  shown  in  its 
various  translations  of  the  Bible. ^  The  more  recent  criticism,  as  we  have  said,  is  charac- 
terized by  a  too  extreme  reaction  in  favor  of  the  historical  and  critical  worth  of  tlie  book. 
Its  value  is  chicfiy  lexical.  The  translation,  which  Trendelenburg  compares  for  smoothness 
and  elegance  with  that  of  Symmachus,  can,  no  doubt,  be  made  useful  in  the  study  of  the 
remaining  apocryphal  t)Ooks  of  the  Old  Testament  as  well  as  of  the  New  Testament  Greek. 
And  there  are,  undoubtedly,  a  few  instances  where  its  aid  may  properly  be  invoked  in  the 
interpretation  of  those  parts  of  the  canonical  books  which  it  includes. 

VL  Is  it  a  Fragment  f 
Opinions  on  the  question  whether  the  book  in  its  present  form  i?  complete  in  itself  will 
naturally  be  much  modified  by  the  view  that  is  adopted  respecting  its  aim.  Tliose  who 
hold  that  the  compiler  meant  to  arrange  his  material  simply  with  reference  to  a  history  of 
the  restoration  of  the  temple,  find  the  work,  as  it  is,  pretty  nearly  complete.  But  it  undoubt- 
edly breaks  off  in  the  midst  of  a  sentence,  and  one  cannot  say  with  certainty  whether  the 
last  part  has  been  lost,  or  that  the  aullior  failed  to  carry  out  his  original  design.  At  least, 
:,here  would  be  nothing  against  the  current  opinion  of  the  purpose  of   the  author  —  and  i~ 

1  Kirehtn-Lexikon,  i.  335.  2   Theol.  Quartalschri/i,  1859,  p.  259.  8   Oeschichle,  p.  182. 

4  Praef.  in  Libr.  Esdr.,  0pp.,  t.  U.,  col.  1472  (ed.  Migne).  6  Westcott,  Tke  Bible  in  the  Church,  p.  281  S. 


THE  FIRST   BOOK   OF  ESDRAS.  71 

seems  to  be  required  by  the  abrupt  conclusion  —  to  suppose  that  Neh.  viii.  13-18  originally 
formed  a  part  of  the  work.  The  theory  of  Trendelenburg  that  the  first  part  of  the  book  is 
also  wanting,  which  he  bases  on  the  fact  that  the  history  begins  with  the  eighteenth  instead 
of  the  first  year  of  Josiah's  reign,  harmonizes  with  no  tenable  theory  of  its  object. 

VII.  Manuscripts  and  Versions. 

The  critical  edition  of  the  LXX.  by  Holmes  and  Parsons,  in  which  the  readings  of 
twenty-four  different  MSS.  of  our  book  are  given,  still  furnishes  scholars,  as  already 
observed,  with  their  principal  resource  for  the  criticism  of  its  text.  According  to  Fritzsche, 
these  twenty-four  MSS.  may  be  divided  with  respect  to  worth  into  four  classes,  the  best  text 
being  found  in  II.  52.  and  65.  This  text,  however,  is  not  free  from  mistakes  of  copyists  in 
addition  to  arbitrary  attempts  at  improvement.  It  is  especially  to  be  suspected,  Fritzsche 
thinks,  when  agreeing  with  19.  and  108.  The  latter  MSS.  represent  in  general  the  text  of 
the  Complutensian  Polyglot.  The  remaining  codices  are  (1)  III.  XI.  58.  64.  119.  243.  245. 
248.  and  the  Aldine  edition  of  the  LXX.;  (2)  44.  71.  74.  106.  107.  120.  121.  134.  236. 
These  last  two  recensions,  as  they  are  named,  present  a  text  more  or  less  emended  — 
the  former  Alexandrine  —  and,  at  the  same  time,  do  not  always  retain  their  distinctive 
features,  being  more  or  less  influenced  by  each  other. 


1  ESDRAS. 


Chapter  I. 

1  And  Josias  held  the  feast  of  the  passover  ^  in  Jerusalem  unto  his  Lord,  and 

2  offered  ^  the  passover  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month,  having  set  the  priests 
according  to  their  daily  courses,  being  officially  arrayed,^  in  the  temple  of   the  Lord. 

3  And  he  commanded  ^  the  Levites,  ministers  of  the  temple  for  Israel,  to  ^  hallow 
themselves  unto  the  Lord,  with  reference  to  placing  ^  the  holy  ark  of  the  Lord  in 

4  the  house  that  king  Solomon  the  son  of  David  had  built,  and  said^  Ye  shall  no 
more  bear  it '  upon  yonv  shoulders  ;  and  now  ^  serve  the  Lord  your  God,  and  min- 
ister unto  his  people  Israel,  and  make  it  ready  ^  after  your  famQies  and  tribes,^* 

5  according  to  the  written  regulation  of  David  king  of  Israel,^  and  according  to  the 
magnificence  of  Solomon  his  son.  And  standing  in  the  temple  according  to  the 
order  of  fathers'  families  of  you  -^^  the  Levites,  who  have  been  accustomed  to  miu' 

6  ister  in  succession  ^^  in  the  presence  of  your  brethren  the  children  of  Israel,  offer 
the  passover  and  make  ready  the  sacrifices  for  your  brethren,  and  keep  the  pass- 
over  according  to  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  which  was  given  unto  Moses. 

7  And  unto  the  people  that  were  present  ^^  Josias  gave  thirty  thousand  lambs  and 
kids,  aitd  three   thousand  calves ;  these  things  were  given  from  the  royal  treas- 

8  ury/^  according  to  promise,  to  the  people,  and  to  the  priests  and  Levites.''^  And 
Chelcias,^"  and  Zacharias,  and  Syelus,-^^  the  governors  of  the  temple,  gave  to  the 
priests  for  the  passover  two  thousand   and  sis  hundred  sheep,  and  three  hundred 

9  calves.  And  Jechonias,  and  Sama^as,^®  and  Natlianael  his  brother,  and  Asabias,^ 
and  Ochiel,  and  Joram,  chiliarchs,"^  gave  to  the  Levites  for  the  passover  five  thou- 

1 0  sand  sheep,  and  seven  hundred  calves.     And  this  is  what  took  place :  "  the  priests 

11  and  Levites,  havmg  the  unleavened  bread,  stood  fittingly  attired^  according  to  the 

A  few  words  respecting  the  principles  followed  in  my  revision  of  the  A.  V.  generally  may  not  be  here  out  of  place. 
In  harmony  with  the  practice  adopted  in  other  volumes  of  this  series  of  commentaries,  I  have  only  made  changes  when 
it  seemed  clearly  needful  to  a  correct  uDderstandiog  of  the  original.  Very  many  words  and  expressions,  consequently, 
have  been  left  as  found  —  as,  for  instance,  in  the  present  chapter,  "  their  daily  courses"  (ver.  2),  and  "  the  porters 
were  at  every  gate "'  (ver.  16j,  where  the  italics  are  evidently  superfluous  —  which,  in  a  new  translation  or  a  more  thor- 
ough revision,  would  be  unhesitatingly  corrected  or  eliminated  The  English  text  which  has  been  made  the  basis  of 
revision  is  that  of  the  "  Cambridge  Paragraph  Bible  "  edited  by  Rev.  F.  H.  Scrivener  (1873).  The  Greek  text  made  a 
standard — all  essential  deviations  from  which  I  have  aimed  to  indicate  —  is  that  of  Fritzsche  (Libn  Apocrt/phi  Veteris 
Testamenti,  hips.,  IS'l).  I  have  not  hesitated,  when  deemed  necessary,  to  introduce  changes  in  the  punctuation  of 
Scrivener's  text  without  calling  special  attention  to  them  in  the  notes. 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  V. :  the /east  of  the  passover.  But  to  Traa^a  has  also  this  meaning  as  well  as  simply  "  the  passover''  or 
'*  the  paschal  lamb."         ^  Cod.  II.  (as  also  55.  58.)  has  IBvaav  by  the  first  hand ;  III.,  the  same,  and  adds,  oi  viol  "Itr. 

Ver,  2.  — 3  X.  V. :  arrayed  in  long  garments  (Gr.,  €(7ToA.io-ine'i'ous).  The  context  supplies  the  idea  that  it  was  their 
offlcial  costume. 

Ver.  3.  — ■>  A.  V. :  spake  unto  (see  Com.  in  loc.].  6  the  holy  ministers  (Old  Lat.  —  MS.  Colbert.  —  sacrLi  serins)  of 
Israel,  that  (A^y  should.        ^  to  set  (see  Cotii.). 

Ver.  4.  —  ^A.  V  :  the  ark  (Old  Lat.  —  Cod.  Colbert.^  Ec  dixit :  Non  portabitis  arcam  in  humeris).  «  now  there- 
fore (Gr.,  icai  vvv,  but  yvv  ovv,  108.).        ^  prepare  you  (Gr.  erot/ido-aTe).        *"  kindreds  (Gr.,  to?  ifruAas). 

Ver.  5.  —  "  A.  V. :  as  David  the  king  of  Israel  prescribed  (Gr.,  Kara  ttjv  ypa'f>^t',  etc.).  ^  several  dignity  of  the  fam- 
ilies of  you  (see  Com.}.  ^  who  minister  —  offer  the  passover  in  order.  The  words  ev  rdfei  should  be  joined  to  what 
precedes  and  not  to  Bvaare. 

Ver.  7.  — "A.  V.  :  was  found  there  (see  Com).  ^^  of  the  king's  allowance  {see  Com.).  ^o  as  he  promised  (Gr. 
Kar'  iwayytKiav),  to  the  people,  to  the  priests  and  to  the  Levites  (44.  74.  al.  Aid.  read  rots  AevtVais). 

Ver.  8.  —  "  A,  V. :   Uelkias.         ^8  For  Su^Ao?,  XI.  65.  have  HtnnjA  ;  II.  III.,  Hot^jjAos- 

Ver.  9.  —  "  A.  V   :  Jeconiaa  and  Samaias.        ^  Assahias.         21  captains  over  thousands. 

Ver.  10.  —22  A.  V. :  when  these  things  were  done.  The  Codd.  III.  XI.  62.  and  many  others,  with  Co.  and  AM  ,  hav« 
fovTiAiv  yfvofi.9tm¥  for  TavTa  To.  ■y«fd^te»'a.     See  Com.        ^  A.  V.  :  in  very  comely  order  (Gr.,  cvirpen-i?  ;  64.,  evrpen-wt) 


1  ESDRAS. 


tribes,^  and  according  to  the  order  of  fathers'  families,^  before  the  people,  to  offer 
to  the  Lord,  as  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  Moses  ;  and  thus  did  they  in  the  morn- 

12  iug.'     And  they  roasted  the  passover  with  fire,  as  is  fitting;^  and  the  sacrifices 

13  they  boiled^  in  brass  pots  and  pans  with  pleasant  odor,^  and  carried  out  to'  all 
the  people.     And  afterwards  they  prepared  for  themselves,  and  for  the  priests  their 

14  brethren,  the  sons  of  Aaron.  For  the  priests  offered  the  fat  pieces  ^  until  night ; 
and  the  Levites  prepared  for  themselves,  and  the  priests  their  brethren,  the  sons  of 

15  Aaron.  The  holy  singers  also,  the  sons  of  Asaph,  were  in  their  allotted  place,^ 
according  to  the  appointment  of  David,  and  ^^  Asaph,  Zacharias,  and  Eddinus,"  who 

16  were  appointed  masters  of  song  by  the  king.'-  And  '^  the  porters  xvere  at  every  gate ; 
it  was  not  necessary  "  for  any  to  turn  aside  from  his  daily  service,"  for  their  breth- 

17  ren  the  Levites  prepared  for  them.     And  the  service  of  sacrificing  to  the  Lord 

18  was  brought  to  a  conclusion  on  "  that  day,  that  they  might  hold  the  passover,  and 
offer  sacrifices  upon  the  altar  of  the  Lord,  according  to  the  commandment  of  king 

19  Josias.     And  "  the  children  of  Israel  who  '*  were  present  held  the  passover  at  this  " 

20  time,  and  the  feast  of  unleavened*  bread  seven  days.    And  such  a  passover  had  not 

21  been  ^'  kept  in  Israel  since  the  time  of  the  prophet  Samuel.  And  no  king  of  Israel 
had  held"-  such  a  passover  as  Josias,  and  the  priests,  and  the  Levites,  and  the  Jews, 

22  held  with  all  Israel  that  were  found  dwelling  at  Jerusalem.     In  the  eighteenth 

23  year  of  the  reign  of  Josias  was  this  passover  kept.     And  the  works  of  Josias  were 

24  iijiright  before  his  Lord  with  a  heart  full  of  godliness.  And  also  what  relates  to 
him  was  ^^  written  in  former  times,  concerning  those  that  had  sinned,^  and  been 
ungodly  towards  -^  the  Lord  above  every  other  '■"'  nation  and  kingdom,'^  and  grieved 
him  exceedingly  ;  and "''  the  words  of  the  Lord  were  fulfilled  upon  ^  Israel. 

25  And  ^°  after  all  these  acts  of  Josias  it  came  to  pass,  that  Pharaoh  the  king  of 
Egypt  came  to  make "'  war  at  Charcamys  on  the  ^-  Euphrates  ;  and  Josias  went 

26  out  against  him.     And  ^  the  king  of  Egypt  sent  to  him,  saying.  What  have  I  to 

27  do  with  thee,  O  king  of  Juda;a  ?  I  am  not  sent  out  from  the  Lord  God  agamst 
thee,  for  my  war  is  upon  the''''  Euphrates;  and  now  the  Lord  is  with  me,  and^^  the 
Lord  who  is  with  me  is  a  hastening  Lord.     Stand  aside ««   and  be  not  against  the 

28  Lord.  And  ^^  Josias  did  not  turn  himself  on  his  chariot,''*  but  undertook  to  fight  with 
him,  not  regarding  the  words  of  the  prophet  Jeremias  from  ^  the  mouth  of  the 

29  Lord,  but  joined  battle  with  him  in  the  plain  of  Mageddo  ;  ^  and  the  princes  came 

30  down  to  ■•'  king  Josias.  And  the  king  said  *-  unto  his  servants.  Carry  me  away  out 
of  the  battle,  for  I  am  very  weak.     And  immediately  his  servants  removed  hhn 

31  from  the  line  of  battle."     And  he  mounted  "  his  second  chariot,  and  being  brought 

32  back  to  Jerusalem  died,  and  was  buried  in  his  fathers'  sepulchre.     And  throughout 

Ter.  11.— lA.V. :  kindreds  (cf.  Ter.  4).  ^  seTeral  dignities  of  the  fathers.  »  The  Tersion  of  1611  has  in  the 
margin,  as  an  altematiTe  translation,  instead  of  "  and  thus  in  the  morning,"  "  and  so  cf  the  bullocks,"  -|,"53  being 
read  for  ~)pil.    Cf.  the  Heb.  at  2  Chron.  xxxt.  12,  and  the  Com.  below,  in  loc. 

Ver.  12.-«A.V.:  appertaineth  (Gr.  «afl^«€0.  "  M  for  the  sacrifices,  they  sod  them.  •  with  a  good  savour 
Imarg.,  with  good  speed,  or  witlingltj;  Old  Lat.,  cum  benevokntia). 

Ver.  13.  — 7  A.  V. :  set  them  before  (Gr.,  airtiveyKav). 

Ver.  U.  —  »A.  V.  :  fat(Gr.,Ti<rrcoiTa).  ,,,_,...         ,        ^       . 

Ver.  16.  —  »  A.  V. :  order.  i»  to  wit  (<aO-  "  Jedothun  (see  Com.).  "  was  of  the  king's  retmue  (see  Com  ) 
The  plural  oi  wapa  instead  of  6  ir.,  is  supported  by  II.  44.  65.  and  other  codd. 

Ver.  16.  —  »  A.  V. ;  Moreover.        "  lawful.        •'  go  from  his  ordinary  service  (Gr.,  ei^i)(»»pia>',  etc-). 

Ver!  17.  —  w  A.  V. :  Thus  were  the  things  that  belonged  to  the  sacrifices  of  the  Lord  accomplished  in 

Ver.  19.  —  "  A.  V. :  So.        "which.        '«  that  (Gr.,  tovtu).        m  sweet. 

Ver.  20.  —  ^'  A.  V. :  was  not  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  21.  —  "  Tea,  all  the  kings  of  Israel  held  not.     Literal,  excepting  "  Yea,"  but  stiff. 

Ver  24  — »A  V. :  As  for  the  lAin«-s  that  came  to  pass  in  his  time,  they  were.  M  thai  sinned  (see  Cbm.)  "did 
wickedly  against  (see  Com.).  =«  all.  >'  people  and  kingdoms.  "■'  and  how  they  grieved  him  exceedingly,  so  that 
[see  Com.).        2e  rose  up  against  (see  Com.).  „,.,„,    .n    ...        j     >u  — 

Ver.  25.— »A.  V.:   Now.        3i  raise.         '«  Carchamis  upon  E.      Kapxaiivt,  XI.  44.  64.  71.  |4.  and  others. 

Ver.  26.— ss  A.  v.:  But.  ^     ^      ^^  ,       r^  s 

Ver.  27.  —^  A.  V. :  omits  the.        "■  yea.        »«  the  Lord  is  with  me  hasting  me  forward  :  depart  from  me  (see  com.). 

Ver!  28!  —s'  a!  V. ;  Howbeit.        '«  back  his  chariot  from  him  (see  Com.).        se  jeremie  spoken  by. 

Ver.  29.  — «  A.  V. :  Magiddo  (see  Com.).       *'  came  against  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  30.  —  «  A.  V. :  Then  said  the  king.        "  took  him  away  out  of  the  battle  (Gr.,  iirb  Ttfi  irapnTafeiut). 

Ver  81  — «  A  V. :  Then  g»t  he  up  upon.  That  II.  also,  as  Fritzsche's  apparatus  (following  Holmes  and  Parsons! 
Slates!  with  XI.  (by  a  second  hand)  44.  58.  and  others,  supports  the  reading  {eiirtpo^  instead  of  Sevrsoio^  is  not  shown 
by  the/ae-aif/ii/e  edition  of  this  MS.  by  Vercellone  and  Cozza. 


74  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Judaea  '  they  mourned  for  Josias  ;  and  Jeremias  ^  the  prophet  lamented  for  Josias, 
and  the  chief  ryien  with  the  women  made  lamentation  for  him  unto  this  day  ;  and 
it  was  ordered  that  this  should  become  a  perpetual  observance  for  all  the  race ' 

33  of  Israel.  But  these  things*  are  written  in  the  book  of  the  histories^  of  the 
kings  of  Judah.  and  every  one  of  the  acts  that  Josias  did,  and  his  glory,  and 
his  understanding  in  the  law  of  the  Lord,  and  the  things  that  he  had  done  before, 
and  the  things  now  recited,  are  reported  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah." 

84       And  they  of  the  nation  '  took  Jechonias  *  the  son  of  Josias  and  declared '  him 

35  king  instead  of  Josias  his  father,  when  he  was  twenty  and  three  years  old.  And  he 
reigned  in  Israel  ^^  and  in  Jerusalem  three  months.     And  then  the  king  of  Egypt 

36  deposed  him  from  reigning  in  Jerusalem.     And  he  set  a  tax  upon  the  nation  "  of  an 

37  hundred  talents  of  silver  and  one  talent  of  gold.    The  king  of  Egypt  also  declared  *^ 

38  king  Joacim  his  brother  king  of  Judsea  and  Jerusalem.     And  Joacim  bound  the 

39  nobles  and  seized  Zaraces  his  brother, ''  and  brought  him  out  of  Egypt.  Five  and 
twenty  years  old  was  Joacim  when  he  was  made  king  of  Judsa  and  Jerusalem ; " 

40  and  he  did  evil  before  the  Lord.  But  '^  against  him  Nabuchodonosor  the  king  of 
Babylon  came  up,  and  bound  him  with  a  chain  of  brass,  and  carried  him  unto  Baby- 

41  Ion.    Nabuchodonosor  also  took  some  of  '"  the  holy  vessels  of  the  Lord,  and  carried 

42  them  away,  and  deposited  them  '"  in  his  temple  ^'  at  Babylon.  But  those  things  that 
are  related  of  him,  as  well  of  liis  vmcleanness  as  his  impiety,''  are  written  in  the 
chronicles  of  the  kings. 

43  And  Joacim  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead  ;  indeed,  when  he  was  appointed  he 

44  was  ■^  eighteen  years  old.     And  he  reigned  ^'  three  months  and  ten  days  in  Jerusa- 

45  lem,  and  did  evil  before  the  Lord.  And  ^'-^  after  a  year  Nabuchodonosor  sent  and 
brought  him  unto  ^°  Babylon  with  the  holy  vessels  of  the  Lord,  and  declared  Sede- 

46  cias  ''*  king  of  Judaea  and  Jerusalem,  when  he  was  one  and  twenty  years  old.     And 

47  he  reigned  eleven  years  ;  and  he  did  evil  also  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  and  cared 
not  for  the  words  that  were  spoken  tmto  him  by  the  prophet  Jeremias  ■^  from  the 

48  mouth  of  the  Lord.  And  notwithstanding  that  -^  king  Nabuchodonosor  had  made 
him  swear  by  the  name  of  the  Lord,  he  forswore  liimself,  and  rebelled  ;  and  harden- 

49  ing  his  neck,  and  his  heart,  he  transgressed  the  laws  of  the  Lord  God  of  Israel. 
And  the  leaders  -''  also  of  the  people  and  of  the  priests  did  many  ungodly  deeds, 
even  beyond  all  the  pollutions  of  all  the  heathen,  and  defiled  the  holy  temple  of  the 

50  Lord,  in  -*  Jerusalem.     And  '■^  the  God  of  their  fathers  sent  by  his  messenger  to 

51  call  them  back,  because  he  showed  indulgence  to  them  and  his  tabernacle.^"  But 
they  had  his  messengers  in  derision  ;  and  in  the  day  that  the  Lord  spake,^'  they 

52  made  a  sport  of  his  prophets,  so  far  forth,  that  he  was  wroth  with  his  people  on 
account  of  their  ungodliness,  and  determined  to  bring  the  kings  of  the  Chaldees  ^* 

Ver,  32.  ^'  A.  v. :  in  aU  Jewry.  -  yea,  Jeremie.  ^  this  was  given  out  far  an  ordinance  to  be  done  continuaUy  in 
all  the  nation  of. 

Ver  3.3. — ^  A.  V  :  these  things.        ^  stories.        8  Judea. 

Ver  34.  — '  A.  V.  ;  And  the  people  (Gr.,  ol  e/c  tov,  etc.)  «  Joachaz  (so  44.  52.  and  others,  with  Aid. ;  m.,  Io<x«? 

XI.  64.  al.,'Iu>axas}.        ^  made  (Or.,  ai/tSei^ai'). 

Ver.  35.  —  ■"  A.  V. :  Judea.  Uod.  III.  with  some  others,  has  loiiSa  tor  I<rpa^\  (see  Com.).  Cod.  11.  ha«  the  reading 
oireifaTe'ffTTio-ev  for  ajrecmjtret'  of  the  text.  Tee.,  and  ^acriAeus  has  the  article  in  the  same. 

Ver.  36.  —  "  A.  V.  :  land  (Gr.,  to  lOfof).  Ver.  37.  —  '-  A.  V. :  made  (see  Ter.  34). 

Ver.  35.  — *3  A.  V. ;  And  he  bound  Joacim  and  the  nobles  :  but  Zaraces  his  brother  he  apprehended  (cf.  Com.). 

Ver.  39.  —  "  A.  V.  :  king  in  the  land  of  Judea  (lOS.,  ec  T7J  'lovSaiij  ;  Junius,  in  terra  Jehudo'). 

Ter.  40.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  AVherefore.    The  reading  ejr*  for  ^er"  at  the  beginning  is  supported  by  III.  XI.  58.  etc.  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  41.  —  "*  A.  V.  :  took  of.        *'  set  them.        ^8  his  own  temple  (t^aul  eavrov,  108.). 

Ver.  42.  — "  A.  V.  ■  recorded  (Gr.,  lcrTopri9ima)  of  him  and  o/his  uncleanness  and  impiety. 

Ver.43  — ="A.  V.:  he  was  made  Arinj  being  (108.,  ore  Ji  for  ore  yap).  For  6e«aoiCT(i  are  the  MSS.  III.  XI.  44.  52.  and 
others,  with  248.  Aid.  ;  II.  has  oktw  (see  Com.}. 

Ver.  44.  — =>  A.  v.:  and  reigned  6u(,  etc  Ver.  45.  —  "A.  V. :  So.        a  caused  him  to  be  bronglit  into. 

Ver.  46. — 24  ^^_  v. :  made  Zedechias.  Ver.  47.  —  ^5  x.  v.:  Jeremie. 

Ver.  48.  —2»  A.  V.  ;  after  that  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  49.  — 27  \_  y  .  I'he  governors.  ^  passed  all  the  pollutions  of  all  nations,  and  defiled  the  temple  of  the  Lord 
which  was  sanctified  in,  etc.  The  support  of  II.  also  may  be  cited  for  the  addition  of  ifvonTjirav  after  ^a•e'^t)o■al'  icai 
besides  55.  and  44.  given  by  Fritzsohe  ;  III.  XI.  52.  have  Tjvofiijtrai'  xa't  irapefiritrav. 

Ver.  50.  —  2®  A.  V. :  Nevertheless.        *"  because  he  spared  them  (Gr.,  e<|)ei6eT0,  etc.)  and  his  tabernacle  also. 

Ver.  51.  —  ■■"  A  V. :  and  look,  when  the  Lord  spake  unto  them. 

Ver  52  — 83  X   v.:  being  wroth  .  .  .     lor  c^t'r  great  ungodliness  commanded  the  kings  ....  to  come. 


1  ESDRAS. 


75 


53  up  against  them.  They  slew  their  young  men  with  the  sword,  round  about '  their 
holy  temple,  and  spared  neither  young  man  nor  maid,  old  man  nor  child,  but  he  ^ 

54  delivered  all  into  their  hands.  And  they  took  all  the  holy  vessels  of  the  Lord,  both 
great  and  small,  and  the  treasure  chests  of  the  Lord,^  and  the  king's  treasures,  and 

55  carried  them  away  into  Babylon.     And  they  burned  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  de- 

56  molished  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  set  fire  to  *  her  towers.  And  they  utterly 
destroyed  all   her  glory  ;  and  the  remnant  of  people  he  led  sword  in  hand  ^  unto 

57  Babylon.     And    they  were  ^   servants  to  him   and  his  children,  till  the  Persians 

58  reigned,  to  fulfill  the  word  of  the  Lord  spoken  by  the  mouth  of  Jeremias : '  Until 
the  land  shall  have  *  enjoyed  her  sabbaths,  the  whole  time  of  her  desolation  shall 
she  rest,  until  the  completion '  of  seventy  years. 


,  .  yea,  even  within  the  compass  of  (Gr.,  ireptKuxAbj).        2  amonv 
III.  XI.  248.  Aid.  are  the  principal  authorities  for  irape'fiuicci'. 


Ver.  53.  —  i  A.  V. :  who  Blew  their  young  men,  .  . 
them  (ovTii-,  XI.  44.  58.  64.  248.  Aid.),  for  he,  etc. 
The  context  seems  to  require  it. 

Ver.  54.  —  '  A.  v.  :  with  the  Teesels  of  the  ark  of  Ood  (see  Com.).  Codd.  62.  64.  243.  248.  Aid.  read  BcoS  for  mplmi  here 

Ver.  55.  —  *  A.  V.  :  As  for  the  house  of  the  Lord  they  burnt  it,  brake  down  (see  Com.)  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  set  fir© 
upon,  etc. 

Ver.  56.  — ^  A.  V.  :  and  as  for  her  glorious  things,  they  ncTer  ceased  till  they  had  consumed  and  brought  them  all  to 
nought :  and  the  people  that  were  not  slain  with  the  sword  he  carried  unto  Babylon. 

Ver.  57.  —  ^  A.  V. :  who  became  servants  (Gr..  koX  ^trav  TratSes).        '  Jeremie. 

Ver.  58.  —9  A.  V. :  had.        »  full  term  (see  Com.). 


Chapter  I.     (Cf'.  2  Chron.  xxxv.,  xxxvi.) 


Ver.  1.  'A^eii/,  to  hold,  to  celebrate.  It  comes 
into  use  in  this  sense  only  in  the  later  times,  but 
is  frequently  so  employed  in  the  Apocrypha ; 
although  not  found  in  connection  with  ri  irao-xa. 
except  in  this  pas.^age.  See  ver.  6,  below.  —  The 
fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month.  This  was 
the  montli  Nisnu,  answerini;  to  our  March,  but  at 
the  time  of  Josiah  coinciding  more  nearly  witli 
April.  The  first  mouth  of  the  civil  year  was 
Ethanim,  or  Tisri,  our  October.  See  art.  "  Mo- 
u:ite  "  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  and  "  Kalender  " 
in  Schenkel's  6/6.  Lex. 

Ver.  2.  To  their  daily  courses.  Cf.  with  the 
Greek  Luke  i.  5,  8;  4v  t;}  ra^ei  t^s  itpTjfi^pias  ahrov. 

Ver.  3.  E/TTf.  Spake,  in  the  sense  of  com- 
manded.  Cf.  Matt.  viii.  8  ;  Mark  v.  43,  x.  49  ; 
and  many  other  passages.  —  Ministers  of  the 
temple  for  Israel.  The  compiler  does  not  prob- 
ably mean  to  indicate  by  this  term  (lepifSouAos) 
the  special  class  ordinarily  designated  temple- 
servants  (Nethinim),  but  uses  the  expression  in 
a  general  sense.  The  LXX.  in  the  corresponding 
passage  in  2  Chron.  has  tois  Swotois.  At  v.  29, 
35  ;  viii.  5,  22,49,  however,  the  word  is  used  in  its 
restricted  sense.  — 'With  reference  to  (the  mat- 
ter of)  placing,  ii/  rfj  $e(ret.  On  this  use  of  eV  with 
the  dative,  see  Hobinson's  Lex.,  p.  248,  and  Winer, 
p.  387. 

Ver.  4.  Ye  shall  no  more  bear  it  upon  your 
shoulders.  Lit. :  /(  shall  not  be  to  ijou  to  bear  it 
upon  ttte  shoulders.  This  passage,  inclusive  of 
ver.  3,  has  given  no  little  difficulty  to  critics. 
How  is  it  that  the  ark  of  the  covenant  is  no 
longer  in  the  temple  ?  Have  we  elsewhere  any 
intimation  that  since  the  time  of  Solomon  it  had 
been  removed  ?  Fritzsche  thinks  that  there  is  an 
anachronism  in  the  history,  words  being  put  iuto 
the  mouth  of  .Josiah  which  would  be  appropriate 
only  for  David  (see  1  Chron.  xxiii.  26).  He  in- 
fers from  .Jer.  iii.  16  (cf.  Hitzig's  Com.,  ad  he), 
that  the  ark  had  already  been  wanting  for  some 
years,  and,  if  it  had  now  come  to  light,  mure  would 
have  been  made  of  so  significant  a  fact.  It  is  not 
necessary,  hewever,  to  resort  to  so  violeut  a  theory. 
Michaelis,  Movers,  Vaihinger  (in  Herzog's  Real- 
Eticyk.,   ii.  4.55),  and   many   others,   are   of    tne 


opinion  that,  during  the  idolatrous  reigns  of  Man- 
asseh  and  Amon,  the  ark  had  been  temporarily 
removed  in  order  to  secure  its  safety.  Keil,  on 
the  other  hand,  maintains  that  the  command  to 
set  it  in  the  temjile  is  not  to  be  taken  in  a  mate- 
rial, but  in  a  spiritual,  sense  :  "  Overlook,  leave 
the  ark  in  the  temple  ;  you  have  no  longer,  since 
Solomon  built  a  place  for  it,  to  bear  it  on  the 
shoulders."  The  ark  of  the  covenant  was  prob- 
ably burned,  along  with  the  temple  itself,  when 
the  city  was  taken  by  Nebuchaduezzur.  Little 
confidence  can  be  placed  in  the  later  traditions 
concerning  it  (2  Mncc.  ii.  4  ff.).  Josephus  {Bel. 
Jiid.,  V.  5,  §  5),  at  least,  testifies  directly  that  the 
second  temple  was  without  it;  and  Tacitus  {Hist., 
V.  9)  says  of  this  temple:  "Nulla  intus  deflm 
effigie  vacuam  sedem  et  inania  arcana."  —  Aarpevai. 
For  interesting  remarks  on  the  use  of  this  word 
in  the  Scriptures  generally,  including  the  Apoc- 
rypha, see  Crcmer's  Lejr.,  p.  397,  and  Girdle- 
stone,  0.  T.  Syn.,  p.  391.  Cf.  also  Judith  iii.  9  ; 
3  Mace.  vi.  6. 

Ver.  5.  According  to  the  written  regulation 
of  David.  See  1  Chron.  xxiii.  —  Magnificence 
of  Solomon.  This  phrase  is  not  found  in  the 
Hebrew  (2  Chron.  xxxv.  4),  and  was  doubtless 
introduced  by  the  compiler  with  tlie  view  of 
glorifying  the  temple.  —  Order  of  fathers'  fami- 
hes.  The  word  /xepiSoipxris  was  originally  applied 
to  the  governor  of  a  province  (1  Mace.  x.  65), 
fiepi^apxict  being  the  office  itself.  It  seems  here 
to  mean  the  divisions  of  the  families,  with  special 
reference  to  the  heads  of  such  divisions. 

Ver.  7.  Were  present,  tcJ  evpeBeun.  See 
ver.  18,  where  the  A.  V.  so  renders.  Respecting 
such  a  use  of  this  word,  and  how  it  is  distinguished 
from  flpai,  see  Winer,  p.  616.  —  The  king's  allow- 
ance (A.  v.),  Tct  0aai\tKd.  Hather,  the  royal  treas- 
ury.    See  viii.  18  ;   1  Mace.  iii.  28. 

Ver.  8.  XeA/cias,  Cheloias  (2  Chron.,  Hilkiah). 
According  to  tradition  he  was  the  brother  of 
.Jeremiah,  and  identical  with  the  priest  who  found 
the  copy  of  the  law  as  recorded  in  2  Kings  xxii. 
8.  See  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  art.  "  Chelcias."  — 
—  Syelus  (bsTT'  in  2  Chron.).      Chelc-'aa  waa 


76 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


high  priest ;  Zacharia^,  prefect,  an  office  next  in 
rank  ;  and  Jehiel  was  either  assistant  of  the  lat- 
ter,—  as  the  office  required  but  one  person,  —  or 
had  succeeded  to  the  office  during  the  life-time 
of  Zacharias,  or  he  is  mentioned  because  he  was 
chief  of  the  Levites.     See  the  foUowitig  verse. 

Ver.  9.  Jeohonias  (2  Chron.,  Conaniah). — 
Sameeas  (2  Chron.,  Shemaiah).  —  Asabias  (2 
Chron,  Hashabiah).  —  Ochiel  (2  Chron.,  Jeiel). 
—  Joram  (2  Chron.,  Jozabad).  Our  efforts  will 
be  directed,  in  revi>ing  the  spelling  of  proper 
names,  simply  to  give  them  a  form  in  English 
correspondinL^  as  closely  as  possible  to  that  wliich 
they  have  in  the  Greek  text  which  we  follow. 
( )n"the  general  subject  of  the  proper  names  of  the 
English  version,  "ee  interesting  remarks  by  Light- 
foot,  A  Fresh  Revis.,  etc.,  p.  146.  —  Chiliarohs. 
The  word  x'^'ocx"'  i*  probably  to  be  understood 
here  in  the  general  sense  of  leaders,  chiefs. 

Ver.  10.  A.  V. :  'When  these  things  were 
done,  TaCro  ra  y(ii6iuva.  Nominative  absolute 
(si'e  Winer,  pp.  181,  574),  and  to  be  construed 
with  what  precedes;  or  better,  taking  account  of 
the  article,  with  what  follows  :  and  this  is  what 
took  place.  —  Kal  olJtojs  rh  irpoi'iv6v,  and  thus  in  the 
morning,  that  is,  thus  they  offered  sacrifice  in 
the  morning;  or  iAonauTtuyna is  to  be  supplied  after 
TTpwiv6y,  and  thus  [th^^ij  offered)  the  inorninej  sacri- 
jice.  Gaab  would  translate,  and  so — that  is, 
after  these  arrangements  —  appeared  the  morning ; 
meaning  the  morning  of  the  day  on  which  the 
paschal  lamb  was  to  be  eaten. 

Ver.  12.  In  brass  pots.  More  likely  copper 
or  bronze  (xa^K^y  KiKpap.4vos) ,  a  compound  of 
copper  and  tin.  See  art.  "  Metalle  "  in  Schenkel, 
Btb.  Lex.  —  Mer'  (ua>S(a!,  with  pleasant  odor. 
Trendelenberg  (Eichhorn,  Einleit.  in  d.  Apok., 
p.  364)  and  others  think  the  translator  mistook 
the  Hebrew  word,  and  that  the  proper  rendering 
would  have  been,  with  joy.  Fritzsche  dissents. 
Cf.  Text.  Notes,  Eph.  v.  3. 

Ver.  15.  Sons  of  Asaph;  i.e.,  sons  with  ref- 
erence to  employment.  —  Eddinus.  In  the  A.  V. 
this  word  is  improperly  rendered  by  the  corre- 
sponding one  at  2  Chron.  Doubtless  the  same 
person  is  meant.  He  was  master  of  song  in 
the  tabernacle,  along  with  Asaph  and  Hemau,  at 
the  time  of  David.  See  1  Chron.  xxvi.  1  ;  2 
Chron.  v.  12.  Our  text,  moreover,  has  Zacharias 
where  we  should  have  expected  Neman.  Gaab 
(Com.,  ad  loc.)  suggests  the  ]iossibility  that  one 
and  the  same  person  had  both  names.  It  is  quite 
as  likely  to  have  been  a  c;ise  of  careless  writing, 
Zacharias  having  been  suggested  by  I  Chnui.  xv. 
20.  But  cf.  1  Chron.  xv.  19.  —  AVho  were 
(appointed  masters  of  song)  by  the  king.  See, 
for  a  similar  construction  of  the  (ireek  ol  wapa 
rtiv  &ain\fu>s,  1  M;tcc.  xv.  15;  xvi.  16;  and  cf. 
Winer,  p.  .365.     .See  also  2  Chron.  xxxv.  15. 

Ver.  17.  'Axfl'i'"'!,  that  they  might  hold. — 
The  infinitive  can  be  used  as  geuitive,  both  with 
and  without  the  article.  See  Winer,  p.  326  ;  and 
cf.  Buttmann.  pp.  261-266. 

Ver.  19.     Cf.  Luke  xxii.  1  :  ri  (oprri  tuv  a^vfiav. 

Ver.  20.  See  Winer's  remark  on  the  use  of 
the  aorist  for  the  pluperfect,  p.  275  ;  Buttmann, 
p.  199  f.     Cf.  Luke  vii.  1  ;  .John  xi.  30. 

Ver.  21.  'El'  rp  KaroiKriiret.  The  phrase  is  to 
be  construed  as  in  apposition  with  iu  'Ifpoua-aX'fiii. 
The  political  distinction,  moreover,  indicated  by 
01  'lovSaiot  as  over  iigainst  ttos  'l(rpo^)\  is  not  to 
be  overlo<3ked,  the  latter  meaning  the  remnant  of 
the  ten  tribes. 

Ver.  23.    'Ey  Kupil^  irX'qpei,  with  a  heart  full ; 


i.e  ,  his  heart  being  full,  or,  in  that  his  heart  was 
full. 

Ver.  24.  Been  ungodly  towards.  See  ver. 
49.  With  the  Greek  cf.  2  Pet.  ii.  6  ;  Jude,  ver 
15. — Xlapa  TrSi'  eSi'os,  above  every  other  nation. 
Cf.  Luke  xiii.  2,  ami  Winer,  p.  404.  —  The  com- 
mon text  has  Kal  &  (Kmr\(Tav,  and  concerning  the 
things  which  grieved.  With  Fritzsche,  however, 
following  IL  and  44.  we  have  omitted  the  relative. 
—  'Avfo-TTicai',  rose  up  against ;  i.  e.,  were  fulfilled 
upon.  See  1  Kings  xiii.  2  ;  2  Kings  xxiii.  16.  So 
the  LXX.  at  Gen.  iv.  8  renders  bs  raJ7.  Cf.  Mark 
iii.  26.  Wahl  (Clams,  ad  voc.)  comments:  " De 
minis  divinis  quce,  dum  rates  fiunt,  surgere  dicuntur 
enl  'l(Tparj\." 

Ver.  25.  iiapadc.  This  is  a  Coptic  word,  and 
signifies  king,  and  was  the  usual  title  for  the 
rulers  of  Egypt.  The  Hebrew  at  this  point  has 
properly  left  out  the  word,  giving  only  Necho 
(■133).  Manetho  calls  him  Nechao ;  Herodotus, 
Neco  :  and  the  monuments,  Neku.  See  Rawlin- 
son,  Histor.  Ev.,  p.  125.  —  Charcamys.  This 
seems  not  to  be  the  Cercusiura  of  the  Greeks,  as 
most  authorities  bold,  but  a  place  situated  higher 
up  on  the  Euphrates,  and  occupying  the  site  of 
the  later  Hierapolis.  Its  importance  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  it  commanded  the  passage  of  the 
river  at  this  point.  The  name  signifies  "  the  Fort 
of  Chemosh,"  Chemosh  being  the  well-known 
deity  of  the  Moabites.  See  Rawlinson,  Ancient 
Hon.,  ii.  475  ;  and  Schrader,  Keitinschriften,  p.  250. 

Ver.  26.  'What  have  I  to  do  with  thee  ? 
Lit.,  What  is  to  me  and  to  thee?  Cf.  2  Sam.  xvi. 
10;  Matt.  viii.  29. 

Ver.  27.  Sent  out  from  the  Lord  God.  It  is 
not  likely,  as  Keil  supposes,  that  he  means  Je- 
hov.ah,  unless  he  spoke  from  the  point  of  view  of 
Josiah.  The  Egyptians  also,  to  a  certain  degree, 
acknowledged  a  single  supreme  being  who  in- 
spired their  actions.  An  inscription,  supposed  to 
have  been  made  b.  c.  750,  ascribes  the  following 
language  to  Piankhi,  one  of  the  Egyptian  kings  : 
"  Didst  thou  not  know  that  the  Divine  shade  was 
over  me  1  I  have  not  acted  without  his  knowl- 
edge. He  commanded  my  acts."  See  Bib.  Com. 
at  2  Chron.  xxxv.  21  ;  Rawlinson,  Histor.  Ev., 
p.  147  f. ;  and  Hitzig,  Geschichte,-p.  268.  —  'Eirl  ylip 
Tov  Ev(l>paTou,  upon  the  Euphrates ;  i.  e.,  against 
the  Babylonian  forces  on  the  Euphrates.  For 
further  explanation,  see  our  Introd.  to  this  book, 
under  "Sources  of  the  work,"  etc. — Is  hasten- 
ing ;  or,  is  a  hastening  Lord.  The  Greek  is  :  Kal 
Kvpios  fji^r'  4fj.oii  eTrt<rn€vSajv  iarlv.  Cf.  Esth.  vi.  14; 
Wahl's  Clavis;  and  Schleusner's  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  28.  And  Josias  did  not  ttirn  himself  on 
his  chariot,  ('.  e.,  he  did  not  abandon  his  design. 
The  Vulgate  has  :  "  Et  non  est  reversns  .Tosias super 
currum,"  he  did  not  return  to  the  chariot  in  which 
he  came,  but  mounted  a  war  chariot.  Cod.  108. 
has  the  reading  which  is  followed  in  the  A.  V., 
as  also  the  edition  of  the  Greek  Bible  published 
at  Basle  in  1545  and  that  published  in  Frankfort, 
1 596  :  Kal  ouk  airttTTpei^ec  air'  ouToG  'I.  rh  Sip^a 
iauToii.  Cod.  108.  has  auroC  at  the  end  and  in 
it  also  the  verb  is  ixtcrTpetl/ey.  Junius  renders- 
"  Non  est  antetn  aversus  Joschija  cum  copiis."  In 
the  corresponding  passage  in  2  Chron.  xxxv.  22, 
there  follow  the  difficult  words:  "but  disguised 
himself"  which  our  translator  (prudently?)  omits. 

Ver.  29.  Mageddo.  The  modern  El-Lejjun, 
on  the  route  of  caraviins  from  Egypt  to  Damas- 
cus. See /i('/i.  Cow.  at  2  Kings  xxiii.  30.  Herodotus 
is  supposed  to  have  made  mention  of   this  battle 


1    ESDRAS. 


77 


(ii.  159).  He  makes  M.igdolum  (Misdol),  how- 
ever, situated  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Tiberias,  the 
scene  of  it.  These  two  names  were  frequently 
confounded.  lint  Ewald  [Uist.  of  Is.,  iv.  242, 
note)  takes  a  different  view.  He  thinks  the  form 
Mapdol  in  Hevodntns  arose  from  the  spelliu^r 
Magedou  for  Mej^iddo  ;  the  letters  n  and  /,  at  the 
«nd  of  a  proper  name,  beinj;  otleu  interciian^ed. 
Cf.  Rawlinson,  Herod.,  ad  loc.  Code.x  II.  has  the 
singular  readiiij;  MeraSSous  for  VlaytBid.  —  And 
the  princes  came  dowrn  to  Josias.  In  2  Clirou. 
XXXV.  23,  the  Hebrew  is  correctly  rendered  : 
"  And  the  archers  shot  at  King  Josiah."  The 
Greek  trnnslator  has  evidently  gone  astray,  and 
probably  in  consequence  of  not  understanding  the 
text.  The  word  Kara&aivm  was  used  for  descend- 
ing into  the  arena  to  fight,  like  the  Latiu  in  certa- 
men  descendere.     See  Herod.,  v.  22. 

Ver.  30.  Servants,  iraTSts.  The  people  of  his 
court  are  meant.   See  1  Mace.  i.  fi,  8  ;  Matt.  xiv.  2. 

Ver.  31.  Second  chariot.  It  was  a  chariot 
more  suitable  for  making  a  journey.  There  is  an 
apparent  disagreement  between  tliis  passage  and 
2  Kings  xxiii.  29.  In  the  latter,  however,  it  is 
proliably  meant  simjily  that  Josiah  received  his 
death  wound  at  Megiddo.  Cf.  also  2  Kings  xxii. 
20  ;  and  Ewald,  Hist,  of  Is.,  iv.,  p.  242,  note. 

Ver.  32.  Jeremias,  the  prophet.  The  pres- 
ent canonical  Book  of  Lamentations  is  not  meant. 
See  Jer.  xxii.  10,  18  ;  Zech.  xii.  11.  —  'Keptifovcay, 
made  lamentation.  For  the  ending  -oa^av  in  the 
third  person  plural  of  the  imperfect  and  second 
aorist  indicative  active,  see  Winer,  p.  77  ;  B.,  p.  43  ; 
Sophocles,  Greek  Lex.  of  the  Roman  and  Byzantine 
Periods,  p.  39.     Codd."lII.  5.5.  119.  have  kpiivouv. 

Ver.  33.  Histories  of  the  kings  of  Judah. 
Our  Book  of  Chronicles  is  meant.  Junius  has 
here  Jehudce,  and  in  ver.  32  .Jehudtca.  See  Tert. 
Notes.  —  Book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah, 
i.e.,  our  books  of  Kings.  See  Smith's  Bilile  Diet., 
ii.  30,  31.     Fritz.«che,  however,  thinks  ditfercntlv. 

Ver.  34.  Declared,  ii-jSei^ai/.  Cf.  ver.  37, 
and  2  Mace.  ix.  23.  The  compiler  of  our  apoc- 
ryphal book  has  doubtless  made  a  mistake  in  the 
name  of  this  king,  Jechonias.  Such  a  person 
was  indeed  once  king,  but  wns  a  son  of  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  present  king.  See  1  Chron.  iii.  16. 
The  person  who  was  raised  to  the  throne  at  this 
time  was  a  younger  son  of  Josiah,  and  was  orig- 
inally called  Shallum,  and  probably  took  the 
name  Joachaz  ("the  Lord  possesses")  on  his  be- 
coming kiug.  The  A.  V.,  in  writing  "  Joachaz," 
seems  to  have  desired  to  emend  the  text  with 
reference  to  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  1.  Cf.  also  2  Kings 
xxiii.  30. 

Ver.  35.  In  Israel.  The  received  text,  with 
II.,  has  eV  'l<rpari\,  which  is  retained  by  Fritzsche, 
notwithstanding  that  most  of  the '  MSS.  are 
against  it.  He  holds  that  the  phrase  is  not  used 
in  a  geographical  sense  (as  was  probably  sup- 
posed by  those  making  the  correction),  but  refers 
to  the  nation  as  a  whole.  See  Judith  iv.  1  ;  Matt, 
viii.  10.  —  Deposed  him  from  reigning  in  Jeru- 
salem. The  Hebrew  has  simply  :  remoeed  him. 
Cf.,  further,  remarks  in  Introd.  to  the  present 
book,  under  "  Sources  of  the  Work,"  etc. 

Ver.  36.  An  hundred  talents  of  sUver  and 
one  talent  of  gold.  The  disproportion  between 
the  weight  of  the  silver  and  the  gold  has  attracted 
attention.  Ewald,  however,  accepts  the  state- 
ment as  here  found,  with  the  remark  tliat  it  was 
money  enough  when  taken  in  connection  with  the 
loss  of  adjacent  territory.  See  Hist,  of  Is.,  iv. 
252,  note. 


Vers.  37,  38.  No  dependence  can  be  placed  on 
the  text  of  our  book  at  this  point.  Intentionally 
or  otherwise,  it  is  very  much  falsified.  See  par- 
allel passages  in  2  Chron.,  2  Kings,  and  in  Daniel. 
—  Joaolm.  For  Joiakim,  i.  e.,  .lehoiakim.  — 
Zaraces.  An  obvious  corruption,  and,  as  Fritzsche 
supposes,  for  Jehoahaz.  We  have  endeavored  to 
diniini>h  the  difficulties  of  the  passage,  to  some 
extent,  by  the  translation  given  above.  To  make 
it,  however,  at  once  iutelligible  and  historically 
credible  seems,  under  present  circumstances,  a 
hopeless  task.  See  Josephus  (Antiq.,  x.  5,  §  2), 
who  says  that  Jehoahaz  died  in  Egypt ;  also, 
Ewald,  Hist,  of  Is.,  iv.  251  ;  2  Kingsxxiii.  34; 
Jer.  xxii.  10-12;  Ezek.  xix.  4.  It  h/is  been  sug- 
gested that  tIij'  a.Sf\(p6i'  is  repeated  through  mis- 
take from  the  preceding  line,  and  that  Ziiraces  is 
a  corruption  for  Urias,  the  well-known  prophet  of 
this  period,  whom  Jehoiachini  did  bring  back 
from  Egypt  and  put  to  death  in  Jerusalem.  See 
Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  i.  945;  cf.  Jer.  xxvi.  20-23. 

Ver.  40.  Against  him,  fifr  clutSv.  This  is  an 
unusual  meaning  for/iera  in  prose.  Cf.,  however, 
Horn.,  //.,  V.  152;  xvii.  460.  Other  MSS.,  it  will 
be  observed,  have  e'lr/,  which  corresponds  with 
the  LXX.  at  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  6.  —  Nabuohodono- 
sor.  This  spelling  better  represents  tlie  oriiriual 
Hebrew  than  the  common  one  The  mo.st  correct 
form,  however,  according  to  Ewald,  is  N'abuehod- 
rozzor.  Hist,  of  Is.,  iv.  256,  note.  —  With  a 
chain  of  brass.  See  ver.  12,  above.  For  a  simi- 
lar u.se  of  the  preposition  iv,  see  LXX.  at  Jer.  Hi. 
11,  and  Ecclus.  x.xviii.  19.  Respecting  the  state- 
ment made,  cf.  2  Kings  xxiv.  6;  Jer.  xxii.  19, 
xxxvi.  30;  Ezek.  xix.  8,9.  The  most  probable 
supposition  is  that  Nebuchadnezzar  did  not  fulfill 
his  intention  of  carrying  the  captive  king  to  Baby- 
lon, or,  if  he  did  so,  afterwards  restored  him  to 
Jerusalem  ;  where,  on  account  of  a  subsequent 
rebellion,  he  was  put  to  death,  and  his  remains 
ignoniiniously  treated  by  the  Babylonians,  though 
afterwards  interred  in  the  burying-place  of  Ma- 
nasseh.     But  see  Ewald,  Hist,  of  Is.,  iv.  262. 

Ver.  41.  In  his  temple  at  Babylon.  See 
Dan.  i.  2.  Probably  the  magnificent  temple  of 
Bel  us,  whose  ruins  still  remain,  is  meant. 

Ver.  48.  Joacim,  i.e.,  Jehoiachin.  —  Eighteen 
years  old.  The  text,  rec,  with  II.,  has  okt<<1.  In  2 
Chron.  xxxvi  8,  it  is  also  said  thiit  Jehoiachin  was 
eight  years  old  at  this  time.  But  it  is  plainly  an  or- 
thographical error.  The  age  is  given  as  eighteen 
at  2  Kings  xxiv.  8  ;  and  his  character  as  described 
at  Ezek.  .xix.  5-9  clearly  shows  that  he  was  some- 
thing more  than  a  mere  boy. 

Ver.  44.  Three  months  and  ten  days.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  our  book  follows  the  more 
definite  account  of  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  9,  instead  of 
that  in  2  Kings  xxiv.  8,  which  gives  the  round 
number  as  three  months. 

Ver.  45.  After  a  year.  The  Hebrew  is : 
at  the  return  (or  turn)  of  the  year ;  i.  e.,  in  the 
spring,  when  military  campaigns  were  usually  en- 
tered upon.  Michaelis  translates  :  at  the  end  of 
the  year,  but  says  that  he  does  not  see  clearly 
what  is  meant.  He  thinks,  however,  it  means, 
after  the  summer  heats  were  over. 

Ver.  46.  Sedecias  (Zedekiah).  In  the  pas- 
sflge  in  2  Chron.  xxxvi.  II  we  read:  Zedekiah, 
his  brother;  i.e.,  brother  of  Jehoiachin.  He  was 
really  his  uncle.  Michaelis  thinks  a  word  is 
missing  from  the  Hebrew,  and  that  the  passage 
originally  reai  father's  brother.  But  such  a  man- 
ner of  speaking  is  not  strange  to  the  Bible.  See 
Gen.   xiv.   14.      Indeed,   the  word   "brother"  is 


8 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


applied  to  any  kinsman, — even  to  a  husband,  to 
one  of  tlie  same  tribe,  to  an  ally,  and  to  a  fellow- 
roan.  The  occasion  for  the  title  here  may  have 
been  that  he  wita  of  the  same  age  as  Jehoiacliin. 

Ver.  47.  By  the  prophet  Jeremias.  See 
Jer.  i.  8. 

Ver.  48.  On  the  interch.tnffe  of  !nr6  and  aW, 
see  Winer,  p.  370,  note;  Buttmann,  p.  325.  On 
the  rebellion  of  Zedekiah,  cf.  Kwald,  Hist,  of  Is.. 
iv.  264  ff.  —  Our  translator  renders  by  rif  6v6pMTi 
Kvpiov,  in,stead  of  with  the  LXX.  at  2  Cliron.  xxxvi. 
13,  kutA  toS  Beov.  Cf.  Ezek.  xvii.  12,  13,  18-20; 
xxi.  if>. 

Ver.  49.  UoWa  rfo-f'^Tjo-av.  Cf.  ver.  24  :  7)cre- 
^Tj/fdro)!/  els. 

Ver.  50.  His  messenger.  Perhaps  carelessly 
nsed  for  the  plural,  since  the  prophets  are  doubt- 
less intended  ;  or,  the  singular  is  to  be  understood 
collectively.  Pellican  thinks  Jeremiah  is  espe- 
cially meant.  Cf.  Dahne,  ii.  122,  who  is  of  the 
ojdnion  that  the  text  is  corrupt. 

Ver.  51.  'EKTToi^oi/Tey  toi/s  irpoip-^ras.  This 
verb  usually  governs  the  dative,  which  probably 
accounts  for  the  reading  tois  irpo(f>i\rais  found  in 
some  MSS.     Cf.  Gal.  vi.  7. 

Ver.  53.  'Ei'  (iof.i.(paia,  with  the  sword.  This 
preposition  is  often  used  in  the  LXX.  and  New 
Testament  with  the  dative  as  denotinf;  instru- 
ment or  means,  wliere  in  ordinary  Greek  writers 
the  dative  alone  would  be  employed,  through  the 
influence  of  the  Hebrew  3.  See  Winer,  p.  388 ; 
Buttmann,  p.  181.  The  reading  TrapfSoiKai',  which 
we  find  in  our  text,  notwithstanding  Fritz.sche's 
defense  of  it,  there  seems  sufficient  reason  for 
changing.     See  ver.  56. 

Ver.  54.  Tas  ki^wtovs,  the  treasure  chests, 
and    hence,    inferentially,    the    treasures.       The 


Syriac  and  Old  Latin  (followed  by  the  A.  V.) 
versions  understood  the  word  to  mean  "  ark  of  the 
covenant;"  while  the  MSS.  III.  XI.  52.  58.64. 
and  otliers,  with  Aid.,  have  changed  the  text  itself 
to  harmonize  with  this  erroneous  view. 

Ver.  55.  Kal  iKvaav  to  tc^xt?,  and  demolished 
the  walls.  For  this  force  of  the  verb,  sec  Horn., 
//.,  ii.  118;  John  ii.  19;  Eph.  ii.  14;  and  cf. 
Lange's  Com.,  on  Matt.,  ]).  110  ;  Rev.,  p.  92. 

Vers.  57,  58.  By  the  mouth  of  Jeremias. 
This  prophet  predicted  seventy  years  of  desola- 
tion. SeeJer.xxv.il;  xxix.  10.  According  to 
the  usual  reckoning  they  were  sixty-eight ;  which 
is  sufficiently  exact,  if  we  regard  seventy  its  a 
round  number.  The  idea  which  is  here  incorpo- 
rated with  the  prophecy  —  an  indirect  and  distant, 
with  a  definite  and  near,  prediction  —  comes 
from  Lev.  xxvi.  34.  The  meaning  is  that,  inas- 
tnuch  as  the  Hebrews,  through  the  non-observance 
of  the  Sabbaths  and  sabbatic  years,  hiid  deiirived 
the  land  of  the  rest  intended  for  it  by  its  Creator, 
this  should  now,  by  the  banishment  of  its  people, 
be  .secured  to  it.  We  are  not  to  demand  (with 
Bertheau,  Michaelis,  and  others)  an  exact  chrono- 
logical coincidence.  See  Keil's  Com.  at  2  Chron. 
xxxvi.  21.  It  is  the  theological,  not  the  chrono- 
logical, idea  that  predominates.  That,  however, 
the  law  of  the  sabbatical  year  had  been  violated, 
since  the  days  of  Moses,  not  far  from  seventy 
times,  is  quite  likely.  The  edition  of  1611  has  in 
the  margin  :  "  or,  h-ep  snhhath."  It  is  with  refer- 
ence to  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  at  2  Chron.  xxxvi. 
21,  the  latter  being:  r^v  yriv  ra  cajS^ara  oijttjs 
(ra/3/3aTiVai.  The  Old  Lat.  (by  MS.  Colbert.)  has: 
*'  dntipc  separaret  bene  terra  in  sabbatis  suis,  omni 
tempore  desolationis  suae  quo  sabbatizavit,  ad  im- 
plelionem  Ixx.  annorum." 


Chapter  II. 

1  In  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  king  of  the  Persians,  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  might 

2  be  accomplished,  that  he  had  promised  by  the  mouth  of  Jeremias,'  the  Lord  awak- 
ened '^  the  spirit  of  Cyrus  the  king  of  the  Persians,  and  he  made  proclamation  in 

3  all  his  kingdom,  and  at  the  same  time  *  by  writing,  saying,  Thus  saith  Cyrus  king 
of  the  Persians,  The  Lord  of  Israel,  the  most  high  Lord,  hath  declared  ^  me  king 

4  of  the  whole  world,  and  commanded  me  to  build  him  a  house  at  Jerusalem  in 

5  Judfea.^  If  therefore  there  be  any  of  you  that  are  of  his  people,  let  his  Lord '  be 
with  him,  and  let  him  go  up  to  Jerusalem  that  is  in  Juda2a,  and  build  the  house 

6  of  the  Lord  of  Israel,  for  he  is  the  Lord  that  dwelleth  in  Jerusalem.  As  many 
now,  as  dwell  scattered  in  single  places,  each  one  of  these  let  the  people  of  his  place 

7  help  '  with  gold  and  with  silver,  with  gifts,  with  horses,  and  with  cattle,  together 
with  the  rest  of  the  things  ^  which  have  been  set  forth  by  vow,  for  the  temple  of 
the  Lord  at  Jerusalem. 

8  And  the  chief  of  the  respective  families  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  and  of  Benjanain 


Ver.  1.  — *  A.  V.  :  Jeremie. 

Ver.  2.  —  *A.V,:  raised  up.        s  through  (Cod.  II.  omits  ei/ before  oAji  ttJ  j5.).        *  also  (Gr.,  a/ia). 

Ver.  3.  — »  A.  V. :  made  (Or.,  aviiei^e). 

Ver.  4.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Jewry. 

Ver.6.  — '  A.  V. :  the  Lord,  efen  his  L.  (a  second  itupiot  is  added  by  III.  XI.  62.  248.  Aid.  and  the  Greelt  Bibles  of  1541 
(Basle)  and  1597  (Franllfort)). 

Ver.  6.  —  8  A.  V. :  AVhoHoever  then  dwell  in  the  places  about,  let  them  help  him  (those,  I  my,  that  are  hi^  neighbors) 
Eee  Cam.    Codd.  III.  XI.  44.  248.  and  others,  with  Aid.,  omit  the  article  before  ron-ou?. 

Ver.  7.  — "A.  V. :  and  other  t/iin^s  (Or.,  oiiv  roU  oAAois  toU,  etc.). 


1  ESDRAS.  79 


resolved  *  —  the  priests  also,  and  the  Levites,  and  all  they  whose  mind  the  Lord 

9  had  awakened,-  to  go  up,  and  to  build  a  house  for  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  ;  and 

they  that  dwelt  round  about  them,  helped  with^  all  things,  with  silver  and  gold, 

with  horses  and  cattle,  and  with  very  many  consecrated  gifts  *  of  a  great  number 

10  whose  minds  were  awakened.^  King  Cyrus  also  brought  forth  the  holy  vessels  of  the 
Lord,  which  ^  Nabuchodonosor  had  carried  away  from  Jerusalem,  and  had  deposited 

11  in  the  temple  of  his  idol.'     Now  when  Cyrus  king  of  the  Persians  had  brought 

12  forth  these  things,*  he  delivered  them  to  Mithridates  his  treasurer;  and  by  him 

13  they  were  delivered  to  Sanabassar  the  governor  of  Judasa.  And  this  was  the  num- 
ber of  them  :  A  thousand  golden  cups,  and  a  thousand  of  silver,  censers  of  silver 
twenty  nine,  vials  of  gold  tliirty,  and  of  silver  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  ten, 

14  and  a  thousand  other  vessels.     And  all  °  the  vessels   of  gold  and  of  silver,  which 

15  were  carried  away,  were  five  thousand  four  hundred  threescore  and  nine.  And 
they  ^^  were  brought  back  by  Sanabassar,  together  with  them  of  the  captivity,  from 
Babylon  to  Jerusalem. 

16  But  in  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  king  of  the  Persians,  Bel  emus,  and  Mithridates, 
and  Tabellius,  and  Rathumus,  and  Beeltethmus,  and  Semellius  the  secretary,  with 
the  rest  who  were  associated  "  with  them,  dwelling  in  Samaria  and  the  other  ^'^ 
places,  wrote  unto  him  against  them  that  dwelt  in  Judaea  ^'  and  Jerusalem  the  fol- 

17  lowing  letters  :'^  To  king  Artaxerxes  oj^r  lord.  Thy  servants,  Eathumus  the  chroni- 
cler,''  and  Semellius  the   scribe,   and  the  rest   of  their  council,  and  the  judges  '^ 

18  that  are  in  Coelesyria  and  Phoenice."  Be  it  now  known  to  the  lord  the  king,  that 
the  Jews  that  came  up  from  you  to  us,  have  come  to  Jerusalem  and  build  the  re- 
bellious and  wicked   city,  repair  the  marketplaces,  and  ^'  the  walls  of  it,  and  lay  '* 

19  the  foundation  of  the  temple.     Now  if  this  city  be  built  and  the  walls  completed'^ 

20  they  will  not  only  refuse  to  give  tribute,  but  also  rebel  against  kings.  And  since 
the  building  of  the  temple  is  now  going  on,-'  we  think  it  meet  not  to  neglect  such 

21  a  matter,  but  to  speak  unto  our  lord  the  king,  to  the  intent  that,  if  it  be  thy  pleas- 

22  ure,  it  may  be  sought  out  in  the  books  of  thy  fathers.  And  thou  wilt  ■'-  find  in  the 
chi'onicles  what  is  written  concerning  these  things,  and  wilt  -^  understand  that  that 

23  city  was  rebellious,  troubling  both  kings  and  cities  ;  and  that  the  Jews  were  rebel- 
lious, and  caused  always  sieges   therein,  for  which  very  cause  -■*  this  city  was  made 

24  desolate.  Wherefore  now  we  do  declare  unto  thee,  O  lord  the  king,  that  if  this 
city  be  built  again,  and  the  walls  thereof  set  up  anew,  thou  wilt'^°  from  henceforth 
have  no  passage  into  Ccelesyria  and  Pho-nice. 

25  Then  the  king  wrote  back  to  -"  Rathumus  the  chronicler,^  to  Beeltethmus.  to 
Semellius  the  scribe,  and  to  the  rest  that  were  associated,  and  dwelt  "^  in  Samaria 

26  and  Syria  and  Phcenice,  after  this  manner  :  I  have  read  the  epistle  which  ye  have 

Ver.  8.  —  lA.  v. :  Then  the  chief  of  the  families  of  Judea  and  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  stood  up  (see  Com.) 
*  moved  (i)y«ip*,  as  at  ver.  2). 

Ver.  9.  —  3  A.  V. :  and  helped  tkem  in.  *  free  gifts  (Gr.,  euxais).  ^  were  stirred  up  thereto.  Fritzsche  has  inserted 
cai  before  KTr/veat,  with  III.  XI.  58.  and  others. 

Ver.  10.  —  ^  A .  V.  :  vessels,  which.        '  set  up  in  his  temple  of  idols  (MS.  Colbert.,  in  templo  idolorum). 

Ver.  11.  —  8  A_  Y^ ;  them  forth.  The  support  of  II.,  cited  by  Fritzsche  for  Mi0pi6oT7),  is  con-ect  as  far  as  the  spelling 
Mi9pt5.  but  a  rko  has  been  inserted,  doubtless  by  mistake,  thus :  MtflpiipaTTj.  At  ver.  16,  however,  there  was  first 
written  MtSpa5aTT)!,  and  as  a  correction  some  one  has  written  an  iota  over  the  alpha, 

Ver.  14.  —  0  A.  V. :  So  aU.  w  Ver.  16.  —  •  A.  V. :  These  (8<  overlooked). 

Ver.  16.  —  "A.  v.:  others  that  were  in  commission  (Gr.,  ot  AoijtoI  oi — (rui/Tao-trojuiei'oi).  ^  and  other.  ^3  Judea. 
"  these  letters  following.  For  the  common  reading  [naTiypa^av)  II.  III.  44.  55.  have  the  singular,  which  Fritzsche  alsc 
•dopts. 

Ver  17.  —  "■  A.  V. :  story-UT/ier.  lo  See  Com.  The  words  Ka\  Kpirai  are  not  omitted  in  II.,  as  stated  in  Fritzsche's 
•pparatus  (following  Holmes  and  Parsons),  but  only  the  (cat  ;  as  also  in  19.  and  the  Old  Lat.  "  Coelosyria  and  Fhe- 
nice.     I  shall  hereafter  change  the  spelling,  as  above,  without  further  remark. 

Ver.  18.  —  18  A.  V. :  are  come  —  being  come  into  J  (that  rebellious  and  wicked  city )  do  build  the  marketplaces,  and 
repair.        '»  do  lay. 

Ver.  19.  —  20  A.  V. :  Now  if  tiiis  city  and  the  walls  thereo/he  made  up  again  (Gr.,  ovvreXeirB^). 

Ver.  20.  —  21  A.  V. :  forasmuch  as  the  things  pertaining  to  the  temple  are  now  in  hand.    It  is  literal,  but  not  cleaj. 

Ver.  22.  —  =2  A.  V. :  Shalt.        »  ghalt. 

Ver.  23.  — '^  A.  V. :  and  raised  always  wars  (Gr.  woAtopifias  avvLtrrafievoi.  etc. ;  see  Com.)  therein  ;  for  the  which  cause 
even. 

Ver.  24.  —  ^  A..\.:  up  anew  thou  shalt. 

Ver.  25.  —  2»  A.  V. :  back  again  to.  "  storywriter.  The  Greek  here  is  somewhat  different  from  that  at  ver.  16,  but 
the  meaning  is  the  same :  "P.  r^  -ypai^oiTi  ra  TTpoa-irtVTo».Ta  (ver.  10 ;  o  Ta  irpoffTriVTorTa).  ^  A.  \.:  that  were  in 
■ommission,  and  dwellers. 


80 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


sent  unto  me.      Therefore  I  commanded  to   make  diligent  search,  and  it  hath 
been  found  that  that  city  was  from  ancient  times  acting  in  opposition  to  ^  kings  ; 

27  and  that  ^  the  men  therein  were  given  to  rebellion  and  war  ;  and  that  mighty  kings 
and  fierce  were  in  Jerusalem,  who  reigned  and  exacted  tributes  in  Coelesyria  and 

28  Phoenice.  Now  therefore  I  have  commanded  to  hinder  those  men  from  building 
the  city,  and  that  care  be  taken  that  nothing  take  place  contrary  to  this  cominand,^ 

29,  30  and  that  the  evU  *  proceed  no  further  to  the  annoyance  of  kings.  Then  Rathu- 
mns  and  Semellius  the  scribe,  and  those  who  were  associated  with  them  having 
read  the  letters  of  Artaxerxes,^  removing  in  haste  towards  Jerusalem  with  a  troop 
of  horse  and  foot  ^  in  battle  array,  began  to  hinder  the  builders  ;  and  the  building 
of  the  temple  in  Jerusalem  ceased  untU  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Darius 
king  of  the  Persians. 

Ver.  26.  —  i  A.  V. :  from  the  beginning  practicing  against  {see  Com.), 

Ver.  27.  — ^  ^  y  „mits  that. 

Ver.  28.  —  *  A.  V.;  heed  be  taken  that  there  be  no  mor«  done  in  it  {Gr.,  KiLt,  wpofojj^x'ai  ona^  iir^hev  Trapa  TaCra 
yejTp-ai).  Ver.  29.  — *  A.  V. :  that  those  wicked  workers. 

Ver.  30.  — ^  \.  V. ;  Then  king  A.,  his  letters  being  read,  Rathumus,  and  Semellius  the  scribe,  and  the  rest  that  were  in 
commission  with  them.  *  horsemen  and  a  multitude  of  people  (marg.  :  a  great  number  of  soldiers).  The  Greek  if 
oxAov,  and  as  joined  with  iTTTrou  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  meaning.    Cf.  Xen.,  Cyrop.^  v.  5.  4. 


Chaptek  n.     (Cf.  Ez.  i.  1-15;  iv.  7-24.) 


Ver.  1.  First  year  of  Cyrus.  His  first  year  at 
Babylon  is  meant.  —  By  the  mouth  of  Jeremias. 
Cf.  .ler.  xxT.  11,  12  ;  xxix.  10.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  this  verse  and  the  two  ne.xt  following  are  to 
be  found  both  at  the  end  of  2  Chron.  and  at  the 
beginning  of  Ezra,  a  fact  which  favors  the  theory 
that  the  two  books  were  originally  united  in  one. 

Ver.  3.  The  IJord  of  Israel,  the  most  high 
liord.  It  is  possible  that  in  the  Hebrew  transcript 
of  the  Persian  original  of  this  document  (Ez.  i.  2), 
the  name  of  Jehovah  was  substituted  for  that  of 
Orm-izd.  See  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Man.,  iii.  348, 
where  the  language  of  this  passage  is  compared 
with  the  oft-recurring  formula  of  the  Persian  in- 
scriptions. Our  translator,  however,  follows  nei- 
ther the  LXX.  nor  the  Hebrew,  at  this  point.  Cf., 
also,  vi.  31  ;  viii.  19,  21,  where  he  introduces  the 
game  change  in  the  divine  name.  Dahne  finds  in 
this  fact  evidence  that  he  was  influenced  by  the 
Alexandrian  philosophy.  "  Sehr  angemessen  be- 
dient  sich  unser  Verfasser  dieses  Ansdrucks,  ihn 
vorziiglich  hervorhebeud,  nur  dann,  wenn  Aus- 
lander  von  dem  Gotte  der  Israelitcri  mit  Verehrung 
redend  eingefiihrt  werden."  ii.  p.  121.  Cf.,  how- 
ever, Fritzsche,  Com.,  "  Nachtrage." 

Ver.  6.  Each  one  of  these,  let  the  people  of 
his  place.  The  Hebrews  are  particularly  meant, 
but  possibly  also,  others,  since  they  miglit  be  ex- 
pected to  sympathize,  to  some  degree,  in  this  noble 
enterprise  of  Cvrus.  See  Ewald,  Geschichte  d. 
Volk.  Is.,  iv.  103. 

Ver.  7.  Set  forth  by  vow.  This  transhition 
seems  intended  to  be  explanatory.  The  original 
has  only,  with  free-will  offerinqs.  The  perfect  par- 
ticiple is  used  to  show  that  these  things  had  been 
previously  devoted  to  such  a  purpose. 

Ver.  8.  KaTa<7TT]fTavT€s  (III.  XI.  64. :  Karaardv- 
Tcs).  Fritzsche  would  give  to  the  word  the  sense 
of  (hrldf'd,  determined  on.  Only  a  part  of  the 
Jewish  people  embraced  tlie  opportunity  offered 
by  Cyrus.  Josejihus  {Antii/.,  xi.  1)  says  it  was  be- 
cause they  were  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  prop- 
erty which  they  had  acquired  in  their  banish- 
ment. Most  of  those  who  returned  belonged  to 
the  tribes  of  Judali  and  Benjamin.  See  1  Chron. 
ix.  3. 

Ver.  9.  'fls  irXflffTait.  On  the  force  of  is  with 
the  superlative,  see  Crosby's  Greek  Gram.,  p.  339, 


and  Kriiger,  xlix.  10.  —  cvxah,  rendered  free  gifts 
in  the  A.  V. ;  better,  consecrated  gifts,  offerings. 
See  Horn.,  Od.,  x.  526;  Acts  xviii.  18;  and  cf. 
Trench,  N.  T.  Sgn.,  Pt.  2,  p.  1.  _ 

Ver.  10.  'Ev  ti}  elSaXfltf  auToZ.  See  1  Mace.  i. 
47  {elSa\(7a,  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "chapels  of 
idols"),  and  1  Cor.  viii.  10,  where  we  have  in 
€iSw\eitfj  KaraKfifievoy,  '*  sit  at  meat  in  the  idol's 
temple." 

Ver.  11.  Mithridates,  i.  e.,  given  by  Mithra. 
The  Speaker's  Com.  (Ez.  i.  8),  finds  in  this  name 
an  indication  that  the  worship  of  the  sun  by  the 
Persians  dates  back  at  least  to  the  time  of  Cyrus. 
Cf.  also  Gesenius,  Heb.  Lex.,  ad  mc 

Ver.  12.  Sanabassar.  Doubtless  this  is  a  cor- 
rupted form  of  the  Persian  name  of  Zerubbabel. 
See  Ez.  i.  8;  v.  16;  Zech.  iv.  9.  Such  a  change 
of  names  was  common,  as  is  seen  in  the  case  of 
Daniel  and  his  companions.  The  MSS.  give  dif- 
ferent forms  of  the  word,  an  interchange  of  letters 
being  a  common  fault  of  transcribers.  See  Frau- 
kel,  Vorstud.,  p.  97. 

Ver.  13.  A  thousand  golden  cups.  The  word 
used  to  translate  the  Hebrew  for  cu])s  is  trirofSera, 
i.  e.,  cups  for  drink  offerings.  The  LXX.  has 
tfnjKTTipei,  "  wine  coolers."  In  Kz.  i.  9  the  trans- 
lation is  "  chargers."  The  Hebrew  word  occurs 
nowhere  else.  Ewald  ( Geschichte  d.  Volk.  Is.,  iv. 
102)  would  render  it  by  xipTaWos.  This  was  a 
kind  of  basket,  pointed  at  the  bottom,  and  covered 
with  network  to  let  the  smoke  through.  —  Cen- 
sers, duiiTKat.  At  Ezra  i.  9,  the  same  Hebrew 
worcl  is  translated  in  the  A.  V.,  "  knives."  Ac- 
cording to  Gesenius,  it  means  a  slaughter  knife, 
.and  was  used  for  killing  victims  for  sacrifice.  The 
idea  of  gliding,  passing  through  like  a  knife,  char- 
acterizes the  root.  —  Vials.  At  Ez.  i.  10,  the  ren- 
dering is  "  basins."  Cf.  1  Chron.  xxviii.  17. 
Probably  a  larger  kind  of  cup  or  bowl  is  in- 
tended. 

Ver.  14.  On  the  discrepancy  between  the  num- 
ber as  here  given  and  that  given  in  the  canonical 
Ezra,  see  remarks  in  our  Introduction  to  the  pres- 
ent book. 

Ver.  16.  'Ev  Se  tois  ^irl  'Apra^fp^au.  On  the 
force  of  i-irl,  in  sucli  a  con.structiou,  see  Winer,  p 
392.  —  Fritzsche,  with  others,  refeiring  lo  Jo- 
sephus  {.\nliq.,  xi.  2.  §  1 ),  supposes  that  Cambyse» 


1  ESDRAS. 


81 


must  be  indicated  under  this  title,  although  ordi- 
narily pseudo-Smerdis  is  so  called  in  the  Book  of 
Ezra.  We  must  think,  however,  that  Josephus  is 
mistaken.  In  the  preceding  verse  in  Ezra  (iv.  6), 
Ahasuerus,  who  is  doubtless  Cambyses,  is  men- 
tioned, while  the  second  kinir  named  after  him 
(iv.  2+)  is  Darius  Hystaspis.  Hence,  the  interven- 
ing one  of  the  present  verse,  with  a  different  title, 
should  be,  properly,  pseuiio-Smerclis.  The  Per- 
sian kings  often  had  several  names.  It  is  a  strong 
incident:il  support  of  this  view  that  this  pseudo- 
Smerdis,  alone  of  the  kings  here  concerned,  was 
au  opponent  of  the  pure  Persian  religion,  and  it 
would  not  therefore  be  strange  to  find  him  ready 
te  put  a  stop  to  a  work  of  this  kind  at  Jerusalem. 
—  Belemus  (Ez.  iv.  7,  Bishlam).  In  the  LXX. 
Arabic  and  Syriac  versions  this  was  not  regarded 
as  a  proper  name,  but  translated  in  pt^ace.  Rath- 
umus,  the  Rchuin  of  the  Hebrew.  —  Beeltethmus. 
This  word  was  misunderstood  by  the  translator, 
and  is  rightly  given  at  Ez.  iv.  9,  as  the  title  of 
Kehum.  This  fact  is  noticed  in  the  margin  of 
the  version  of  1611.  It  means,  literally,  "lord  of 
judgment,"  or  "  chancellor."  The  LXX.  version 
makes  the  same  blunder.  Cf.,  also,  vers.  17,  25 
of  this  chapter,  where  our  au  t  bor,  curiously  enough, 
escapes  from  his  difficulty  only  to  fall  into  it  again. 
Josephus  [Antig.,  x.  2),  who  generally  follows  the 
a[iocrvphal  book,  does  not  do  so  in  this  case.  — 
SemeUius  (Shimshai,  Ez.  iv.  8).  He  was  the  sec- 
retary of  Rehum,  the  governor.  By  comparing 
our  book  at  this  point  with  the  parallel  account  in 
Ezra,  one  of  its  most  marked  characteristics  will 
be  plainly  observed,  namely,  its  avoidance  of  cir- 
cumlocutions and  difficult  combinations  for  the 
sake  of  greater  simplicity  and  clearness.  This 
might  certainly  be  regarded  as  a  good  trait  in  an 
author,  yet  scarcely  to  be  commended  in  a  trans- 
lator. But,  obviously,  the  making  of  a  transla- 
tion, good  or  bad,  waa  not  the  principal  thing 
aimed  at  in  our  book. 
Ver.  17.     The  translation  "judges"  is  falsely 


given  here  to  a  Heorew  word  which  means  Dina- 
ites.  They  were  colonists  from  Dayan,  a  country 
on  the  borders  of  Cilicia  and  Cappadocia,  often 
mentioned  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions.  See  Ez. 
iv.  9. 

Ver.  18.  From  you  to  us.  To  be  taken  in  a 
geographical  sense.  A  proper  pointing  of  the 
Greek  requires  that  the  words,  that  rebellions  ana 
wicked  city,  should  be  made  the  object  of  oIko- 
5o/ioii(ri.  —  Marketplaces.  These  were  public 
places  where  things  were  exposed  for  sale,  corre- 
sponding to  the  modern  bazaar.  See  Winer,  Real- 
wiirterb.,  under  "  Stadte." 

Ver.  20.  Misled  by  a  Chaldaic  word,  which 
might  mean  either  palace  or  temple,  the  translator 
at  this  point  has  wandered  far  from  his  text,  in 
order  to  make  his  version  consistent  with  itself. 

Ver.  2 1 .  Books  of  thy  fathers.  The  Persians 
were  accustomed  to  keep  such  records.  See 
Diod.  Sic,  ii.  32  ;  and  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  ii. 
264  f.  The  word  "  fathers  "  must  be  used  in  a 
figurative  sense,  meaning  "  predecessors,"  espe 
cially  if  addressed  to  pseudo-Smerdis. 

Ver.  2.3.  Caused  always  sieges  {■7ro\iopittas). 
Their  conduct,  they  would  say,  had  been  such 
that  sieges  from  foreign  powers  had  been  contin- 
ually necessary.  See  ver.  27,  and  cf.  2  Kings 
xxiv.  1. 

Ver.  26.  Acting  in  opposition  to.  This  verb 
—  ai/TiirapaTatrcrw  —  means  to  put  one's  self  in  a 
hostile  attitude.  It  is  meant  that  they  had  acted 
in  a  hostile  spirit  against  kings.  See  2  Mace.  xiv. 
29. 

Ver.  30.  Removing,  ava^fi^afTes,  i.  e.,  having 
yoked  up  again.  The  word  is  often  used  of  armies. 
Herod.,  ix.  41,  58.  Cf.  viii.  61  of  the  present 
book,  and  1  Mace.  xi.  22.  —  Xlapara^is  means  some- 
times the  line  of  battle,  and  sometimes  is  used  in 
the  more  general  sense  of  battle.  The  latter 
meaning  seems  preferable  here.  Cf.  i.  30 ;  Judith 
V.  23;  vii.  11  ;  Thucyd.,  v.  11. 


Chapter  in. 


1  And  king  Darius '  made  a  great  feast  unto  all  his  subjects,  even  ^  unto  all  his 

2  household,  and  unto  all  the  princes  of  Media  and  Persia,  and  to  all  the  governors 
and  generals  '  and  toparchs  *  that  were  under  him,  from  India  unto  Ethiopia,  in  the  * 

3  hundred  twenty  and  seven  provinces.    And  they  ate,  and  drank,  and  being  satisfied, 
went  home.    But  *  Darius  the  king  went  into  his  bedchamber,  and  slept,  and  awoke.' 

4  Then  the  three  *  young  men  that  were  the  king's  body  guard  ^  spake  one  to  an- 

5  other,  Let  each  one  of  us  mention  one  thing  that  is  mightiest  and  unto  hitn   whose 
sentiment^"  shall  seem  wiser  than  the  others,  imto  him  shall  the  king  Darius  give 

6  great  gifts,  and  great  tokens  ''  of  victory  :  as,  to  be  clothed  in  purple,  and '-  to  drink 
in  gold,  and  to  sleep  upon  gold,  and  a  chariot  with  gold-studded  bridles,^^  and  a 

7  tiara  of  byssus,"  and  a  chain  about  his  neck  ;  and  he  shall  sit  next  to  Darius  because 

Ver  1.  — >A.V.:  Now  when  Darius  reigned,  he  («a'i  Poo-i'Aeviro!  A.,  64.  243.  24S.  Aid.).        >  and  («ai  epexeget.). 

Ver.  2. — 8A,  V. :  captains.        ^  lieutenants.        ^  of  an  (Qr.,  ei*  toIs). 

Ver.  3,  —  8  A.  V. :  And  when  they  had  eaten  (ical  ore  ttttayov,  XI.  62.  58.  with  others,  and  Aid.)  and  drunken,  and 
being  satisfied  were  gone  home,  then  (t6t€,  XI.  52.  58.  248.  Aid.).  '  soon  after  awaked.  The  text.  rec.  has  tauToO 
ifter  KOiTuiya,  but  it  has  not  the  support  of  II.  III.  44.  58. 

Ver.  4.  —  8  A.  V.  :  Then  three.        ^  of  the  guard  that  kept  the  king's  body. 

Ver.  5.  — *"  A.  V. :  every  one  of  U8  speak  a  sentence  (Gr.,  Koyov,  but  here  used  ir.jefiuitely) :  he  that  shall  overcome, 
and  whose  sentence.        n  things  in  token. 

Ver.  6.  —  ^  A.  \.  omits  and.  '^  bridles  of  gold.        "  headtire  of  fine  linen  (Ql  ,  pvcrcrtViji').     I  thought  it  better  to 

tansfer  the  word,  as  it  refers  to  a  certain  kind  of  linen 
R 


82  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


8  of  his  wisdom,  and  shall  be  called  Darius's  kiustnan.'     And  then  each  one  wrot« 

9  his  sentiment,-  sealed  it,  and  laid  it  under  king  Darius's'  pilloiv  :  and  said,^ 
A^  hen  the  king  is  risen,  one  shall  ^  give  him  what  is  written  ;  °  and  of  whom ' 
the  king  and  the  three  princes  of  Persia  shall  judge  that  his  sentiment '  is  the 

10  wisest,  to  him  shall  the  victory  be  given,  as  agreed.^      The  first  wrote.  Wine  is 

11  the  strongest.      The    second    wrote.   The    king    is    strongest.     The    third    wrote, 

12  Women  are  strongest;  but  above  all  ihivgs  truth  beareth  away  the  victory. 

13  And  '°  when  the  king  was  risen  up,  they  took  what  was  written,^'  and  delivered 

14  it  unto  him,  and  he  read  it.'-  And  sending  forth  he  called  all  the  princes  of  Persia 
and    Media,  and  the  governors,  and   the    generals,'^  and  the  toparchs,'*  and  the 

15  chief  officers,  and  seated  himself  in  the  council  chamber ;    and  what  was  written 

1 6  was  '°  read  before  them.     And  he  said,  Call  the  young  men,  and  they  themselves 

17  shall  make  known  their  sentiments.  And '^  they  were  called,  and  came  in.  And 
they  "  said  unto  them.  Tell  us  concerning  what  is  written.     And  the  first  began,'* 

18  who  hail  spoken  of  the  strength  of  wine  ;  and  he  spoke  '^  thus  :  O  ye  men,  how  ex- 

19  ceeding  strong  is  wine  !  It  causeth  all  men  to  err  that  have  drunk  -°  it.  It  maketh 
the  mind  of  the  king  and  of  the  fatherless  child  one  mind  ;  -'  both  that  of  the  bond- 

20  man  and  of  the  freeman,  of  the  poor  '^'  and  of  the  rich.     It  turneth  also  every  mind 

21  towards  ^  jollity  and  mirth,  and  one  -*  remembereth  neither  sorrow  nor  debt.  And 
it  maketh  every  heart  rich,  and  one  ^  remembereth  neither  king  nor  governor  ;  and 

22  it  maketh  a  man  speak  all  things  by  talents.     And  when  they  are  in  their  cups, 

23  they  forget  to  be  friendly  to  friends  ^°  and  brethren,  and  a  little  after  draw  their 

24  swords.  And  when  they  have  ^  risen  from  the  wine,  they  remember  not  what  they 
have  done.  O  ye  men,  is  not  wine  the  strongest,  seeing  that  it  ^  enforceth  to  do 
thus  ?     And  when  he  had  so  spoken,  he  held  his  peace. 

Ver.  7.  —  1  A.  V.  :  Darius  his  cousin.     See  Com, 

Ver.  8.  —  2  A.  V. ;  every  one  wrote  his  sentence.        ^  narius  his.        *  said  thai. 

Ver.  9. — ^  A.  V.:  is  risen,  some  will.  6  the  writings.  'whose  side.  8  sentence.  ^  was  appointed-  The 
•£  before  6  Aoyos  is  omitted  by  the  Codd.  XI.  44.  and  many  others,  with  Aid.  For  cckos  XI.  58.  64.  248.  Aid.  have 
vLktiilil.     Cf.  ver.  6,  kiriviKiO.. 

Ver.  13.  —  '"A.  V. :  Now.        u  their  writings.        ^  the77i  unto  him,  and  so  he  read  them. 

Ver.  14.  — "A.  V. :  captains.  i*  lieutenants.  The  article  of  the  text.  ree.  before  o-arpairas  is  omitted  in  11.  III. 
XI.  65.    The  two  following  words,  Kal  uTpaniyovi;,  are  not  found  in  11. 

Ver.  15.  —  ^'•A.  v.:  sat  him  down  in  the  royal  seat  of  judgment  (marg. :  council);  and  the  writings  (ra  ypaft^ara, 
108.)  were. 

Ver.  16.  —  "  A.  V. .  they  shall  declare  their  own  sentences.    So.  Cod.  HI.  and  some  others  have  tavrSiv  for  avruv  after 

Ver.  17.  —  1'  A.  V. :  he  (so  119.  243.  245.  248.  Aid.).  ^8  Declare  unto  us  your  mind  concerning  the  writings.  Then 
began  the  first.        w  said. 

Ver.  18.  —  =0  A.  V. :  drink  [nCvovra^,  instead  of  iriovra^,  is  supported  by  III.  XI.  64.  24S.  and  others,  with  Aid.). 

Ver.  19.  —  =*  A.  V.  ;  to  be  all  one  (Gr.,  -n^v  Sdvoiav  fj.Cav].        22  poor  man. 

Ver.  20.  — ^  A.  V.  :  thought  into.        -■*  so  that  a  7nan. 

Ver.  21.  —  -'  A.  V.  :  so  that  a  man.  Here  and  in  the  foUowing  verse  we  find  in  n.  for  fiefivi]vTai  the  singular  of  th« 
same. 

Ver.  22.  —  -^  A.  V.  :  their  love  both  to  friends. 

Ver.  23.  — -"  A.  V.  :  but  when  they  are.  The  reading  yelTjeitnl'  was  adopted,  but  cannot  be  admitted,  although  sup- 
ported by  some  good  authorities  :  III.  XI.  44.  64.  71.  24S.  and  others,  with  Aid. 

Ver.  24.  —  M  A.  V. :  that  (Or.,  ori). 

Chapter  III.     (Cf.  Josephus,  Antiq.,  xi.  3  ff.) 

Ver.  1.  And  he  made  a  great  feast.  We  [  "  But,  after  that  he  [Darius]  had  rested  a  little 
have  the  Greek  e.N:ictly  re)irofiuced  in  Luke  v.  29  : '  part  of  the  night,  he  awoke,  and,  not  being  able 
^iro/Tjffe  Soxhy  fiiydXtjv.  —  Tuts  o'lKoyfvfatv,  house    to  tleep  any  more,  he  h'W  into  conversation  with 


servants.  Lit.,  those  horn  in  the  iiousf.  Th' 
second  Ka/ should  lie  taken  epcxcgetically  ;  and  in- 
deed, namely f  even, 

Ver.  2.  From  India  unto  Ethiopia.  Cf. 
Esth.  1.  1 ;  viii.  9  ;  Dan.  vi.  1. 

Ver.  3.  And  awoke.  Schlensner  {Lex.,  ad 
voc.)  and  r-onic  (jtliers  wouM  translate  the  words 
Ka\  e^vTTVos  tyiveTo,  and  slept  pTofoundly  {in  pio- 
fnndinn  somnmn  incidit).  But,  while  this  meaning 
might  suit  the  context,  it  is  not  the  natural  and 
usuai  meaning  <jf  the  words.  Josephus  gives  to 
the  narrative  quite  a  different  coloring.     lie  says  : 


the  three  guards  i)f  his  body,  and  promised  that 
to  him  who  should  make  an  or.ation  concerning 
points  that  he  [the  king]  would  inquire  about, 
such  as  .should  be  most  agreeable  to  truth  and  the 
dictates  of  \vi,sdoin.  he  would  allow  hiin  as  a  re- 
ward of  liis  victory  to  put  on  a  ]uir|ile  garment," 
etc.  Josopluis,  moreover,  gives  the  following 
reason  for  the  king's  subsequent  conduct,  that, 
while  he  w.as  yet  a  subject,  he  ni:idc  a  vow  that  i.' 
he  came  to  the  tlirone  be  would  send  all  the  ves- 
sels of  Liod  that  were  in  ISabyhm  back  to  Jeri» 
salem.     It   is  related  of  I'tolemv   III.  Euergetes 


1  ESDKAS 


83 


of  Kgypt  that  he  instituted  such  contests  as  the 
one  here  described,  among  the  writers  of  his  day. 
See  Bold,  ]>.  32. 

Vcr.  5.  2o(pu>T€pov  Tov  erepou.  Lit.,  wiser  than 
'.he  other.  The  comparative  is  used  for  the  super- 
lative.    See  Winer,  p.  240;  Buttmann,  p.  8.3. 

Ver.  7.  Darius'a  kinsman.  It  is  simjd)-  au 
honorary  title.  See  1  Mace.  x.  89;  xi.  31;  2  Mace. 
xi.  1,  35;  3  JIaec.  v.  39. 

Ver.  9.  Three  princes  of  Persia.  Sec  E^th. 
i.  14  in  the  Septuagiut  virsiou  ;  also,  viii.  11,  he- 
low.  There  were  seven  leading  princely  families 
in  Persia;  tlie  heads  of  which,  a.s  it  is  supi'O-ed, 
formed  the  council  of  the  king.  See  Kawlinson, 
Ancient  Hon.,  iii.  223.  Either  our  tran.^l:uor  knew 
of  onlv  three  such  princes,  or  this  numlier  m:iy 
have  been  selected  in  the  present  case  with  refer- 
ence to  the  number  of  contestants. 

Ver.  10.  'O  els.  Lit.,  the  one.  See,  on  this 
construction,  Winer,  p.  116;  Buttnianu,  pp.  30, 
102  ;  and  cf.  Matt.  vi.  24  ;   xxiv.  40  f. 

Ver.  14.  Chief  officers,  viraTous.  The  terra 
was  used  by  Latin  writers  (Polyb.)  to  designate 
consuls  and  prefects.      Graetz  (iii.  p.  445,  note) 


thinks  that  it  furnishes  a  key  to  the  time  of  the 
composition  of  the  book. 

Vei'.  17.  The  reading  is  (tvay,  the  plural,  and 
not  the  singular  as  rendered  iu  the  A.  V-,  the 
spectators  being  meant.     See  Te.tt.  ^nles. 

Ver.  18.  Tiif  Sidmav.  We  connect  with  what 
precedes,  agreeable  to  the  jjointing  of  Fritzsche's 
text:  //  seduces  {deceives)  the  mind  o J'  every  man 
icho  drtnks  it. 

Ver.  19,  Fatherless  child.  Lit.,  orphan.  It 
is  used  figuratively  for  what  is  weak,  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  king. 

Ver.  20.  Cf.,  on  the  sentiment  of  the  verse, 
Ps.  civ.  15;  Eccles.  X.  19;  Wisd.  ii.  9;  Ecclus. 
xiii.  8. 

Ver.  21.  And  it  maketh  a  man  speak  all 
things  by  talents,  Kai  irdpTa  Sia.  Ta\di/Twv  Trott; 
\a\e7v,  i.e.,  causes  that  a  person  speak  ;is  though 
he  had  to  do  only  with  talents.  Wahl  remarks; 
"  Efficit  vinum,  ut  cujuscun(|ue  condltionis  homo 
loquatur  pertalenta  ;  i.  e.,  talentorum  possessorem 
sese  jactans  =  wie  ein  Miilionar."  (C'lavis,  p.  116.) 

Ver.  23.  Bisen  from  the  [sleep  produced  by] 
wine.     See  Text.  Notes. 


Chapter  IV. 


1  And  ^  the  second,  that  had  spoken  of  the  strength  of  the  king,  began  to  speak.^ 

2  O  ye  men,  do  not  men  excel  in  strength,  that  bear  rule  over  sea  and  land,  and  all 

3  things  in  tliem  ?     But  ^  the  king  is  more  mighty,  and  is  their  lord,*  and  hath  domin- 

4  ion  over  them ;  and  whatsoever  he  commandeth  them  they  obey.*  If  he  bid  them 
make  war  the  one  against  the  other,  they  do  it  ;  and "  if  he  send  them  out  against 

5  the  enemies,  they  go,  and  demolish '  moimtains,  and  *  walls,  and  towers.  They 
slay  and  are  slain,  and  transgress  not  the  king's  commandment ;  if  moreover,  they 
get  the  victory  they  bring  all  to  the  king ;  and  if  they  plunder  also,  all  the  rest.' 

6  And  as  many  as  are  not  soldiers,'"  and  have  not  to  do  with  wars,  but  practice  '^  hus- 
bandry, when  they  have  reaped  again  that  which  they  had  sown,  they  bring  it  to 

7  the  king,  and  compel  one  another  to  pay  tribute  unto  the  king.     And  ^-  he  is  only 

8  one  '* ;  if  he  command  to  kill,  they  kill ;  if  he  command  to  spare,  they  spare  ;  if  he 
command  to  smite,  they  smite  ;  if  he  command  to  make  desolate,  they  make  deso- 

9  late  ;  if  he  command  to  build,  they  build  ;  if  he  command  to  cut  down,  they  cut 

1 0  down  ;  if  he  command  to  plant,  they  plant.     And  the  whole  of  his  people  '■*  and  his 

11  armies  obey  him.     Furthermore  he  reclineth,'"  he  eateth  and  drinketh,  and  taketh 
his  rest,  and  these  keep  watch  round  about  him,  neither  may  any  one  depart,  and 

12  do  his  own  business,  neither  disobey  they  him.'*'     0  ye  men,  how  should  not  the 
king  be  mightiest,  seeing  that  he  is  so  ^''  obeyed  ?     And  he  was  silent.'* 

1 3  And  '^  the  third,  who  had  spoken  of  women  and  the  truth  (that  is   Zoroba- 

14  bel*)  began  to  speak.     O  ye  men,  Is  not  the  king  great,  and  men  many,  and 
wine   mighty  ?  -'    Who  is  it,  then,  that  ruleth  them,  or   hath  the  lordship  over 

Ver.  1.— '  A.  v.:  Then.        ^  say. 

Ver  3.  — 3  A.  V  ;  But  yet.  *  for  he  is  lord  of  all  these  things  (II.  XI.  62.  64.  and  others,  with  Aid.,  read  navjutv 
for  attriv).        "  do  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  4.  —  "  A.  V.  omits  and  (60-         *  break  down  (see  Com.).        8  omits  and. 

Ver.  5.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  if  they  get  the  victory  they  bring  all  to  the  king,  as  well  the  spoils  as  all  things  else.  The  last 
tlause  (Kai  Ta  oAAa  jraira)  might  be  rendered  ;  "  and  with  respect  to  the  rest  they  bring  all."  For  Kai  eav  in  the  last 
clause  but  one,  III.  XI.  52.  61.  and  others,  with  Aid.,  offer  Kac  oo-a  edv. 

Ver.  6.  — ^^  A.  V.  ;  Likewise  for  those  that  are  no  soldiers  («ai  oo-oi  oy  orpaTevovTat).         "  use. 

Ver.  7.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  And  yet.         ^^  but  one  7nan.     The  Greek  is,  Kai  avrb?  cU  ^ofos  iarCv. 

Ver.  10.  —  "  A.  V. :  So  all  his  people  (Gr.,  Kai  n-ds  6  Aaos  aicov).  ^  lieth  down.  Reclining  at  table  is  clearly  meant 
'avoKeiTatj.  Ver.  11. "^  A.  V.  adds  in  any  thing. 

Ver.  12.  —  •"  A.  V. :  when  (Gr.,  Srt)  in  such  sort  he  is.        la  held  his  tongue  (Or.,  eViyijcrev). 

Ver.  13. —"A   V.:Then.        ™  women  and  o/ the  truth  (this  was  Z.). 

Ver.  14.  —  21  A_  V. :  it  is  not  the  great  king,  nor  the  multitude  of  men,  neither  is  it  wine  that  excelleth.  The  Greek 
iS,  ay&pei  (III.  64-  248.  Aid.  prefix  Si],  ov  /xeyos  o  ^acriAtvs,  etc.,  with  an  interrogation  at  the  end  of  the  list.  Junius  haa 
"  0  viri,  non  Rex  maximus,  noo  hominum  multitudu,  noii  viuum  est  fortiesimum." 


64  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


15  them?     Is  it  not'  women?     Women  gave  birth  to''  the  king  and  all  the  people 

16  that   bear  rule  by  sea  and  land.      Even  of  them  were  they  born;^    and  they 
brought  up  the  very  planters  of  *  the  vineyards,  from  whence  the  wine  cometh 

17  These  also  make  the  garments   of    the  ^  men;    and   these  bring  glory  unto   the 

18  men  ;  ^    and  without  women  men  cannot  exist.'     If  moreover,  they  '  have  gathered 
together  gold  and  silver,  and  any '  goodly  thing,  and  they  see  one  woman  comely 

19  in  form  and  featm-e,'°  letting  all  those  things  go,  they  have  a  great  desire  for 
her,  and  with  open  mouth  they  gaze  at  her ;   and  all  7nen  prefer  her  rather  than 

20  silver  or  gold,  or  any  goodly  thing.''     A  man  leaveth  his  own  father  that  brought 

21  liim  up,  and  his  own  country,  and  cleaveth  unto  his  wife.     And  he  remains  by  his 

22  wife  until  death,'-  and  remembereth  neither  father,  nor  mother,  nor  country.  By 
this  also  you  should  '^  know  that  women  have  dominion  over  you  :  do  ye  not  labor 

23  and  toil,  and  give  and  bring  all  to  women  ?  '*     And  '^  a  man  taketh  his  sword, 

24  and  goeth  forth  on  a  raid,'^  to  rob  and  to  steal,  to  sail  upon  the  sea  and  upon 
rivers  ;  and  looketh  upon  the  "  lion,  and  goeth  in  the  darkness  ;  and  when  he  hath 

25  stolen,  and  spoiled,  and  robbed,  he  bringeth  it  to  his  love.     And  '*  a  man  loveth 

26  his  wife  better  than  father  or  mother.      And '^   many  there  be  that  have  lost^ 

27  their  wits  for  women,  and  become  servants  for  their  sakes.     Many  also  have  per- 

28  ished,  and  -'  have  erred,  and  sinned,  for  women.     And  now  do  ye  not  believe  me  ? 

29  is  not  the  king  great  in  his  power  ?  Do  not  all  lands  "^  fear  to  touch  him  ?  I 
saw  him  '^  and  Apame,  the  king's  concubine,  the  daughter  of   the  admirable  Bar- 

30  tacus,  sitting  at  the  right  hand  of  the  king,  and  taking  the  crown  from  the  king's 

31  head,  and  setting  it  upon  her  own  head  ;  she  also  struck  -*  the  king  with  Iter  left 
hand.  And  furthermore,^  the  king  gazed  -^  upon  her  with  open  mouth  ;  if  she 
smQed  upon  him,  he  laughed;   and  if  she  took  any  displeasure  at  him,  he  flat- 

32  tered  her,  that  she  might  -'  be  reconciled  to  him  again.  0  ye  men,  how  can  it  be 
but  that  women  are  '•'*  strong,  seeing  they  do  thus  ? 

33  And  then  -^  the  king  and  the  princes  looked  one  upon  another  ;  and  ^°  he  began 

34  to  s]3eak  of  the  truth.  O  ye  men,  are  not  women  strong  ?  Great  is  the  earth, 
and  '*'  high  is  the  heaven,  and  '■  swift  is  the  sun  in  his  com-se,  for  he  turneth  in  the 

35  circle  of  the  heaven  and  returneth  '^  again  to  his  own  place  in  one  day.  Is  he  not 
great  that  doeth '^^  these  things?     And '^  great  is  the  truth,  and  stronger  than  all 

36  things.     All  the  earth  calleth  the  '"  truth,  and  the  heaven  blesseth  it ;  and ''  all 

37  works  shake  and  tremble  at  it,^"  and  with  it  is  no  unrighteous  thing.  Wine  is  un- 
righteous, the  king  is  unrighteous,  women  are  unrighteous,  all  the  children  of  men 

Ver.  14. 1  are  they  not.  Ver.  15.  —  •  A..V,:  have  borne  {Bee  Com.). 

Ver.  16.  —  3  A.  V. :  came  they.  *  nourished  them  that  planted.  The  context  requires  the  idea  of  *'  to  bring  up  from 
a  child,"  and  it  is  found  in  the  Terb  i^iSpe^av. 

Ver.  17.  — £•  A.  V. :  garments  for.        «  these  bring  (so  Junius)  ....  unto  men.        '  be. 

Ver.  18.  — 8  A.  V. :  Yea,  and  if  men.  ^  or  any  other.  i"  do  they  not  love  a  woman  which  is  comely  in  favor  and 
beauty  ?    (III.  68.  64.  119.  243.  248.  Aid.  read  oix'  ayairiirii'  for  jtul  ISuo-i). 

Ver.  19.  —  "  A.  V. :  And  letting  all  those  lliings  go,  do  they  not  gape  and  even  with  open  mouth  fii  their  eyes  fast 
upon  her;  and  have  not  all  7nen  more  desire  unto  her  Ctl.ytvavTJj)  than  unto  silver  or  gold,  or  any  goodly  thing  what- 
Boever.  The  reading  Kai  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse  is  found  in  II.  XI.  243.  245.  Aid.,  but  not  in  the  text.  r«.,  and  li 
obviously  out  of  place. 

Ver.  21.  —  '-  A.  V.:  He  sticks  not  to  spend  his  life  with  his  wife  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  22.  —  '3  A.  V. :  must.        "  the  woman. 

Ver.  23.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Yea.  w  and  goeth  his  way.  Cod.  II.  also,  as  well  as  the  authorities  cited  by  Fritzsche  (III 
44.  64.  74. 106.  108.  and  others),  omits  the  article  before  avdfmitoi.  For  €ioS€ve^v  kcu  III.  XI.  68.  Aid.  have  «U  cfofit'ov 
old  Lat.  (MS.  Colbert.),  obsidere  in  viam. 

Ver.  24. '^  A.  V.  :  a.  Ver.  25.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  Wherefore. 

Ver.  26.  — '^  A.  V. :  Yea.       2o  run  out  of  (marg.  :  grown  desperate).    The  Greek  is,  a.iT€vQi\&r\iTav  Toi«  i5toK  fitoroiais. 

Ver.  27.  — "  A.  V.  omits  and.  Ver.  28.  —  «  A.  V. :  regions  (Gr.,  xip^O- 

Ver.  29.  —^  A.  V. :  Yet  did  I  see.  For  ^opraKov,  Josephus  (Anliq.,  xi.  3,  §  6)  has  "PoPefcucov,  and  the  Syriac  'ApraKou 
'p^"1t.^)    suggesting  ArtachaeuB,  a  general  of  Xerxes. 

Ver.  30.  —  "  A.  V. :  Strooke. 

Ver.  31.  —  2«  A.  V. :  yet  for  all  this  (marg. :  hereat).  The  Greek  is  jrpb?  tovtois,  as  at  ver.  10.  20  a.  V.  •  gaped  and 
lazed.  "  if  Bhe  laughed  upon  him,  he  laughed  aUo  ;  but  if  she  took  any  displeasure  at  him,  the  king  was  fain  to  flatter 
■hat  she  might  be,  etc.    For  n-pofryeXaaT],  II.  66.  have  the  less  appropriate  yeAacrjj. 

Ver.  32.  —  ^  A.  V. :  but  women  should  be. 

Ver.33.  —  2S  A.  V. :  Then  (71.  omits  «ai).       ™  80. 

Ver.  34.  — "  A.  V.  omils  and.        "  omits  and.        >'  for  he  compasseth  the  heavens  round  about,  and  fetcheth  bk 
SOUFBe. 
Ver.  35.  ^^  A.  V. ;  niaketh  (see  Com.].        ^c  therefore. 

Ver.  36.  "■  .^   V.  :  upon  (marg. :  praiseth,  Bee  Com.)  the.       "  omits  and.        "  at  it. 


1    ESDUAS.  85 


are  unrighteous,  and  all  their  works  are  unrighteous,' — yea,  all  things  that  are  such, 

38  and  truth  is  not  in  them  ;  and  through  their  unrighteousness  they  perish.^     Yet  tha 

39  truth  abideth,  and  is  for  ever  strong  ;  and  it  livetb  and  ruleth  ^  for  evermore.  And  * 
with  her  there  is  no  accepting  of  persons  and  no  making  of  distinctions ;  ^  but  she 
doeth  the  things  that  are  just,  arid  refraineth  from  all  unjust  and  wicked  things  ; 

40  and  all  men  take  pleasure  in '  her  works,  and  there  is  nothing  unrighteous  in  her 
judgment.'  And  she  is  the  strength,  and  the  *  kingdom,  and  the  '  power,  and 
the  "  majesty,  of  all  ages.     Blessed  he  the  God  of  the  "  truth. 

41  And  he  ceased  speaking.'"    And  thereupon  all  the  people  shouted,  and  then  said,'' 

42  Great  is  the  "  truth,  and  mighty  above  all  things.  Then  said  the  king  unto  him, 
Ask  what  thou  wilt  above  what  is  in  the  writings,'^  and  we  will  give  it  thee,  accord- 
ing as  '^  thou  art  found  wisest ;  and  thou  shalt  sit  next  me,  and  shalt  be  called 

43  my  kinsman."     Then  said  he  unto  the  king.  Remember  thy  vow,  to  build  Jerusa- 

44  lem  which  thou  didst  vow  on  '^  the  day  when  thou  earnest  to  thy  kingdom,  and  to 
send  away  all  the  vessels  that  were  taken  away  out  of  Jerusalem,  which  Cyrus  re- 
moved,'^ when  he  vowed  to  destroy  Babylon,  and  vowed  ■'"  to  send  them  away  ^' 

45  thither.     Thou  also  hast  vowed  to  build  up  the  temple,  which  the  Edomites  -^  burnt 

46  when  Judsea  was  made  desolate  by  the  Chaldees.  And  now,  O  lord  the  king,  this  is 
what  I  desire  of  thee  and  what  I  request  of  thee,  and  this  is  the  great  honor  from 
thee  :  I  pray,  now,  that  thoii  make  good  the  vow,  which  with  thy  mouth  thou  hast 

47  vowed  to  the  King  of  heaven  to  perform.^  Then  Darius  the  king  stood  up,  and 
kissed  him,  and  wrote  letters  for  him  unto  all  the  treasurers  and  toparchs  "■*  and  gen- 
erals '^  and  governors,  that  they  should  give  escort  to  ^^  him,  and  all  those  that  went  -' 

48  up  with  him  to  build  Jerusalem.  He  wrote  letters  also  unto  the  toparchs  "*  tliat  were 
in  Ccelesyria  and  Phoenice,  and  unto  them  in  Libanus,  that  theif  should  bring  cedar 
wood  from  Libanus  unto  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  should  build  the  city  witli  him. 

49  Moreover  he  wrote  for  all  the  Jews  that  went  out  of  his  realm  up  into  Juda;a,-''  con- 
cerning their  freedom,  that  no  officer,  no  governor,  no  toparch,  nor  treasurer,  should 

50  hostilely  approach  ^  their  doors  ;  and  that  all  the  country  which  they  came  into  pos- 
session of  ''  should  be  to  them  ^'^  without  tribute  ;  and  that  the  Edomites  should  give 

51  over  the  villages  of  the  Jews  which '^  they  held;  and'*  that  there  should  be  yearly 

52  given  twenty  talents  toward  '^  the  building  of  the  temple,  until  finished  ; ""  and  other 
ten  talents  yearly,  to  maintain  the  burnt  offerings  upon  the  altar  every  day  (as  they 

53  had  a  commandment  to  otfer  seventeen) ;  and  that  aU  they  that  went  up  ''  from  Baby- 
lon to  build  the  city  should  have  liberty,'*  as  well  they  as  their  posterity,  and  all  the 

54  priests  that  went  up.*^   And  he  wrote  also  concerning  the  expenses,*"  and  the  priests' 

Ver.  37.  —  ^  A.  V.  has  "  wicked  ■'  for  "  unrighteous  "  in  all  four  instances  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  37. — "^  k.  V.:  and  such  art  all  their  wicked  works;  and  there  is  no  truth  in  them;  in  their  unrigbteousneBS 
also  they  shall  perish.    Fritzsche  receives  woKra  after  aiiTui'  from  II.  III.  55.  Sjr. 

Ver.  38.  —  ^  a..  V.  :  As  for  the  truth,  it  endureth,  and  is  alwa.vs  strong  ;  it  liveth  and  conquereth,  etc.  The  Codd.  m. 
44.  71.  74. 106.  119.  120.  121.  134.  243.  245.  withAld.,  have  r,  Seat  the  heginning  for  «ai  ij,  but  it  is  probably  a  correction. 

Ver.  39.  — *  A.  V.  otnils  And.        c  or  rewards  (see  Com.).       «  do  well  like  of. 

Ver.  40. — 'A.  v.:  Neither  in  her  judgment  is  any  unrighteousness.  ^  omits  and  the.  »  omics  and  the 

10  omits  the.        ii  omits  the. 

Ver.  41.  —  '^  A.  V. :  And  with  that  he  held  his  peace.       is  And  all  ...  .  then  shouted  and  said.       i*  omits  the. 

Ver.  42.  — i^  A.  V.  :  more  than  is  appointed  (Gr.,  n-Aeiu  Twy  yeypantiivuv).  ii  because  (Gr.,  hv  rpiinov ;  see  Com.). 
"  cousin. 

Ver.  43.  —  i^  A.  V. :  which  thou  hast  vowed  to  build  J.,  in. 

Ver.  44.  —  ^  A.  V. :  set  apart  (Gr.,  efex'^P^'^^  i  s^e  Com.).  20  omits  vowed.  21  again.  Fritzsche  omits  itat  before 
eicn-efii/fai ,  with  III.  XI.  44.  Aid.     We  have  retained  it  with  the  other  authorities. 

Ver.  45.  —  22  xhe  singular  reading  "louSaLot  for  '\Zovtt.o.loi  is  found  in  II.  Cf .  Judith  i.  12,  where  the  same  word.-<  are 
exchanged  in  this  MS. 

Ver.  46.  — 23  a.  V.  :  is  that  which  I  require,  and  which  I  desire  of  thee,  and  this  is  the  princely  liberality  proceeding 
from  thyself  :  I  desire  therefore  that  thou  make  good  the  vow,  the  performance  whereof  with  thine  own  mouth  thou 
hast  vowed  to  the  King  of  heaven.  For  o  o-e  i^iu,  at  the  beginning,  II.  has  o(Ta  a^tu,  but  it  is  corrected  to  correspond 
with  the  text.  rec. 

Ver.  47.  —  2*  A.  V. :  lieutenants.  26  captains.  26  gafely  convey  on  their  vfay  both  {Gr.,  irpoir€fi4iuttriv ,  etc.). 

"  go.  Ver.  48.  —  28  A.  V. :  lieutenants. 

Ver.  49.  —  29  a.  V. :  Judea.  so  no  ru*;r,  no  lieutenant  ....  should  forcibly  enter  into,  etc.  The  Greek  is,  iii} 
intktvv€{r€aL  iiri,  etc.     Lit.,  go  against ;  cf .  I  Mace.  viii.  4,  in  the  Greek. 

Ver.  50.  — si  a.  V. :  hold  (Gr.,  Kparovcrtv).  S2  should  be  free,  etc.  (Gr.,  oif»opoAoY^TO»'  avTots  uTrap^et;').  For  icpaTot)(r-', 
[I.  has  KpaHiiTovatv,  and  'I6ou/iatoi  for  XoASatot.        S3  aV  :  which  then. 

Ver.  Bl.  — s*  A.  V. :  yea.        »«  to  (Gr.,  eJs).        s»  the  time  that  it  were  built. 

Ver.  63.  —  S7  a.  V.  omits  up  (Gr.,  npo<rPtuvov<nv) 

Ver.  63.  —  ss  free  liberty.        sb  went  away.  Ver.  64.  — "  a.  V  :  He  wrote  ....  charges. 


56 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


55  vestments  wherein  they  minister.  And  he  wrote  on  behalf  of  the  Levites  that 
their  maintenance '  be  given  them  until  the  day  that  the  house  were  finished,  and 

56  Jerusalem  built.'''     And  he  commanded  to  give  to  all  that  kept  the  city,  dwellings ' 

57  and  wages.  He  sent  away  also  all  the  vessels  that  Cyrus  had  removed  from  Baby- 
lon ;  and  all  things  whatever  Cyrus  had  said  should  be  done,''  the  same  charged  he 
also  to  be  done,  and  sent  unto  Jerusalem. 

58  And  ^  when  the  ^  young  man  had '  gone  forth,  he  lifted  up  Iris  face  to  heaven 
towards  Jerusalem,  and  praised  the  King  of  heaven,  and  said,  From  thee  cometh 

59  victory,  from  thee  cometh  wisdom,  and  thine  is  the  glory,  and  I  am  thy  servant. 
GO   Blessed  art  thou,  who  hast  given  me  wisdom  ;  and  *  to  thee  I  give  thanks,  O  Lord 

61  of  onr  fathers.     And'  he  took  the  letters,  and  departed,'"  and  came  unto  Babylon, 

62  and  made  report  to  "  all  his  brethren.     And  they  praised  the  God  of  their  fathers, 

63  because  he  had  given  them  freedom  and  liberty  to  go  up,  and  to  build  Jerusalem, 
and  the  temple  which  is  called  by  his  name  ;  and  they  kept  a  feast  with  music ''-  and 
gladness  seven  days. 

Ver.  55.  — 1  A.  V. :  and  likewise  for  tlie  charges  of  the  Levites  to.        2  builded  tip. 
Ver.  66.  —  ^A.  V. :  pensions  (eee  Com.). 

Ver.  57.  — «  A.  V. :  from  B.,  that  Cyrus  had  set  apart  (III.  XI.  44.,  efcxiipitrt  as  at  rer.  44  ;  the  other  authorities 
tXt^pto-E) :  and  all  that  Cyrus  had  given  in  commandment. 
Ver.  68.  —  ^  a.  V.  :  Now,        «  tttis.       '  was  (aorist,  but  with  the  force  of  .the  pluperfect). 

Ver.  60.  — »  A.  V. :  for.  Ver.  61.  — »  A.  V. :  And  so.        "  went  out.         "  told  »«. 

Ver.  62.  — ^  A.  V. :  feasted  with  instruments  o/musick. 


Chapter  IV.     (Of.  Josephus,  Antiq.,  xi.  3  S.) 


Yev.  3  'T-vaKoiiovaiv,  they  obey.  This  is  a 
rare  wc^rd,  and  iikmiis  to  hear  to  obey.  It  is  found 
elsewhere  in  the  LXX.  at  Nah.  i.  12  ;  ^  aKoi]  <rov 
ovK  iyaKouadriffeTai. 

Ver.  4.  KaTfpyd(otiTat,  demolish,  break  down, 
make  an  end  of'.  It  is  a  secondary  meaning  of  the 
word.  Cf.  Eph.  vi.  13 ;  Jos.,  Antiq.,  ii.  4,  §  2  ; 
and  Xen.,  Ci/r.,  iv.  6,  4. 

Ver.  9.  To  cut  down.  See  Deut.  xx.  19  : 
"  'When  thou  shalt  besiege  a  city  a  long  time  in 
making  war  against  it  to  take  it,  thou  shalt  not 
destroy  the  trees  thereof  by  forcing  an  axe  against 
them  ;  for  thou  m.ayest  eat  of  them :  aud  thou 
shalt  not  cut  them  down  (for  the  tree  of  tlie  field 
I's  man's  life)  to  employ  them  in  the  siege." 

Ver.  13.  That  is,  Zorobabel.  Cf.  Ez.  iii.  2 
in  the  margin  of  the  version  of  1611,  and  our 
remarks  in  the  Introduction  to  the  present  book, 
under  "  Arrangement  of  Materials." 

Ver.  15.  Have  borne,  iyivvncrai'.  This  verb 
is  so  used  also  at  Is.  xlvi.  3 ;  4  Mace.  x.  2  ;  Luke  i. 
57  ;  John  xvi.  21. 

Ver.  17.  Make  the  garments  of.  Cf.  Prov. 
xxxi.  13,  19  — Bring  glory.  The  word  S6^ai' 
Beenis  here  to  be  used  rather  in  the  sense  of  orna- 
mentation. Cf.  what  precedes,  and  Add.  to  Esth. 
iv.  2  ;   1  Mace.  xiv.  9  ;  Matt.  vi.  29. 

Ver.  21.  Mera  ti]S  yui/atKhs  afplriot  tV  '^fX^*', 
he  dies  by  (ninr)  his  wife.  The  last  three  Greek 
words  are  usfd  in  the  same  sense,  also  at  Gen. 
XXXV  18;  Herucl.,  iv.  90;  Thnc\d.,  ii.  49.  The 
meaning  is  :  lie  remains  bi/  his  wife  till  death. 

Ver.  23.  Ei,  t-^v  daKairfjav  wXiiv.  This  is  a 
peculiar  expression,  and  found  only  here. 

Ver.  2.5.  TlKeiov  ....  fxuWov  According  to 
Fritz.schc  lliere  i>  here  an  inaccurate  repetition  of 
the  comparative,  the  translator  having  forgotten 
the  former  wlien  he  wrote  the  latter.  If  the  latter 
word,  howe\er,  had  not  been  .so  far  removed  from 
the  former,  there  would  piohably  have  been  no 
qucslion  rc.sjacting  its  force.  See  Winer,  p.  240; 
ant!  iifjKin.'inn,  Lex.,  imder  fj.uK\ov.  Wahl's  Claris 
remarksiin  this  passage,  nniler/unAAo:/ :  "  Additnm 
tomparativo  alius  adjcctivi  augeudi  vim  habet." 


Cf.  4  Mace.  xv.  4 ;  Xen.,  Cyr.,  ii.  2,  12  ;  Herod., 
i.  31. 

Ver,  26.  Become  servants.  The  case  ol 
Jacob,  who  served  for  Kachel,  was  probably  in 
mind.     See  Gen,  xxix.  20. 

Ver.  29.  At  the  right  hand.  See  I's.  xlv.  9  : 
"Upon  thy  right  hand  did  stand  the  queen  in 
gold  of  Ophir." 

Ver.  32.  Be  reconciled  to  him.  The  margin 
of  the  A,  V,  has  ;  or,  be  friends  with  hijn.  Tlie 
Greek  word  is  the  same  one  as  that  employed  at 
Matt.  V.  24  :  Trpihrov  SiaW(iyT}6t  t&j  aSeAcJ)^  trou. 

Ver.  33.  Princes,  ij.eyiaTaves.  t'f.  A.  V.  at 
Rev.  vi,  15,  where  this  word  is  rendered  "great 
men."  —  Looked  one  upon  another,  t^Kf-nov  efs 
Thf  'irepov.  The  peculiarity  of  this  construction 
has  caused  some  variation  in  the  MSS. 

Ver.  35.  Is  he  not  great  that  doeth  these 
things?  i.e.,  the  sun.  The  idea  that  (iod,  the 
Creator,  is  intended,  seems  excluded  by  tlie  use  of 
the  present  tense.  See,  however,  Dahne,  ii.  122  ff 
—  Stronger  than  all  things,  luxfl""  ipa  itafu 
TrafTCL.  Prepositions  are  thus  used  after  the  com- 
parative, to  give  it  additional  force.  .See  Winer, 
p.  240;  Buttmann.  p.  339.  But  Fritzsche  would 
allow  to  the  jireposition  in  such  cases  only  the 
force  of  ^,  or  of  the  genitive  in  the  .same  ]iosition. 

Ver.  36.  CaUeth  {ita\e7)  the  truth.  The 
margin  of  the  A.  V.  has  :  "  or,  praiseth  the  truth. 
Athanasius."  Bnt  it  means  rather  "  calleth  "  in 
the  sense  of  "  inviteth." 

Ver.  37.  Wine  is  unrighteous  (itSiKos).  The 
Last  word  is  u.sed  in  contradistinction  to  i,\Ti64s 
Cf.  V.  40;  Hcb.  vi.  10. 

Ver.  39.  Ataipopd,  making  of  distinctions ; 
lit.,  distinetion,  dijfirence  (III.  XI  lOS.  al.  read 
Siaipdapa,  "  corruption")  The  eonunon  texts  ac- 
cent Sidtpapa,  neut.  pi.  Fritsche  and  Wahl  make  it 
singular.  —  Ta  SiKaia  Troiet  anh  irdvTwv  riiiv  aSiKtiit 
Kai  TrofT^paif.  The  sense  is  not  clear.  Schlensiiet 
and  Giuib  agree,  in  the  main,  with  our  A.  V.  But 
Friizsche  is  inclined  to  think  that  some  Hebrew 
formula  was  floating  before  the  translauir's  mind, 
and  that  he  would  say  :  she  jiractices  riijhl  {requiring 


1  ESDRAS. 


it]  from  all  tfie  umighteoiis  and  wicked,  Bunseirs 
Bibehcerk  translates :  but  dfials  righteously  with  all 
the  unrighteous  and  evil.  So  also  Bretschneider, 
Systemat.  DarstelL,  p.  199. 

Ver.  40.  And  she  is  the  strength  and  the 
kingdom.  See  1  Chron.  xxix.  11  :  'Thine,  O 
Lord,  is  the  j^reatuess,  and  the  power,  aiid  tile 
glory,  and  the  victory,  anil  the  majesty, "  etc.  — 
Blessed  be  the  God  of  truth.  Cf.  Ueut.  xxxii.  4. 
Fritzsche  thinks  that  it  i.'f  clear  from  this  doxology 
that  the  author  is  not  seeking  to  identify  the  truth 
with  God,  as  some  suppose.  "  The  author  took 
in  this  just  the  standpoint  of  his  time.  To  the 
learned,  for  example,  the  idea  of  God  had  become 
so  spiritualized,  and  removed  out  of  the  ordinary 
range  of  thought,  that  they  sought  hy  separating 
it  into  its  individual  characteristics,  and  by  a  wider 
development  of  the  same,  to  render  it  more  objec- 
tive. Thereby  such  characteristics  appeared  to 
thera  not  as  dead  abstractions,  hut  through  theii' 
fiery  phantasy  they  came  forth  as  the  most  living 
realities.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  <rotpia  wa-;  hypos- 
tasized  as  well  as  the  \6yos  and  the  Trvevfxa  rov  6tov. 
Quite  after  this  manner  appears  here  the  aXriSfia, 
and  it  is  matter  for  wonder  that  it  appears  only 
here  since  the  matter  itself  was  so  very  near  at 
hand."  See  Fritzsche'a  Com.,  ad  loc.  Cf.  also, 
Dahne,  ii.  pp.  122-124;  Bretschneider,  Si/stemat. 
Darstell.,  p.  199  ff. ;  Ewald,  GesMchte  d.  l^olh.  Is., 
iv.  164,  and  Cremer,  Lex.,  p.  60  f.  Ewald  thinks 
that  it  was  the  truth  which  was  of  special  force  in 
Israel,  i.  e.,  divine  truth,  that  is  meant. 

Ver.  41.  Elwov.  For  other  examples  of  our 
author's  vacillating  between  a  verb  in  the  singu- 
lar and  one  in  the  plural  for  a  collective  noun, 
see  viii.  92;  ix.  10.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  174.  Codd. 
III.  XI.  44.  give  the  verb  in  the  singular. 

Ver.  42.  According  as,  t>v  TpSwov.  The  accu- 
sative is  used  adverbially.  Cf.  Matt,  xxiii.  37  ; 
Luke  xiii.  34;  Acts  i.  11;  see  Winer,  p.  463  ff. ; 
Buttmann,  p.  l.'iS. 

Ver.  44.  Which  Cyrus  removed.  Cf.  i.  41  ; 
ii.  10  ;  vi.  18,  19,  and  verse  57. 

Ver. 45.  Edomites, )'.  e.,  Idumaeans  ['iSovfiaioi), 
the  descendants  of  Esau.  Asa  reward  for tlieir  ser- 
vice at  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem (Ps.  cx.xxvii.)  they  were  allowed  to  occupy 
a  part  of  the  depopulated  country,  which,  for  the 
most  part,  they  retained  for  several  hundred  years, 


or  till  the  time  of  the  JIaccabees.  That  the  Idu- 
maeans  themselves  actually  burnt  the  temple  is  no- 
where else  stated  {cf.  Ezek.  xxxvi.  5  ;  Obad.  vers. 
10,  11 ),  and  no  more  may  here  be  meant  than  that 
thev  participated  with  others  in  this  act.  Cf.  ver. 
57.' 

Ver.  46.  King  of  Heaven.  See  ver.  58,  and 
cf.  Dan.  iv.  37  ;  Tub.  xiii.  7,  U. 

Ver.  47.  All  the  treasurers.  See  ver.  49.  and 
cf.  Rom.  xvi.  23  :  ''EpaffTos  u  qIkoi'S^os  t^s  Tr(i\€ws. 

Ver,  48.  Kal  Httws  otKoSofj.-^iTw(Ti,  and  that  they 
shovild  build.  The  construction  is  changed  from 
a  verb  in  the  infinitive  which  precedes.  See  Wi- 
ner, p.  567  tf. 

Ver.  50.  What  is  said  of  the  Idumteaus  only 
took  place  to  a  limited  extent. 

Ver.  52.  To  maintain  the  burnt  offerings. 
The  translation  would  run  more  literally  thus: 
That  upon  the  altar  burnt  offerings,  presented  as 
fruits,  might  be  daily  sacrificed — as  theij  had  com- 
mandment to  offer  seventeen — should  other  talents, 
ten  yearly,  he  given.  It  is  not  clear  where  our  com- 
piler gets  his  information  that  every  day  seventeen 
burnt  offerings  were  to  be  sacriticed.  See  Ex. 
xxix.  38  ;  Numb,  xxviii.  3  ff. 

Ver.  54.  Wherein  they  minister,  Iv  rivt  \a- 
rpevovatv  4v  avTjj.  This  is  a  marked  Hebraism. 
Cf.  the  LXX.  at' Ex.  xii.  30. 

Ver.  56.  Dwellings,  KK-npovs.  The  A.  V.  has 
in  the  margin  :  Or  portitnis  of  land.  Cf.  the  LXX. 
at  Dent  x.  9  :  oiiK  iffri  rois  Aevirais  /x€pls  Kal  K\ripoi 
iv  Tois  h.'&iK<pots  auTwv.  The  Syr.  and  Vwlg.  ren- 
der by  sortes  ;  the  Old  Lat.  by  possession^s.  As 
joined  with  oipwvta,  it  would  seem  to  mean  "  dwell- 
ings," as  iucluding,  perh:ips,  the  laud  appertain- 
ing to  them. 

Ver.  62.  Freedom  and  liberty,  &vfinv  Kal  &<pe- 
(Tiv.  A  good  example  of  ])aronomasia.  Germ., 
Nachlass  und  Ablass.  See  Winer,  p.  636.  For 
the  theological  use  of  the  word  itp^ais,  see  Cre- 
raer's  Le.T.,  p.  284.  It  is  employed  in  the  LXX. 
mostly  in  connection  with  the  year  of  Jubilee. 
See  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  63.  Vlera  /iouo-iKoJi',  With  music.  Possi- 
blv  musical  instruments  are  meant,  as  the  A.  V. 
seems  to  have  supposed.  Cf.  v.  59  ;  Dan.  iii.  5  ; 
1  Mace.  ix.  39,  41.  The  Old  Lat.  (Cod.  Colbert.) 
has,  et  cgmhatis  percutiebant  cum  musicis  in  gaudio 
magna  diebus  septem. 


Chapter  V. 


After  this  were  the  principal  men  of  the  families  chosen  according  to  their  tribes, 
to  go  up  with  their  wives  and  sons  and  daughters,  with  their  men-servants  and  maid- 
servants, and  their  cattle.  And  Darius  sent  with  them  a  thousand  horsemen,  till 
they  had  brought  them  back  to  Jerusalem  in  peace. ^  And  all  their  brethren  also 
made  merry  with  music,  with  tabrets  and  flutes,'-  and  he  made  them  go  up  together 
with  them.  And  these  are  the  names  of  the  men  who  ^  went  up,  according  to  their 
families  unto  their  tribal  possessions,''  after  their  divisions.^  The  priests,  sons ''  of 
Phinees,  sons '  of  Aaron  :  Jesus  the  son  of  Josedec,  the  son  of  Saraeas,*  and  Joacim 
the  son  of  Zorobabel,  the  son  of  Salathiel  of  the  house  of  David,  out  of  the  lineage' 
6  of  Phares  and  of  ^  the  tribe  of  Judah,  who  spake  wise  words  ^^  before  Darius  the 

Ver.  2.  — 1  A.  V. ;  safely,  and  with  musical  instruinentit,  tabrets  and  flutes.  ^  And  all  their  brethren  played.  I  have 
imply  reconstructed  the  sentence  after  Fritzsche's  text. 

Ver.  3.  — 3  A.  V. :  which.  *  amongst  their  tribes  i<i}vkri  is  to  be  taken  in  a  local  sense).  ''  several  heads  (Or. 
iiepi£ap;^iaf  ;  see  CfJWi.  at  i.  5). 

Ver.  5.  — »  A.  V. :  the  sons  (so  III.  XI.  64.  106.  MS.  Aid. .         '  the  son  (vioC,  64.  71.  108.  248.  Aid.).        '  Sal-aiaj 

limdred(Qr.,7Ei'eos).         .  P.  of.  Ver.  6. —'"  A.  V. :  sentences. 


88  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


king  of  Persia  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  in  the  month  Nisan,  which  is  the 
first  month. 

7  And  these  are  they  of  Judaea  ^  that  came  up  from  the  captivity,  where  they  dwelt 
as  strangers,  whom  Nabuchodonosor  the  king  of  Babylon  had  carried  away  unto 

8  Babylon.  And  they  returned  unto  .Jerusalem,  and  to  the  rest  ^  of  .Tudrea,*  every 
man  to  his  own  city,  who  came  with  Zorobabel.  and  *  Jesus,  Neemias,^  Zaroeas,  and 
ResiEas,^  Euenius,  Mardochasus,'  Beelsarus,  Aspliarasus,  Reelius,  Roimus,  and  Ba- 

9  ana,  their  leaders.'  The  number  of  them  of  the  nation,  and  their  leaders,*  sons 
of  Phoros,  two  thousand  an  hundred  seventy  and  two  ;  the  sons  of  Saphat,  four 

10  hundred  seventy  and  two  ;  the  sons  of  Ares,  seven  hundred  fifty  and  six  ;  the  sons 

11  of  Phaath  Moab,  to  be  reckoned  among  the  sons  of  Jesus  and  Joab,'°  two  thousand 

12  eight  hundred  and  twelve;  the  sons  of  Elam,  a  thousand  two  hundred  fifty  and  four; 
the  sons  of  Zathui,  nine  hundred  forty  and  five ;  the  sons  of  Chorbe,^^  seven  hun- 

13  dred  and  five  ;  the  sons  of  Bani,  six  hundi-ed  forty  and  eight;  the  sons  of  Bebai, 
six  hundred  twenty  and  three ;  the  sons  of  Astad,  three  thousand  three  hundred 

14  twenty  and  two;  the  sons  of  Adonicam,  six  hundred  sixtj'  and  seven  ;  the  sons  of 
Bagoi,  two  thousand  sixty  and  six  ;  the  sons  of  Adinu,  four  hundred  fifty  and  four  ; 

15  the  sons  of  Ater  son  of  Ezecias,  ninety  and  two ;  the  sons  of  Cilan  and  Azenan, 

16  threescore  and  seven  ;  the  sons  of  Azaru,  four  hundred  thirty  and  two  ;  the  sons 
of  Annis,  an  hundred  and  one  ;  the  sons  of  Arom,  thirty  two  ;  and  the  sons  of  Bas- 
sai,  three  hundred  twenty  and  three ;  the  sons  of   Arsiphurith,  an   himdred   and 

17  two ;  the  sons  of  Baiterus,  three  thousand  and  five  ;  the  sons  of  Bjethloma?,  an 

18  hundred  twenty  and  thi-ee.     They  of  Netophas,  fifty  and  five ;  they  of  Anathoth,  an 

19  hundred  fifty  and  eight;  they  of  Basthasmoth,  forty  and  two;  they  of  Kariathiri, 
twenty  and  five  ;  they  of  Caphira  and  Beroth,  seven  hundred  forty  and  three  ;  the 

20  Chadiasas    and   Ammidii,  four   hundred   twenty  and    two  ;    they  of    Cirama    and 

21  Gabbe,  six  hundred  twenty  and  one  ;  they  of  Macalon,  an  hundred  twenty  and 
two ;  they  of  Betolio,  fifty  and  two ;  the  sons  of  Niphis,  an  hundred  fifty  and  six ; 

22  the  sons  of  Calamolalus  and  Onus,  seven  hundred  twenty  and  five ;   the  sons  of 

23  Jerechu,  three  hundred  forty  and  five ;  the  sons  of  Sanaas,  thi-ee  thousand  three 
luuulred  and  thirty. 

24  The  priests  :  the  sons  of  Jeddu,  the  son  of  Jesus,  among  the  sons  of  Sanasib,  nine 

25  hundred  seventy  and  two  ;  the  sons  of  Emmeruth,  a  thousand  fifty  and  two ;  the 
sons  of  Phassurus,  twelve  hundred  forty  and  seven;  the  sons  of  Charmi,  a  thou- 
sand and  seventeen. 

26  The  Levites:  the  sons  of  Jesus,  and  Cadoelus,  and  Bannas,  and  Sudias,  seventy  and 

27  four.     The  holy  singers  :  the  sons  of  Asaph,  an  hundred  forty  and  eight.     The 

28  porters  :  the  sons  of  Salum,  the  sons  of  Atar,  the  sons  of  Tolman,  the  sons  of  Dacub, 
the  sons  of  Ateta,  the  sons  of  Tobis,  in  all  an  hundred  thirty  and  nine. 

29  The  servants  of  the  temple  :  the  sons  of  Esau,  the  sons  of  Asipha,  the  sons  of 
Tabaoth,  the  sons  of  Ceras,  the  sons  of  Sua,  the  sons  of  Phalseus,  the  sons  of  La- 

30  bana,  the  sons  of  Aggaba,  the  sons  of  Acud,  the  sons  of  Uta,  the  sons  of  Cetab, 
the  sons  of  Accaba,  the  sons  of  Sybai,  the  sons  of  Anan,  the  sons  of  Cathua,  the 

31  sons  of  Geddur,  the  sons  of  Jairus,  the  sons  of  Daisan,  the  sons  of  Noeba,  the  sons 
of  Chaseba,  the  sons  of  Cazera,  the  sons  of  Ozias,  the  sons  of  Phinoe,  the  sons  of 
Asara,  the  sons  of  Basthai,  the  sons  of  Asana,  the  sons  of  Mani,  the  sons  of  Naph- 
isi,  the  sons  of  Acuph,  the  sons  of  Achiba,  the  sons  of  Asur,  the  sons  of  Pharacim, 

32  the  sons  of  Basaloth,  the  sons  of  Meedda,  the  sons  of  Cutha,  the  sons  of  Charea, 

Ver.  7.  — 1  A.  V. :  Jewry. 

Ver.  8.-2  A.  v.:  other  parts  (Or.,  t^^  Aoiiriji-  'I.).  '  Jewry.  «  with.  '  Nehemias.  =  and  Zacharias  (so 
248.  248.  Aid.)  and  RpBaias.        '  Mardocheus.        "guides  Ver.  9. —»  A.  V. :  governors. 

Ver.  11.  — '"  A.  V. :  omits  all  after  Phaath  M.  We  follow  Fritzsche's  text,  and  it  seems  to  be  supported  b.v  nearly  all 
the  authorities  excepi  62.  64.  114.  243.  Aid.  The  Greek  Bibles  of  1B46  (Basle)  and  1597  (Frankfort)  omit  the  words,  but 
the  latter  gives  them  in  a  note  below  (oi.  addunt). 

Ver.  12.  —"  For  convenience  we  give  at  this  point  the  form  of  the  proper  names  of  the  present  chapter  and  the 
numbers  as  found  in  the  A.  V.,  as  far  as  they  differ  from  the  Greek  of  Fritzsche's  text:  Corbe ;  (ver.  13)  Sadas 
(three  thousand  two,  etc.);  (ver.  14)  Adonican  i  (ver.  15)  Aterezias,  Ceilan,  Azeta.s,  Azuran  ;  (ver.  16)  Ananias,  Bassa, 
Axephurith  ;  (ver.  17)  Moterus,  Bethlomon  ;  (ver.  18)  Netophah,  Bethsamos  ;  (ver  19)  Kiriathiavius  ;  (ver.  20)  they  of 
Chadiaa  and  Ammidioi ;  Gabdes  ;  (ver.  21)  Nephis  ;  (ver.  22)Jerechus  two  hunJred,  etc.;  (ver.  23)  Auna.i.i ;  (ver.  24, 
Meruth;  (ver.  25)  Phassaron  (a  thousand,  etc.),  Carme;  (ver.  26)  Jessue,  Cadmiel  ;  (ver.  27)  Asaph  (twenty  onJ 
^ht) ;  (ver.  26i  Jatal,  Talmon,  Dacobi,  Teta,  Sami ;  (ver.  29)  Sud,  Phaleas,  Oraba ;  (ver   30)  Acua,  .\g.iba  ;  (ver.  31 


1   ESURAS.  89 


the  sons  of  Barchue,  the  sons  of  Serar,  the  sons  of  Thomoi,  the  sons  of  Nasi,  the 
sons  of  Atipha. 

33  The  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon  :  the  sons  of  Assapphioth,  the  sons  of 
Pharira,  the  sons  of  Jeieli,  the  sons  of  Lozon,  the  sons  of  Isdael,  the  sons  of  Saphyi, 

34  the  sons  of  Hagia,  the  sons  of  Phachareth,  the  sons  of  Sabie,  the  sons  of  Sarothi, 
the  sons  of  Misoeas,  the  sons  of  Gas,  the  sons  of  Addus,  the  sons  of  Suba,  the  sons 

35  of  Apherra,  the  sons  of  Barodis,  the  sons  of  Saphag,  the  sons  of  Allom.  All  the 
ministers  of  the  temple,  and  the  sons  of  the  servants  of  Solomon,  were  three  hun- 
dred seventy  and  two. 

36  These   came    up    from    Thermeleth    and    Thelersas,    Charaathalan    and   Aalar  * 

37  leading  them.  And  they  could  not-  shew  their  families  and  descent,  that^  they 
were  of  Israel :  the  sons  of  Dalan,''  the  son  of  Baenan,^  the  sons  of  Necodan,  six 

38  hundred  fifty  and  two.  And  of  the  priests  that  usurped  the  office  of  the  priesthood, 
and  were  not  found  :  the  sons  of  Obdia,  the  sons  of  Accos,^  the  sons  of  Jaddu,'  who 
married  Augia  one  of  the  daughters  of  Berzelteus,*  and  was  named  after  his  name. 

39  And  when  the  account  of  the  lineage  of  these  men  had  been  sought  in  the  register 
and^   not  found,  they  were   removed   from  executing  the  office  of   the  priesthood. 

40  And  Neemias  and  Attharias  said  to  them  that  they  should  not  be  sharers  in  the 
offerings '"  till  there  arose  up  a  high  priest  clothed  with  light  "  and  truth. 

41  So  of  Israel,  from  them  of  twelve  years  old,  there  were  forty  two  thousand  three 

42  hundred  and  sixty,  besides  men  servants  and  women  servants.'"  Their  men  servants 
and  handmaids  were  seven  thousand  three  hundred  thirty ''  and  seven  ;  the  sing- 

43  ing  men  and  singing  women,  two  hundred  forty  and  five  ;  four  hundred  thirty  and 
five  camels,  and  seven  hundred "  thirty  and  six  horses,  two  hundred  forty  and 
five  mules,  five  thousand  five  hundred  twenty  and  five  asses. '^ 

44  And  certain  of  the  chief  of  the  respective  families,""  when  they  came  to  the  tem- 
ple of  God  that  is  in  Jerusalem,  vowed  to  restore  "  the  house  again  on  its  place  " 

45  according  to  their  ability,  and  contribute  to  the  sacred  fund  for  the  works  '^  a  thou- 
sand pounds  of  gold,  and  -'"  five  thousand  of  silver,  and  an  hundred  priestly  vest- 

46  ments.  And  there''  dwelt  the  priests  and  the  Levites  and  some  of"  the  people 
themselves  '■^  in  Jerusalem,  and  the  neighborhood,-''  the  singers  also  as  well  as  ^  the 
porters  ;  and  all  Israel  in  their  respective  -"  villages. 

47  But  when  the  seventh  month  was  at  hand,  and  when  the  children  of  Israel  were 
every  man  in  his  own  place,  they  came  all  together  with  one  consent  into  the  open 

48  place  of  the  first  gate  which  is  towards  the  east.  And  Jesus  arose  "  the  son  of  Jo- 
sedec,  and  his  brethren  the  priests,  and  Zorobabel  the  son  of  Salathiel,  and  his 

49  brethren,  and  made  ready  the  altar  of  the  God  of  Israel,  to  offer  burnt  sacrifices 
upon  it,  according  as  it  is  expressly  commanded  in  the  book  of  Moses  the  man  of 

60  God.  And  there  were  gathered  unto  them  out  of  the  other  nations  of  the  land, 
and  they  erected  the  altar  upon  their  -*  place,  because  they  were  at  enmity  with 
them ;  and  all  the  nations  of  the  land  ^  oppressed  them  ;  and  they  offered  sacrifices 
according  to  the  time,  and  burnt  offerings  to  the  Lord  both  morning  and  evening. 

51  Also  they  held  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  as  it  is  commanded  in  the  law,  and  offered 

52  sacrifices  daily,  as  was  meet ;  and  after  that,  the  continual  oblations,  and  the  sacri- 

53  fice  of  the  sabbaths,  and  of  the  new  moons,  and  of  all  holy  feasts.     And  all  they 

AiniB,  Qazera,  Am,  Phinees,  Azara,  Baatai,  Meani,  Acub,  Acipha,  Assur;  (ver.  32)  Meeda,  Coutha,  Charcus,  A^erer, 
Nasith  ;  (ver.  33)  Azaphion,  Jeeli,  Sapbeth ;  (ver.  34)  Phacareth,  Sarothie,  Masias,  Gap,  Sabat. 

Ver.  36.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Charaatbalar  leading  them,  and  Aalar. 

Ver.  37.  — -  neither  could  they.        3  nor  their  stock,  how  (Gr.,  yefe^s,  cI*?).        *  Ladan.        ^  Ban. 

Ver.  38.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Accoz.        'Addus.        «  Berzelus. 

Ver.  39.  — "*  A.  V. ;  when  the  description  of  the  kindred  of  these  men  was  sought  in  the  register,  and  was. 

Ver.  40.  —  ">  A.  V. :  for  unto  them  said  Nehemias  and  Atharias  that  they  should  not  be  partakers  of  the  holy  Ikingt 
(Gr.,  Tttiv  aviuif,  but  the  rendering  i.':  not  clear).        "  doctrine  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  41.  — «  A.  v.:  and  upward  (wanting  in  II.  III.  XI.  55.  53.  64.  119.  243.  245.  248.  Aid.,  Old  Lat.  Syr.),  they 
were  all  in  number  forty  thousand,  besides  men  servants  and  women  servants  two  thousand  three  hundred  and  sixty. 

Ver.  42.  —"  A.  V. :  forty  (so  Aid. ;  see  Com.). 

Ver.  43.  —"  A.  V. :  seven  thousand  (see  Com.).       ■»  beasts  used  to  the  yoke  (marg.,  asses). 

Ver.  44.  — '«  A.  V. :  their  families.        "  to  set  up  (Gr.,  iyelftiu ,.       i»  in  Ms  own  place  (eVl  toC  rdirou  avrou). 

Ver.  45. —  IS  .4.  v.:  to  give  into  the  holy  treasury  of  the  works.        '»  o;niM  and  (so  71.). 

Ver.  46.  —  "  A.  T. :  so.  =  omits  some  of  (ot  e«  toO,  etc.).  »  omits  themselves  (as  III.  XI.  44.  68.  64.  71.  248- 
Aid.)        »  in  the  country  (see  Com.).        »  and.        ^  omilsTesprctive.  Ver.  48.  — "  A.  V. :  Then  stood  up  ,T. 

Ver.  50.  —  2«  A.  V.  :  his  own.  Instead  of  avTuv  after  tottou,  III.  XI.  44.,  and  otherc  with  Aid.  Syr.  have  avTov. 
*  because  all  the  nations  of  the  land  were  at  enmity  with  them,  and. 


90  THE    APOCRYPHA. 


that  had  made  aiiy  vow  to  God  began  to  offer  sacrifices  to  God  from  the  first  day 

54  of  the  seventh  month,  and '  the  temple  of  the  Lord  was  not  yet  built.     And  they 

55  gave  unto  the  masons  and  carpenters  money,  meat,  and  drink.'^  Unto  them  of 
Sidon  also  and  Tyre  they  gave  cars,^  that  they  should  bring  cedar  trees  from 
Libanus.  which  should  be  brought  by  floats  *  to  the  haven  of  Joppe,  according  as 
it  was  commanded  them  by  Cjtus  king  of  the  Persians. 

56  And  in  the  second  year  mid  second  month  after  his  coming  to  the  temple  of  God 
at  Jerusalem  began  Zorobabel  the  son  of  Salathiel,  and  Jesus  the  son  of  Josedec, 
and  their  brethren,  and  the  priests,  the   Levites,^  and  all   they  that  had  *  come  unto 

57  Jerusalem  out  of  the  captivity  ;  and  they  laid  the  foundation  of  the  house  of  God 
in  the  first  day  of  the  second  month,  in  the  second  year  after  they  were  come  to  Ju- 

58  da?a '  and  Jerusalem.  And  they  appointed  the  Levites  from  twenty  years  old  over 
the  works  of  the  Lord.  And  Jesus  arose,'  and  his  sons  and  brethren,  and  Cadmiel 
h!s  brother,  and  the  sons  of  Emadabun,'  with  the  sons  of  Joda  the  son  of  Elia- 
dud.^"  with  their  sons  and  brethren,  all  Levites,  to  encourage  the  work  and  aid  in 
the  building  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  ;  and  ^'  the  workmen  built  the  temple  of  the 

59  Lord.  And  the  priests  stood  arrayed  in  their  vestments  with  music  -"^  and  trumpets  ; 
and    the    Levites   sons  of    Asaph  having   cymbals  sang^'    songs  of    thanksgiving 

60  and  praised  "  the  Lord,  after  the  manner  of  ^*  David  the  king  of  Israel.'^    And  they 

61  praised  the  Lord  with  psalms,"  because  his  mercy  and  glory  is  for  ever  in  all  Israel. 

62  And  all  the  people  sounded  trumpets,  and  shouted  with  a  loud  voice,  singing  songs 

63  of  thanksgiving  unto  the  Lord  for  the  rearing  up  of  the  house  of  the  Lord.  Also 
the  elders  from  the  priests,  Levites  and  the  chief  of  their  respective  families,'*  who 
had  seen  the  former  house  came  to  the  building  of  this  with  weeping  and  great  cry- 

64  mg.     And  many  made  themselres  heard  with  trumpets  and  great  shouts  of    joy, 

65  as  the  people  did  not  discern  the  trumpets  '^  for  the  weeping  of  the  people  ;  for  ^^ 
the  multitude  sounded  marvellously,  so  that  it  was  heard  afar  off. 

66  And  '"   when   the  enemies  of   the  tribe  of  Judah   and  Benjamin  heard  it,  they 

67  came  to  know  what  that  noise  of  trumpets  should  mean.  And  they  perceived  that 
they  that  were  of  the  captivity  did  build  the  temple  unto  the  Lord  God  of  Israel. 

68  And  they  came  up  to  '^'^  Zorobabel  and  Jesus,  and  to  the  chief  of  the  respective  ^ 

69  families,  and  said  unto  them,  We  would  -''  build  together  with  you.  For  we  like- 
wise, as  you,  do  obey  your  Lord,  and  do  sacrifice  unto  him  from  the  days  of  As- 

70  bacaphas  -^  king  of  the  Assyrians,  who  brought  us  hither.  And  -^  Zorobabel  and 
Jesus  and  the  chief  of  the  respective  '^  families  of  Israel  said  unto  them.  It  is  not  for 

71  us  and  you  to  build  together  a  house  unto  the  Lord  our  God  ;  for  we  -*  ourselves 
alone  would '-''  build  unto  the  Lord  of  Israel,  according  as  Cyrus  the  king  of  the 

72  Persians  hath  commanded  us.     But  the  heathen  of  the  land  lying  heavy  upon  the 

73  inhabitants  of  Judaja,""  and  beleaguering  them,^'  hindered  their  building ;  and  by  mis- 

Ver.  53.  —1  A.  V.  :  although. 

Ver.  54.  —  2  A.  V.  adds  with  cheerfulness  (Junius,  cum  oleo ;  the  Basle  Greek  Bible  of  1545,  and  that  of  Frankfort, 
1597,  ^era  x<ipas). 

Ver.  55.  — ^  A.  V. :  carrs.  For  xappa,  III.  44.  have  Kappa  ;  II.,  \a.pa.  Fritzsche  conjectures  that  it  should  be  fj.vpa. 
The  Hebrew  in  the  corresponding  passage  is  TT^tJ/.        *  A.  V. :  Hotes. 

Ver.  56.  —  »  A.  V. :  and  (the  Lerites),  with  44.  71. 106.  108. 120. 134.  248.       «  were.  Ver.  57.  —  '  A.  V.  :  Jen-ry. 

Ver.  58. —e  A.  v.:  Then  stood  wp  J.  «  Madiabun.  w  Eliadun  (as  III.58.  64.  243.  248.  Aid.).  "  with  one  accord 
setters  forward  of  the  business,  laboring  to  advance  the  works  in  the  house  of  God.  So.  Codd.  44.  58.  64.  248.  al.  Aid. 
read  ©eoy. 

Ver.  59. — "A.  v.:  in  their  vestments  with  musical  inatrument^  (see  i.  2,  and  Com.in  loc).  13  the  sons  ....  had 
cymbals  singing. 

Ver.  60. — i*A.  V. ;  praising.  ^^  according  as  (marg.,  after  the  manner  of  D.  king  of  Israel).  ^^  addx  had  or 
dained.  Ver.  61.  —  "A.  V. :  sung  with  loud  voices  songs  to  the  praise  of  the  Lord. 

Ver.  63.  — 1"  A.  V. :  Also  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  of  the  chief  of  their  families,  the  ancients. 

Ver.  64.  —  "*  A.  V. :  But  many  with  trumpets  and  joy  shouted  with  loud  voice,  insomuch  that  the  trumpets  might 
not  be  heard  (see  Com.).        20  yet.  Ver.  66.  ^  21  _4.  V. ;  Wherefore. 

Ver.  68.  — '2  a  V. :  So  they  went  to  (Gt.,  Kai  TTpoveXeovre^),       23  omits  re^pertive.        =*  will. 

Ver.  69.  —  »  A.  V. :  Azbazareth  the  ('Ao-/3a<Tapf9,  64.  74.  119.  121.  134.  236.  243.  246.  Aid.). 

Ver.  70.  —  ^  A.  "V. :  Then.  27  omits  respective.  I  have  inserted  respective  in  such  cases  for  the  sake  of  clearness 
otherwise  one  might  think  the  families  were  meant. 

Ver.  71.  — =»  A.  v.:  We  (Gr.,  jjntis  yop).        -■'  will. 

Ver.  72.  —  so  a.  V. ;  Judea.  ^i  holding  them  strait.  Fritzsche  would  emend  €n-t(coi^(ij(iei'a(eiriicoifiaonoi,  to  fall  asleep 
over)  by  eTriirciVtva.  The  former  word,  however,  might  mean  much  the  same  as  the  latter.  To  sleep  on  one's  arms  1. 
onderstood  to  mean  to  be  ever  on  the  alert.      The  Vulg.  has  incumbere. 


1    ESDRAS. 


'Jl 


leading  the  people  through  plots  and  the  stirring  up  of  insurrection,'  they  hin- 
dered the  finishing  of  the  building  all  the  time  that  king  Cyrus  lived.  And  -  they 
were  hindered  from  building  for  the  space  of  two  years,  until  the  reign  of  Darius. 

Ver.  73.  — '  A.  V. :  by  their  secret  plots,  «nd  popular  persuasions  and  commotions.    Codd.  m.  XI.  5S.  64.  119.  248. 
%l.  Aid.  read  <iriJ3ovAa9  Kal  irfiiayitiyiai  Kal  emcrvirraa'ctc.         ^  50. 


Chapter  V.     (Cf.  Ez.  ii.-iv.  6;  Xeh.  vii.  6-69.) 


Ver.  I.  The  first  six  verses  of  this  chapter  aru 
peculiar  in  that  wliile  they  relate  what  is  not  to  lie 
found  in  any  canonical  book,  the}'  seem  also  not  to 
belont;  to  the  Greek  fragment  which  immediately 
precedes.  In  the  opinion  of  Ewald  and  Bertlieau 
they  originally  followed  Ez.  i.  But  it  is  a  mere 
conjecture.  The  account  in  Ez.  i.  i;ecms  to  be 
quite  complete  in  itself.  It  is  more  likely  that  our 
translator  composed  them  for  the  puj'pose  of  mak- 
ing a  suitable  transition  from  the  Greek  fragment 
to  the  present  chapter. 

Ver.  2.  With  music,  with  tabrets,  etc.  See 
remarks  at  iv.  63.  At  Gen.  xxxi.  27  we  have 
nearly  the  same  Greek,  which  is  of  some  impor- 
tance in  considering  the  mystery  which  overhangs 
the  fragment.  Cf.  1  Sam.  xviii.  6,  and  the  Greek 
at  Is.  V.  12. 

Ver.  3.  The  "  brethren  "  referred  to  are  those 
who  were  left  behind. 

Ver.  5.  Sons.  Used  in  the  sense  of  successors. 
—  Sareeas  (Scraiah).  The  high  priest.  —  Joacim 
the  son  of  Z.  This  seems  to  be  a  mistake.  Cf.  1 
Chrou.  iii.  19;  Neh.  xii.  10,  26  ;  and  Judith  iv.  6. 
Some  would  omit  the  words  'laiaKl/j.  u  tov  as  an 
interpolation,  butwithout  sufficient  MS.  authority. 
Hcrzfi-ld  ( Geschic/ife,  i.  p.  322)  would  emend  by 
ToO  'IwaKlu  Kal  Z.opo$a$f\.  So,  too,  the  A.  V.  in 
the  margin.  While  Fritzsche,  who  makes  this 
Joiakim,  rather  than  Zerubbabel,  the  special  hero 
of  the  above  discussion  before  the  Persian  kin<;, 
thinks  the  passage  is  right  as  it  stands.  "  To  be 
sui'e."  he  says,  "among the  children  of  Zerubba- 
bel enumerated  in  1  Chron.  iii.  19,  there  is  no 
Joiakim.  But  was  there  therefore  none  1  "  t)n 
the  difficulties  of  the  genealogy,  see  Smith's  Bib. 
Dirt,  under  "  Salathiel  "  and  "  Zerubbabel,"  re- 
spectively ;  Herzfeld,  Geschichte,  Excursus  viii.  2  ; 
Ewald,  Geschichte  d.  Vol/c.  Is.,  iv.  109. 

Ver.  6.  Before  Darius,  ^!rl  Aapeiou.  For  such 
a  use  of  this  preposition,  cf.  Winer,  p.  37.t.  Butt- 
mann  (p.  336)  says:  "The  signification  in  jires- 
ence  of,  coram,  springs  from  the  original  notion  of 
approximation,  of  being  in  immediate  proximity 
{on.  upon,  near  by)."  Cf.  Matt,  xxviii.  14;  Acts 
xxiii.  30;  I  Cor.  vi.  1,  6;  1  Tim.  v.  19;  vi.  13; 
2  Cor.  vii.  14. 

Ver.  8.  Every  man  to  his  own  city,  i.  e.,  to 
the  city  where  he  or  bis  family  had  dwelt  before  the 
exile. — ^  Jesus  (Joshua).  The  first  high  priest  of 
the  restored  nation.  Of  the  ten  —  according  to 
Ezra,  nine  —  others  designated  as  leaders  with 
Jo.^hua  and  Zerubbabel  nothing  further  is  known. 
The  Neemias  here  mentioned  is,  of  course,  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  well-known  personage  of 
Neh.  i.  1.  —  Their  leaders.  They  were  probably 
heads  of  families  and  were  intended  to  represent 
the  twelve  tribes. 

Ver.  9.  And  their  leaders.  This  is  an  un- 
warranted addition  by  the  translator.  The  lead- 
ers are  not  mentioned  in  what  follows.  Cf.  viii. 
28.  As  we  shall  later  give  a  comparative  table  of 
the  differences  in  names  and  numbers  fouud  in 
the  three  lists  of  Ezra,  Nebemiah,  and  1  Esdras, 
respectively,  they  will  be  now,  for  the  most  part, 
left  unnoticed  except  in  the  textual  notes.  —  Sons 


of  Phoros.  By  "  sons  "  here  and  in  the  follow- 
ing verses  children,  descendants,  are  obviou.oly 
meant. 

Ver.  11.   Among  the  sons,  i.  e.,  of  the  family  of. 

Ver.  12.  The  m.ajority  of  MSS.  give  945  (.as 
A.  V.)  for  97.T  of  the  text,  rec,  as  the  number  of 
the  sons  of  Zathui. 

Ver.  13.  Instead  of  633  of  the  text.  rec.  the 
best  reading  (as  A.  V.)  gives  623.  For  "  Argai  " 
(A.  V.  Sadas),  we  read  "Astad,"  and  3322  for 
3332,  with  most  authorities. 

Ver.  14.  For  "  Adonican "  should  be  read 
".\donicam  "  (cf.  viii.  39),  andfor  637,  667.  The 
children  of  Bagoi  numbered  according  to  the  best 
reading  (as  A.  V.)  2066  instead  of  2606  of  the 
text.  rec.     This  name  is  jSa-yoJ  at  viii.  40. 

Vers,  l.i,  16.  The  text  of  the  Greek  Ezra  dif- 
fers essentially  from  that  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
in  these  verses. 

Ver.  18.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading  Baidaa- 
/iiiB  for  BaiSaa-fiiiy  of  the  text.  rec. 

Ver.  19.  Kariathiri,  ;'.  e.,  Kirjath-jearira.  For 
BvP'^y  of  the  text,  rec,  we  adopt  Sripdd  (as  A.  V.) 
with  the  majority  of  textu.al  authorities. 

Ver.  20.  Chadiasae  and  Ammidii.  These 
names  are  wanting  in  the  other  two  lists.  By  the 
first,  the  people  of  Kadesh  —  Josh.  xv.  23  —  seein 
to  be  me.ant;  by  "  the  Ammidii,"  the  people  of 
Humtah,  id.,  xv.  54. 

Ver.  22.  The  best  MSS.  give  the  number  of 
the  children  of  Jerechu  as  345,  instead  of  245  of 
the  text.  rec.  .aud  A.  V. 

Ver.  23.  We  read,  with  Fritzsche,  3330,  instead 
of  3.301  of  the  text.  rec. 

Vers.  24,  25.  We  have  changed  872  to  972  (as 
A.  V.)  with  III.  and  most  other  MSS.  —  Of  Em- 
meruth.  There  should  be  read  1052  in.stead  of 
252.  on  the  same  grounds.  —  Of  Phassurus.  We 
adopt  1247  for  1047  (.as  A.  V.).  — Of  Charmi. 
The  best  .authorities  give  (as  A.  V.)  1017  for  217. 

Ver.  26.  The  Greek  word  xaSoriXov,  which  is 
falsely  irausl.ated  Cadmiel  in  the  A.  V.,  —  III. 
only,  of  the  best  authorities,  has  KaSfii-rjKov  —  is 
found  in  ihe  latter  form  at  ver.  58. 

Ver.  27.  With  mauy  MSS.  we  have  changed, 
with  Fritzsche,  128  (.as  A.  V.)  to  148. 

Ver.  29.  For  2ou5a  (Sud),  Fritzsche,  with  II. 
XI.  and  other  MSS.  reads  Sovd,  and  for  'Avpa/Sa 
(A.  V.  Grabol  'AyyafSd. 

Ver.  33.  'A(rr7oir<f)n69.  The  word  is  a  probable 
corruption  for  5o/</iereM.  Cf.  Neh.  vii.  57  ;  Ez.  ii. 
55. 

Ver.  34.  For  'A\Aw^,  Fritzsche  suggests  &\\oiir 
as  the  true  reading.  It  is  supported  by  several 
MSS.   (44.  55.  74.  106.  119.  120.  121.  134.) 

Ver  36.  The  translator  at  this  point,  as  not 
infrequently  elsewhere,  omits  parts  of  the  text, 
and  makes  changCN  in  it  for  no  assignable  reason. 
—  Thermeleth,  Thelersas.  eic,  were  probably  cities 
of  Babylon  where  these  Jews  had  been  settled. 

Ver.  38.  The  priests  referred  to  are  those  men- 
tioned in  the  previous  vei'se,  who  could  not  fi.x 
their  genealosy.  That  they  "  usurped."  tlie  office 
of  the  priesthood  seems  to  have  no  other  anthoritv 
thau  the  assertion  of  the  translator. 


92 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  40.  Tfeemias  and  Attharias.  The  last 
word  seems  evidently  to  have  been  regarded  as  a 
proper  name.  It  is  the  same  as  Tlrshatha  of  Ez 
li.  63,  and  means  "  governor."  The  governor  at 
this  lime,  however,  was  not  Nehcmiah,  but  Zcrub- 
baliel.  Ct.  Ez.  v.  14  ;  Hag.  i.  1,  14  ;  ii.  2.  It  is 
possible  that  the  passage,  Neh.  viii.  9,  was  float- 
ing before  the  compiler's  mind,  or  xai  may  have 
crept  into  the  text  in  the  form  of  a  gloss.  The 
Syriac  version  leaves  out  Ka\  'AtB.  and  Cod.  121. 
has  Nee^uias  &  Ka\  'A.  In  chap.  vi.  18.  our  book 
has  a  similar  error,  where  we  find  Zopo$i$e\  koI 
2a$avaa(Tap(f>.  —  Clothed  vrith  light  and  truth, 
tV  STiAaiffiJ'  Kal  tV  aATiSiiav.  The  Urim  and 
Thummim  are  meant.  In  the  LXX.  the  latter 
is  represented  by  i.Ki)Beia  three  times,  and  once 
by  Tf\fiw{Tis.  According  to  Hody,  the  former 
rendering  is  a  proof  of  the  Alexandrian  col- 
oring of  the  early  part  of  the  LXX.  It  is  said 
that  Egyptian  magistrates  wore  a  carved  sap|ihire 
stone  about  their  necks  which  was  called  a\-n6fia. 
It  seems  to  have  been  supposed  that  the  Urim 
and  Thummim  would  be  restored.  See  Wahl's 
C/avis,  under  'AXiiSeio  ;  Thiersch,  De  Pentiiteiichi, 
«tc.,  p.  37  ;  Winer,  Realuorterb.,  ad  i-oc.  We  learn 
from  ver.  41,  that  the  sum  of  these  numbers 
should  be  42,360.  The  three  accounts,  to  our 
agreeable  surprise,  all  alike  state  this.  But  since 
the  sum  of  the  numbers  in  no  one  of  the  lists 
amounts  to  so  much,  by  far,  we  must,  while  in- 
ferring a  common  original  for  the  three  lists,  also, 
conclude  that  the  documents  from  which  they 
were  severally  made  as  now  found,  were  corrupt. 
It  is  to  be  remembered,  too,  that  mistakes  of  copy- 
ists in  such  long  lists  of  names  and  numbers  were 
almost  inevitable.  But  there  remains  still  the  in- 
teresting and  not  unimportant  inquiry  why  our 
translator  in  certain  places  gives  names  which  are 
not  found  in  either  of  the  other  two  lists  and  vice 
versa.  Does  not,  in  fact,  the  peculiarity  of  the 
variations  in  these  lists  furnish  valuable  hints  for 
the  explanation  of  other  differences  of  the  apocry- 
phal book  from  the  canonical  ?  It  is,  at  least, 
not  to  be  denied  that  in  the  catalogue  before  us 
where  the  same  number  is  recorded,  the  apocry- 
phal book  agrees  with  one  or  the  other  of  the 
canonical  books  against  the  remaining  one  oftener 
than  they  agree  together  against  it.  Moreover, 
it  will  be  seen  th<at  while  the  apocryphal  book 
gives  some  names  not  to  be  found  in  the  other 
two,  they,  on  the  other  hand,  give  about  the  same 
number  not  to  be  found  in  it.  But  in  this  particu- 
lar the  apocryphal  book,  in  every  instance  but 
one  (No.  35  of  the  following  table),  stands  alone, 
while  Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  in  every  instance  but 
one,  agree  together. 

Ver.  41.  From  them  of  twelve  years.  Mi- 
chaelis  (Anmfrl-.  zinn  E:.,  ii.  64)  suggests  that  our 
apocryphal  work  may  pos.sihly  furnish  in  this 
statement  a  solution  of  the  dithculty  contained  in 
the  difference  between  the  whole  number  as  given 
in  thi.'j  verse  and  the  actual  sum  obtained  from 
adding  tt»gether  the  several  numbers  as  stated  in 
the  respective  lists.  He  thinks  that  it  may  be 
meant  that  the  larger  sum  wcjuld  he  obtained  by 
adding  to  the  smaller  the  sum  of  all  persuns  be- 
tween the  ages  of  twelve  and  twenty  years.  Un- 
doubtedly there  might  have  been  a  sufficient 
number  of  such  persons  to  make  the  entire  sum 
42,360.  But  it  is  most  likely,  as  this  critic  himself 
admits,  that  the  words  were  added  simply  in  the 
way  of  supposition  or  explanation,  without  any 
adequate  ground. 

ver.  42.      The   number  of   singing   men   and 


women,  as  given  by  our  book,  agrees  with  the 
account  in  Nehemiah  ;  but  Ezra  has  two  hundred. 
On  account  of  the  unsuitableness  of  enumerating 
these  persons  among  the  servants  and  beasts  of 
burden,  some  critics  (Michaelis,  ibid.)  suppose 
that  a  mistranslation  was  made,  and  that  cows 
and  oxen  were  really  meant,  the  Hebrew  words 
being  quite  similar.  But  Keil  {Com.,  at  Ez.  ii. 
66)  contests  the  position. 

Ver.  43.  We  have  adopted  with  Fritzsche, 
from  XI.  and  other.^,  the  reading  that  brings  our 
account  into  harmony  with  the  other  two.  namely, 
€WTaK6a-toi,  instead  of  k-rrTaKi<rx't^tot.  — 'Tn-o^iVyiof, 
an  animal  bearing  the  yoke.  The  Hebrew  word 
means,  specifically,  "  an  ass ; "  and  the  Greek 
term  used  here  to  translate  it  had  also,  in  com- 
mon usage,  that  meaning.  The  whole  number  of 
the  animals,  according  to  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  was 
6,720. 

Ver.  45.  Pounds,  /ivas.  The  weight  of  this 
piece  was  about  fifteen  and  a  half  ounces. 

Ver.  46.  In  the  neighborhood,  rp  x'^Pf- 
The  reference  seems  to  be  to  the  lands  in  the 
region  of  Jerusalem  which  properly  fell  to  the 
priests,  Levites,  and  a  part  of  the  people.  The 
more  distant  places  are  subsequently  designated. 
—  All  Israel,  i,  e.,  representatives  of  all.  Cf. 
1  Chron.  ix.  3  ;  Neh.  vii.  3  ;  Ez.  ii.  59 ;  iii.  1. 

Ver.  47.  Open  place  of  the  first  gate.  The 
definite  statement  of  our  compiler  is  probably  an 
arbitrary  addition  occasioned  by  Neh.  viii.  1 .  Cf. 
Ez.  iii.  2,  and  Keil's  Commentari/  at  that  place. 

Ver.  48.  Joshua  was  now  high  priest.  Zcrub- 
babel  was  not  really  son  of  Salathiel  (Shealtiel), 
but  the  son  of  his  brother.  Since  Shealtiel  had 
no  sons,  and  the  line  of  succe,ssion  to  the  throne 
was  continued  in  Zerubbabel,  he  was  accounted  as 
a  son  of  the  former.     Cf.  v.  5. 

Ver.  50.  Their  place,  i.  e.,  the  place  where  they 
had  had  the  altar  previously.  The  thought  con- 
tained in  the  parallel  passage  in  Ezra  (iii.  3),  that 
they  hastened  to  erect  an  altar,  and  offer  the  cus- 
tomary sacrifices  as  a  means  of  securing  the  divine 
protection  against  the  hostility  of  the  surrounding 
nations,  seems  not  to  have  been  before  the  mind 
of  our  compiler,  but  rather  this :  that  a  fear  of 
the  Lord  fell  upon  the  surrounding  nations,  so 
that,  although  they  were  hostilcly  disposed,  they 
were  prevented  from  making  any  attack.  Bertheau 
would  emend  the  reading  in  Ezra  to  correspond 
with  the  present  book.  But  see  Keil's  note  in 
Com.  on  Ez.  iii.  3  ;  and  cf.  Ewald,  Geschichte  d. 
Volk.  Is.,  iv.  p.  131. 

Ver.  55.  'I'he  word  translated  cars,  X"^^".  ''^ 
given  much  trouble  to  commentators.  No  such 
idea  is  found  in  the  extant  Hebrew  original. 
Fritzsche  conjectures  that  the  translator  mi>under- 
stood  the  text,  and  rendered  falsely.  —  Brought 
by  floats,  /.  e.,  rafts.  This  is  |irobably  an  addi- 
tion made  for  the  sake  of  elucidation,  and  sug- 
gested by  2  Chron.  ii.  16. 

Ver.  57.  Laid  the  foundation  ....  in  the 
first  day  of  the  second  month.  It  is  maintained 
by  Schrader(.SfHrf.  H.  Krit..  1857,  pp.  460-504)  that 
this  is  a  mistake,  and  thnt  the  building  of  the 
tcmiile  did  not  icr/m  until  the  time  of  Darius. 
But  his  reasons  are  not  such  as  will  carry  great 
Height  fi>r  the  majority  of  minds. 

Ver.  58.  From  twenty  years  old.  Origin- 
ally the  age  fixed  for  the  Levites  to  enter  upon 
their  full  service  was  thirty.  This  seems  after- 
wards to  have  been  changed  by  David  (see  1 
Chron  xxiii.  24  :  cf.  Num.  i.  3)  lo  twenty  years, 
|]iciliably  ill  vi. w  of  the  lighter  service  required  oi 


1  ESDUAS. 


93 


them  in  connection  with  the  temple.  In  the  cor- 
responding passau'e  in  Ezra  there  are  but  three 
classes  of  families  of  Levites  mentioned.  Our 
book  seems  to  lia\e  erred  in  representing  the 
*'  sons  of  Joda  "  (.Jtidah)  as  a  distinct  class.  Cf. 
Ez.  ii.  40,  iii.  9  ;  Xeh.  vii.  43. 

Ver.  59.  And  the  priests  stood.  At  Ez.  iii. 
10:  They  set  the  priests.  Accordirij;  to  the  pres- 
ent book  there  was  found  in  the  originiil  Tl^syi  i 

according  to  Ezra,  IT'^V^I.  The  former  read- 
ing is  supported  by  a  considerable  number  of 
JISS.,  vet  may  have  easily  originated  in  a  de- 
.-ire  to  avoid  a  harshness  of  expression.  The 
LXX.  agrees  with  the  Greek  Ezra  in  this  case, 
and  it  is  probable  that  the  latter  was  influenced 
by  the  former  in  adopting  the  reading.  — •  'Eo-to- 
KuTfiivoi-  At  i.  2,  the  same  Greek  word  is  ren- 
dered by  the  A.  V.,  "  being  arrayed  in  long  gar- 
ments "  ;  and  here,  "arrayed  in  their  vestments." 
The  original  word  means  simply  "  clothed ;  " 
but  the  context  supplies  the  idea  of  ofBclal  robes. 
See  Mark  xii.  .38  ;  xvi.  5. 

Ver.  63.  Had  seen  the  former  house.  It 
was  destroyed  fifty-three  or  fifty-four  years  before. 
According  to  Hag.  ii.  3,  there  were  men  living 
even  at  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis  who  had 
seen  the  glory  of  the  former  temple.  These 
elderly  people  wept  because  the  contrast  was  so 
great  between  the  glory  of  the  first  edifice  and 
that  of  the  present  one. 

Vers.  64,  65.  The  translator  has  given  quite 
a  false  coloring  to  the  thought.  The  idea  prob- 
ably meant  to  be  conveyed  by  the  original  was 
that  the  cries  of  rejoicing  on  the  part  of  the 


multitude  were  ,so  loud  that  one  oould  not  dis- 
tinguish them  from  the  weeping,  or  vice  veraa. 
The  impression  was  simply  that  of  a  mighty 
shout. 

Ver.  66.  Bnemies.  A  people  whom  the  As- 
syrian king,  E.sarhaddon,  had  planted  in  the  land 
See  ver.  69.     They  became  enemies. 

Ver.  69.     Since  the  time  spoken  of  they  haa 

I  worshipped  Jehovah.  ('.  e.,  for  about  one  hundred 

and  thirty  year:?.     Cf.  2  Kings  xvii.  24-28.     This 

j  is  one  of  the  p.assages  which  Treiidelenherg  (Eich- 

horn,  Einleit.  in  d.  Ajmlc.  Script.,  p.  358)  adduces 

as   showing   that   the   Greek    Ezra,  in   some   in- 

j  stances,  follovped  a  better  original  text  than  the 

canonical  books.     But  the  A.  V.  has  forestalled 

Uhis  objection,  in  adopting  at   Ez.  iv.  2,  with  the 

LXX.   and  Vulgate,  the  alternative   reading  "w 

of  some  MSS.  ;   or  in  regarding  the  ^^7  of   the 

original  as  a  rare  form  of  1  . ,  and  hence  not  to  be 

rendered,  as  in   Luther's   translation,   by  "  not," 

but  by  "  to  him  "  (aurij;).     Cf.  Ex.  xxi.  8. 

Vers.  70,  71.  The  answer  implies  that  the 
claim  to  participate  in  the  building  of  the  temple 
on  the  ground  that  thev  also  recognized  Jehovah 
ns  God.  was  not  regarded  as  valid.  "  We  our- 
selves alone  will  build  unto  the  Lord  of  Israel." 

Ver.  73.  For  the  space  of  two  years.  On 
the  contrary,  it  was  about  fourteen  years.  The 
mistake  probably  arose  from  the  translator's  casu- 
ally thinking  of  the  second  year  of  Darius,  when 
the  building  of  the  temple  was  resumed.  So  the 
margin  of  the  A.  V.,  "  until  the  second  year  of  Da- 
rius, Ez.  iv.  5,  6 ;  vii.  24." 


Chapter  VI. 


1  Now  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Darius,  Aggaeus  and  Zacharias  the  son 
of  Addo,  the  prophets,  prophesied  against  ^  the  Jews  in  Judaea  '^  and  Jerusalem  in 

2  the  name  of  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  even  against  '  them.  Then  arose  *  Zorobabel 
the  son  of  Salathiel,  and  Jesus  the  son  of  Josedec,  and  began  to  build  the  house  of 
the  Lord  at  Jerusalem,  the  prophets  of  the  Lord  being  with  them,  and  helping 
them. 

3  At  the  same  time  came  imto  them  Sisinnes  the  eparch  ^  of  Syria  and  Phoenice, 

4  with  Sathrabuzanes  and  his  companions,  and  said  unto  them.  By  whose  order  *  do 
you  build  this  house  and  this  roof,  and  finish  all  the  rest  ?  '  and  who  are  the  work- 

5  men  that  finish "  these  things  ?     And  *  the  elders  of  the  Jews  had  '°  favor,  because 

6  the  Lord  had  visited  the  captivity  ;  and  they  were  not  hindered  from  building, 
until  the  matter  had  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  Darius  "  concerning  them, 

7  and  an  answer  received.  A  '^  copy  of  the  letter  which  he  wrote  and  they  sent  to 
Darius :  Sisinnes,  eparch  of  Syria  and  Phcenice,  and  Sathrabuzanes,  with  their 
companions,  rulers  in  Syria  and  Phcenice,^' 

Ver.  1.  — ^  ^  A.  V. :  Aggeua  ....  unto  (Gr.,  €jri)-        '  Jewry.        3  which  was  upon  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  2.  —  <  A.  V.  :  stood  k/>. 

Ver.  3.  —  f*  A.  V. :  governor.  But  it  is  not  the  same  word  which  ifl  elsewhere  rendered  "  governor."  At  ii.  12,  it  \a 
■•poiTTiTTit  (cf.  Ecclus.  .xlv.  24  ;  2  Mace.  iii.  4) ;  at  iii.  21,  o-arpim)!.  Here  it  is  hrofixK,  and  it  seemed  best  to  transfer  the 
word  to  avoid  confusion.    Cf.  also  ver.  29  ;  vii.  1,  27. 

Ver.  4.  —  "  A.  V. :  appointment.  '  perform  all  the  other  things.  *  perform.  Fritzsche  receives  from  HE.  19.  44 
the  article  before  oUoSo^oi.     To  these  authorities  II.  may  be  added. 

Ver.  6. —"A.  v.:   Nevertheless.        >»  obtained  (Gr.,  Jirxixriii'). 

Ver.  6.  —  n  X.  v.  :  such  time  as  significatioL  was  given  unto  Darius  (Gr.,  a.Tioa-i]iJ.avSrix-ai  A.J. 

Ver.  7.  —  ^2  A.  V.  :  The.  "  letters  which  Sisinnes,  governor  ....  and  Sathrabuzanes  ....  wrote  and  sent  unto 
Darius.  Instead  of  aire'trTetAav,  III.  XI.  53.  64.  248.  Aid.  have  sought  to  avoid  the  awkwardness  of  the  construction  by 
patting  this  verb  in  the  singular.    Other  MSS.  (19. 108.)  make  the  other  verb  plural. 


94  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


8  To  king  Darius,  greeting.  Let  all  things  be  known  unto  our  lord  the  kinj,-,  that 
having '  come  into  the  country  of  Juda>a,  and  entered  into  the  city  of  Jerusalem^ 
we  found  in  the  city  of  Jerusalem  the  elders  '^  of  the  Jews  that  were  of  the  captiv- 

9  ity,  building  a  house   unto  the  Lord,  great   and  new,  of  hewn  stones,  mid  costly 

10  timbers  laid  in^  the  walls,  and  these  operations  rapidly  advancing,''  and  the  work 
going  ^  on  prosperously  in  their  hands,  and  with  all  glory  and  diligence  brought  to 

11  completion.^      Then   asked  we  these  elders,  saying.  By  whose  order'  build  you 

12  this  house,  and  lay  the  foundations  of  these  works?  Therefore  to  the  intent  that 
tve  might  make  known  to  thee,  and  note  down  for  thee*  the  chief  actors,  we  also 

13  required^  of  them  the  names  in  writing  of  their  principal  men.    But'"  they  gave  ua 

14  this  answer,  "We  are  the  servants  of  the  Lord  who  '^  made  heaven  and  earth.  And' 
as  for  this  house,  it  was  builded  many  years  ago  by  a  king  of  Israel  great  and 

15  strong,  and  was  finished.  And  ^-  when  our  fathers  provoked  God  unto  wrath,  and 
sinned  against  the  Lord  of  Israel  who  ^^  is  in  heaven,  he  gave  them  over  into  the 

16  power  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  Babylon,  of  the  Chaldees,  who  pulled  down  the 

17  house,  and  burnt  it,  and  carried  away  the  people  captives  unto  Babylon.  But  in 
the  first  year  that  king  Cyrus  reigned  over  the  country  of  Babylon,  Cyrus  the  king 

18  wrote  to  build  "  this  house.  And  the  holy  vessels  of  gold  and  of  silver,  that  Na- 
buchodonosor had  carried  away  out  of  the  house  at  Jerusalem,  and  had  deposited  '* 
them  in  his  '"  temple,  those  Cyrus  the  king  brought  forth  again  out  of  the  temple 
at  Babylon,  and  they  were  delivered  to  Zorobabel  and  to  Sanabassarus  the  eparch.^'' 

19  And  it  was  required  of  him  and  he  carried  away  all  these  vessels  ^'  in  order  to  put 
them  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  that  the  temple  of  the  Lord  should  be  built 

20  on  the  '^  place.  Then  that  -"  Sanabassarus,  having  '^'  come  hither,  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  house  of  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  from  that  time  to  this  being  still  a 

21  building,  it  is  not  yet  finished."'     Now  therefore,  if  it  seem  good  unto  the  king,  let 

22  search  be  made  in  the  depository  of  archives  "*  of  king  Cyrus  in  Babylon  -^ ;  and  if 
it  be  found  that  the  building  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  hath  been 
done  with  the  consent  of  king  Cyrus,  and  if  our  lord  the  king  be  so  minded,  let 
him  inform  us  concerning  these  things.^ 

23  Then  commanded  king  Darius  to  seek  among  the  archives  deposited  ^°  at  Baby- 
lon ;  and "'  at  Ecbatana  the  castle,^*  which  is  in  the  country  of  Media,  there  was 
found  a  roll  wherein  the  following  was  ^  recorded. 

24  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Cyrus,  king  Cyrus  commanded  that  the  house  of 
the  Lord  at  Jerusalem  should  ^°  be  built  again,  where  they  do  sacrifice  with  contin- 

25  ual  fire  ;  whose  height  should  be  sixty  cubits,  and  the  breadth  sixty  cubits,  with 
three  rows  of  hewn  stones,  and  one  row  of  new  wood  of  that  country ;  and  the  ex- 

26  penses  thereof  io  be  given  out  of  the  house  of  king  Cyrus  ;  and  that  the  holy  vessels 
of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  both  of  gold  and  silver,  that  Nabuchodonosor  took  out  of 
the  house  at  Jerusalem  and  brought  to  Babylon,  should  be  restored  to  the  house  at 

27  Jerusalem,  and  be  deposited  "  in  the  place  where  they  were  before.     But  ^^  he  com- 

Ver.  8.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  being.        ^  ancients. 

Ver.  9.  —  '  A.  V. :  and  costly  stones  and  the  timber  already  laid  upon. 

Ver.  10.  —  *  A.  V. :  And  those  works  are  done  with  great  speed.        "  goeth.        "  is  it  made  {Gr.,  avtTeAov^iei-a). 

Ver.  11.  — '  A.  V. ;  commandment  (Gr.,  Trpocrra^ai'Tos  —  Ter.  4,  trvvTa^.  —  order,  commission). 

Ver.  12.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  give  knowledge  unto  thee  by  writing  {Gr.,  yvwpitrat  troi  «ai  -ypai/fat  o-oi).  *  we  demanded  of 
them  who  were  the  chief  doers,  and  we  required. 

Ver.  13.  — »  A.  v.:  So.        "which.  Ver.  16. —i^  A.  V. :  But.        "which. 

Ver.  17.  — "  A.  v. :  build  vp.  Ver.  18.  —  is  A.  V. :  set.        "«  his  own.        "  ruler. 

Ver.  19.  —  i^  A.  V.  t  with  commandment  that  he  should  carry  away  (for  Kal  an^jryice,  XI.  52.  58.  64.  and  others  with 
Aid.  have  airei'e'-yKavTi ;  19.  108.  have  the  verb  in  the  inflnitivc)  the  same  vessels,  etc.  i»  in  his  (Gr.,  iirX  roii  toitou  ; 
44.  58.  71.  106.  120.  121.  134.  236.  add  avTov). 

Ver.  20.  — -»  A.  V. :  the  same  (Codd.  III.  XI.  19.  44.  248.  with  Aid.  have  the  demonstrative  pronoun  after  the  proper 
name.        "  being.        ^^  fully  ended. 

Ver.  21.  —  23  A.  V.  t  among  the  records,  etc.  (marg.,  rolls  ;  Gr.,  et-  toi?  ^amKtKoU  j3t^Xio</)vA(uctot9).  -*  omits  in  Babj  - 
Ion.  These  words  are  received  by  Fritzsche  from  XI.  19.  44.  Syr.  Old  I-at.  Vulg.  To  these  11.  is  to  be  added.  Cod.  II. 
has  the  singular  mistake,  however,  of  writing  icv,  i.  e.,  icvpiov,  for  Kvpov.  Codd.  64.  119.  with  Aid.  make  the  same  mis- 
take. Ver.  22-  —  -i"'  A.  V.  :  signify  unto  us  thereof. 

Ver.  23.  —  ="  A.  V.  :  records.         -'•  and  sn.         '-'  Ecbatane  ....  palace  (Gr.,  t]5  Popei).         ="  thesse  (/i/nt-.s  were.     In 

m.  XI.  44.  j3ao-tAt((o[^  was  inserted  before  ^l^Xlo»fl.,  and  for  totto?  the  first  and  last  have  tojuos.     This  was  also  the  rcad- 

iig  adopH'd  by  the  A.V.,  and  is  jirobahly  from  the  Aldine  text,  as  the  Bom.  cd.,  the  Vulgate,  and  the  Bishops  Bible  all 

■ead  TOTTOt.     In  the  margin  of  A.  V.  U  :  "  Or,  rolls,  ver.  23."     See  Com.     Codd.  II.  55.  19.  108.  omit  .Is  after  tiS^os. 

Ver.  24.— 3»  A.  v.:  shall.  Ver.  26.  —  ■"  A.  V. ;  set.  Ver.  27.  — ==  A.  V. :  And  o/ss- 


1  ESDRAS. 


95 


manded  that  Sisinnes  the  eparch  ^  of  Syria  and  Phoenice,  and  Sathrabuzanes,  and 
their  companions,  and  those  who  -  were  appointed  rulers  in  Sjria  and  Phoenice, 
should  be  careful  to  keep  aloof  from  '  the  place,  and  ■*  suffer  Zorobahel,  the  servant 
of  the  Lord  and  eparch  of  Judrea,^  and  the  elders  of  the  Jews,  to  buiJd  that "  house 

28  of  the  Lord  on  the  "  place.  And '  I  have  commanded  also  to  have  it  built  to  com- 
pletion ;  ^  and  that  thev  look  diligently  to  help  those  that  be  of  the  captivity  of  the 

29  Jews,  till  the  house  of  the  Lord  be  finished  ;  and  that  ^'^  out  of  the  tribute  of  Coe- 
lesyria  and  Phcenice  a  portion  be  carefully  ^'  given  these  men  for  the  sacrifices  of 

30  the  Lord,  that  is,  to  Zorobabel  the  eparch,^'^  for  bullocks,  and  rams,  and  lambs ;  and 
also  wheat,'^  and  salt,  and  "  wine,  and  oil,  continually  ^°  every  year  without  ques- 

31  tion,^"  according  as  the  priests  that  are  ^'  in  Jerusalem  shall  signify  to  be  daily  spent ; 
that  drink-offerings  ^'  may  be  made  to  the  most  high  God  for  the  king  and  his  children, 

32  and  that  they  may  pray  for  their  lives.  And  I  command  that  orders  be  given  that 
whosoever  transgresses  or  annuls  any  of  the  things  prescribed,  out  of  his  own  pos- 
sessions wood  be  taken  and  he  be  hanged  thereon,  and  his  goods  be  for  the  king.'* 

33  And  may  ™  the  Lord  therefore,  whose  name  has  there  been  -'  called  upon,  utterly 
destroy  every  king  and  nation,  that  stretcheth  out  his  hand  to  hinder  or  damage  ^ 

34  that  house  of  the  Lord  in  Jerusalem.  I  Darius  the  king  have  decreed  it,  let  it  be 
carried  out  accordingly  ^  with  diligence. 


Ver.  27. 
that. 

Ver.  28. 

Ver.  29. 

Ver.  30. 

Ver.  31. 

Ver.  32. 
spoken  or 
seized  for 
Aid.  have 

Ver.  33. 
according 


—  I  A.  V: 


governor. 


2  which. 


'  not  to  meddle  with. 


*  but.        *  governor  of  Judea. 


nhe. 


'1q 


—  8  A.  V.  omits  And  (so  III.  and  Junius).         ^  up  whole  again 

—  I*'  A.  V.  omits  that.      "  carefully  to  be.      ^-  governor. 

— 13  A,  V.  :  com.        ^*  omits  and.         ^^  and  that  contiauzUy .         >*>  /"urMcr  question.        i'  be. 

—  18  A.  v.:  offerings  (Gr.,  (jTrorSai;  so,  too,  marg.  of  A.  V.,  "  drink.offerings  "). 

— 12  A.  V. :  And  he  commanded  that  whosoever  should  transgress,  yea,  or  make  light  of  any  thing  afore 
written,  oat  of  his  ovm  hoit^^e  should  a  tree  (Gt.,  ^yAoc)  be  taken,  and  he  thereon  be  hanged,  and  all  his  goods 
the  king  (Gr.,  etvat  fiatrtKiKd  ;  19.  108.,  eis  fi<uTtKiKa).  For  Trpoirrafai,  the  Codd.  III.  XI.  49.  with  others,  and 
TTpo{T€Ta^ev,  but  the  former  is  undoubtedly  the  original  form  (see  Com.). 

—  20  A^  v.,  omits  And  may  (Gr.,  Kal  ....  aiftavlcrai).  -^  is  there.  ^^  endamage.  ^3  ordered  that 
onto  these  things  it  be  done. 


Chapter  VL     (Cf.  Ez.  v.-vi.  12.) 


Ver.  1.  .Aggseus,  i.  e.,  Haggai  (Hag.  i.  1  ; 
Zech.  i.  1).  —  Z.  was  not  the  son  but  grandson  of 
Addo  (Iddo,  Ez.  v.  1).  —  In  Judsea  and  Jerusa- 
lem. The  Jews  dwelling  here  are  spoken  of  in 
distinction  from  those  found  elsewhere,  especially 
in  Babylon. — 'Ewpo<l>riTewrei'-  For  the  jpeculiar- 
ity  of  the  augment,  see  Winer,  p.  71.  Cf.  also, 
Matt.  xi.  13;  Jiide  14.  —  Against  the  Jews,  eV! 
Tovs  *lov5alous.  The  preposition  has  the  force  of 
the  Hebrew  ^'J  in  a  hostile  sense.  —  'Eirl  T(fl  oi'6- 
IW.TI.  For  the  force  of  the  preposition,  see  Wi- 
ler,  p.  394 ;  Robinson's  Lex.  under  ovojw. ;  Butt- 
mann,  pp.  18.3,  184,  330,  337. 

Ver.  3.  Sisinnes.  The  LXX.  has  Thanthanai 
anil  the  Hebrew  (Ez.  v.  3),  Tatnai.  —  Of  Syria 
and  Phcenice-  The  description  is  more  definite 
than  that  of  the  canonical  book,  and  is  but  one  of 
many  illustrations  of  onr  compiler's  partiality  for 
explanation. 

Ver.  5.  Had  visited,  eiri(7KoirT}y  yevon4vTi$.  Cf. 
Luke  i.  68,  in  the  Greek  and  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  7.  Which  he  wrote  and  they  sent. 
On  such  a  change  of  subject,  see  Winer,  p.  632. 
Cf.  Textual  Notes. 

Ver.  9.  The  dividing,  not  the  main  walls,  are 
meant.  Keil  understands  by  it  the  beams  for  the 
floors. 

Ver.  15.  Provoked  God,  iropairiKpai/oin-et.  The 
word  is  not  elsewhere  found  in  the  Apocrypha,  .^ut 
occurs  at  Heb.  iii.  16,  did  provoke  (A.'V.).  So 
also  in  the  LXX.  at  Vs.  Ixvi.  7  ;  Ixviii.  7,  forlHl: 
iind  at  Ps.  cvi.  7,  43,  for  n"~\:. 

Ver.  18.     Following  most  of  the  MSS    and  old 


translations  we  render  "  Zorobabel  and  Sanabas- 
sarus,"  although  obviously  only  one  person  can 
have  been  meant.  See  Ez.  v.  14-16  and  vers.  27, 
29,  below.  Probably  the  word  Zorobabel  was  first 
introduced  as  a  gloss  on  the  margin,  and  after- 
wards through  an  inadvertence  found  its  way  into 
the  l:ext.     Cf.  v.  40. 

Ver.  23.  Hcbatana.  It  was  the  capital  of 
Cyrus  and  occupied  as  a  summer  residence  by 
the  Persian  kings  after  his  time.  Cf.  Xen.,  Ci/r., 
viii.  6,  22  ;  Anah.,  iii.  5,  16  ;  Winer's  RfalwSr- 
terb. :  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  ad  voc.  ;  and  Rawlin- 
son's  Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  262-269.  —  A  roU.  This  was 
probably  from  parchment.  At  Jer.  xxxvi.  23,  it 
is  said  that  a  knife  was  necessary  to  destroy  the 
roll  there  spoken  of.  The  reading  of  t'odd. 
III.  44.  harmonizes  better  with  the  context  and 
with  the  Hebrew,  and  the  mistake  of  writing 
T(firo!  for  To/ios  might  easily  have  been  made  by 
a  copyist. 

Ver.  24.  They  sacrifice,  eTrtdvomrt.  The  force 
of  the  present,  in  this  case,  is  to  indicate  a  future 
action  as  something  as  good  as  already  present. 
See  Winer,  p.  265. 

Ver.  25.  With  three  rows  of  hewn  stones 
and  one  row  of  new  wood.  The  idea  seetns  to 
be  that  to  every  three  rows,  or  courses,  of  stune 
there  was  one  of  wood.  The  Hebrew  word  trans- 
lated liere  and  in  the  LXX.  S6iios  (Tf373)  occurs 
nowhere  else  in  the  Bible.  By  some  it  is  rendered 
stories,  thus  making  it  refer  to  the  height  r  ither 
than  the  thickness  of  the  walls. 

Ver.  27.  But  he.  /.  <  .,  Darius.  Iii  the  11.  '.v  'v 
the  narrative  is  at  this  point   e!i..nged  fiu.n   t.ie 


96 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


indirect  to  the  direct.  The  decree  of  Darius  was, 
perhaps,  thought  of  as  inchided  in  that  of  Cyrus, 
or  else  the  translator  carelessly  hurried  along, 
without  noticing  that  the  subject  had  changed, 
nntil  he  came  to  the  following  verse.  In  the  lat- 
ter case  he  is  guilty  of  .in  anachronism,  since,  if 
Cyrus  had  given  these  directions  to  Tatnai  and 
his  companions,  why  were  they  making  such  in- 
quiries ? 

Ver.  31.     Pray  for  their  lives.     It  is   a   fact 
that  subsequently  offerings  were  made  on  behalf 


of  the  king.     See  1  Mace.  vii.  33  ;  xii.  1 1  ;  Jos. 
Aritiq.,  xii.  2,  §  6. 

Ver.  32.  The  reading  irpotreTa^fV  probably  . 
arose  from  the  supposed  difficulty  of  the  con- 
struction. But  the  compiler  seems  to  have 
brought  along  the  force  of  ^ireraja  of  ver.  28  to 
this  point.  —  Hanged.  The  Hebrew  word  ^pT 
might  properly  be  translated  crucified.  It  was  a 
common  punishment  among  the  Persians.  In- 
stead of  Kpe^affBrjvai,  the  LXX.  has  Tr\riyi\iTirtt.t. 
But  the  reading  iroy^o-eTai  is  also  well  supported. 


Chapter  VII. 


1  Then  Sisinnes  the  eparch  '  of  Coelesyria  and  Phoenice,  and  Sathrabuzanes,  with 

2  their  companions,  following  the  orders  '  of  king  Darius,  more  earnestly  encouraged ' 
the  holy  works,  assisting  the  elders  *  of  the  Jews  and  governors  of  the  temple. 

3  And  so  the  holy  works  prospered,  through  the  prophesying  of  the  prophets  Aggteus 

4  and  Zacharias.^  And  they  finished  these  things  by  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  God 
of  Israel,  and  with   the  consent  of  Cyrus  and  ^  Darius  and  Artaxerxes,  kings  of 

5  Persia.     And  thus  was  the  holy  '  house  finished  in  the  three  and  twentieth  day  of 

6  the  month  Adar,  in  the  sixth  year  of  Darius  king  of  the  Persians.  And  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  and'  the  priests,  and  the  Levites,  and  the  rest'  that  were  of  the 
captivity,  who  had  joined  them,"  did  according  to  the  things  written  in  the  book  of 

7  Moses. "  And  for  "  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  the  Lord  they  offered  an  hun- 

8  dred   buUocks,  two  hundred  rams,  four  hundred  lambs ;   goats  for  the  sin  of  all 

9  Israel,  twelve  in  number,  according  to  the  twelve  tribal  chiefs  of  Israel. ^'^  The 
priests  also  and  the  Levites  stood  arrayed  in  their  vestments,^'  according  to  their 
trihes,  prepared  for  "  the  services  of  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  according  to  the  book 
of  Moses,  and  the  porters  at  every  gate. 

10  And  the  children  of  Israel  that  were  of  the  captivity  held  the  passover  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  first  month,  after  that  '^  the  priests  and  the  Levites  were  sancti- 

11  fied.     They  that  were  of  the  captivity  were  not  all  sanctified  together;  but  the 

12  Levites  were  all  sanctified  together.'**     And  so  they  offered  the  passover  for  all 

13  them  of  the  captivity,  and  for  their  brethren  the  priests,  and  for  themselves.  And 
the  children  of  Israel  that  ca)7ie  out  of  the  captivity  did  eat,  even  aU  they  that  had 
separated  themselves  from  the  abominations  of  the  people  of  the  land,  and  sought 

14  the  Lord.     And  they  kept  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread  seven  days,  with  joy  " 

15  before  the  Lord,  for  that  he  had  turned  the  counsel  of  the  king  of  Assyria  towards 
them,  to  strengthen  their  hands  for  the  work  '*  of  the  Lord  God  of  Israel. 

Ver.  1.  - '  A.  V. :  governor.  Codd.  III.  19.  44.  66.  64.  71.  74. 106. 108. 119.  120.  121. 134.  236.  245.  248.  Aid.  have  the 
article  before  eirapxw-        ^  A.V.:  commandments. 

Ver.  2. 2  A.  V. :  did  very  carefully  oversee  {Gr.,  eireerraToui'  ....  iirtfjieXiirrepov).        *  ancienta. 

Ver.  3.  —  B  A.  V. :  when  Aggeufi  and  Zacharias  the  prophets  prophesied. 

Ver.  4. *  A.  V.,  omits  and.    Fritzsche  adds  to  the  verse,  ews  tov  cktou  ctous  Aapelov  pairtXeiijt  nepo-wf,  from  III.  XI. 

52.  al.  Syr.  Old  Lat.    Cf.  ver.  8. 

Ver.  5. '  A.  V. :  The  words  6  ayio?  are  omitted  by  II.  19.  44.,  and  some  others,  with  the  Old  Lat.  Vulg. 

Ver.  6.  —  ' A.  v.,  oiniuand.        »  other  (Or.  o'l  Aoiiroi).        '°  that  were  added  unlo  M^m  (Or.,  irpouTeSti/res). 

Ver.  7.  — "A.  v.:  to. 

Ver.  8.  —  "  A.  v.  :  and  twelve  goat*  for  the  sin  of  all  Israel,  according  to  the  number  of  the  chief  of  the  tribes  ol 
Israel.  For  en  toii-  ^uXipxiui',  19-  108.  Old  Lat.  and  Vulg.  read  rii'  ^uAir,  and  were  followed  by  the  Bishop's  Bible, 
but  not  by  the  edition  of  1611,  which  seems  to  have  taken  here  the  Aldine  (and  Rom.)  edition  of  the  LXX.  as  guide. 
In  the  margin  it  recognizes  the  existence  of  such  a  reading  (Or,  tribes).  I  have  connected  irp«  ipiBiiov  with  x'/iapovi 
according  to  the  pointing  of  Fritzsche's  text  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  9.  —  "  A.  V.  :  in  their  vestments  (not  italicized).        "  according  to  their  kindreds,  in. 

Ver.  10.  — 'f'  For  ore,  111.  XI.  44.  24S.  Aid.  have  ori. 

Ver.  11.  —  "  Fritzsche  omits  the  whole  of  this  verse  excepting  "  together  with  these  (A.  V.,  '  for  all  them  ')  of  the 
•aptivity  "  separating  the  same  from  ver.  10  only  by  a  comma.  The  passage  is  doubtless  corrupt  The  thought  is  no» 
found  in  the  Hebrew  original  (see  Com.}. 

Ver  14.  —  "  A.  V. ;  making  merry.      '^  in  the  works  (Or.,  eiri  ra  epya). 


1  ESDRAS 


97 


Chapter  VII.    (C£.  Ez.  vl] 


Ver.  4.  And  Artaxerxes.  The  person  meant, 
as  is  indicated  Ijy  the  order  of  words,  is  the  king 
wlio  reigned  a£ter  Darius,  that  is,  Artaxerxes 
LouL'imanus.  But,  as  the  temple  was  completed 
before  his  accession  to  the  throne,  how  can  it  be 
said  to  have  bet-n  done  by  his  commandment  ? 
It  might  be  held,  with  Michaelis,  Fritzsche,  and 
others,  that,  inasmuch  as  lie  contributed  by  his 
edicts  (cf.  viii.  9  f.,  and  Ez.  vii.  13-20)  to  the 
subsequent  beautifying  of  the  temple,  there  was 
no  impropriety  in  the  introduction  of  his  name. 

Ver.  5.  Month  Adar.  It  con  esponded  nearly 
with  the  present  month  of  March.  The  Hebrew 
has  the  third,  instead  of  the  twenty-third.  It  is 
likely  that  tlie  compiler  made  the  change  because 
it  seemed  to  him  more  fitting  to  presuppose  that 
the  festival  of  the  dedication  should  la.st  eight 
days  (1  Kings  viii.  66  ;  2  Chron.  xxix.  17)  ;  and 
fo,  too,  the  last  eight  days  of  the  year  be  filled 
^ut.  \Ve  are  indebted  to  Beitheau  for  this  sug- 
gestion, although  he  was  led  by  the  same  reason 
to  just  the  opposite  conclusion  ;  namely,  that  on 
these  grounds  the  translator  would  not  have  made 
the  change  from  three  to  twenty-three,  and  hence 
the  latter  must  be  regarded  .as  the  oriqiual  date. 

Ver.  7.  And  for  the  dedication.  For  the 
theological  significance  of  the  word  4yKmpl(ui,  see 
Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc.  He  gives  as  its  meaning, 
"  to  do  something  new  with  something  new."  De- 
litzscli  on  Heb.  ix.  18  explains  it  as  follows  :  "  sol- 
emnly to  setforth  something  newas  such, and  to  give 
it  over  to  use,  to  cause  it  to  enter  into  operation." 

Ver.  8.  Goats  for  the  sins  of  all  Israel, 
twelve  in  number,  according  to.  The  construc- 
tion of  the  Greek  is  somewhat  peculiar :  ^tfj.dftovs 
i/TTep  a^iaprias  navrhs  Tov  "I  SwS^Ka.  nphs  api&fiitp, 
fK  Twv  (pvKapxt^v,  etc.  Trendelenberg  (  Eichhorn's 
/Cinlf^it,  in  d.  A/>ok.  Schrifl.,  p.  .306)  would  strike 
out  the  eV,  and  make  ruv  <pvKdpx<*ff  immediately 
dependent  on  a.pi6^6v',  but  there  is  almost  no 
manuscript  authority  for  such  a  change.  On  the 
force  of  this  preposition  with  the  genitive,  as  here 
found,  cf.  Winer,  p.  366. 

Ver.  9.  Our  book  differs  considerably  from  the 
Hebrew  at  this  point.  Cf.  Ez.  vi.  16,  and  above, 
i.  2 

Ver.  11.  I  haye  left  the  A.  V.  as  found,  but 
would  prefer  to  render  according  to  Fritzsche's 
text,  in  which  the  words  Sti  ijyvicrO-ntTav,  '6ti  ot 
Afv^Tai  atjjx  7rai/T€s  T]yvi(r0Tj(raf  are  omitted.     The 


first  two  are  not  found  in  58.  71.  ;  and  the  re- 
mainder are  omitted  in  52.  64.  74.  106.  119.  120. 
121.  134.  236.  248.,  with  Aid.  It  would  then 
read,  leaving  ver.  10  as  it  is,  ver.  11  :  "together 
with  all  the  children  of  the  captivity."  With  the 
reading  oux  for  the  first  8ti,  —  supported  by  5.5. 
19.  108.,  8yr.,  Old  Lat.,  Vulg.,  —  the  passa^ 
might,  however,  be  rendered  :  and  all  the  sons  oj 
the  captivity  were  not  sanctified,  because  all  the 
Levites  were  sanctified  together ;  the  meaning  being 
that  the  others  were  not  sanctified  in  the  same 
sense  and  degree  as  the  Levites.  In  the  Hebrew 
a  distinction  seems,  in  fact,  to  be  made  between 
the  purity  of  the  Levites  and  that  of  the  priests, 
in  favor  of  the  former.  It  may  be  that  this  is  the 
thought  which  is  floating  somewhat  indefinitely 
before  the  mind  of  the  translator. 

Ver   12.     The  Levites  offered  it. 

Ver.  15.  King  of  Assyria.  We  might  have 
expected,  rather,  "  king  of  Persia."  But  Darius 
had  received  the  kingdom  of  Assyria,  together 
with  Palestine,  as  an  inheritance,  and  so  had 
come  into  such  intimate  relations  with  the  Jews. 
Assyria,  too,  as  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the 
world,  was,  as  a  matter  of  course,  more  promi- 
nently before  the  mind  of  tlie  writer,  and  it  was 
rather  a  complimentary  title  than  otherwise  when 
thus  applied  to  Darius.  Cyrus  is  called  by 
Herodotus  (i.  206)  "  king  of  the  Medes." 

Justin  Martyr,  in  his  dialogue  with  Trypho, 
(c.  Ixxii.)  cites  a  passage  from  the  present  history 
which,  if  genuine,  belongs  at  this  point.  It  is 
as  follows :  "  And  Esdras  said  to  the  people  : 
'  This  passover  is  our  savior  and  our  refuge.  And 
if  you  give  heed  to  this  point,  and  lay  it  to  heart, 
that  we  shall  humble  him  on  a  cross,  and,  if  after- 
wards we  hope  in  him,  then  shall  this  place  not  be 
witsted  for  ever,  saith  the  God  of  hosts  But  if 
you  do  not  believe  him,  nor  heed  his  message,  so 
shall  you  become  the  derision  of  the  heathen." 
Justin  claims  that  the  Jews  had  removeil  the  pas- 
sage from  the  book.  But,  in  the  first  place,  it  is 
evident  that  Ezra  did  not  participate  in  this  feast, 
not  having  come  to  Jerusalem  till  afterwards, 
while  at  the  following  one  he  said  nothing  at  all 
about  the  passover.  And,  second,  tlie  passage 
appears  in  no  extant  MS.  or  translation  of  our 
book,  nor  is  it  to  be  found  in  Josephus.  Prob- 
ably some  Christian  copyist  made  the  addition, 
and  it  waa  accepted  as  L'enuine  by  Justin. 


Chapter  VIII. 


1  And  after  these  things,^  when  Artaxerxes  the  king  of  the  Persians  reigned,  came 
up  Esdras  the  son  of  Sarieas,  the  son  of  Ezerias,  the  son  of  Chelcias,-    the  son  of 

2  Salemua,  the  son  of  Sadducus,  the  son  of  Achitob,  the  son  of  Amarias,  the  son  of 
Ozias,  the  son  of  Mareroth,  the  son  of  Zarjeas,  the  son  of  Savias,  the  son  of  Bocca, 

Ver.  1.  —  1  Some  MSS.  have  eoTi  after  toutoji'  {II.,  eortV),  and  afterwards  wpoo-e^ij  (rendered  in  A.  V.  "  came  "). 
We  drop,  with  Fritzsche,  the  former.  Cf.  ver.  5.  For  'A^apaiov  this  critic  reads,  with  III.  19.  44.,  Sapatou  (Sarseaa  ; 
A.  v.,  Saraia*"),  and  for  Z€;(piov,  with  III.  44.,  'E^ripiov.  -  We  group  together  here,  for  convenience,  all  the  names  of 
the  present  chapterwho.se  orthography  we  have  changed:  (ver.  1)  Ilelchiah,  Salnm,  Sadduc  ;  {ver.  2)  Memeroth,  Zaraiaj, 
Boccas,  -ibisum  ;  (ver.  29)  Gamael,  Lettus,  Pharez ;  (ver.  31)  Pahath  M  Zaraias  ;  (ver.  32)  Zathoe,  Jarathan  ;  {ver.  33| 
Jo.sias  ;  (ver.  36)  Banid,  Assalinioth  ;  (ver.  3S)  Johannes  ;  (ver.  39)  Eliphalet,  Samaias  ;  (ver.  42)  Iduel ;  (ver.  44)  ^[a' 
maias,  Kunatan  ;  (ver.  45)  Sadden.^  ;  (ver.  46)  Daddeus  ;  (ver.  47)  .^Ioli,  .4sebehia  ;  (ver.  48)  Asebia,  Osaias.  Channunous  ; 
iTer.  64)  Esebrias,  Assanias  ;  (ver.  62)  Marmoth,  Iri  :  (ver.  63)  Sabban  ;  (ver.  69)  Canaanites,  Uittites. 
7 


98  THK   APOCRYPHA. 


the  son  of  Abisuai,  the  son  of  Phinees,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Aaron  the 

3  chief  priest.     This  Esdras  went  up  from  Babylon,  as  a  scribe,  being  very  ready 

4  in  the  law  of  Moses,  that  was  given  by  the  God  of  Israel.     And  the  king  did  him 

5  honor,  he  having  found  grace  in  his  sight  in  all  his  requests.  There  went  up 
with  him  also  some '  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  -  of  the  priests,  and  Levites,' 

6  and  holy  *  singers,  and  ^  porters,  and  ministers  of  the  temple,  unto  Jerusalem,  in 
the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  in  the  fifth  month  ;  this  was  the  king's 
seventh^  year:  for  they  went  from  Babylon  on'  the  first  day  of  the  first  month, 
and  came  to  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  prosperous  journey  which  the  Lord  gave 

7  them  on  his  account.*  For  Esdras  had  much  ^  skill,  so  that  he  omitted  nothing  of 
the  law  and  commandments  of  the  Lord,  in  teaching'"  all   Israel  ordinances"  and 

8  judgments.  Now  the  copy  of  the  commission,  which  was  written  from  Artaxerxes 
the  king,  and  came  to  Esdras  the  priest  and  reader  of  the  law  of  the  Lord,  is  this 
that  followeth  :  — 

9  King  Artaxerxes  unto  Esdras  the  priest  and  reader  of  the  law  of  the  Lord  send- 

10  e/h  greeting :  And '-  having  determined  to  deal  graciously,  I  have  given  order, 
that  such  of  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  and  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  being  within  our 

1 1  realm,  as  are  willing  and  desirous,  should  go  with  thee  unto  Jerusalem.  As  many 
therefore  as  have  a  mind  thereunto,  let  them  depart  with  thee,  as  it  hath  seemed 

12  good  both  to  me  and  my  seven  friends  the  counsellors ;  that  they  may  look  unto 
the  affairs  of  Judoea  and  Jerusalem,  agreeably  to  that  which  is  in  the  law  of  the 

13  Lord ;  and  carry  gifts  '^  unto  the  Lord  of  Israel "  to  Jerusalem,  which  I  and  my 
friends  have  vowed,  and  all  the  gold  and  silver  that  in  the  country  of  Babylon  may  '" 

14  be  found,  to  the  Lord  in  Jerusalem,  with  that  also  which  has  been  given  by  the 
nation  '*  for  the  temple  of  the  Lord  their  God  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  that  silver  and  gold 
be  "  collected  for  bullocks,  and  '*  rams,  and  lambs,  and  things  thereunto  appertain- 

15  ing,  to  the  end  that  the;/  may  offer  sacrifices  unto  the  Lord  upon  the  altar  of  the 

16  Lord  their   God,  which  is   in  Jerusalem.     And  whatsoever  thou  and  thy  brethren 

17  will  do  with  the  silver  and  gold,  that  do,  according  to  the  wDl  of  thy  God.  And 
the  holy  vessels  of  the  Lord,  which  are  given  thee  for  the  use  of  the  temple  of  thy 

18  God,  which  is  in  Jerusalem,  thou  shalt  set  before  thy  God  ;  ''  and  whatsoever 
thing  else  thou  shalt  remember  for  the  use  of  the   temple  of  thy  God,  thou  shalt 

19  give  it  out  of  the  king's  treasury.  And  I  king  Artaxerxes  moreover,""  have  "'  com- 
manded the  keepers  of  the  treasures  in  Syria  and  Phoenice,  that  whatsoever  Esdras 
the   priest   and   the  reader  of  the  law  of  the   most  high  God  shall  require,--  they 

20  should  give  it  him  diligently,-^  to  the  sum  of  an  hundred  talents  of  silver,  likewise 
also  of  wheat  to  -''  an  hundred  cors,  and  an  hundred  measures  '^  of  wine,  and  salt  -^ 

21  in  abundance.  Let  all  things  be  performed  after  the  law  of  God  diligently  unto 
the  most  high  God,  that  wrath  come  not  upon  the  kingdom  of  the  king  and  his  sons. 

22  And  be  it  understood  by  you  also  that  ye  are  to  -'  require  no  tax,  nor  any  other  im- 
position,-' of  any  of  the  priests,  or  Levites,  or  holy  singers,  or  porters,  or  ministers 
of  the  temple,  or  of  any  that  have  doings  in  this  temple,  and  that  no  man  have 

21  authority  to  impose  any  thing  upon  them.  And  thou,  Esdras,  according  to  the  wis- 
dom of  God  appoint'-^  judges  and  justices,  that  they  may  judge  in  all  Syria  and 

Vers.  4,  5.—'  A.  V.:  for  he  found  (19.  108)  ....  certain  (Ur.,  ««  Tmv).  *  omiK  and.  =  priests,  of  the  L. 

•  L.,  of  the  holy.        ^  omits  and. 

Ver.  6.— «  K.  V.  :  Instead  of  jpSojio?,  II.  has  o  {evTtpo!.  '  .\.  V.  :  in.  'A.  V.;  gave  to  him  (eir'  aurcj  is  omitted 
by  III.  .XI.  44.  52.  68.  (A.  71.  74.  24S.  .ind  others,  with  Aid). 

Ver.  7.  —  *  A.  V. :  very  great  {Or.,  ttoAA^i-).        i"  but  taught  (Gr.,  £ija^ai).        ^  the  ordinances. 

Ver.  10.  — 12  A.  V. :  omits  And  (with  44.  58.  71.  74.  106.  and  others.  For  itoi  t^v  St  III.  XI.  44.  have  orruk  le  avri* 
(see  Com.). 

Ver.  13.  —"  A.  V. :  the  gifts.        "  The  words  tou  'lo-p.  are  left  out  in  II.  19.  65.  108.  Syr.        "  A.  V. :  can. 

Ver.  14.  —  "^  A.  V.  :  is  giyen  of  the  people.        l^  may  be.        is  omits  and. 

Ver.  17.  —  ">  A.  V. :  The  words,  "  thou  shalt  set  before  thy  God,"  are  omitted  in  II.  III.  44.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  We  retain 
them,  however,  with  Fritz.sche,and  strilie  out  simply  "  in  Jerusalem,"  with  which  the  verse  in  the  A.  V.  closes.  It  was 
probably  repeated  by  mistake  from  the  previous  line.     Cod.  II.  omits  also  nearly  all  of  the  eighteenth  verse  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  19.  —  ">  A.  V. :  omits  moreover.     Fritz.-che  receives  St  (for  ISov )  from  III.  XI.  19.  44.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  ='  have 

%1bo.        "  send  for  (Or.,  'iva  oua  tav  an-OffreiAjj  =  'iva  otja.  av  aTroo-TGt'Art?  at-rriirg).         23  A.  V.  :  with  speed  (Gr.,  eirl/ieAwt). 

Ver.  20.  —  24  A.  V.  ;  even  to.         2C  pieces.  -''  other  things.     For  aAAa,  of   the  text,  rec,  we  adopt  oAo  from  106 

•.21.  134.  236.    Old  Lat.     Cod.  II.  had  this  also  in  the  original  text,  but  later  a  second  A  was  introduced. 

Ver.  22.  —  "  A.  V. :  I  command  you  aLso  that  ye.  2«  Fritz-whe  adopts  tn-i^oA^  from  246.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  Vulg.  Th« 
uzt.  rec.  has  .VipovX^'.  Ver.  23.  —  2»  A.  V. :  ordain  (Or.,  ayiSeiiovj. 


1  ESDRAs.  ys) 


Phoenice  all  those  that  know  the  law  of  thy  God  ;  and  those  that  know  it  not  thou 

24  shalt  teach.  And  whosoever  shall  transgress  the  law  of  thy  God,  and  of  the  king, 
shall  be  punished  promptly  and  rigorously/  whether  it  be  by  death,  or  other  pun- 
ishment, either^  by  fine  or  imprisonment.' 

25  And  Esdras,  the  scribe,  said.  Blessed  alone  be  the  Lord  *  God  of  my  fathers,  who 
hath  put  these  things  into  the  heart  of  the  king,  to  glorify  his  house  that  is  in  Jeru- 

26  salem  ;  and  hath  honored  me  hi  the  sight  of  the  king,  and  his  counsellors,  and  all 

27  his  friends  and  nobles.  And  I  was  °  encouraged  by  the  help  of  the  Lord  my  God, 
and  gatliered  together  out  of  Israel   men  ^  to  go  up  with  me. 

28  And  these  are  the  cliief  according  to  their  father's  houses '  and  family  divisions,' 

29  that  went  up  with  me  from  Babylon  in  the  reign  of  king  Artaxerxes  :  of  the  sons 
of   Phinees,  Gerson  ;  of  the  sons  of  Ithamar,  Gamaliel ;  of   the   sons  of   David, 

30  Attus  the  son  of   Sechenias  ;  of  the  sons  of  Phoros,  Zacharias,  and  with  him  were 

31  counted  an  hundred  and  fifty  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Phaath  Moab,  Eliaonias,  the  son 

32  of  ZanBas,  and  with  him  two  hundred  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Zathoes.  Sechenias  the  son 
of  Jezelus,  and  with  him  three  hundred  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Adin,  Obeth,  the  son 

33  of  Jonathas,  and  with  him  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Elam,  Jesias 

34  son  of   Gotholias,  and  with   him   seventy  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Saphatias,  Zaraias 

35  son  of  Michaelus,  and  with  him  threescore  and  ten  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Joab,  Aba- 

36  dias,  son  of  Jezelus,  and  with  him  two  hundred  and  twelve  men  ;  of  the  sons  of 
Banias,  Salimoth,  son  of  Josapliias,  and  with  him  an  hundred  and  threescore  men  ; 

37  of  the  sons  of  Babi,  Zacharias  son  of   Bebai,  and  with  him  twenty  and  eight  men  ; 

38  of  the  sons  of  Astath,  .Joannes  son  of  Acatan,  and  with  him  an  hundred  and  ten  men  ; 

39  of  the  sons  of  Adonicam,  the  last,  and  these  are  the  names  of  them,  Eliphala  sun  of 

40  Jeiiel,  and  Samoeas,  and  with  them  seventy  men  ;  of  the  sons  of  Bago,  Uthi  the  son 
of  Istalcurus,  and  with  him  seventy  men. 

41  And  these  I  gathered  together  at  '*  the  river  called  Theras,  where  we  pitched  our 

42  tents  three  days  ;  and  I  inspected  '"  them.    And  "  when  I  found  ^-  there  none  of  the 

43  priests  and  Levites,  I  sent^^  unto  Eleazar,  and  Iduelus,  and  Maia,"  and  Masman, 

44  and  Alnathan,  and  Samaras,  and  Joribus,   and  Nathan.   Eunatan,    Zacharias,   and 

45  Mosollamus,  principal  men  and  learned.     And   I  bade   them   go  '^  unto    Loddieus, 

46  who  was  chief  at  "*  the  place  of  the  treasury  ;  and  gave  them  commission  to  ar- 
range with  Loddieus,"  and  with  "  his  brethren,  and  with  '^  the  treasurers  in  that 
place,  to  send  us  such  men  as  might  execute  the  priests'  office  in  the  house  of  the 

47  Lord.  And  by  the  mighty  hand  of  our  Lord  they  brought  unto  us  instructed  '^  men 
of  the  sons  of  Modi  the  son  of  Levi,  the  son  of  Israel,  Asebebias,  and  his  sons,  and 

48  his   brethren,   who  were  eighteen.     And  Asebias,   and   Annuals,    and    Osreas  .his 

49  brother,  of  the  sons  of  Chanun*us.  and  their  sons,  were  twenty  men.  And  of  the 
servants  of  the  temple  whom  David  and  the  principal  men  had  appointed  -^  for  the 
service  of  the  Levites,  to  wit,  the  servants  of  the  temple,  two  hundred  and  twenty ; 

50  the  catalogue  of  all  their  '■'-  names  was  shown. '^^  And  there  I  vowed  a  fast  unto  the 
young  men  before  our  Lord,  to  desire  of  him  a  prosperous  journey  both  for  us  and 

51  them  that  were  with  us,  for  our  children,  and  cattle; '"  for  1  was  ashamed  to  ask 
of  the  king  footmen,  and  horsemen,  and  escort  for  safety  -^  against  our  adversaries. 

52  For  we  had  said  unto  the  king,  that  the  power  of  our  Lord  would'"  be  with  them 

53  that  seek  him,  to  support  them  in  all  their  ways.-'  And  again  we  besought  our 
Lord  as  touching  all  -"  these  things,  and  found  him  favorable  unto  us. 

Ver.  24. — *  A.  V.:   diligently  (eirineAws).     This  rendering  did  not  seem  sufficiently  strong  to  suit  the  context 
A.  V.  omits  either.        ^  by  penalty  of  money  or  by  imprisonment  (see  Com.). 
Ver.  25.  — *  A.  V.  :  Then  said  Eydras  the  scribe,  Blessed  be  the  only  Lord. 
Ver.  27.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Therefore  was  I.        ^  men  of  Israel. 

Ver.  28.  — '  A.  V. :  their  families  (Or.,  ras  irorptas  aurwi').        ^  several  dignities  (tols  /xepiSopx^as  ;  cf.  Com.  at  i.  5). 
Ver.  41.  —  »  A.  V. :  to.        lo  th^n  I  surveyed. 
Ver.  42.  —  "  A.  V. :  But.        12  had  found.         "  then  sent  I. 

Ver.  43.  —  •*  A.  V.  :  The  words  "  and  Maia  "'  are  omitted  by  II.  III.  XI.  and  A.  V.  (see  Com.]. 
Ver.  45.  —  -'■  A.  V. :  that  thet/  should  go.        J^  L.  tlie  capt^iin  who  was  in. 

Ver.  46.  —  "  A.  V.  :  commanded  them  that  Ihei/  should  speait  unto  Daddeus.        18  to  18  to. 

Ver.  47  — 20  ^_  y. :  skillful  (Gr.,  cn-tffr^fxoi'a?,  rendered  "  learned  "  in  ver.  44). 
Ver.  49.  — ^  A.\.:  had  ordained,  and  the  principal  men.        —  whose.        23  shewed. 

Ver.  50.  —  -*  A.  V. ;  for  the  cattle.  Ver.  51.  —  -^  A.  V. :  a.sk  the  king  ....  conduct  for  safeguard. 

Ver.  52.  —  211  x.  V.  :   the  Lord  our  God  should.        ^  Gr.,  eis  rria-ai'  ^jravopOioaLV.     It  might  be  rendered  also,  "  for  aU 
restoration."' 
Ver.  53.  — ^  A.  V.  omits  all.     For  jrdi^a  III.  XI.  44.  and  othera  with  Old  Lat.  Vnlg.  Aid.  have  Kard 


100  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


54  And '  I  separated  twelve  men  from  the  chiefs  of  the  families  of  the  priests,'' 

55  Eserebias,  and  Assamias,  and  ten  men  of  their  brethren  with  them ;  and  I  weighed 
them  the  silver  and  the  gold,  and  the  holy  vessels  of  the  house  of  our  Lord,  just 

56  as  the  king,  and  his  counsellors,'  and  the  princes,  and  all  Israel,  had  given.  And 
having  weighed  it,  I  delivered  unto  them  six  hundred  and  fifty  talents  of  sil- 
ver, and  silver  vessels  of  the  worth  of  an  *  hundred  talents,  and  an  hundred  talents 

57  of  gold,  and  twenty  golden  vessels,  and  twelve  vessels  of  brass,  ei-en  of  fine  brass, 

58  glittering  like  gold.  And  I  said  unto  them,  Both  you  are  holy  unto  the  Lord,  and 
the  vessels  are  holy,  and  the  gold  and  the  silver  is  an  offering  ^  unto  the  Lord,  the 

59  Lord  of  our  fathers.  Watch  ye,  and  keep  them  till  ye  deliver  them  to  the  chiefs  of 
the  families  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  to  the  principal  men  of  the  families  of 

60  Israel,  in  Jerusalem,  in  *  the  chambers  of  the  house  of  our  God.  And  '  the  priests 
and  the  Levites  received  *  the  silver  and  the  gold  and  the  vessels  that  had  been  in 
Jerusalem,  and  brought  them  ^  into  the  temple  of  the  Lord. 

61  And  from  our  leaving  the  river  Theras '"  the  twelfth  day  of  the  first  month, 
until  we  came  to  Jerusalem  by  the  mighty  hand  of  our  Lord,  which  was  over  us,^' 
he  delivered  us  from  the  attack  of  every  enemy  ;   and  so  we  came  to  Jerusalem. 

62  And  when  we  had  been  there  three  days,  the  gold  and  silver  was  weighed  and  '•' 
delivered  in  the  house  of  our  Lord   on   the  fourth  day  unto   Marmothi   a  '^  priest 

63  the  son  of  Urias  ;  and  with  him  was  Eleazar  the  son  of  Phinees,  and  with  them  were 
Josabdus  the  son  of  Jesus  and  Moeth  the  son  of  Sabannus,  Levites  ;  all  was  delivered 

64  them  by  number  and  weight.     And  all  the  weight  of  them  was  recorded  '*  the  same 

65  hour.     Moreover  they  that  had  come  out  of  the  captivity  offered  sacrifices  '^  unto 

66  the  Lord  God  of  Israel,  eveyi  twelve  bullocks  for  all  Israel,  fourscore  and  sixteen 
rams,  threescore  and  twelve  lambs,  goats  for  a  peace  offering,  twelve ;  all  of  them  a 

67  sacrifice  to  the  Lord.  And  they  delivered  the  king's  commandments  unto  the 
king's  stewards,  and  to  the  eparchs  '*  of  Ccelesyria  and  Phcenice  ;  and  they  honored 
the  nation  and  the  temple  of  the  Lord." 

68,  69  And  ^'  when  these  things  were  done,  the  rulers  came  unto  me,  and  said,  The 
nation  of  Israel,  and  ^^  the  princes,  and  -"  the  priests  and  the  Levites,  have  not  put 
away  from  them  the  strange  nations  of  the  land,  nor  their  ^  pollutions;  they  have 
not  separated  themselres  from  the  Gentiles,  to  wit,  from  ^'■'  the  Chananites,  and 
Chettites,   and    Pheresites,   and  ^  Jebusites,   and   Moabites,   and  Egyptians,-''   and 

70  Edomites.  For  both  they  and  their  sons  have  married  with  their  daughters,  and 
the  holy  seed  has  become  mixed  with  the  strange  nations  '^  of  the  land  ;  and  from 
the  beginning  of  this  matter  the  rulers  and  the  great  men  have  been  partakers  of 

71  this  iniquity.  And  as  soon  as  I  had  heard  these  things,  I  rent  my  clothes,  and  the 
holy  garment,  and  plucked  out  '-'^  hair  from  my  head  -'  and  beard,  and  sat  me  down 

72  sad  and  very  heav}-.  And  all  -*  they  that  were  at  any  time  ^  moved  at  the  word 
of  the   Lord  God  of  Israel  assemWed  unto  me,  whilst  I  mourned  for  the  iniquity ; 

73  and  I  remained  sitting^"  full  of  heaviness  until  the  evening  sacrifice.  And  having 
risen  up  '^  from  the  fast  with  my  clothes  and  the  holy  garment  rent,  I  bowed  my  °* 

74  knees,  and  stretching  forth  my  hands  unto  the  Lord,  I  said, 

Ver.  54.  — ^  A.  V. :  Then.  -  of  the  chief  of  the  priests  (Gr.,  tUv  ^vKipxtav  —  cf.  vii.  8  —  Toiv  lepiaiv).    Nearly 

bU  the  MSS.,  including  11.,  have  5c'*(a  instead  of  SwSeKa  in  the  last  clause. 

Ver.  55. — a  A.  V.  :  which  (For  a  of  the  Uxl.  rec.  we  have  adopted,  with  Fritzsche,  ovtidc  ws.     II.  III.  XI     44.  52. 
and  eight  others,  with  .\ld.,  read  oiJTws,  after  which  ws  seems  to  have  fallen  out)  ....  his  council. 

Ver.  56.  —  *  A.  V. :  when  I  had  weighed  ....  vessels  an.  Ver.  58.  —  f"  A.  V. :  w  a  vow  (Gr.,  rux^). 

Ver.  59.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  chief  of  the  priests  ....  into  (see  ver.  54  and  vii.  8). 

Ver.  60.  —  'A.  V.:  So.  ^  who  had  received.  ^  brought  them  unto  .Terusalem  into  the  temple  of  the 

Lord  (see  Ctim.).    The  Greek  is,  to.  trKfvr]  to  iv  'I.  tia-rii'fyKav  eis,  etc.    The  Codd.  II.  55.  19.  108.  leave  off  the  preposition 
from  the  verb.     The  Codd.  19.  lOS.  have,  instead  of  this  arrangement,  ei?  'Up.  after  the  verb. 

Ver.  61.  —  '"  A.  V. :  from  the  river  T.  we  departed.  ^^  U"e  have,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  reconstructed 

the  verse,  the  A.  V.  being :  first  month,  and  came  to  J.  by  the  mighty  hand  of  our  Lord  which  was  with  us  :  and  from 
the  beginning  of  our  journey  the  Lord  delivered  us  from  every  enemy,  etc. 

Ver  62.  —  '-  A.  V.  ;  that  was  weighed  was.        '3  .Mammoth,  the. 

Ver.  64.  —  "  A.  V. :  written  up.  Ver.  65.  —  '=  A.  V. :  were  come  ....  sacrifice 

Ver.  67.  —  "  A.  V. :  governors.        "'  people  and  ....  God  (Ssov,  64.  248.  Aid.). 

Ver.  68.  —  '«  A.  V. :  Now. 

Ver.  69.  — '"  A.  V.  omits  and.  »  07nits  and.         "  people  of  ...  .  nor  the.  =»  of  the  Gentiles,  <o  wit  of. 

IB  omiu  and.        ^*  the  M.,  E.  Ver.  70.  —  2-''  A.  V.  :  is  mixed  (Gr.,  eire^i'yij)  ....  Btrauge  people 

Ver.  71.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  pulled  off  the.        -^  off  mij  head  (Or.,  (caTeVtAa  tou  TptxwMttTO?,  etc.). 

Ver.  72.  —"  A.  V. :  So  all.        '"  then.        '»  but  I  sat  still  (khI  e.afl^fii,!'). 

Ver.  73.  — 3j  X.  V. .  T^en  rlnng  up.        ^2  and  bowing  mv- 


1  ESDRAS.  101 


75  O  Lord,  I  am  confounded  and  ashamed  before  thy  face  ;  for  our  sins  are  multi- 

76  plied  above  our  heads/  and  our  ignorances  have  reached  up  unto  heaven,  ever  since  ■■" 

77  the  time  of  our  fathers,  and  we  are*  in  great  sin,  even  unto  tliis  day.  And  for  our 
sins  and  our  fathers'  we  with  our  brethren  and  our  kings  and  our  priests  were  given 
over  to  ■*  the  kings  of  the  earth,  to  the  sword,  and  to  captivity,  and  for  a  prey  with 

78  shame,  unto  this  day.  And  now  in  what  ^  measure  hath  mercy  been  shewed  unto 
us  from  thee,  O  Lord,^  that  there  should  be  left  us  a  root  and  a  name  in  the  place 

79  of  thy  sanctuary,  and  that  thou  shouldst  discover  unto  us  a  light  in  the  house  of  the 

80  Lord  our  God,  and  give '  us  food  in  the  time  of  our  servitude  ?  And  in  our  *  bon- 
dage we  were  not  forsaken  of  our  Lord  ;  but  he  made  us  gracious  before  the  kings 

81  of  Persia,  so  that  they  gave  us  food  ;  yea,  and  honored  the  temple  of  our  Lord,  and 
raised  up  the  desolate  Sion,  in  order  to  give  us  a  firm  support  in  Judaja  '  and  Jeru- 

82  salem.  And  now,  O  Lord,  what  shall  we  say,  having  these  things'^  for  we  have 
transgressed  thy  commandments,  which  thou  gavest  by  the  hand  of  thy  servants 

83  the  prophets,  saying,  The  land,  which  ye  enter  into  to  possess  as  an  heritage,  is 
a  land  polluted  with   the  pollution  '"  of  the  strangers  of  the  land,  and  they  have 

84  filled  it  with  their  uncleanness.     And  now  give  not  your  daughters  in  marriage 

85  unto  their  sons,  neither  take  "  their  daughters  unto  your  sons.  Moreover  ye 
shall  never  seek  to  have  peace  with  them,  that  ye  may  be  strong,  and  eat  the  good 
things  of  the  land,  and  that  ye  may  leave  it  as  an  inheritance '-  unto  your  children 

86  for   evermore.      And   all  that  befalleth ''  us,   taketh   place  on  account  of"  our 

87  wicked  worlis  and  great  sins,  for  thou,  0  Lord,  who  didst  lighten  us  of  our  sins,^^ 
didst  ^^  give  unto  us  such  a  root.     Again  we  turned  ^'  back  to  ^'  transgress  thy  law, 

88  in  mingling  ^^  with  the  uncleanness  of  the  nations  of  the  land.     Wast  thou  not  '* 

89  angry  with  us  to  destroy  us  so  as  to  leave  ''^  us  neither  root,  seed,  nor  name  ?     O 

90  Lord  of  Israel,  thou  art  true,  for  we  have  been  left  as  a  root  this  day.  Behold, 
now  are  we  before  thee  in  our  iniquities,  for  by  reason  of  these  things  we  cannot 
stand  any  longer  "'-  before  thee. 

91  And  as  Esdras  in  his  prayer  made  his  confession,  weeping,  and  lying  prostrate  -^ 
before  the  temple,  there  gathered  unto  him  from  Jerusalem  a  very  great  multitude 
of  men  and  women  and  youth,-*  for  there  was  great  weeping  among  the  multitude. 

92  And  -^  Jechonias  the  son  of  Jeelus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Israel,  called  out,  and  said, 
O  Esdras,  We  have  sinned  against  the  Lord  God,  and  -^  we  have  married  strange 

93  women  of  the  nations  of  the  land,  and  now  is  all  Israel  full  of  hope.-''  Let  us 
make  an  oath  in  this  matter  -'  to  the  Lord,  that  we  will  put  away  all  our  wives, 

94  which  we  have  taken  of  the  heathen,  with  their  children,  as  decided  upon  by  thee,™ 

95  and  as  many  as  do  obey  the  law  of  the  Lord.     Arise,  and  put  in  execution,  for  to 

96  thee  doth  this  matter  appertain,  and  we  will  be  with  thee,  to  act  vigorously.*' 
And  *'  Esdras  arose,  and  took  an  oath  of  the  chief  of  the  families  of  '-  the  priests 
and  Levites  of  all  Israel  to  do  after  these  things  ;  and  they  made  oath.*' 

Ver.  75.  —  ^  For  ra^  icei^aAas  19.  108.  Syr.  Old  Lat.,  obviously  in  the  way  of  enlargement,  have  tol?  rpixo?  t^?  Keij>aA^$. 

Ver.  76.  — ^  A.  v.:  For  ever  since.        ^  we  kave  been  and  are.  Ver.  77.  — *  A.  V. :  up  unto. 

Ver.  78.  —  ^  A.  V. :  some  {Gt.,  Kara  it6itoi' ti  ;  see  Com.).  ^  For  tou  icvpt'ou  tcupiov  of  the  text.  rec.  we  adopt,  with 

Fritzsche  (and  A.  V.),  from  III.  XI.  44.  52.  248.  Aid.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  Vulg.,  n-opd  aov  Kvpte.        ^  A.  V.,  and  to  discover 
...  to  give.  Ver.  80.  — *  A.  V. :  Yea,  when  we  were  in. 

Ver.  81.  — ^  A.  V. :  that  they  have  given  us  a  sure  abiding  in  Jewry. 

Ver.  83.  —  i"  A.  V. :  that  the  land  (ori  simply  introduces   the  words  of  another,  and  is  not  to  be  translated).  .  .  . 
pollutions. 

Ver.  84.  —  ^i  A.  V. :  Therefore  now  shall  ye  not  join  your  ....  shall  ye  take. 

Ver.  85.  —  ^^  a.  V. :  moreover  you  ....  the  inheritance  of  the  land  (Gr.,  (caTaKAT7poi'Ofi^(T7jre}. 

Ver.  86.  —  ^  A..\ .:  is  befallen.  '*  is  done  unto  us  for.  is  Lord,  didst  make  our  sins  light  (in.  XI.  19.  al. 

AM.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  Vulg.,  read  eKoiJ^iffasj. 

Ver.  87.  — "  A.  v.:  And  didst  (so  III.  XI.  19.  64.  74.  106.  108.  al.  Aid.).  l"  but  we  have  turned.  "again  to 

(19. 108.  121.,r}Vc^<  5e  TraAif).        l»  and  to  mingle  ourselves. 

Ver.  88.  —  -**  A.  V. :  Mightest  not  thou  be  (Gr.,  ovxl  topyiV^t  ;  marg.  of  A.   V.,   "Be  not  angry,  /ijj  opvto^s  ") 
"  till  thou  hadst  left. 

Ver.  89. —  ^^  A.  V. :  for  we  are  left  a  .  .  .  .  for  we  cannot  stand  any  longer  by,  etc. 

Ver.  91.  —  23  X.  V.  :  flat  upon  the  ground.         24  children  (Gr.,  veaviai.  ;  see  Con},), 

Ver.  92.  —  25  \_  v_ ;  Then.        26  omits  and.    Fritzsche  places  a  Kot  before  (rvvtaKi(Ta.ii.ev  on  the  authority  )f  nearly  all 
the  Codd.  with  Syr.  and  Old  Lat.        2'  A.  V. :  aloft  (marg.,  "  exalted  ;  ''  see  Coin.). 

Ver.  93.  —  28  A.  V.  :  omits  in  this  matter  (Gr.,  iv  toiVu,  with  19.  108. 121). 

Ver.  5^4.  —  2*  A.  V.  :  like  as  thou  hast  decreed  (Gr.,  ilis  e»cpi(?7)  (rot). 

Ver.  95.  —s"  A.  V.  :  do  valiantly  (Gr.,  lax^"  "ot.Iv). 

Ver.  96.  — ^i  ^  y. :  So.        ^2  omits  the  families  of  (Gr.,  tovs  ii)u),apxous).        ^  $0  they  sware. 


102 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  VIII.     (Cf.  Ez.  viii.-x.  6.) 


Ver.  1.  Artazerxes,  The  Persian  Artach- 
shaBta.  This  Artaxerxes,  as  there  can  be  little 
doul)t,  is  the  same  who  is  mentioned  in  tlie  pre- 
vious chapter,  ver.  4,  and  as  is  generally  snpposed 
is  Artaxerxes  Longimanus.  Keil  thinks  that 
the  references  in  Nehemiah  (Neh  i.  1  ;  v.  14  ;  xiii. 
6)  are  decisive  on  this  point,  especially  the  last, 
•which  speaks  of  the  thirty-second  year  of  a  con- 
temporary king  of  this  name  while  Nehemiah 
iiiu\  Ezi'a  were  also  contemporaries  for  a  time,  at 
least,  in  the  work  at  Jerusnleni.  Moreover,  Longi- 
maiins  was  a  contemporary  of  .Jeshna  the  high- 
priest,  and  Jeshua  still  held  his  office  in  Nehe- 
miah's  time.  —  The  genealogy  of  Ezra  as  here 
given  is  not  complete.  Twelve  generations  (in 
Ezra  X.)  are  made  to  cover  a  period  of  more  than 
athon.sand  years.  Cf.  1  Chron.  v.  2-8  ;  vi.  7-10 
ix.  11.  It  was  not  uncommon  in  such  geiiealogi- 
<'al  tables  to  give  only  principal  natnes.  By  com- 
paring other  lists  twenty-seven  generations  can  be 
made  otit. 

Ver.  .3.  As  a  scribe.  Not  a  mere  secretary, 
as  the  word  often  signifies  in  the  earlier  books  of 
Scripture,  but  .a  representative  of  a  new  class  of 
literal!  among  the  Jews,  which  though  not  originat- 
ing, took  on  new  glory  at  about  this  time.  Cf. 
Jer.  viii.  8  ;  art.  "  8chriftgelc,hrte,"  in  Schenkel's 
Bib.  /.ex.,  iLBil  Herzog'sReal-Encyl:.,  respectively; 
also,  llixusriith,2^eitgeschifhte,\.93&.,Sinii  Schiirer, 
pp.  4.'!7-463. 

Ver.  6.  The  language  in  Ezra  (vii.  8,  9)  is 
clearer.  The  journey,  according  to  him,  lasted 
exactly  four  months.  The  distance  was  from  500  to 
900  miles  according  to  the  route.  The  longer  route 
was  the  one  usually  t.aken  by  large  bodies  of  men- 
—  'Ett'  avr^,on  his  [Esra's]  account.  This  prep- 
osition used  figuratively  denotes  generally  the 
foundation  on  which  an  action  or  state  rests 
See  Winer,  p.  .392  ;  Buttmann,  p.  327. 

Ver.  7.  Esdras  had  much  skill.  Schleusner 
would  translate  this  word  {(TrtaTTjfnj),  by  curam  et 
dlliyeutiam.  It  means  rather  insiijht,  knowledge,  or, 
as  the  A.  V.  h:is  rendered  it,  ^l-Hl. 

Ver.  8.  Commission,  irpoardyfjiaros.  The  A. 
V.  has  in  the  nnirgin  "  decree."  In  vers.  67  and  82 
it  is  rendered  by  "  commandment,  '  as  also  at  2 
Mace.  vii.  30.  —  'AvayfwaTrii',  reader.  Cf.  ix.  41. 
This  was  the  title  given  to  the  person  in  the  early 
church  whose  duty  it  was  to  read  the  Scriptures 
at  public  services.  See  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  viii. 
268,  and  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc.  Our  translator 
deviates  from  the  Hebrew  and  LXX. ,  probably 
with  reference  to  the  passage  cited,  which  relates 
X)  the  reading  of  the  law  by  Ezra. 

Ver. '.I.  The  epithet  "king  of  kings"  applied 
to  Artaxerxes  in  the  Hebrew  and  in  the  LXX.  is 
here  omitted. 

Ver.  10.  The  Ka[  a.1  the  beginning  of  this  verse 
seems  to  imply  that  something  had  preceded  on 
wliicli  what  is  now  to  be  spoken  lias  a  dependence. 
Fritz.sche  thinks  that  it  was  a  visit  of  Ezra  to  the 
king  (ver.  4),  in  which  he  had  liiid  a  petition  before 
hini  which  is  now  granted.  See  on  this  point  the 
introdiii'iion  to  the  book,  under  the  lieadirig  "Ar- 
langemeut  of  Materifils." — Willing  and  desirous. 
The  original  is  translated  by  une  word  in  tlii'  f^XX., 
namely,  iKovaia^4fjL(i'os.  vVnd  aipsTit^oi'ras  in  our 
passage  being  without  the  article  can  .scarcely  be 
«0  related  to  tovs  ^ovhofMfvous  as  it  would  appear 
to  be  from  the  translation  of  the  A.  V.     A  better 


rendering  might  be  :  "  that  such  of  the  nation 
of  the  Jews  as  are  willing  should  go  up  with  thee 
to  Jerusalem,  namely,  such  as  choose  it  from 
among  the  priests  and  Levites,  and  also,  from  the 
people  of  our  realm,  "  alpeTt^oyTas  being  taken  as 
in  apposition  with  roi/s  ^ovKoiihovs.  Or,  if  the 
comma  is  left  after  the  former  word  :  "  that  such 
of  the  nation  of  the  Jews  as  are  willing  should  go 
up  with  thee,  as  choosers  {i.  e.  as  preferring  it), 
also,  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites,"  etc. 

Ver.  II.  Seven  friends  the  counsellors.  Cf. 
i.  14.  Herod.,  iii.  81.  These  were  seven  principal 
families  among  the  Persians,  as  Herodotus  states, 
and  the  heads  of  these  families  are  probably 
meant.  See  art.  "  Perser,"  by  Dillmaun  in 
Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  and  under"  "  Cyrus  "  and 
"  Darius"  respectivclv,  in  Herzog's  RealEncyk. 

Ver.  16.  With  the  sUver.  In  the  Heb.  (Ez. 
vii.  18)  it  is  "  with  the  rest  of  the  silver,"  etc.,  a 
fact  which  is  noticed  in  the  margin  of  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  17.  Holy  vessels.  Cf.  Ez.  viii.  25-28. 
The  king  and  his  counsellors  gave  in  addition  to 
money,  vessels  of  gold,  silver,  and  copper.  That 
the  last  part  of  this  verse  and  the  first  part  of  the 
following  does  not  appear  in  some  of  the  most 
impoitant  MSS.,  and  hence  was  omitted  from 
the  Roman  edition  of  the  LXX.,  was  probably  due, 
at  first,  to  the  carelessness  of  a  transcriber. 

Ver.  20.  A  hundred  talents  of  silver.  About 
fifty-seven  English  pounds.  The  cor  was  between 
eleven  and  twelve  bushels,  and  the  measure  of  wine, 
about  nine  gallons. 

Ver.  22.  The  command  is  given  to  the  Persian 
officials. 

Ver.  23.  The  wisdom  of  God.  The  Hebrew 
adds  :  that  is  in  thy  hand,  i.  e.,  that  thou  possessest. 
—  Judges  and  justices,  Kpixas  /ca!  SiKoiTTaj. 

Ver.  24.  Ti^upia.  In  classical  usage  the  vindica- 
tive character  of  the  punishment  is  the  predom- 
inant thought  in  this  word.  It  corresponds  to  the 
Latin  ultio.  This  meaning,  moreover,  is  its  ety- 
mological one-  See  Trench,  iV.  T.  Si/n.,  pt.  I.  p. 
46.  In  the  New  Testament  and  LXX.  it  is  used 
for  punishment  generally.  See  Wisd.  xii.  20; 
Acts  x.xii.  5;  x.xvi.  II.  In  the  present  jiassage 
its  meaning  seems  to  be  determined  by  what  im- 
mediately follows.  —  'A7ra7cuyj),  imprisonment. 
.Most  of  the  old  translators  render  by  banishment. 
It  is  indeed  possible  that  both  ideas  are  included, 
i.  e.,  being  led  away  to  imprisonment.  Cf.  Matt. 
xxvii.  31  ;  Acts  xxiii.  10.  The  reading  of  II.  55., 
p.T]  iapyvpitp)ioT  ^  [upyvpiK^]  puts  quite  a  different 
thought  into  the  pass.age,  namely,  that  nothing  so 
light  as  fine  or  imprisonment  would  be  vi.sited  on 
transgressors. 

Ver.  29.  Son  of  Sechenias.  It  is  generally 
supposed  that  a  name  has  fallen  out.  It  would 
appear  from  1  Chron.  iii.  22,  that  Hattush  was 
really  the  grandson  of  S. 

Ver  32.  Zathoes.  This  name  is  wanting  in 
the  Hebrew,  but  is  found  in  the  LXX. 

Vers,  34,  35.  Fur  differences  in  the  numbers  as 
found  in  our  text  and  in  the  Hebrew,  see  accom 
panying  tables. 

Ver.  41.  River  Theras.  This  seems  to  have 
been  .an  incorrect  translation  of  the  original  He- 
brew word.  At  Ez.  viii.  15,  we  Iiave  Ahara.  It  is 
supposed  to  be  the  modern  Hit  on  the  Euphrates. 
Josephus  docs  not  f(dlow  the  reading  of  our  book, 
as  usual,  but  employs  the  general  designation  :  ei 


\  ESDRAS. 


103 


rh  irrpav  tov  Zvcppdroij.  But  Hitzig  I  Geschichte,  i 
2S2)  holds  that,  the  fjathcrinp;-place  was  really  on 
the  river  Theras,  and  cites  Pausanias,  x.  10,  8. 

Vers.  43,  44  Maia  and  Mosman.  Probahly 
a  corru)ition  for  Saniieas,  which  liavinjj  been  left 
riut  at  this  point,  is  improperly  introduced  in  the 
following  verse. 

Ver.  4').  In  the  place  of  the  treasury.  In 
the  Hebrew  it  is  :  at  the  place  Casipliia  ;  in  the 
LXX.  :  eV  apyvptca  tov  tottov.  Onr  compiler  seems 
to  have  explained  in  the  sense  of  the  LXX.  ratlier 
than  translated.  Such  a  place  as  Casiphia,  on  the 
route  between  Babylon  and  Jerusalem,  is  at  pres- 
+rnt  unknown. 

Ver.  47.  Son  of  Levi.  Rather  i/ranrfson.  The 
whole  number  of  Levites,  as  given  in  this  and  the 
following  verse,  was  Iiut  thirty-eight.  See  al<o 
Kz.  ii.  40.  They  manifested  a  strange  disinclina- 
tion to  return.  Some  suppose  that  it  was  bccau.se 
they  were  jealous  of  the  priests.  See  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet.,  art.  "  Levites."  Michaelis  (Anmerkunqen 
zutn  EzrUj  viii.  24)  supposes  tliat, at  this  time,  the 
old  distinction  between  [triests  and  Levites  was 
not  so  rigidly  enforced  as  formerly,  and  that  to  the 
latter  the  name  of  priests  was  sometimes  given. 

Ver.  49.  ^EaripLavdri.  It  may  mean  was  indi- 
cated,  or  was  written  down,  recorded.  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk:  yiTeiers  the  latter  tneaning,  and  it  better 
suits  the  context.  —  The  Greek  word  rendered 
twice  in  the  present  verse  by  "  servants,"  is  else- 
where in  the  present  chapter  (vers.  5,  22),  trans- 
lated by  "  ministers."  They  were  the  Nethinim, 
Cf.  the  Hebrew  at  Ez.  vii.  7. 

Ver.  50.  Unto  the  young  men.  This  is  not 
found  in  the  Hebrew.  :md  is  probably  an  addition 
by  the  translator.  For  the  custom  of  fasting  on 
such  occasions,  see  Judg.  xx.  26;  1  Sam.  vii.  6; 
Joel  i.  14. 

Ver.  5.T.  Weighed,  eo-rria-a.  See  ver.s.  56,  62. 
The  same  word  is  used  in  the  narrative  concerning 
Judas,  Matt.  xxvi.  15  :  Oi  8e  iimiaav  ainip  rpia- 
KOVTa  apyvpia. 

Ver.  57.  Fine  brass.  It  was  line  in  the  sense 
of  being  iirilliant.  The  Hebrew  mentions  but  two 
vessels  of  brass  instead  of  twelve.  See  Ez.  viii. 
27  :  '*  And  two  vessels  of  fine  copper,  precious  as 
gold"  (margin,  "  yellow,"  or  "shining  brass"). 
They  were  probably  made  from  o;icAa/c«m,  which 
was  an  amalgam,  something  like  brass.  Cf.  re- 
marks at  i.  12. 

Ver.  CO.  The  tran,slation  of  the  A.  V.  is  not 
clear:  that  were  in  Jerusalem.  Better,  that  had 
[previously)  been  in  .Jerusalem.  It  is  carelessly 
given,  it  is  likely,  for  to  deliver  at  Jerusrjleni.  C{. 
Ez.  viii.  30.  — To  is  wanting  before  eV  'lepouiTa\rip. 
only  in  two  MSS.  (108.  245.);  but,  if  stricken 
out,  the  difficulties  of  the  passage  would  be  greatly 
diminished.     Cf.  Text.  Notes,  ad  he. 

Ver.  64.  All  the  weight  of  them.  An  inven- 
tory of  the  vessels  was  made,  and  the  weight  of 
each  stated  at  the  same  time 

Ver.  66.  'Tirep  aun-qpiov,  for  deliverance. 
They  offered  a  thank-offering  for  their  safe  arri- 
val. In  the  Hebrew  these  goats  are  said  to  have 
been  offered  as  a  "  sin  offering."  Instead  of 
seventy-two  lambs,  the  Hebrew  has  seventy- 
seven.  The  idea  of  sacrificing  for  .all  the  twelve 
tribes  of  Israel  seems  to  be  predominant  in  all 
these  numbers.  On  this  account  72  (=6  X  12) 
appears  a  better  reading  than  seventy-seven. 
Keil,  however,  calls  the  latter  "  die  potenzirte 
Sieben,"  "  the  potentiated  seven."  Com,  on  Ez.,  ad 
loc.     Cf.  ver.  72 ;  ix.  39  ;  and  Luke  i.  68. 


Ver.  67.  And  they  honored,  ;'.  c,  the  Persian 
officials  honored. 

Vers.  68,  69.  Between  the  history  of  vers.  67 
and  68  several  months  intervene.  —  Their  pollu- 
tions, Ttts  CLKaOapaias  aitTtov.  The  pronoun  is 
omitted  by  III.  XI.  44.  and  others,  with  Aid. 
For  the  theological  significance  of  this  word,  see 
Cremer,  ad  voc.  In  general,  it  means  impunttj  as 
opposed  to  ayiai7ij.6s.  Here  the  pollution  seems 
to  be  more  of  a  religious  nature,  i.  c,  idolatry. 
The  construction  is  difficult,  and  seems  to  require 
the  supplying  of  some  such  words  as  ovk  e'x'^P'*''" 
&T)(Tav,  as  we  have  done,  —  For  the  Amorites  of 
the  Hebrew  text  we  find  here  Edomites,  while  the 
Ammonites  there  mentioned  are  here  onutted  en- 
tirely. Marriage  with  the  C.rnaanites  w:is  what 
was  forbidden  by  the  letter  of  the  Law.  Cf.  Ex. 
xxxiv.  But  the  spirit  of  the  Law  was  undoubtedly 
agiiinst  the  interni.arriage  of  the  Israelites  with 
any  other  heathen  nations.  This  is  evident,  in 
fact,  from  the  reasons  given  for  such  prohibition  : 
namely,  that  they  might  not  be  seduced  to  idolatry. 
The  prohibition  extended  to  the  priests  in  its 
widest  extent  from  the  first.     Deut.  xxi.  10  ff. 

Ver.  71.  Very  heavy,  TrcplKutros  See  also 
vers.  72,  "  full  of  heaviness  ;  "  and  cf.  M.itt.  xxvi. 
38  ;  Mark  vi.  26,  xiv.  34 ;  Luke  xviii.  23,  24.  The 
word  is  also  found  in  the  cl.assics. 

Ver.  73.  'Ek  t^s  I'Tjo-Temi,  from  the  fast.  This 
expre.ssion  is  not  found  in  the  canonical  Ezra. 
Bretschueider  (Lex.,  ad  voc.)  refers  it  to  the 
mental  condition  {aniyni  cegritudo)  of  Ezra  caused 
by  bis  solicitude  for  his  people. 

Ver.  74.  Our  ignorances,  al  iyvoiat.  "  The 
ayvoovvres  arc  those  who  are  under  the  power  of 
sin,  and  therefore  sin  against  knowledge  and  will, 
but  are  passively  subject  to  it.  Their  conscious- 
ness is  passive,  not  active,  in  relation  to  sin." 
So  Cremer,  Le.T.,  p.  138.  Cf.  also  Fritzsche's 
Com.,  ad  toe. ;  and  Tob.  iii.  3  ;  Jud.  v.  20  ;  1  Mace, 
xiii.  39. 

Ver.  77.  The  translator  has  added  somewhat 
to  the  text  as  we  find  it  in  the  Hebrew. 

Ver.  78.  The  proper  accentuation  requires  a 
question  :  And  now  in  what  measure,  /.  e.,  how 
great  measure. 

Ver.  80.  Gave  us  food  (Tpo(p-r]v].  This  is  not 
a  good  translation  of  the  corresponding  Hebrew 
word.  The  LXX.  renders  more  exactly  by  fuo- 
Tro'n}f7i$,  "  a  reviving." 

Ver.  82.  Having  these  things,  i.  e.,  having 
these  benefits  in  possession.  This  is  another 
ap|iarent  addition  of  our  translator. 

Ver.  83.  The  word  fioAu<r/i<is  is  used  of  the 
worst  kind  of  sensual  pollution.  See  Deut.  vii. 
1  ff. ;  Jer.  xxiii.  15 ;  Jos.,  Cont.  Apion,  i.  32,  ii.  6, 
vii.  1. 

Ver.  91.  Nfan'ai.  The  word  means  youfA.  It 
is  applied  to  Saul,  Acts  vii.  58.  A  person  until 
forty  years  of  age  might  be  so  called. 

Ver.  92.  And  now  is  all  Israel  full  of  hope 
(A.  v.,  aloft,:  inarg.,  e.ralted).  In  the  parallel 
passage  in  Ez.  (x.  2)  we  read  :  ifet  now  there  is 
hope  in  Israel  concerninq  this  thing.  And  with  this 
reading  agree  the  MSS.  19.  108.  121.  and  the 
Syriac  translation,  Fritzsche  suggests  eiraXyuv 
(€ira\y^ca  =  to  grieve  over ;  cf.  Eph.  iv.  19.  a7ra.\- 
yfdj)  as  an  emendation  ;  but  is  not  satisfied  with  it, 
and  thinks  the  text  must  be  corrupt.  But  eirdvm 
may  be  used  in  a  figurative  sense  for  full  of  ho/ie. 
Schleusner,  whom  Bretschueider  follows,  renders: 
*' nunc  Icetissimain  concipere  licet  spem  poptdo  Is^ 
ruelitico." 


104  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IX. 

1  And  ^  Esdras  rising  from  the  court  of  the  temple  went  to  the  chamber  of  Joauan 

2  the  S071  of  Eliasibus,  and  lodged  there,  and  did  eat  no  bread  '  nor  drink  water,  mourn 

3  ing  over  *  the  great  iniquities  of  the  people.^  And  there  was  a  proclamation  in  all 
Juda  a  ^  and  Jerusalem  to  all  them  that  were  of  the  captivity,  that  tficy  should  as- 

4  semble  themselves '  at  Jerus^alem ;  and  t/uit.  whosoever  met  not  there  within  two 
or  three  days,  according  to  the  decision  of  the  presiding  elders  '  their  cattle  should 
be  devoted  to  death,  and  every  such  person  cast  out  from  the  people  °  of  the  captivity. 

5  And  in  three  days  were  all  they  of  the  tribe  of  Judah   and   Benjamin    gathered 

6  together  at  Jerusalem  ;  this  was  "  the  twentieth  day  of  the  ninth  month.  And  all 
the  multitude  sat  in  the  broad  court  of  the  temple  trembling  because  the  winter  had 

7  come  on.'^     And  ^'^  Esdras  arose  up,  and  said  unto  them,  Ye  have  transgressed  the 

8  law  in   marrying   strange  wives,  thereby  to   increase   the  sins  of  Israel.     Aid  now 

9  make  confession  ^^  unto  the  Lord  God  of  our  fathers,  and  do  his  will,  and  separate 
\  0  yourselves  from  the  heathen  of  the  land,  and  from  the  strange  women.     And  the 

whole  multitude  cried  ^*  and  said  with  a  loud  voice.  Like  as  thou  hast  spoken,  so 

11  will  we  do.  But  the  people  are  many,  and  it  is  the  wintry  season  and  '*  we  cannot 
stand   in   the   open   air,  and  this  is  not  a  work  of  a  day  or   two,  for  ^*  our   sin  in 

1 2  these  thuigs  is  spread  far.  But ''  let  the  rulers  of  the  people  '*  stay,  and  let  all 
them  from  our  respective  dwelling-places  '^  that  have  strange  wives  come  at  a  '^  time 

13  appointed,  together  with  the  elders  °'  and  judges  of  every  place,  till  we  turn  away 

14  the  wrath  of  the  Lord  from  us  for  this  matter.  Jonathas  ~  the  son  of  Azaelus '■'* 
and  Ezecias  son   of  Thocanus  accordingly  took  tliis  matter  upon  them  ;   and   Mo- 

15  sollamus  and  Levis  and  Sabbatteus  helped  them.     And  they  that  were  of  the  captiv- 

16  ity  did  according  to  all  these  things.  And  Esdras  the  priest  chose  unto  liim  men 
who  were  leaders  of  their  respective  father's  families,-''  all  by  name ;  and  in  the 

17  first  day  of  the  tenth  month  they  sat  together  -^  to  examine  the  matter.  And  -° 
their  cause  that  held  strange  wives  was  brought  to  an  end  by  ^  the  first  day  of  the 
first  month. 

18  And  of  the  priests  that  had"*  come  together,  and  had  strange  wives,  there  were 

19  found,  of  the   sons  of  Jesus  the  son  of  Josedec,  and  his  brethren  :  Mathelas  and 

20  Eleazarus,  and  Joribus,  and  Joadanus.    And  they  gave  their  hands  to  put  away  their 

21  wives,  and  to  offer  rams  to  make  reconcilement  for  their  error.^     And  of  the  sons 

Ver.  1.  — 1  A.  v. :  Then.        2  cod.  II.  has  the  reading,  'Iwi-d  ;  III.  64.,  ^\mavav  ;  the  text,  rec.  'luvaf. 

Ver.  2.  —  2  A.  V. :  Eliasib  ....  remained  there  (sec  Com.)  ....  no  meat.  »  A.  V. :  lor.    The  MSS.  II.  56.  19. 

108.  have  vTTep  for  ejri.  In  either  case,  "  over  "  would  be  a  better  translation.        ^  A.  V. ;  multitude.  Cf .  Wahl's  CtavU, 
I.  V,  TTXriGoi.  Ver.  3.  — "^  A.  V.  :  Je\rry.        ^  be  gathered  together. 

Ver.  4.  — 8  A.  V.  :  according  as  the  elders  that  bare  rule  appointed.  ^  seized  to  the  use  of  the  temple,  and  himself 
cast  out  of  them  that  were  {see  Coin.). 

Ver.  5.  —  '»  A.  V.  omits  this  was  (oJtos)  with  19.  108. 

Ver.  6.  —  ^^  A.  V. ;  sat  trembling  in  the  broad  court  of  the  temple  because  of  the  present  foul  weather  (Gr.,  hia.  top 
el/eo-TwTa  x^^fjioiva).  Ver.  7.  —  ^-  A.  V.  :   So. 

Ver.  8.  —  1^  A.  V.  :  by  confessing,  give  glory.  With  Fritzsche,  we  strike  out  fiii^ar  after  otioXoyiav,  as  a  probable  glosfl. 
It  is  omitted  in  58.  with  the  following  toI,  and  these  with  jcvpt'u  in  71. 

Ver.  10.  —  "  A.  V. ;  Then  cried  the  whole  multitude. 

Ver.  11.  — "  A.  V.  :  But  forasmuch  as  the  people  are  many,  and  it  is  foul  weather  (see  Ter.  6),  so  that.  We  adopt, 
with  Fritzsche,  from  III.  44.  and  other  authorities,  the  article  before  uipa.  ^'*  A.  V. :  without,  and  this  ....  seeing. 
Codd.  II.  adds  after  alSpioL,  Kal  ov\  ^pofxev. 

Ver.  12.  —  "  A.  V- :  therefore.        ^^  multitude.        1^  of  our  habitations  (Gr.,  €k  twi' KaTotKidn- ^fxaiv).        20  the. 

Ver.  13.  —  21  \_  V. :  and  with  them  the  rulers  (Gr.,  ical ....  tou?  TTpeafivTepov>i). 

Ver.  14.  —  22  A.  V. :  Then  Jonathan.  -^  We  introduce  at  this  point  the  proper  names  of  the  A.  V.  which  have 
been  changed  in  the  present  chapter  in  accordance  with  Fritzsche's  text :  (ver.  14)  .\zael,  Ezechjas,  Theocanns,  Mosol- 
1am,  Sabbatheus  ;  (ver.  19)  Matthelas,  Eleazer  ;  (ver.  21)  Zabdeus,  Eanes,  Sanieius  ;  (ver.  22)  Elionas,  Ismael,  Ocidelus, 
Talsas  ;  (ver.  23}  Jozabad,  Semis,  Patheus  ;  (ver.  24)  Eleazurus  :  (ver.  26)  .Sallumus  :  (ver.  26)  Eddias,  Eleazar,  Asibias. 
Baanias  ;  (ver.  27)  Ela,  Hierielus  (A.  V.  omiVs  and  Joabdius),  Aedias  ;  (ver.  28)  Elisimus,  Sabatus,  Sardeus  ;  (ver.  29( 
Johannes,  Jozabad,  Amatheis  ;  (ver.  30)  Jedeus,  Jasael  ;  (ver.  .31)  [..acunus,  Matbanias,  Manasseas  ;  (ver.  32)  .\nnas,  Aseas, 
Sabbeus,  Chosameus  ;  (ver.  33)  Altaneus,  Matthias,  Banuaia ;  (ver.  .34)  Maani,  Momdis,  Omaerus,  Pelias,  Carabasion, 
Bamis,  Ozora,  Zambis  ;  (ver.  36)  Zabadaias,  Edes,  Banaias  ;  (ver.43)Balasamu8  ;  (ver.  48)  .\nuF,  Adinus,  Sabateus,  Autea. 
Maianeafl,  Joazabdus,  Biatas.  We  adopt,  with  Fritzsche,  the  reading  0<dk.  (for  0eiu«afoO),  with  the  majority  of  MSS 
A.  V.  omits  and  be/ore  Jasael  (.30),  Balnuus  (.32),  Eliphalat  (33)  ;  it  reads,  and  Matbanias  (31). 

Ver.  16.  —  24  X,  V  :  the  principal  men  of  their  families.         25  \Ve  adopt,  with  nearly  all  the  authorities,  avveKd6i{rat 
Instead  of  trvveKXeitrdriiTav  of  the  text.  rec. 
Ver.  17.  —  2«  A.  V.  :  So.        '■  \u.  Ver.  1?.  —  2e  A.  V. :  were. 

Ver.  20.  — 20  x.  V.  :  errors  (Gr..  ttj?  ayvoia^).  The  A.  V.  notices  in  the  margin  the  rejiding  of  Aid.  which  was  foV 
lowed  by  the  Bishops'  Bible,  ayveiai  for  dyvotaf.    Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Lev-  iv.  22,  23. 


1  ESDRAS.  lOo 


of  Emmer :  Ananias,  and  Zabdajus,  and  Manes,  and  Samoeus,  and  Hiereel,  and  Az- 

22  arias.  And  of  the  sons  of  Phaisiir:  Elionais,  Massias,  Ismaelus,  and  Nathanaelus, 
and  Ocodelus,  and  Saloas. 

23  And  of  the  Levites  :  Jozabadus,  and  Semeis,  and  Colius,  who  was  called  Calitas, 

24  and  Patha;us,  and  Judas,  and  Jonas.     Of  the  holy  singers  :  Eliasibus,  Bacchurus. 

25  Of  the  porters  :  Salumus,  and  Tolbanes. 

26  Of  them  q/"  Israel,  of  the  sons  of  Phoros  :  Hiermas,  and  Jezias,  andMelchias,  and 

27  Maelus,  and  Eleazarus,  and  Asebias,  and  Banseas.     Of  the  sons  of  Elam  :  Matthan- 

28  ias,  Zacharius,  and  .Jezrielus,  and  Joabdius,  and  Hieremoth,  and  Aidias.  And  of  the 
sons  of  Zamoth  :  Eliadas,  Eliasimus,  Othonias,  Jarimoth,  and  Sabathus,  and  Zeralias. 

29  Of  the  sous  of  Bebai :  Joannes,  and  Ananias,  and  Jozabdus,  aud  Amathias.     Of  the 

30  sons  of  Mani :  Olamus,  Mamuchus,  Jedasus,  Jasubus,  and  Jasaelus,  aud  Hieremoth. 

31  And  of  the  sons  of  Addi :  Naathus,  and  Moosias,  Laccunus,  and  Naidus,  Matthan- 

32  ias,  and  Sesthel,  aud  Balnuus,  and  Manassias.     And  of  the  sons  of  Anan  :  Elionas, 

33  and  Asa;as,  and  Melchias,  and  Sabbajus,  and  Simon  Chosamaius.  And  of  tlie  sons 
of  Asom  :  Altanieus,  and  Mattathias,  and  Sabannoeus,  and  Eliphalat,  and  Manasses, 

34  and  Semei.  And  of  the  sous  of  Baani :  Jeremias,  Momdius,  Ismaerus,  Juel,  Mab- 
dai,  and  Pedias,  and  Anos,  Rabasion,  and  Enasibus,  and  Mamnitanaimus,  Eliasis, 
Baunus,  Eliali,  Someis,  Selemias,  Nathanias.     And  of  the  sons  of  Ezora :  Sesis, 

35  Esril,  Azaelus,  Samatus,  Zambri,  Josephus.     And  of  the  sons  of  Ethma  :  Mazitias, 

36  Zabadteas,  Edais,  Juel,  Banteas.  All  these  had  taken  strange  wives,  aud  they  put 
them  away  with  their  children. 

37  And  the  priests  and  the  Levites,  and  they  that  were  of  Israel,  dwelt  in  Jerusalem, 
and  in  the  country,  in  the  first  day  of  the  seventh  mouth.     And  ^  the  children  of 

38  Israel  were  in  their  respective  dwelling-places."  And  the  whole  multitude  came  to- 
gether with  one  accord  into  the  broad  place  that  was  towards  the  east  gate  of  the 

39  temple ;  *  and  they  spake  unto  Esdras  the  priest  and  reader,  that  he  would  bring 

40  the  law  of  Moses,  that  was  given  of  the  Lord  God  of  Israel.  And  *  Esdras  the 
chief  priest  brought  the  law  unto  the  whole  multitude  from  man  to  woman,  and  to 
all  the  priests,  in  order  that  they  might  ^  hear  the  law  on  °  the  first  day  of  the 

41  seventh  mouth.  And  he  read  in  the  broad  court  before  the  gate  of  the  temple  ' 
from  morning  unto  mid-day,  before  both  men  and  women  ;  and  all  the  multitude 

42  gave  attention  to  *  the  law.     And  Esdras  the  priest  and  reader  of  the  law  stood  up 

43  upon  a  pulpit  of  wood,  which  had  been  raade.^  And  there  stood  up  by  him 
Mattathias,  Sammus,  Ananias,  Azarias,  Urias,  Ezecias,  Baalsamus,  upon  the  right 

44  hand ;  and  upon  his   left   hand   stood  Phaldaeus,    Misael,    Melchias,    Lothasubus, 

45  Nabarias,  Zacharias.'"     And  Esdras  having  taken  up  the  book ''  before  the  mul- 

46  titude  sat  conspicuously  ''^  in  the  first  place  in  the  sight  of  them  all.  And  when 
he  unrolled  ^'  the  law,  they  stood  all  straight  up.     And  "  Esdras  blessed  the  Lord 

47  God  most  High,  the  God  of  hosts,  Almighty.  And  all  the  people  answered, 
Amen  ;  and  lifting  up  their  hands   they  fell  to  the  ground,  and  worshipped  the 

48  Lord.  Jesus,  and  '^  Anniuth,  and  ^^  Sarabias,  and  "  Jadinus,  and  '*  Jacubus,  Saba- 
tiBus,  Autfeas,  Maiannas,  aud  Calitas,  Azarias,  aud  Jozabdus,  and  Ananias,  Phalias, 
the  Levites,  taught  the  law  of  the  Lord,  and  read  the  law  of  the  Lord  before  the 
people,  at  the  same  time  instilling  what  was  read." 

49  And  Attharates  said  uuto  Esdras  the  chief  priest  and  reader,  and  to  the  Levites 

50  that  taught  the  multitude,  eveii  to  all,**  This  day  is  holy  unto  the  Lord  (and ''  they 

Ver.  37.  —  ■  A.  V. :  and  LeTites  ....  so.        '  habitations  (see  Com.) 

Ver.  38.  — *  A.  V. :  of  the  holy  porch  toward  the  east.  See  Ter.  41  below,  with  note  in  Commentary.  The  Greek  in 
the  latter  place  is  npo  roO  lepov  inj}Jav<K  i  here,  irpcK  af  aroAac  tov  tepov  mikuvtn. 

Ver.  40.  — *  A.  V. :  So.        ''  priests,  to  hear.        •>  in. 

Ver.  41.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  holy  porch  (see  ver.  38).        *  heed  unto. 

Ver.  42.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  was  made /or  that  purport. 

Ver.  44.  —  "  A.  V.:  and  N.  (omitting  Z.).  Fritzsche  cites  II.  as  agreeing  with  III.  44.  in  the  reading  4aA5aIoc  (A.  V.: 
PhaldaiuB),  but  II.  has  ^oAaSaiof . 

Ver.  45.  —  "  A.  V. :  Then  took  E.  (Gr.,  ical  i-vaXafiiv)  the  book  of  the  law.  After  fiiffKiov,  III.  44.  62.  64.  al.  Aid. 
Byr.  Old  Lat.  have  tov  I'li^ov,  but  it  is  probably  a  correction.  '^  for  he  sat  honorably  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  48.  —  "  A.  V.  :  opened  (see  Com.).        i<  So. 

Ver.  48.  — ">  A.  V.  077iir3  and.  i^  omi'is  and.  ^''  omits  &uA.         ^^  omits  aud.         l°  making  them  wl dial  to  no 

ieratani  it  (see  Com.).     The  preceding  clause  is  omitted  oy  44.  52.  58.  64.  248.  al.  Aid.  as  in  A.  V. 

Ver.  49.  —  «»  A.  V.  :  Then  spake  A to  all,  saying. 

Ver.  60.  —  "  A.  V. :  for  (Gr.,  tai,  which  mis;bt  be  left  untraui-lateJ). 


106 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


jl  all  wept  when  they  heard  the  law).     Go  then,  and  eat  the  fat,  and  drink  the  sweet, 

52  and  send  gifts  to   them   that   have  nothing,  for  the   day  '  is  holy  unto  the  Lord ; 

53  and  be  not  sorrowful,  for  the  Lord  will  bring  you  to  honor.  And  -  the  Levites  ex- 
horted all  ^  the  people,  saying.  This  day  is  holy  to  the  Lord ;  be  not  sorrowful. 

54  And  they  went  *  their  way,  every  one  to  eat  and  drink,  and  make  merry,  and 

55  to  give  gifts  ^  to  them  that  had  nothing,  and  to  make  great  cheer,  because  ^  they 
were  inspired  by  the  words  in  which  they  were  instructed.  And  they  assembled 
themselves '  — 

Ver.  51.  — 1  A.  V. :  part  (Gr.,  aTroo-ToAas)  .  .      .  this  day. 

Ver.  53. — ^  &..\.:  So.  ^  published  all  tkings  to.  The  order  in  n.  and  the  sense  is  the  same  :  exeXevof  tu  £^/iu 
navTO.  ^fyovre^.     But  in  our  Greek  text  we  have  ;  eKe'AruoK  wavrl  tw  fiij^w  Aeyot-rfs. 

Ver.  &4.  — *  A.  V.  .  Then  went  they.        -^  part. 

Ver.  55.  —  ^  A.  V. :  For  oTt  yap^  III.  58.  have  the  former  alone ;  II.,  ori  koi  ;  52.  64.  243.  Aid.,  Ire  yap  (see  Com.) 
'  A.  V.  :  understood  the  words  wherein  they  were  instructed,  and /or  the  which  they  had  been  assembled  (see  Com.). 


Chapter  IX.     (Cf.  Ez.  x.  6-44  ;  Neh.  yii.  73-Tiii.  13.) 


Ver.  1 .  For  a  discussion  of  the  question  who 
this  Joanan  was,  see  Keil's  Com.,  at  Ez.  x.  6. 

Ver.  2.  And  lodged  there,  Ka\  ai/Aio-flels  tVei. 
The  Hebrew  here  is  Tf^'1  i  for  which  our  trans- 
lator, in  the  opinion  of  Clericus,  Eichhorn,  Ber- 
theau,   Fritzsche,  and   others,  read  ]V''1,  which, 

indeed,  f;ives  good  sense.  It  is  also  the  reading 
of  the  Peshito  Version.  But  his  rendering  was 
prohalily  suggested  to  the  translator  bv  the  LXX., 
which  has  the  word  inopeiSn  for  av\i<r8eh  ;  and 
he  adopted  the  latter  because  the  LXX.,  in  using 
the  word  it  did,  was  obliged  to  repeat  it  from  the 
preceding  line.  —  nerflii'  4irl  riiv  is  a  peculiar 
grammatical  construction,  found  only  in  our  book. 
A  number  of  MSS.,  including  II.  19.  55.  108. 
read  im^p  for  eVi.  Cf.  viii.  72.  See  Buttmann, 
p.  147. 

Ver.  4.  Devoted  to  death.  The  Hebrew 
word  in  the  form  used  means  to  devote  to  destruc- 
tion. It  is  well  rendered  by  ai'iep6a  in  our  pas- 
sage. That  they  were  to  be  devoted  to  use  in  the 
temple  a.s  victims  (A.  V.)  is  not  said.  They  were 
to  be  devoted  to  death  beyond  the  power  of  re- 
demption.—  And  himself  (A.  V.),  nal  aurcis  ; 
rather,  and  every  such  person.  The  word  is  used 
distributively. 

Ver.  6.  In  the  Hebrew  (Ez.  x.  9)  an  addi- 
tional rea-son  i.s  assigned  for  the  people's  trem- 
bling ;  namely,  the  matter  that  had  called  them 
together. 

Ver.  12.  Stay,  a-rfiTuiray.  It  is  the  same 
word  which  in  ver.  11  is  rendered  "  stand."  The 
idea  is  that  they  were  to  act  as  a  permanent  board 
of  adjudication  in  Jerusalem  in  this  matter. — 
tia^6vr(s  xp^^^^  is  a  peculiar  expression,  though 
KatpSs  is  so  used  in  connecticm  with  ^aSiiv-  See 
2  Mace.  xiv.  5.  The  meaning  seems  to  be  cor- 
rectly given  by  the  A.  V.  More  literally  it 
would  be  :  having  designated  a  time. 

Ver.  13.  Till  we  turn  away.  The  verb  xiw 
here  used  is  of  con.siderable  theological  impor- 
tance, although  in  tlie  present  passage  having 
only  its  general  meaning  of  loosing,  removing, 
liberating.  See  Cremer's  Lex.,  advoc:  and  Ben- 
gel's  (inomon,at  M.alt.  v.  17,  19,  xviii.  18. 

Ver.  14.  Accordingly  took  {this  matter]  upon 
{them),  i.  e.,  to  carry  out.  The  Greek  is:  e'lre- 
SefofTo  /card  toOto.  The  Hebrew  seems  to  de- 
mand a  different  interpretation.  Bertheau,  Keil, 
the  Speaker's  Commejitary,  and  other  authorities, 
would  render  in  Ezra  (x.  15)  somewhat  thus; 
"  Nevertheless,  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Asahel,  aiul 
Jahaziah,    the    son   of    Tikvah,    opposed    this." 


Moreover,  it  is  not  easy  to  see,  if  the  Greek  Ezra 
be  followed,  what  office  these  men  held,  or  would 
a,ssume  ;  since  in  ver.  16  Ezra  is  said  to  have 
chosen  men  for  the  special  purpose  of  taking  this 
matter  upon  them. 

Ver.  16.  And  Esdras,  the  priest,  chose  unto 
him.  The  Hebrew  text  gives  the  following  : 
"  And  Ezra  the  priest,  with  certain  chief  of  the 
fathers,  were  separated."  It  is  likely  that  the 
latter  text  is  so  far  faulty  as  that  it  has  lost  the 
letter  vav,  restored  in  the  ivith  of  the  A.  V.  Its 
absence  in  the  copy  which  our  translator  had 
before  him  probaldy  led  him  to  introduce  the 
change  which  he  has  made  in  the  thought.  For 
further  remarks  on  the  passage,  see  our  Intro- 
duction to  the  present  book,  under  "  Sources  of 
the  Work." 

Ver.  17.  In  the  first  day  (A.  V.).  In  the 
Hebrew  it  is  different,  the  idea  being  that  the 
matter  was  settled  by  the  first  day  of  the  first 
month.  And  this  is  also  made  clear  by  the  LXX. 
at  Ez.  X.  17  :  eus  rip-tpa^  fiias ;  and  by  our  text,  ews 
TTJs,  etc. 

Ver.  20.  Kol  4Tf$a\ov  t4j  x^'P",  and  they 
gave  their  hands.     The  translation  of  the  A.  V. 

agrees  with  the  Hebrew  (~t^  ^HJ,  Ez.  x.  19)  and 
the  LXX.  {xal  eSoiitai'  x*'?")  in  the  corresponding 
passage  of  the  canonical  Ezra  ;  while  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Greek  as  found  in  our  book  should 
be  literally,  laid  their  hands  upon  to  put  away." 
etc. — ReconcOement,  4(t\a<rix6y,  Cf.  LXX.  at 
Ex.  XXX.  10;  Lev.  xxiii.  27;  Numb.  v.  8.  For 
the  theological  significance  and  history  of  this 
word,  see  Cremer's  Lex.,  under  i\a(r^6s ;  Girdle- 
stone,  0.  T.  Syn.,pp.  212,  217;  Trench,  iV.  T. 
Syn.,  2d  ser.,  p.  134;  Lange's  Com.,  at  Matt., 
p.  336.  To  illustrate  the  diHerence  between  this 
word  and  others  allied  to  it  in  theological  di.--- 
cussions  on  the  atonement,  we  cite  the  following 
from  the  Hulsean  Lectures  for  1874,  p.  Inl 
"  The  three  terms  more  particularly  u.sed  fni 
Christ's  work  of  atonement  are  airoKirrpwa-t^,  i\a(T 
^6%,  and  HaraWayfj.  1.  'AiroKirrpwais  [redeniptto 
is  the  most  general  term,  and  points  specially  tn 
the  r.ansom  {Xinpov)  which  Christ  paid  {inrfp, 
■repi)  men,  the  ransom  being  his  own  blood  (1  Pet. 
i.  19  ;  Eph.  i.  7).  2.  'I\aaii6s  (expiatio)  points 
to  tlie  mystic  oblation  which  our  'Apx'^P*"'  iJ.iya.i 
offered  onco  for  all,  and  which  avai'led  iXaaKiaSai 
TOf  a/iaprias  (Hcb.  ii.  17),  —  yea,  availed  tts 
dfl(T7jo-i>'  a/xapria!  (Heb.  i.\.  26).  3.  KaraAAaTT) 
{reconriliutiii)  iudiciites  the  result  effected  by 
Chri.st's   sacrifice   and   nicdiatiou,  —  the   remoia. 


1  ESDRAS. 


107 


pf  the  enmity  between  mankind  and  God  (Rom. 
V.  10),  the  establishment  of  peace  tirl  77)5;  eV 
aydpwwots  eliSoKia  (Luke  ii.  14)." 

Vers^  18-35.  It  will  br  seen  by  the  table  be- 
low that,  accordin;;  to  1  Esdi-as,  the  number  of 
priests  who  were  guilty  of  marrying  foreign 
wives  was  sixteen  ;  while  according  to  tlie  canoni- 
cal book  it  was  seventeen.  The  number  of  Le- 
vites  in  both  lists  is  the  same,  namely,  ten.  But 
the  number  of  lay  Israelite^  is  given  as  ten  more 
in  Ezra  than  in  1  Esdras.  Four  of  the  offenders 
were  of  the  high  priest's  family.  None  of  the 
division  of  priests  who  had  returned  with  Zerub- 
babel  had  kept  themselves  free  from  this  sin. 
No  sufficient  means  are  at  hand  to  justify  an 
attempt  to  bring  the  names  of  the  two  lists  into 
harmony.  Concerning  the  superior  value  of  the 
one  or  the  other,  opinions  will  differ.  But  it 
should  be  remembered,  that,  while  the  account  in 
Ezra  is  based  on  an  extant  Hebrew  text,  the 
current  text  of  the  LXX.  is  also  in  closer  agree- 
ment with  it  than  with  our  apocryjihal  book. 

Ver.  36.  The  Hebrew  at  tliis  point,  if  the 
best  reading  be  adopted,  gives  :  and  some  of  the 
wives  had  given  birth  to  children.  Our  translator 
characteristically  adds  to  this  fact  what  one  might 
suppose  would  Lie  the  natural  result  of  such  a 
Btate  of  things,  —  the  children  were  to  be  put 
away  with  the  wives.  Bertheau  would  emend 
the  Hebrew  to  correspond  with  our  book.  But 
the  Hebrew,  as  it  stands,  gives  a  good  sense,  and 
presents  the  difficulties  of  the  matter  in  even  a 
stronger  light  by  suggesting  instead  of  definitely 
stating  the  case. 

Thorough  and  solemn  as  this  public  and  judicial 
separation  of  one  hundred  and  thirteen  men  from 
their  families  must  have  been,  it  seems  not  to 
have  been  sufficient  entirely  to  root  out  the  evil, 
Erom  twenty-five  to  thirty  years  afterwards, 
Nehemiah,  on  the  occasion  of  his  second  return 
to  Jerusalem,  found  that  other  Israelites  had 
intermarried  with  Ashdodites,  Ammonites,  and 
Moabites,  had  children  that  spoke  the  languages  of 
these  people,  and  that  even  a  son  of  the  high  priest 
had  allied  himself  in  this  manner  with  a  daughter 
of  Sanballat  the  Horonite.     See  Neh.  xiii.  23  ff. 

Ver.  37.  In  their  (respective)  dwelling-places 
(/taToiKiais).  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin  villafies. 
But  the  Greek  here  is  not  the  same  as  at  ver"  46 
{Kui/iais),  where  we  have  that  rendering.  See  ver. 
12.     The  Hebrew,  however,  is  in  both  instances 

Ver.  38.  Our  translator  says  the  gathering 
was  at  the  cast  gate  of  the  temple.  In  the  canon- 
ical book  it  is  said  that  it  took  pl.ace  before  the 
"  water  gate."  In  fact,  it  was  probably  between 
the  two  ;  a  little  east  from  the  one,  and  a  little 
west  from  the  other. 

Ver.  40.  The  allusion  made  in  the  original 
Hebrew  to  the  youth  who  came  together  is  here 
omitted. 

Ver.  41.  According  to  the  Greek,  the  trans- 
iMtor  says,  most  indefinitely,  before  the  sacred  (/ate 
{irph  TOO  iipou  TTuA-wvos).  It  is  pi'obable,  however, 
that  be  carelessly  omitted  the  article  before  irvKH- 
yos,  and  meant  to  say  :  before  the  gale  of  the  tem- 
vle.     Michaelis  so  translates.     Cf.  vers.  6,  38. 

Vers.  43,  44.  There  are  thirteen  names  given 
of  persons  who  stood  by  Ezra  while  he  read ; 
seven  on  the  right  hand,  and  six  on  the  left.  In 
the  Hebrew  there  are  also  thirteen  names  given  ; 
bnt  the  seven  are  on  the  left  of  Ezra.  Fritzscne 
thinks  that  one  name  too  many  has  crept  into 
each  of  the  accounts,  supposing  that  they  were 


intended  to  represent  thetwelve  tribes.  Michaelis, 
on  the  other  hand,  supposes  that  thirteen  tribes 
were  meant  to  be  included,  Levi  being  reckoned 
in  with  the  others.  But  Keil  would  supply  one 
more  name  to  the  Hebrew  text;  since,  in  his 
opinion,  it  is  more  likely  that  a  word  has  fallen 
out,  —  the  one  given  in  our  apocryphal  book,  for 
instance,  —  tlian  that  more  persons  stood  on  one 
side  of  Ezra  than  ou  the  other.  As  the  LXX. 
agrees  with  the  Hebrew  text,  and  the  number 
seven  on  each  side  would  be  quite  in  harmony 
with  Israelitish  ideas  of  propriety,  the  last  theory 
is  perhaps  the  best. 

Ver.  45.  Conspicuously,  emSi^m.  Wahl's 
Claris  translates  by  "  full  of  dignity ;  "  Bret- 
schueider,  with  Schleusner,  "  insigniter.  gloriose." 
But  we  must  believe  that  it  is  Ezra's  position  as 
elevated  above  the  people  that  is  referred  to.  So 
Michaelis  :  "  Nachdem  er  vorhin  vor  ihnen  alien  die 
vornehmste  Stelle  eingenommen,"  etc.  See  Neh. 
viii.  5.  This  is  implied,  also,  in  the  reading  of  II. 
III.  58.  64.  al.  Aid.  (irpofKadeTo  yip). 

Ver.  46.  Opened  the  law  (A.  V.),  si/  tQ  \va-ai 
rhv  i>6)jiov.  Schleusner  would  give  to  the  verb  the 
meaning  of  interpreted.  So  also  the  Old  Latin. 
But  in  addition  to  the  fact  that  this  rendering 
would  not  be  in  harmony  with  the  context,  or  be 
expected  with  the  aorist,  the  word  is  better  ren- 
dered by  unfastened.  That  is,  before  he  began  to 
read,  Ezra,  as  was  natural,  undid  the  fastenings 
of  the  scroll,  and  unrolled  it. 

Ver.  48.  Here,  again,  we  find  thirteen  names ; 
and,  although  there  is  considerable  variation  in 
the  spelling,  it  is  not  difficult  to  find  in  them  the 
same  persons  who  are  spoken  of  in  the  corre- 
sponding account  in  Neh.  viii.  7.  The  LXX.  — 
probably  for  the  sake  of  brevity  —  has  only  the 
first  three  names.  These  per.soiis,  being  inclose 
contact  with  the  people,  re-read  and  interpreted  to 
them  what  was  most  difficult  to  understand.  Mi- 
chaelis supposes  that  they  recited  the  words  with 
Ezra,  and  that  through  "their  united  voices  they 
were  able  to  roach  all  the  people.  This  is  not 
probable.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Ezra 
read,  uninterruptedly,  the  entire  time,  i.  e.,  for 
six  hours.  But,  after  reading  a  certain  part,  this 
part  was  interpreted,  as  far  as  necessary,  to  the 
people.  The  word  iixipuaiw  {ifi(pv(Ti6a)  is  used 
also  in  John  (xx.  22).  Schleusner  would  give  it 
in  one  passage  the  force  of  explico;  and  in  ver. 
55  of  the  present  chapter  the  meaning  of  exhilaro. 
The  rendering  in  the  latter  case  would  seem  from 
the  context  to  be  correct ;  but  in  the  former  it  is 
too  weak.  The  English  word  itfase  or  instill 
seems  better  to  express  the  earnestiiess  with  which 
the  Levites  sought  to  impress  the  sense  on  the 
minds  of  the  ]ieople. 

Ver.  49.  Attharates.  In  the  Hebrew  this 
word  is  given  as  the  official  title  of  Nehemiah,  in 
the  sense  of  giwernor.  He  receives  another  and 
the  ordinarv  title  for  governor  —  Pechah  —  at 
Neh.  v.  14,  "15,  18.  Cf.,  above,  v.  40,  and  Neh. 
X.  1 .  The  text  of  the  Greek  Ezra  at  this  point 
deviates  in  other  respects  from  that  of  the  canoni- 
cal book,  and  apparently  without  good  ground. 
See  remarks  in  our  Introduction  to  the  present 
book,  ad  loc. 

.Ver.  55.  "On  711^.  This  is  an  e.xtraordinary 
collocMtion  of  particles,  and  sufficiently  accounts 
for  the  variations  in  the  readings.  —  The  clause  koL 
e'm<rvvT)xQT)(Tat  begins  a  new  sentence,  the  remain- 
ing part  of  which  has  been  lost.  The  Vulgate 
adds:  "  imiversi  in  Hierusalem  celebrare  Iwtitiam 
seci'ndum  testamentum  Domini,   Dei  Israel."      In 


108 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Josephiis  {Antiq.,  xi.  5,  §  5)  the  account  is  con- 
tinued to  the  effect  that,  after  the  people  had 
feasted  for  eight  days  in  their  tabernacles,  they 
departed  to  their  own  homes,  singing  hymns  to 
God,  and  giving  thanks  to  Ezra  for  his  efforts  to 
reform  the  corruptions  which  had  been  intro- 
duced into  their  community  ;  and  that  Ezra  died 


full  of  years,  and  was  magnificently  buried  at 
Jerusalem.  Not  much  contidence  can  be  given 
to  these  statements.  It  is  probable  that  they  are 
based  on  tradition  alone.  According  to  another 
account  Ezra  died  in  Persia.  See  Schenkel's  Bib. 
Lex.,  under  "Ezra;"  and  Bertholdt's /'m^eiV., 
p.   I0I2. 


A   TABLE   OF   THE  NAMES  AND  NUMBERS  OF   TUOSE   RETURNING  FROM  BABYLON  WITH   ZERUBBABEL 
ACOOBDING   TO  TUB   THREE    LISTS    FOUND    IN  1  ESDRAS,  EZRA,   AND   NEHEMIAH,  RESPECTIVELY 


Ezra  (ii.  3-60). 

Nehemiah  (vii.  8-62). 

1  ESDEAS  (v.  8-40). 

Name. 

Number. 

Name. 

Number. 

Name. 

Number. 

1. 

Parosh     .... 

2,172 

Parosh     .     . 

2,172 

Phoros      .... 

2,172 

2. 

Shephatiah  .     .     . 

372 

Shephatiah  . 

372 

Sapbat     .... 

472 

3. 

Arab 

775 

Arab  .     .     . 

652 

Ares 

756 

4. 

Pabatb-moab    .     . 

2,812 

Pahath-moab 

2,818 

Pbaath-Moab     .     . 

2,812 

S. 

Elam 

1,254 

Elam 

1,254 

Elam 

1,254 

6. 

Zattu      .... 

945 

Zattu .     .     . 

845 

Zathui      .... 

945 

7. 

Zaccai      .... 

760 

Zaccai      .     . 

760 

Chorbe     .... 

705 

8. 

Bani 

642 

Binnui     .     . 

648 

Bani 

648 

9. 

Bebai       .... 

62-3 

Bebai .     .     . 

628 

Bebai 

623 

10. 

Azgad     .... 

1,222 

Azgad      .     . 

2,322 

Astad 

3,322 

11. 

Adonikam    .     .     . 

666 

Adonikam    . 

667 

Adonicam     . 

667 

12. 

Bigvai     .... 

2,056 

Bigvai      .     . 

2,067 

Bagoi  (Bago)     .     . 

2,066 

13. 

Adin 

454 

Adin  .     .     . 

655 

Adiim      .... 

454 

14. 

Ater 

98 

Ater  .     .     . 

98 

Ater 

92 

15. 

_     „ 

_           _ 

_     - 

Cilan  and  Azenan   . 

67 

16. 

_            _ 

_     _ 

_           _ 

_     _ 

Azaru       .... 

432 

17. 

_            _ 

_    _ 

_           _ 

_     _ 

Annis  •     .     .     .     . 

101 

18. 

_            _ 

_     _ 

_           _ 

_     _ 

Arom 

32 

19. 

Bezai 

323 

Bezai .     .     . 

.     .              324 

Bassai      .... 

323 

20. 

Jorah      .... 

112 

Hariph    . 

.     .              112 

Arsiphurith  .     .     . 

102 

21. 

_           _ 

_     _ 

_ 

_     - 

Baiterus   .... 

3,005 

22. 

Hashum  .... 

223 

Hashum  .     . 

.     .              328 

-            - 

-    - 

23. 

Glbbar    .... 

95 

Gibcon    .     . 

.     .                95 

- 

-     - 

24. 
25. 

Bethlehem    .     .     . 

Netophah     .     . 

123 
56 

Bethlehem  and 
Netophah 

188 

Baetblomffi     .     .     . 

Netopbas       .     .     . 

123 
55 

26. 

Anathoth     .     .     . 

128 

Anathoth      . 

.     .             128 

Anathoth      .     .     . 

158 

27. 

Aziuaveth     .     .     . 

42 

Beth^izniaveth 

.     .                42 

Btethasmoth       .     . 

42 

28. 

Kiijath-arim,    Che- 

Kirjath-jearim, 

Che- 

phirah,  Beeroth  . 

743 

phirah,  Beeroth 

,  et«.            743 

Kariathiri 

35 

29. 

_ 

_    _ 

_            _ 

_    _ 

Caphira  and  Beroth 

743 

30. 

- 

-    - 

- 

-    - 

Chadiasae  and  Am- 
midii    .... 

422 

31. 

Ramab  and  Gaba  . 

621 

Ramah  and  Ge 

ba  .             621 

Cirama  and  Gabbe 

•  621 

32. 

Micbmas .... 

122 

Micbmas 

.     .              122 

Macalon   .     .     .     • 

122 

33. 

Bethel  and  Ai   .     . 

223 

Bethel  and  Ai 

.     .              123 

-             - 

-    - 

34. 

Nebo 

52 

Nebo  (other) 

.     .                52 

Betolio     .... 

sa 

35. 

Magbish  .... 

156 

_ 

-     - 

Niphis     .... 

156 

36. 

(Other)  Elam    .     . 

1,254 

(Other)  Elam 

.     .           1,254 

- 

-     - 

37. 

Harim     .... 

320 

Harim 

.     .              320 

—            - 

—    — 

38. 

Led,     Hadid,    and 

Lod,     Hadid, 

and 

Calamolalus   and 

One     .... 

725 

Ono     .     . 

.     .              721 

Onus    .... 

725 

39. 

Jericho    .... 

345 

Jericho    .     . 

.     .              345 

Jerechu    .... 

345 

40. 

Senaah     .... 

3,630 

Senaah    .     . 

.     .           3,930 

Sanaas     .... 

3,330 

41. 

Jedaiah    .... 

973 

Jedaiah   .     . 

.     .              973 

Jeddu       .... 

972 

42. 

Iramer     .... 

1,052 

Immer     .     . 

.     .           1,052 

Emmeruth    .     .     . 

1,052 

43. 

Pashur    .... 

1,247 

1  Pashur    .     . 

.     .           1.247 

Phassurus     .     .     . 

1,247 

44. 

Harim     .... 

1,017 

Harim     . 

.     .           1,017 

Charmi    .... 

1,017 

45. 

Jeshua,      Kadmiel, 

Jeshua,      Kad 

miel. 

Jesus, Cadoelua.Ban- 

and  Hodaviah     . 

74 

and  Hodeval 

1      .                74 

iias  and  Sudias  . 

74 

46. 

Asaph      .... 

128 

Asaph      . .    . 

.     .              148 

Asaph       .... 

148 

47. 

Children  of  porters 

139 

1  Children  of  pc 

rters              138 

Children  of  porters 

1.39 

48. 

Nethiiiim      .     .     . 
(.35  names.) 

392 

1  Nethinira 

j          (32  names 

.     .              392 
) 

Servants  of  temple  . 

372 

49. 

Other  names     .     . 

652 

Other  names 

.     .              642 

(Text  shortened) 

052 

29,818 

31,089 

33,642 

1  ESDRAS. 


109 


A   TABUS   OF   THE   FAlULIEa    BETHRNING    WITH    EZRA    FROM    BABYLON    ACCORDING    TO    THE    TWO 
LISTS,   EZRA   Vin.   2-24,   AND   1   ESDRAS   VIII.   29-40,   RESPECTIVELY. 


Ezra. 

No. 

1    ESDRAS. 

No. 

1 

Phinehas,  Gershoni, 

Phineea,  Gerson, 

2 

Ithamar,  Daniel, 

Ithamarus,  Gamaliel, 

3 

David,  Hattush,  Shechaaiah, 

David,  Attus,  SechenUg, 

4 

Pharosh,  Zechariah 

150 

Phoros,  Zacharias. 

150 

,•) 

Pahath-moab,  Elihoenai,  Zerahiah. 

200 

Phaath-Moab,  Eliaonias,  Zareeaa. 

200 

fi 

Shechaniah,  Jahaziel. 

300 

Zathoeii,  Sechenias,  Jezelua. 

300 

7 

Adin,  Ebed,  Jonathan. 

50 

Adin,  Obeth,  Jonathas. 

250 

R 

Elam,  Jeshaiah,  Athaliah. 

70 

Elam,  Jesias,  Gotholiaa. 

70 

9 

Shephatiali,  Zebadiah,  Michael. 

80 

Saphatias,  Zaraias,  Michaelus. 

70 

10 

Joab,  Obadiah,  Jehiel. 

218 

Joab,  Abadias,  Jezelu3. 

212 

11 

Sbelomith,  Josiphiah. 

160 

Banias,  Salimoth,  Josaphiaa. 

160 

12 

Bebai,  Zechariah,  Bebai. 

28 

Babi,  Zacharia.s,  Bebai. 

28 

13 

Azgad,  Johanan,  Hakliatan. 

110 

Astath,  Joannes,  Acatan. 

110 

14 

Adonikam,  Eliphelet,  Jeiel,  Shemaiah. 

BO 

Adonicam,  Eliphalatus,  Jeiiel,  Samseas. 

70 

15 

Bigvai,  Uthai,  Zabbud. 

70 
1,496 

Bago,  Uthi,  Istalcums. 

70 
1,690 

A  TABLE  OP  PERSONS  FOUND  GUILTY  OF  HAVING  MARRIED  FOREIGN    WIVES  ACCORDING  TO  THE 
RECENSION    OF   1  ESDRAS  A-ND  EZRA   RESPECTIVELY. 


1  EsDRAS  ix.  19-35. 


Priests. 


Cevites. 


Israel   in 
general. 


Sons  of  Jesus^  son  of  Josedec: 
Mathelas,  Eleazarus,  Joribus,  Joadanus. 
Sons  of  Kmmer :  Ananias,  Zabdmus, 
Manes,  Samaeus,  Hiereel,  Azarias.  Sons 
of  Pkaisur :  Elionais,  Massias,  laraaelus, 
Nathanaelus,  Ocodelus,  Saloas. 

Jozabadus,  Semeis,  CoHus  (Calitas), 
Pathaeus,  Judas,  Jonaa. 

JToly  Singers:  Eliasibus,  Bacchurus. 

Porters :  Salumus,  Tolbanes. 

Sons  of  Pkor-os:  Hiernias,  Jeziaa, 
Melchiaa,  Maelus,  Eleazarus,  Asebias, 
Banaeas.  Sons  of  Elam ;  Matthanias, 
Zachariaa,  Jezrielus,  Joabdius,  Hiere- 
moth,  Aidias.  Sons  of  Zamoth :  Elia- 
das,  Eliasimug,  Othoniaa,  Jarinioth, 
Sabatbus,  Zeralias.  Sons  of  Bebai: 
Joannes,  Ananias,  Jozabdus,  Amathias. 
Sons  of  Mnni :  Olamus,  Mamuchiis, 
Jedfeus,  Jasubiis,  Jasaelus.  Hieremoth. 
Sons  of  Addi :  Naathns,  Moosias, 
Laccunus,  Naidus,  Matthanias,  Sesthel, 
Balnuus,  Manassias.  Sons  of  Anan: 
Elionas,  Assas,  Melchiaa,  Sabbieus, 
Simon,  Chosamreus.  Sons  of  Asom: 
Altanseus,  Mattatbias,  Sabannteus,  Eli- 
phalat,  Manasses,  Seaiei.  Sons  of 
Baani :  Jeremias,  Moradius,  Ismaerus, 
Juel,  Mal)dai,  Pedias,  Anos,  Rabasion, 
Enasibus,  Mamnitanaimus,  Eliasis,  Ban- 
nus,  Eliali,  Someig.  Selemias,  Natha- 
nias.  Sons  of  Ezoi'a :  Sesis,  Esril, 
Azaelus,  Samatus,  Zambri,  Josephus. 
Sons  of  Ethvia :  Mazitiaa,  Zabadseas, 
Edais,  Juel,  Banreaa. 


Ezra  x.  18-44. 


PHests. 


Levites. 


Israel   in 

general. 


Sims  of  Jeshua,  son  of  Jozadah: 
Maaseiah,  Eliezer,  Jarib,  Gedaliah. 
Sons  of  Immer :  Hanani,  Zebadiah. 
Sons  of  Hnrim  :  Maaseiah,  Elijah,  She- 
maiah, Jehiel,  Uzziah.  Sons  of  Pashur: 
Elioenai,  Maaseiah,  Ishmael,  Nethaneel, 
Jozabad,  Elaaah. 

Jozabad,  Shimei,  Kelaiah  (Kelita), 
Pethahiab,  Judah,  Eliezer. 
Holy  Singers :  Eliashib. 
Porters:  Shallum,  Telem,  Uri. 
S':>ns  of  Pnrosk :  Eiamiah,  Jeziah, 
Malchiah,  Miarain,  Eleazar,  Malchijah, 
Benaiah.  Sons  of  Elam ;  Mattaniah, 
Zechariah,  Jehiel,  Abdi,  Jerenioth, 
Eliah.  Sonsof  Zaiiu:  Elioenai,  Elia- 
shib, Mattaniah,  Jeremoth,  Zabad,  Aziza. 
Sons  of  Btbni:  Jehohanan,  Hananiah, 
Zabbal,  Athlai.  S(ms  of  Bani :  Me- 
shullam,  Mallucb,  Adaiah,  Jaahub, 
Sheal,  Ranioth.  Sons  of  Pakath-monb  : 
Adna,  Chelal,  Benaiah,  Maaseiah,  Mat- 
taniah, Bezaleel,  Binnui,  Manasseh. 
Sons  of  Hnrim  :  Eliezer,  Ishijah,  Mal- 
chiah, Shemaiah,  Shimeon,  Benjamin, 
Malluch,  Shemariah.  Sons  of  Hashum  : 
Mattenai,  Mattathah,  Zabad,  Eliphelet, 
Jereraai,  Manasseh,  Shimei.  Sons  of 
Bdjii :  Maadai,  Amram,  Uel,  Benaiah, 
I^eiah,  Chelluh,  Vaniah,  Meremoth, 
Eliashib,  Mattaniah,  Mattenai,  Jaasau, 
Bani,  Binnui,  Shimei,  Shelemiab, 
Nathan,  Adaiah,  Machnadebai,  Shashai, 
Sharai,  Azareel,  Shelemiab,  Shemariah, 
Shallum,  Amariah,  Joseph.  Sons  of 
Nebo :  Jeiel,  Mattithiah,  Zabad,  Zebina, 
Jadau,  Joel,  Benaiah. 


THE  BOOK  OF  TOBIT. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  name  generally  given  to  the  Book  of  Tobit  in  the  Greek  MSS.  is  simply  lafftr; 
while  in  the  Vulgate  it  is  Liber  Tobice,  and  in  the  two  Hebrew  texts  Sepher  Tobi.  The 
ChaUiaic  MS.,  recently  discovered  by  Dr.  Neubauer,  has  as  title  the  "  History  of  Tobiyah  " 
(rriait  na?^!:).  Some  Latin  MSS.,  apparently  on  the  ground  that  the  son  holds  as 
important  a  place  in  the  history  as  the  father,  give  as  superscription  :  Tobit  et  Tobias,  and  Liber 
utriiisque  Tohia ;  in  the  latter  of  which  titles,  it  will  be  noticed,  the  same  name  is  applied  to 
father  and  son,  —  a  usage  which  is  supported  by  none  of  the  Greek  MSS.  In  the  oldest 
Greek  authorities,  however,  the  name  of  the  father  does  not  always  appear  in  the  same  form, 
although  the  spelling  Toi^iV  is  the  most  common.  The  Vatican  MS.  (II.)  has  Toi/Selr;  and  the 
Sinaitic,  Tw/SelS.  The  etymology  of  the  word  is  not  clear;  but  it  is  likely  that  the  final  letter 
has  been  added  for  the  sake  of  euphony,  as  is  the  case  with  many  Hebrew  words  found  in 
the  Greek  Bible  (NafopeV,  rEWTjirapeV)  ;  and  that  the  original  word  was  "^itO,  "  mygoodness," 
being  itself  a  shortened  form  of  n'Zlit2,  "  goodness  of  Jehovah,"  or  "  pleasing  to  Jehovah." 
The  latter  name,  which  in  our  book  is  given  to  the  son,  was  not  an  uncommon  one  in  Jewish 
history  after  the  period  of  the  Exile. 

The  Different   Texts. 

There  could,  perhaps,  be  no  better  evidence  of  the  charm  which  this  simple  story  had  for 
all  classes  of  persons  in  the  earlier  times  than  the  numerous  texts  in  which  it  was  put  in 
circulation,  and  the  various  embellishments  it  received,  in  detail,  in  passing  through  different 
hands.  f)f  texts  more  or  less  perfect,  there  exist  in  printed  form,  and  have  been  collated, 
three  Greek,  three  Latin,  two  Hebrew,  a  Syriac,  and  a  Chaldaic.  To  dett-rmine  the 
essential  character  of  these  different  existing  texts  and  their  relative  value,  is  naturally  of 
the  highest  importance  in  any  really  critical  study  of  the  book.  Which  of  them  is,  in  all 
probability,  the  oldest'?  Is  the  same  the  original  of  the  others,  and  the  first  original?  or,  are 
all  but  translations  of  a  Chaldaic  or  Hebrew  work  no  longer  extant? 

The  most  common  opinion  among  scholars  of  all  scliools  may  be  said  to  be,  that  the  work 

was  composed  in   Hebrew;   but,  until  recently,  this  theory  has  been  supported  on  grounds 

which  were  rather  conjectural   than  real.       The  recent  discovery  by  Dr.  Neubauer,  in  the 

Bodleian  Library  at  Oxfonl,  of  a  Chaldaic  text  of  the  book,  which  he  supposes  to  be  the  one 

used  by  Jerome  in  his  version,  has  given  to  the  matter  a  somewhat  altered  aspect.     Jerome, 

in  his  preface  to  the  translation  of  the  work  as  it  appears  in  the  Vulgate,  says  :  "  Exigiiis,  ut 

lihrum  Chaltlmo  sermone  conscriptum  ad  Lalinum  stilum  traham,  librum  ulique  Tobice Feci 

satis  desiderio  vestro Et  quia  vicina  est  Chaldeeorum  lingua  sermoni  Hebraico.  ulriusque 

lingum  peritissimum  loquacem  reperiens  unius  diei  lahiircm  arrifiui,  et  quidquid  ille  mild  Hebiaicis 

verbis  exj)ressit,  hoc  ego  accito  notario  sermnnibus  Latinis  exposui."     Since  Jerome's  time  until 

now,  there  have  been  discovered  no  traces  of  the  Chaldaic  text,  of  which  he  here  speaks.     Dr. 

Neubauer,  however,  is  quite  confident,  and   on  grounds  that  must  be  allowed  great  weight. 

that  he  has  found  the  same  amongst  the  treasures  of  the  Bodleian  Library.^     The  MS.  was 

bought  by  the  library  from  a  bookseller  in  Constantinople  (No.  2339  of  Neubaucr's  catalogue). 

1  See  the  Alhitta-iim  for  November,  18T7,  p.  630  :  the  Armhmy  of  the  same  clnt«,  p.  468 ;  Schiirer  in  the  Tlu-olo^ 
Lileralurzeilung,  1878.  No.  i.,  col.  21,  and  No.  xiv.,  cols,  SSl-aa") ;  Dickell  Ztitselmfi  fur  Kallt.  T/teol.,  1878,  pp.  216-222 
•Bd  the  text  itself  published  by  Dr.  .\eubaiier,  Tlie  Brink  Tohii,  etc.,  Oxford,  1878. 


THE   BOOK   OF   TOBIT.  Ill 


It  contains  a  collection  of  compositions  of  the  nature  of  the  jMidrash,  of  which  the  Book  of 
Tobit  is  the  fifth  in  number,  it  beinw  given  as  commentary  to  Gen.  xxviii.  22.  The  grounds 
on  which  it  is  maintained  that  it  is  nearly  related  to  the  Chaldaio  te.xt  used  by  Jerome,  if  not 
identical  with  it,  are  first  and  principally,  that  both,  in  the  first  two  chapters  and  part  of  the 
third,  employ  tlie  third  person  in  speaking  of  Tobit,  while  all  tlie  other  texts  make  use  of 
the  first  person,  that  is,  suffer  Tobit  to  speak  for  himself.  In  addition  to  this,  the  two  texts 
—  that  of  Jerome  represented  in  the  Vulgate,  and  the  newly  discovered  Chaldaio  —  have  the 
same  general  form  throughout,  with  the  exception  of  the  closing  chapters,  which  are  incom- 
plete in  the  latter.  There  is  the  same  abridgment  of  the  narrative  in  the  several  parts  in 
both,  and  the  same  general  habit  of  giving  in  a  freer,  independent  form  the  contents  of  the 
story.  It  is  true  there  are  differences,  also,  between  them,  both  in  order  and  in  words;  in 
some  of  which  the  Clialdaic  agrees  better  with  some  of  the  other  texts  than  with  the  Vulgate. 
But  these  differences,  as  Dr.  Neubauer  thinks,  can  be  sufficiently  well  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that  the  Chaldaic  had  to  be  adapted  to  the  Midrash,  in  which  it  was  found  ;  while  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Jerome's  version  lias  inaccuracies  owing  to  his  haste,  and  his  method 
of  proceeding  in  other  respects,  and  was  at  the  same  time  greatly  intlueneed  by  the  Old 
Latin,  which  he  also  had  before  him. 

But  now,  if  it  be  admitted  that  the  newly  discovered  Chaldaio  text  is  essentially  that  used 
by  Jerome,  it  would  not  by  any  means  follow  that  this  text  is  the  original  one  or  even  the 
best  extant  representative  of  the  original.  Jerome  himself  lays  no  such  stress  upon  the  value 
of  this  particular  text  as  to  lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  regarded  it  as  the  original.  He  admits 
that  he  spent  but  a  day  with  his  Jewish  interpreter  and  his  amanuensis  upon  it,  and  his  work 
shows  everywhere  the  most  marked  influence  of  the  Old  Latin.  Moreover,  it  is  evident  that 
the  text  is  given  in  a  fuller  and  more  complete  form  in  the  Greek  than  in  the  Chaldaic,  the 
latter  being  throughout  of  the  nature  of  an  abridgment.  But  it  seems  to  us  conclusive  on 
this  point,  that  the  Chaldaic  text,  as  we  have  before  stated,  instead  of  representing,  in  the 
opening  chapter,  Tobit  as  speaking,  mentions  him  only  in  the  third  person.  This,  as  Neu- 
bauer and  Bickell  admit,  cannot  have  been  the  original  form  of  the  composition.  That  is 
found  in  the  Greek  MSS.,  which  represent  him  as  giving  his  own  history  up  to  chap.  iii.  7  ff., 
where  the  account  of  Sarah  is  introduced,  and  where  the  third  person  is  necessary,  and  from 
that  point  it  is  continued  through  the  book.  The  good  Semitic  diction  in  which  the  Chal- 
daic is  written,  and  on  which  the  two  last-named  scholars  lay  much  stress,  inferring  that  it 
must  arise  from  the  fact  that  a  Hebrew  original  lies  at  the  basis  of  it,  might  just  as  well  be 
the  result  of  the  very  free  way  in  which  the  translation  is  made,  as  well  as  the  Hebraizing 
character  of  all  the  texts,  the  best  of  the  Greek  not  excepted.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  opinion  of  Schiirer  seems  best  worthy  of  support,  who  says  :  "  So  much  is  quite  probable, 
that  an  older  Chaldaic,  or  at  least  Semitic  text  preceded  our  present  Chaldaic,  in  which,  in 
chaps,  i.,  ii.,  the  first  person  was  preserved.  For  the  Hebrew  of  MUnster,  that  has  retained 
the  first  person,  indicates  such  a  model,  and  the  same,  as  above  remarked,  is  otherwise  nearly 
allied  to  our  Chaldaic  text.  We  are  ready,  too,  to  concede  the  possibility  that  the  book  of 
Tobit  was  originally  written  in  Hebrew,  and  that  from  this  Hebrew  original  our  Chaldaic 
text  has  come.  But  it  remains  a  bare  possibility.  And,  in  any  case,  the  Chaldaic,  with  its 
arbitrary  abridgments  and  free  reproduction  of  the  thought,  is  much  farther  removed  from  this 
supposed  original  than  any  one  whatever  of  the  Greek  recensions."  • 

The  two  existing  Hebrew  te.\ts  are  acknowledged  to  be  of  recent  origin.  The  one  gener- 
ally entitled  Hehraus  Munsteri  was  first  printed  in  Constantinople,  in  1516,  and  at  Venice  in 
1544,  1608.  Sebastian  Miinster,  whose  name  it  bears,  received  it  from  Oswald  Schrcckc^n- 
fuchs,  of  Memmingen.  He  regarded  it  as  a  libellus  vere  aureus,  and  had  it  reprinted  at  Basle, 
with  a  Latin  translation,  in  1542  and  1549.  It  was  also  published  in  1563,  1566,  1570,  and 
1576.  On  its  first  appearance,  opinions  were  much  divided  concerning  it,  some  holding  it 
for  a  work  of  Miinster  himself,  and  otliers  for  the  true  original.  The  edition  of  1556,  which 
appeared  after  the  death  of  Miinster,  was  subsequently  incorporated,  together  with  the  lat- 
ter's  translation,  in  the  London  Polyglot.  In  this  same  work  of  Walton,  moreover  (vol.  iv.), 
is  to  be  found  the  other  Hebrew  text,  which,  for  the  sake  of  distinguishing  it  from  the  for- 
mer, is  called  Hebraus  Fugii,  Fagius  having  published  it  from  a  Constantinople  copy  of 
1517,2  in  connection  with  his  edition  of  Sentenlioe.  Morales  Ben  Syrce  (Isnae,  1542),  under  the 
litle  :   Tobias  Hebraice  cum  versione  Latina  e  regione.     There  is  no  exact  agreement  of  opinion 

1   Thtolog.  Literaturzeitttng,  1878,  No.  14,  col.  335.  2  Zunz,  Vortrdge,  p.  126,  gives  the  date  iis  V,\:>. 


112  THE  APOCEYPHA. 


respecting  the  time  when  these  two  Hebrew  versions  were  made.  Fritzsche  and  Reusch  fix 
the  date  of  that  named  Hebrtgus  Fagii,  in  the  eleventh  century;  llgen  a  century  later,  while 
Sengelmann  vacillates  between  the  two.  It  is  for  the  most  part  a  free  translation,  or  para- 
phrase, of  the  Greek  as  found  in  the  Roman  edition  of  the  LXX.  The  other  belongs  to  a 
recension  of  the  text,  which,  as  we  have  said,  is  otherwise  represented  by  the  Chaldaic  and 
the  Old  Latin.  The  Hebrew  version  of  the  Old  Testament  apocryphal  books  by  Frankel 
(Lips.  1830)  was  made  from  the  Vulgate.  There  is  said  to  be,  in  the  Vatican  library  at 
Rome,  a  Latin  translation  of  a  Hebrew  codex  of  the  Book  of  Tobit,  made  by  Bartolocci,  but 
nothing  further  is  known  of  it. 

Of  the  three  Latin  texts  of  the  Book  of  Tobit,  two  originated  before  the  time  of  Jerome, 
and  are  variously  named  "  Old  Latin,"  "  Itala,"  "  Itala  I.,"  "  Itala  H.,"  etc.  They  were  pub- 
lished by  Sabatier.^  He  used,  principally,  for  this  purpose,  three  MSS.,  Codex  Regius,  n. 
3564.,  which  contained  the  whole  book,  and  belonged  to  the  eighth  century;  a  second,  from 
the  library  of  S.  Germanus  a  Pratis,  n.  4.,  of  the  same  age,  but  defective  in  certain  passages; 
and  added  various  readings  from  another  belonging  to  the  same  library,  n.  15.  The  last  was 
of  inferior  value  on  account  of  its  mutilated  character,  although  not  younger  than  the  first  two. 
Sabatier,  in  his  notes,  gives  readings  from  a  fourth  important  MS.,  which  had  formerly  be- 
longed to  Queen  Christina  of  Sweden,  but  which,  at  that  time,  was  in  the  Vatican  Library, 
n.  7.  Although  of  unknown  age,  its  text  is  of  such  a  character,  and  differs  so  much  from 
that  of  the  three  MSS.  just  mentioned,  as  to  seem  to  justify  the  theory  of  another  recension. 
Unfortunately,  however,  this  codex  contains  only  chaps,  i.-vi.  12.  From  its  purer  style,  and 
the  fact  that  the  quotations  from  Tobit  found  in  the  Fathers  agree  better  with  the  other  recen- 
sion, it  is  thought  to  be  of  a  somewhat  later  date. 

The  Latin  version  of  Tobit  contained  in  the  Vulgate  was  made,  as  we  have  already  noticed, 
by  Jerome.  Of  the  three  translations  in  this  language,  it  is,  undoubtedly,  the  least  valuable. 
Pellican,  as  quoted  by  Sengelmann  {Ei/ileil.,  p.  56),  was  of  the  opinion  that  some  other  per- 
son must  have  done  the  work  and  published  it  under  the  name  of  Jerome,  in  order  to  give  it 
the  more  currency.  But  the  confession  of  this  father  (unius  diei  laborem  arripui),  and  his 
known  method  of  proceeding,  as  given  in  the  preface  to  his  version  of  Judith  (see  Introil.  to 
that  book),  are  a  sufficient  explanation  of  most  of  its  deficiencies.  Unfortunately,  the  author- 
itative position  of  this  text  as  the  one,  especially  since  the  Middle  Ages,  ecclesiastically  used 
and  sanctioned,  has  given  to  it  an  importance  which  it  in  no  sense  deserves.  Many  translations 
into  modern  languages  have  been  made  from  it,  and  not  only  Roman  Catholics,  but  Protes- 
tants have,  until  a  recent  period,  given  it  the  preference  before  all  others.  What  seems  to  be 
still  another  Latin  text,  sometimes  named  "  Itala  III."  is  extant  in  an  old  MS.  whose  read- 
ings have  been  given  by  Mai  in  vol.  ix.  of  his  Spicilegium  Romanum  Vaticanum.  As  only  a 
few  fragments,  however,  remain,  it  is  impossible  to  classify  it,  relatively  to  the  others,  with 
any  great  degree  of  certainly.     Cf.  Reusch,  Com.,  p.  xxvi. 

In  the  Polyglot  of  Walton  the  Book  of  Tobit  appears  also  in  a  Syriac  translation.  That  it 
is  a  translation  is  evident  from  the  exactness  with  which  it  follows  its  still  extant  Greek 
original  (Greek  A.).  It  is,  indeed,  announced  in  the  superscription  :  "  SequUur  Liber  Tobit; 
ipse  aulem  ponitur  secundum  traditionem  LXX.  inlerpretum."  But  the  agreement  with  this 
recension  of  the  Greek  text  extends  only  to  vii.  10.  For  Walton's  work  two  MSS.  were 
used.  On  the  margin  of  the  first  appears  at  this  place,  in  Latin,  the  following  note  :  "  Up 
to  this  point  we  have  copied  from  a  codex  which  was  translated  from  the  LXX.  Since, 
however,  this  was  mutilated,  and  we  could  not  make  it  out  any  further,  we  find  ourselves 
obliged  to  transcribe  the  remainder  from  another  codex.  Igitur  gum  hinc  adjinem  libri,  ab 
edilione  alia  sunt."  (Land.  Pol.,  vol.  vi.,  p.  43.)  The  latter  part  of  the  book,  then,  —  that 
is,  from  vii.  11  on,  —  represents  another  recension  of  the  Greek  text,  and,  as  it  is  generally 
aoreed  (so  Fritzsche,  Reusch,  Sengelmann,  and  others),  that  which  is  known  as  Greek  B., 
found  in  the  Sinaitic  MS.,  to  which  the  Itala  and  the  Chaldaic  of  Neubauer  are  closely 
allied.  The  text  of  this  Syriac  version  is  given  in  vol.  iv.  of  the  Polyglot  ;  but  the  readings, 
which  are  not  numerous,  in  vol.  vi.  Bernstein  has  made  a  few  emendations  in  the  Zeitschrift 
der  deutschen  Morgentand.  Gesellschaft  (iii.  400.)  ;  but  they  are  not  of  great  importance. 
The  extreme  literalness  of  the  first  of  the  two  above-mentioned  MSS.  makes  it  of  consider- 
able importance,  as  far  as  it  goes,  in  a  critical  study  of  the  work. 

As  already  noted,  the  Greek  text  appears   in   three  different  recensions,  named  «ever. 

1   Bibliorum  Stmrontm  Latintz  Vfrsiones  Antiqwx,  Tom.  i. 


THE  BOOK  OF   TOBIT.  113 


ally  A.  B.  and  C.  The  last  is  represented  by  three  MSS.  (44.  106.  107.),  and  is  the 
same  as  that  found  in  the  Syriae  version  from  VII.  11.  These  MSS.,  however,  are  not  of 
one  recension  throughout.  From  the  beginning  to  vi.  9  they  have  the  common  texf, 
from  V.  10  to  xiii.  18,  the  recension  named  C.  According  to  Bickell,'  this  recension  is  also 
found  from  v.  9  to  vi.  18  in  a  Vatican  MS.  of  the  Itala  edited  by  Bianchini.^  Tlie  matter  is 
by  no  means  yet  fully  decided  to  which  of  the  other  two  recensions —  that  principally  repre- 
sented, on  the  one  side,  by  the  Vatican  MS.  (H-),  or  that,  on  the  other,  by  the  Sinaitic  and 
Old  Latin  (Greek  B.)  —  is  to  be  given  the  preference.  Bickell  pronounces  that  known  as 
Greek  A.  as  the  oldest  of  the  three  Greek  recensions,  and  the  source  of  the  other  two,  they 
being  revisions  of  it,  made  with  the  help  of  the  Hebrew  original  {sic).  Gutberlet,  since  all 
the  texts,  in  bis  opinion,  have  received  more  or  less  canonical  recognition  by  their  use  in  the 
church,  Uiinks  the  matter  is  not  one  of  the  greatest  importance,  but  chooses  Greek  B.,  which 
is  preferable  in  a  literary  point  of  view,  as  the  basis  of  his  Commentar)-.  Greek  A.,  as  he 
acknowledges,  would  have  the  preference  on  ssthetical  grounds,  while  the  Latin  Vulgate 
surpasses  all  others  in  dogmatical  importance.'  Obviously,  the  question  is  not  to  be  thus 
settled. 

Fritzsche,  in  the  Prolegomena  to  his  edition  of  the  Apocrypha  in  Greek,  as  well  as  in  his 
Commentary,  maintains  with  the  utmost  confidence,  as  against  Ewald  *  and  Reusch,^  the 
superiority  of  the  text  of  the  book  usually  followed.  It  is  the  text  supported  by  much  the 
largest  number  of  MSS.,  and  is  the  most  quoted  by  the  Greek  Fathers.  It  is  less  diffuse  than 
the  other,  and  less  smooth  in  its  style  of  composition.  On  the  other  hand,  as  has  been 
recently  shown  by  Scbiirer,^  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  there  are  instances  where  A.  seems  to 
have  a  text  less  worthy  of  confidence  than  B.,  if  indeed  it  has  not  been  revised  from  it.  See, 
for  instance,  i.  4,  19,  20.  He  holds  that  although  there  are  cases  where  B.  has  been  doubt- 
less emended,  and  A.  has  a  preferable  reading  (as  at  i.  1  ;  i.  4  :  the  tou  uiJ/iVtou  of  A.  being 
undoubtedly  correct,  while  the  Sinaitic  has  tou  fleou;  i.  14,  the  name  'Pdyois  is  wanting),  still 
there  is  nothing  in  the  way  of  holding  that,  in  general,  it  has  the  original  text  rather  than  A. 
The  greater  diffuseness  of  B.,  he  thinks,  is  scarcely  ever  of  the  sort  that  it  should  be  looked 
upon  as  an  enlargement  in  the  way  of  paraphrase  ;  but  that  it  would  appear,  on  the  contrary, 
as  though  its  more  circumstantial  account  had  been  generallj'  abridged  in  A.  This  opinion 
of  Schiirer  has  the  more  weight  since  it  represents  his  deliberate  judgment  after  critical  e.K- 
amination,  he  having  previously  accepted  Fritzsche's  view.' 

In  the  present  volume  we  have  taken  the  "  received  text  "  as  the  basis  of  comment,  but  at 
the  same  time  have  given  a  translation  of  that  known  as  Greek  B.  The  former  is  found  in 
the  edition  of  the  LXX.  by  Holmes  and  Parsons,  together  with  the  readings  of  eighteen 
MSB.,  whose  comparatively  few  variations  testify  to  the  purity  of  form  in  which  it  has  been 
transmitted.  It  has  been  best  preserved  in  II.,  with  which  .52.  (i.-iii.  15)  and  108.  gener- 
ally agree.  The  remaining  MSS.,  according  to  Fritzsche,  arrange  themselves  as  follows  : 
HL  58.  64.  243.  248.  249.  55.  on  the  one  side,  and  23.  71.  74.  76.  236.  44.  106.  107.  and 
the  Syriae  version  as  far  as  vii.  9,  on  the  other.  Codex  Alexandrinus  (HI.)  has  a  mixed 
text,  but  ordinarily  agrees  with  the  former  series. 

Has  the  Book  a  Basis  in  Facts  f 
It  is  a  question  which  has  been  much  discussed,  whether  the  Book  of  Tobit  is  to  be  con- 
(Sdered  as  veritable  history  or  romance.  The  majority  of  critics  favor,  with  more  or  less  of 
limitation,  the  latter  view.  And  if  the  construction  of  tlie  story  and  its  relation  to  the 
canonical  books  be  carefully  considered,  it  must  be  held  to  be  the  correct  one.  For 
nstance,  the  two  characters  of  Tobit  and  Sarra  are  drawn  with  too  much  similarity  of 
oloring  to  suppose  that  they  were  actual  historic  personages.  They  were  both  at  the  same 
time  treated  to  vituperation  and  reproach ;  at  the  same  time  betook  themselves  to  prayer, 
and  prayed  for  precisely  the  same  thing,  namely,  that  God  would  relieve  them  of  their 
troubles  by  removing  them  from  the  world.  And  they  are  represented  as  similar  not  only  in 
their  fortunes,  but  also  in  their  mental  and  moral  characteristics:  in  their  honesty,  in  their 
innocence  of  crime,  although  it  was  charged  upon  them  ;  and  in  the  nameless  charm  of 
virtuous  souls. 

1  Ztitschrift  fur  Kntol.   Theol.,  p.  218. 

2  VindicitB  Canonicarum  Scripturarum  VuIgat€B  Editwnn.  p.  350.     Cf.  Reusch,  Libel.  Tob.y  Prsefat.,  p.  iv. 

8  Page  19.  4  JaJirb.  d.  Bibl.  Wissmschaft,  \i  191.  6   Com.,  p.  iii.  6  Idem,  col.  333. 

7  Idrm,  1878,  No.  7,  col.  161. 

8 


114  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

Again,  no  one  can  read  the  work  without  being  continually  reminded  of  a  certain  other 
Scriptural  personage,  whom  Tobit  resembles  in  the  sad  fortunes  of  his  earlier  life,  as  also  in 
the  restful  and  fruitful  experiences  of  its  closing  years.  The  writer  had  doubtless  "  heard 
of  the  patience  of  Job,"  and  "  seen  the  end  of  the  Lord  ;  "  for  "  the  Lord  is  merciful  and 
compassionate."  Tobit  is  represented  as  being  like  Job,  —  rich,  of  high  standing,  benev- 
olent towards  the  poor;  like  Job,  notwithstanding  his  moral  worth,  he  bi-came  poor,  sick, 
and  miserable.  Both  alike  are  mocked  in  their  misfortunes  by  their  wives,  on  whose  support 
they  are  similarly  dependent.  Both  long  for  death  to  release  them  from  their  sufferings. 
Both  are  healed  in  a  surprising  manner,  and  come  in  subsequent  life  into  a  position  and 
attain  a  prosperity  which  far  surpass  those  of  their  former  most  prosperous  days.  In  both 
cases  it  is  Ihe  special  interposition  of  Jehovah  which  turns  the  scales  in  their  favor  when  the 
period  of  their  discipline  is  ended. 

Still  further,  the  allusions  in  chap.  .xiv.  10  to  the  Book  of  Esther,  —  if  they  are  admitted, 
—  and  the  seeming  effort  to  construct  the  story  so  as  to  correspond,  in  some  degree,  with  that 
of  tliis  favorite  book,  is  much  more  suggestive  of  fiction  than  of  real  biography.  ^Vhatever 
theory  may  be  adopted  in  the  explanation  of  this  difficult  passage  (cf.  Com.,  ad  loc),  the 
feeling  must  still  remain,  that  the  writer  seeks  to  enhance  the  glory  of  his  more  or  less  sup- 
posititious hero  by  associating  him,  not  only  with  Job  in  his  trials  and  his  triumphs,  but  also 
with  this  earlier  favorite  of  the  Persian  court.  In  view  now  of  what  has  been  said,  but  one 
opinion  res[)ecting  the  composition  of  the  book  seems  tenable  :  it  is  a  work  of  the  imagination. 
Where  the  narrative  is  interrupted  by  outbursts  of  prayer,  praise,  or  supposed  prophetic 
utterance  (as  in  chap,  xiii.),  there  is  the  clearest  evidence  of  attempted,  though  unsuccessful, 
adaptation  of  borrowed  expressions  to  the  circumstances  of  the  story.  It  is  indeed  possible 
that  a  real  family  history  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  narrative ;  but  it  seems  far  more  probable 
that  the  author  set  out  with  certain  moral  ideas  to  which  he  wished  to  give  utterance,  and 
which  he  has  clothed  in  this  garb  of  quasi,  or,  to  some  extent  actual,  history,  as  the  one  or 
the  other  best  suited  his  purpose.  At  least,  it  would  appear  that  not  the  history,  but  the 
moral  teaching,  was  the  matter  which  lay  nearest  his  heart. 

Historical  Difficulties. 

That  the  Book  of  Tobit  presents  some  peculiar  historical  difficulties  is  generally  acknowl- 
edged, although  there  is  by  no  means  the  same  unanimity  respecting  the  importance  to  be 
»ttached  to  them,  or  the  manner  in  which  they  are  to  be  explained.  Hengstenberg  (Eu.  K. 
Zeitung,  1853,  p.  54),  who,  in  the  controversies  on  this  subject  twentj'  years  ago,  argued  in 
favor  of  the  publication  of  the  apocryphal  l>ooks  in  connection  with  the  canonical,  wrote  : 
"  The  Book  of  Tobit  is  charged  with  containing  many  geographical,  chronological,  and  his- 
torical, blunders,  as  well  as  some  opinions  which  are  improbable  and  worthy  of  suspicion 
But  the  author  had  no  intention  of  avoiding  them,  since  he  did  not  write  history  but  a  didac- 
tic story.  To  judge  these  [deficiencies,  then,]  according  to  the  standard  of  a  historical  com- 
position, is  quite  a  mistake.  He  that  would  defend  the  historical  character  of  the  book  will 
undoubtedly  involve  himself  in  the  strangest  jierplcxities."  But  this  is  just  what  the  most 
thoughtful  and  scholarly  of  the  Roman  Catholic  defenders  of  the  work  —  like  Welte  and 
Reusch  —  do.  It  will  not  be  a  work  of  supererogation,  therefore,  to  make  investigations  con- 
cerning the  nature  and  extent  of  these  alleged  faults. 

First,  then,  in  chap.  i.  2,  we  find  the  statement  that  Tobit  was  carried  away  as  captive 
from  Thisbe,  in  Galilee,  in  the  time  of  Ennemessar  (Shalmaneser,  cf.  Com.  below).  But,  ac- 
cording to  2  Kings  XV.  29,  it  was  Tiglatli  Pileser  who  made  this  deportation  of  captives  to 
Nineveh.  The  usual  explanation  of  this  apparent  contradiction  is  that  Tobit  may  have  been 
taken  indeed,  with  the  captives  in  the  time  of  Tiglath  Pileser.  and  afterwards,  en  route,  made 
his  (•sca|)e  (Dereser,  Scliolz,  Welte),  and  returned  to  Palestine  to  be  subsequently  removed 
to  Nineveh  by  his  successor,  the  Shalmaneser  above  mentioned  ;  or,  that  he  was  not  inclucivd 
at  all  among  those  at  first  (le[)orted  (Reusch),  but  in  the  number  of  those  removed  by  Shal- 
maneser,  as  noticed  in  2  Kings  xvii.  3,  6.  But  it  is  a  fatal  objection  to  the  second  explana- 
tion that  it  was  not  Slialmnnescr.  but  Sar^'on,  according  to  the  Babylonian  inscriptions  —  and 
tlie  account  in  the  passage  from  the  Book  of  Kings  is  not  out  of  harmony  with  it  — who  took 
Samaria,  and  In-  did  not  carry  liis  cai>lives  to  Nineveh,  where  Tobit  was  carried,  but  placed 
them  in  "  Ilalah  and  in  Ilabor  [by]  the  river  of  Gozan,  and  in  the  cities  of  the  Ah'des."  Cf. 
Bill.  Com.,  ad  loc. ;    Transactions,  1873,  p.  328  ;  Rawlinson,  Herod.,  i.  477  f.,  and  .Incitiil  Mon. 


THE   BOOK   OF   TOBIT.  115 


ii.  152.  And  with  respect  to  the  first  explanation,  our  answer  to  the  second  is  valid  also 
against  it,  —  that  Sargon  was  the  Assyrian  monarch  who  actual!)-  captured  S;imaria,  while 
the  theory  that  so  important  a  family  as  that  of  Tobit  could  have  been  in  the  two  deporta- 
tions of  Tijlath  Pileser  (cf.  Bib.  Com.  at  2  Kings  xvi.  9)  overlooked,  or  thnt,  with  the  rigor 
with  which  prisoners  of  war  were  then  guarded,  he  made  his  escape  from  the  victorious 
Assyrian  army,  has  too  much  the  appearance  of  a  subterfuge  to  require  sober  investigation. 
The  writer  of  the  book  was  evidently  misled  by  the  apparent  statements  of  2  Kings  xvii.  3-6, 
xviii.  9-11,  and  by  not  comparing  them  with  that  of  .xv.  29.  Bosanquet  (Transactions,  1874, 
i.  pp.  1-27)  maintains  tliat  Tiglath  Pileser,  Shalmaneser,  and  Sargon  were  all  on  the  throne 
together;  at  first,  the  first  two,  tlien  the  three,  "  by  some  state  arrangement  which  has  not 
yet  been  explained."  If  this  were  to  be  admitted,  it  might  still  be  regarded,  at  least,  as 
highly  imiirobable  that  Tiglath  Pileser  being  still  on  the  throne,  an  event  of  so  much  import- 
ance should  have  been  spoken  of  as  taking  place  during  the  reign  of  his  associate  and  in- 
ferior. 

A  second  discrepancy  in  dates  occurs  in  chap.  i.  4.  It  is  there  said  that  Tobit  was  a  vounw 
man  (veairepov  fxov  ivTos:)  when  his  tribe  Nephthali  fell  away  (with  the  ten  tribes)  from  Judah. 
But  this  occurred,  if  as  seems  necessary  (see  Com.  ad  toe),  the  political  separation  is  referred 
to,  a  couple  of  centuries  before  the  Babylonian  captivity,  while  according  to  the  received 
Greek  text  (xiv.  2,  11)  Tobit  reached  only  the  age  of  158.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  follow 
the  other  texts,  the  discrepancies  are  found  to  be  no  less  perplexing. 

Another  error  is  found  in  the  fifteenth  verse  of  the  same  chapter.  Sennacherib  is  repre- 
sented as  both  the  son  and  successor  of  Ennemessar,  i.  e.,  Shalmaneser.  But  it  is  now  suf- 
ficiently well  established  by  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  that  Sennacherib  was  the  son  of  Sar- 
gon. Cf.  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  155;  Herod.,  i.  481,  and  Schrader,  Die  Keilin!:chriften , 
p.  169.  Bosanquet  (Transaction.'!,  1874,  p.  27)  would  explain  by  supposing  either  that  Sen- 
nacherib suppresses  the  name  of  his  father,  Sargon,  because  he  wishes  to  be  regarded  as 
descending  from  the  legitimate  line  of  kings,  or  that  he  became  the  son  of  Shalmaneser  by 
marriage.     Both  suppositions,  however,  are  simply  conjectures. 

Also,  in  the  twenty-first  verse,  it  is  said  that  "  not  fifty  days  "  passed  (the  Sinaitic  MS. 
says  "  forty  days  "),  /.  e.,  as  is  evident  from  the  connection,  after  the  return  of  Sennacherib 
from  his  disastrous  campaign  in  Palestine,  "  before  two  of  his  sons  killed  him."  But  from 
the  account  in  2  Kings  we  learn  that  he  returned  to  Nineveh  and  dwelt  {^'il)'^)  there.  The 
idea  of  a  considerable  time  is  undoubtedly  involved  in  this  word.  Moreover,  the  same  fact 
is  clear  from  the  inscriptions  (cf.  Schrader,  Die  Keilinschriften,  p.  205  f.),  according  tu  which 
he  conducted  no  less  than  five  more  or  less  important  campaigns  against  his  enemies  after 
this  event.  And  Rawlinson  says  (Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  169,  170)  :  "  The  murder  of  the  disgraced 
Sennacherib,  '  within  fifty-five  [  ?]  days  '  of  his  return  to  Nineveh,  seems  to  be  an  invention 
of  the  Alexandrian  Jew  who  wrote  the  Book  of  Tobit.  The  total  destruction  of  the  empire, 
in  consequence  of  this  blow,  is  an  exaggeration  of  Josephus,  rashly  credited  by  some  moderns. 
Sennacherib  did  not  die  until  B.C.  681,  seventeen  years  after  his  misfortune;  and  the  empire 
suffered  so  little  that  we  find  Esarhaddon,  a  few  years  later,  in  full  possession  of  all  the  ter- 
ritory that  any  king  before  him  had  ever  held,  ruling  from  Babylonia  to  Egypt,  or  (as  he 
himself  expresses  it)  '  from  the  rising  up  of  the  sun  to  the  going  down  of  the  same.'  " 

Still,  again,  in  the  last  verse  of  the  book,  it  is  said  that  Tobias  heard,  before  his  death  in 
Media  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  (the  other  texts  give,  Vulg.,  99  ;  Sin., 
117)  of  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  by  "  Nabuchodonosor  and  Assuerus."  Now,  if  we  com- 
pare the  date  of  the  period  fixed  for  the  beginning  of  Tobit's  captivity  (i.  2)  with  the  further 
date  of  his  blindness,  and  of  his  death  (xiv.  2),  and  of  the  marriage  and  death  of  Tobias 
(x.  10;  xiv.  14),  it  will  be  evident  that  our  author  has  made  other  chronological  blunders. 
First,  there  is  not  a  sufficient  interval  between  the  alleged  deportation  of  Shalmaneser  and 
the  destruction  of  Nineveh  for  the  events  narrated  in  the  book.  Second,  supposing  Tobias 
to  have  been  twenty-seven  years  of  age  when  he  returned  with  his  wife  to  his  father's  house 
—  Tobit  was  sixty-six  —  then,  instead  of  moving  into  Media,  and  living  to  a  good  old  age, 
after  his  father's  death,  he  must  have  died,  according  to  the  book,  very  soon  after.  Or,  even 
if  he  were  less  than  twenty-seven  at  the  date  of  his  marriage,  the  representation  of  the  book 
(xir.  12-14)  would  be  an  exaggeration.  Moreover,  third,  as  we  have  shown  below  in 
eonnection  with  the  commentary,  there  can  be  no  depender.-e  placed  on  the  statement  of 


116  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  same  verse  that  "  Nabiichodonosor  and  Assuerus  "  took  Nineveh.  Saraeus  was  at  this 
time  king  of  Assyria,  with  his  capital  at  Nineveh.  One  of  his  ablest  generals  was  Nabopolas- 
sar,  whom  he  sent  to  Babylon  to  operate  against  the  Susianians,  while  he  retained  the  bulk 
of  his  forces  to  engnge  the  Medes,  who  also  had  assailed  his  empire  from  another  quarter. 
Nabopolassar,  however,  instead  of  continuing  to  support  the  waning  fortunes  of  his  monarch, 
proved  faithless,  made  terms  with  Cyaxares,  king  of  the  Medes  at  that  time,  on  the  condition 
that  his  son  should  be  betrothed  to  the  king's  daughter,  and  both  of  them  turned  their  united 
forces  against  Nineveh,  which  fell  before  them  at  about  B.  c.  625.  This  is  Niebuhr's  date. 
Later  authorities  place  the  date  of  this  event  at  B.  c.  609-607.  Rawlinson  (Herod.,  i.  502)i 
says  B.  c.  610.  Cf.  Anciejit  Mon.,  ii.  231,  232.  This  alliance  seems  to  be  noticed  in  a  pas- 
sage in  Herodotus  (i.  106):  "  They  took  Nineveh  —  I  will  relate  how  in  another  history — ■ 
and  conquered  all  Assyria,  except  the  district  of  Babylonia."  It  is  plainly  stated  by  Aby- 
denus  (Euseb.,  Chron.,  i.  9):  "  Sed  enim  hie,  capto  rebellandi  consilio,  Amuhiam  Asty- 
agis  Medorum  principis  filiam  nato  suo  Nabucodrossoro  despondebat;  moxque  raptim  contra 
Ninum,  seu  Niniveni,  urbem  impetum  faciebat."  The  same  also  is  supported  by  Polyhistor, 
through  Syncellus  (Chronograph.,  ad  loc.)  and  by  Josephus,  Antiq.,  x.  5,  §  1).  The  latter  says, 
"  Now  Neco,  king  of  Egypt,  raised  an  army  and  marched  to  the  river  Euphrates,  in  order  to- 
fight  with  the  Medes  and  Babylonians,  who  had  nrerlhroion  the  dominion  of  the  Assyrians." 
Hence,  while  it  is  possible  that  Cyaxares  may  liave  also  borne  the  name  "  Assuerus,"  it 
seems  reasonably  certain  that  the  introduction  of  "  Nabuchodonosor's  "  name  is  an  anachro- 
nism. Sengelmann  {Com.,  p.  118)  also  cites  a  Hebrew  work  of  the  second  century  which  gives 
to  Nebuchadnezzar  the  credit  of  subjugating  Nineveh.  But  the  influence  that  his  betrothal 
with  the  daughter  of  Cyaxares  had  on  that  event  was  so  important,  and  his  name  was  so 
much  more  distinguished  than  that  of  his  father,  that  such  a  statement  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at.     This  may  have  been  the  occasion  also  for  what  is  said  in  the  present  book. 

Other  Improbabilities. 

In  addition  to  these  historical  discrepancies,  there  have  also  been  urged  against  the  credi- 
bility of  the  Book  of  Tobit,  and  as  it  would  appear  justly,  certain  other  improbabilities  of  the 
narrative.  Since  these,  however,  have  been  for  the  most  part  noticed  where  they  occur  in 
connection  with  the  following  commentary,  we  need  only,  with  the  utmost  brevity,  refer  to 
them  here-  In  chap.  ii.  9,  Tobit  is  represented  as  sleeping  in  the  court  of  his  liouse,  instead 
of  the  house  itself,  because  he  had  become  ceremonially  unclean  by  coming  in  contact  with  a 
dead  body.  But  just  before  (ver.  4),  on  the  same  day,  by  his  own  admission,  he  had  handled 
this  very  body,  and  immediately  afterwards  returned  home  and  partaken  of  food,  apparently 
without  a  thought  of  its  impropriety.  Again,  while  lying  by  the  wall  in  the  court,  it  is  said 
that  sparrows  "  muted  warm  dung  into  his  eyes  "  (ii.  10),  i.  e.,  into  both  his  eyes  at  the  same 
time,  and  he  became  blind  in  consequence.  The  utter  improbability  of  any  such  thing  tak- 
ing place  in  this  manner  needs  only  to  be  suggested.  Further,  in  iv.  12,  Noah  is  represented 
as  one  who  married  a  wife  from  among  his  own  kindred.  The  illustration  is,  to  say  the  least, 
"  far-fetched,"  besides,  we  have  no  information  from  the  canonical  books  of  Scripture  con- 
cerning whom  Noah  married. 

Again,  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  the  introduction  of  Tobit's  dog  into  the  nar- 
rative (v.  16  ;  xi.  4).  To  say  (with  Dereser,  Seholz,  Com.,  ad  loc.)  that  it  was  in  order  that, 
on  the  return  of  the  son  and  his  angel  guide,  the  dog  might  run  ahead  to  announce  their  com- 
ing, is  to  say  what  is  quite  insufficient,  while  it  lacks  the  support  of  the  Greek  text,  accord- 
ing to  which  it  is  simply  said:  &  kvwv  rnnadty  ainwy.  It  is  true  tliat  the  dog  was  much  esteemed 
in  Egypt,  and  often  appears  on  the  monuments  of  that  country  (cf.  Transact.,  iv.  172  ff.),  and 
also,  as  used  for  the  chase,  on  those  of  Assyria  (Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  234)  and  Media 
(idem,  ii.  301)  ;  but  the  present  is  the  only  known  instance  where  a  Jew  is  represented  as 
treating  a  dog  with  anytliing  like  familiarity.  He  was  employed  by  them  as  a  watch  for 
guarding  flocks  (Job  xxx.  1;  Is.  Ivi.  10),  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  term  "  dog "  has 
always  been  among  them  an  expression  of  utter  contempt,  as  it  still  is  throughout  the  East 
(see  Van  Lenneji,  Bible  Lands,  p.  278).  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  notice  that  in  both  the  Chal- 
daic  and  Hebrew  (Miinster)  texts  all  mention  of  the  dog  is  left  out. 

Still  further,  the  young  Tobias  has  a  remarkable  experience  with  a  fish  on  the  first  evening 
of  his  journey  (vi.  3).  He  went  down  to  the  river  Tigris  to  bathe,  and  "  a  fish  leaped  out  ot 
the  water  and  would  have  swallowed  him.     But  the  angel  said  unto  him,  '  Lay  hold  of  the 


THE  BOOK  OF  TOBIT.  117 


fish.'  And  the  young  man  got  possession  of  (mastered,  ixpirnffe)  the  fish,  and  drew  it  to 
land."  And  in  the  following  verse  it  is  said  that  the  two  travellers,  after  roasting  the  fish, 
ate  it.  Did  tlicv  eat  all  of  it?  It  is  elsewhere  said  (.\ii.  19)  that  llie  angel  only  "appeared" 
to  eat.  And  what  sort  of  a  fish  was  it  that  thought  to  have  made  a  meal  of  Tobias  but  was 
made  a  meal  of  by  Tobias  V     And  where  was  the  dog  during  this  startling  episode  ? 

In  chap.  viii.  9,  we  read  that  Raguel,  after  suffering  Tobias  —  and  being  all  too  easily 
persuaded,  one  might  say,  considering  the  circumstances — to  marry  his  daughter,  goes  out 
and  digs  a  grave  with  the  expectation  of  burying  his  son-in-law  there  without  any  one's  know- 
inff  it,  except  his  wife.  But  he  afterwards  (ver.  18)  allows  his  servants  to  fill  the  grave,  who 
would  thus  learn  for  what  purpose  it  had  been  intended.  (In  the  Chaldaic  text  the  account 
is  somewhat  different.)  Had  he  disposed  of  the  bodies  of  seven  previous  sons-in-law  in 
this  manner?  How  was  it  possible  for  him  in  such  a  case  to  escape  an  investigation  on  the 
part  of  his  own  brethren,  if  not  of  the  government  of  the  country?  In  chap.  ix.  1-6,  it 
seems  to  be  represented  that  Raphael,  with  camels  and  a  servant,  made  the  journey  from 
Ecbatana  to  Rages  in  Media  and  returned  in  two  days.  The  distance  between  the  two 
places  must  have  been  nearly  or  quite  two  hundred  miles,  which  supposition,  moreover, 
agrees  well  with  the  statement  of  Arrian  that  the  army  of  Alexander  required  eleven  days 
to  travel  it  in  one  direction.  Cf.  Rawlinson,  Aticient  Man.,  ii.  272  f.  Further,  in  chap.  xi. 
7,8,  Raphael  is  said  to  have  counseled  Tobias  to  greet  his  blind  father,  on  his  return,  with- 
out any  previous  preparation,  by  rubbing  the  pungent  gall  of  the  fish  on  his  eyes.  The 
author,  in  aiming  at  special  picturesqueness  here,  ceased  to  be  natural.  The  Syriac  fitly 
represents  the  father  as  saying  in  astonishment  :  "  What  hast  thou  done,  my  son?  "  The 
conduct  of  the  new-comers  was  truly  sensational  in  more  than  one  respect.  Once  more,  what 
are  we  to  think  of  a  holy  angel,  of  Raphael's  pretended  rank,  who  not  only  acts  in  general 
the  part  of  this  angel  of  the  book  of  Tobit,  in  connection  with  a  simple  family  history,  hut 
tells  deliberate  falsehood,  even  on  the  slightest  occasion  ?  He  told  Tobias  (ver.  6),  "  I  have 
lodged  with  our  brother  Gabael; ''  he  declared  to  the  father  (ver.  12):  "  I  am  Azarias,  son  of 
Ananias  the  great."  It  is  no  sufficient  justification  of  such  conduct  to  refer  to  the  sins  of 
the  patriarchs  in  this  respect,  as  some  have  done,  since  no  one  attempts  to  justify  these  sins, 
much  less  to  hold  that  angels  should  take  the  patriarchs  as  their  examples.  To  say,  with 
Reusch  (Com.,  ad  loc.),  that  since  the  angel  had  assumed  the  character  of  Azarias,  son  of 
Ananias,  therefore,  it  was  only  a  natural  consequence  that  he  should  act  accordingly,  is 
simply  to  seek  to  justify  one  act  of  dissimulation  by  another. 

Doctrinal  Teaching. 

A  variety  of  opinions  exists  respecting  the  aim  of  the  author  in  the  preparation  of  his  work, 
and  it  may  arise  from  the  fact  that  no  one  object  was  particularly  prominent  in  his  mind. 
Cramer's  theory  seems  as  well  as  any  to  meet  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  He  says  (Dar- 
stell.  d.  Moral,  etc.,  p.  14):  "  In  the  Book  of  Tobit,  various  moral  doctrines  and  truths  are  in 
the  way  of  example  set  forth,  without  one's  being  in  a  position  to  pronounce  exactly  which 

the  leading  idea  is Only  so  much  can   with  certainty  be   affirmed,  that  Tobias  and 

Sarah  play  the  principal  part  in  them.  The  lea<ling  ideas  of  the  book  are  that  righteousness, 
although  it  may  seem  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  wickedness,  yet,  in  the  end,  conquers;  that  God 
hears  the  true  inward  prayer  of  the  afflicted  in  time  of  suffering  ;  and  that  one  may  win  the 
love  of  Jehovah  by  the  practice  of  almsgiving,  the  burial  of  the  dead,  and  other  pious  acts. 
5fet  there  are  so  many  other  moral  reflections  mi.xed  in,  that  the  former  often  seem  to  stand 
[in  the  book]  on  account  of  the  latter."  Our  object,  under  the  present  head,  will  be  to 
point  out  certain  peculiarities  in  the  doctrinal  teaching  of  the  composition  with  special  ref- 
erence to  the  claim  that  is  made  for  it  to  be  reckoned  among  the  canonical  hooks  of  Scrip- 
ture. 

And  we  will  first  notice  its  position  with  respect  to  the  ministry  of  angels.  This,  in  gen- 
eral, is  its  teaching  :  there  are  angels  good  and  bad.  Among  the  good  are  seven  of  special 
prominence,  who  stand  before  God  and  present  to  Him  the  prayers  of  the  saints  (xii.  15). 
One  of  them  is  Raphael.  The  same  also  appear  among  men,  and  participate  in  various 
human  activities  and  events  (xii.  12  f.)  ;  serve  as  guides  on  long  journeys,  in  which  they 
share  with  their  human  companions  couch  and  food,  although  only  in  appearance  (vi.  jpoi!- 
stm);  act  the  part  of  physicians  in  prescribing  for  bodily  ailments  (iii.  17).  Of  the  evil 
ingels,  on  the  other  hand,  one  is  Asmodseus.     They  seek  to  injure  men,  and  have  power  to 


118  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


kill  tlicm.  They  are  also  capable  of  sexual  lust,  and  have  unhallowed  intercourse  with  tha 
daughters  of  men.  But  there  are  special  means  of  exorcising  them,  which  consist,  at  least 
at  times,  in  certain  prepared  medicaments  which  are  burnt,  the  smoke  of  the  same  being  to 
them  unendurable  (vi.  7).  On  smelling  this  smoke  the  demons  will  flee  to  their  desolate 
dwellintr-place  in  Upper  Egypt  (viii.  3),  where  they  then  may  be  fast  bound  by  the  good 
angels. 

Now,  no  one  needs  to  ask  the  question  of  a  person  well  acquainted  with  the  teaching  of 
the  canonical  books  on  these  several  points,  whether  the  Book  of  Tobit  is  in  harmony  with 
them.  Its  angelology  will  at  once  be  recognized  as  an  exagtreration,  and,  in  some  respects,  a 
total  perversion  of  that  of  these  books.  There  is  nothing,  for  instance,  in  the  acknowledged 
books  of  the  Bible  which,  when  properly  interpreted,  can  be  held  to  support  the  view  that 
there  are  just  seven  holy  angels  of  superior  rank,  who  specially  minister  before  God.  The 
passa<;es  that  are  sometimes  cited  from  the  Old  Testament  as  showing  this  (Dan.  x.  13  ; 
Ezek.  ix.  2;  Zech.  iii.  9)  have  obviously  not  this  meaning.  And  the  same  may  be  said  of 
the  Kew  Testament  (Rev.  i.  4;  iv.  5;  v.  6),  although  so  sagacious  and  careful  a  critic  as 
Stuart  taught  the  contrary,  adducing,  among  other  grounds  in  its  support,  the  Book  of  Tobit, 
"  one  of  the  earliest,  most  simple  and  attractive  of  all  the  apocrypha!  books  "  (Apoc,  ii.  17 
£f.).  Moreover,  this  doctrine  of  an  order  of  archangels,  seven  in  number,  is  not  only  not  to 
be  found  in  the  Bible,  but  is  to  be  found  in  a  fixed  and  definite  form  in  Parseeism  and  the 
later  Jewish  enlargements  and  embellishments  of  the  teachings  of  the  Bible.  According  to 
the  Zoroastrian  religion,  there  were  seven  superior  beings  who  stood  around  the  throne  of 
Deity,  to  each  one  of  whom  a  distinct  name  was  given.  And  it  is  well  known  that  among 
the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Christ,  and  earlier,  there  were  Cabalists  who  taught  that  there  were 
seven  archangels  set  over  the  planets,  and  that  they  ruled  the  world  respectively,  on  the  sev- 
eral days  of  the  week.  Raphael  was  the  one  whose  special  sphere  was  the  sun.  Among  the 
Babylonians,  too,  the  number  seven  was  even  more  in  use  as  a  holy  number  than  among  the 
Jews,  as  many  instances  from  the  monuments  prove.  On  one,  for  example,  is  the  following 
so-called  "  Song  of  the  Seven  Spirits  ":  — 

"  Thev  are  seven  I     Tliey  are  seven ! 
In  the  depths  of  the  ocean  they  are  seven ! 
In  the  heights  of  heaven  thev  are  seven ! 
In  the  ocean  stream,  in  a  palace,  were  they  born ! 
Male  they  are  not  1     Female  they  are  not ! 
Wives  they  have  not  1     Children  are  not  bom  to  them  I 
Rule  they  have  not!     Government  they  know  not! 
Prayers  they  hear  not !     They  are  seven  ! 
They  are  seven !     Twice  over  they  are  seven !  " 

See  Records  of  the  Past,  iii.  143,  and  Transact.,  ii.  58.  The  following  works  and  articles 
may  be  consulted  for  a  fuller  presentation  of  the  subject :  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Man.,  iii.  347; 
Kohut  (see  Index  of  Authors)  ;  Schenkel's  Bih.  Lex.,  under  "  Engel  " ;  Riehm,  Handworterb.,  ad 
vac;  Seuijelmann,  Einleit.,  p.  23  ;  Bretscbneider,  Si/stemat.  DarslelL,  p.  187  f . ;  Graetz,  Ge- 
schichle,  ii.  (2)  20,  416;  Ronsch,  Bucli  der  Juhilaen,  p.  489  f. ;  Nork,  ]>.  383  ;  Dillmann, 
Henoch,  p.  97;  same  by  Hoffmann,  p.  123;  Gfrorer,  i.  11;  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  under 
"  En^el";  Langen,  Judenihum,  etc.  p.  297  ;  Ilgen,  Einleit.,  p.  Ixxxiii.  ;  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1833, 
pp.  772,  1163;   1839,  p.  329. 

According  to  the  Book  of  Tobit  (xii.  15),  further,  it  is  one  of  the  duties  of  these  superior 
angels  to  present  to  God,  in  the  way  of  mediation,  the  prayers  of  his  people.  In  this  respect, 
too,  it  stands  outside  the  sphere  of  Biblical  teaching  among  works  that  are  acknowled'.'ed  to 
be  apocryphal.  Some  passages  from  the  Scriptures  have  been  cited,  indeed  (Job  xxiii.  33  ; 
Acts  X.  4  ;  Rev.  viii.  3),  as  having  a  similar  meaning.  But  in  none  of  these  passages  is  it, 
by  any  means,  taii^ht,  that  angels  are  actual  intercessors  for  men.  The  Book  of  Tobit  has 
taken  its  coloring,  it  is  clear,  from  traditional  opinions,  which  are  represented  in  a  still  more 
definite  form  in  other  similar  works.  The  Book  of  Enoch,  for  instance  (ix.  3),  contains  the 
following  address  to  certain  supposed  archangels:  "  And  now,  to  you,  O  ye  holy  ones  of 
heaven,  the  souls  of  men  complain,  saying,  'Obtain  justice  for  us  with  the  Most  High.'  "  At 
xl.  6,  again.  Gabriel  is  s[ioken  of  as  "  petitioning  and  praying  "  for  those  who  dwell  on  earth. 
In  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  in  connection  with  a  description  of  the  seven, 
heavens,  the  writer  savs  ("  Test.  Levi,"  iii.):  "  In  the  fifth  are  the  angels  of  the  f)resi'nce  ot 
God.  wbii  Miinister  and    make   propitiator i/  nfferinr/s  to  the  Lnnl."      Again,  in  cliaii.  v.  of   th< 


THE  BOOK   OF   TOBIT.  119 

same  Testament  an  angel  is  made  to  say  :  "  I  am  the  angel  who  intercedes  for  pardon  with 
respect  to  the  nation  of  Israel."     Cf.  Fabricius,  Codex  Pseudep.,  i.  pp.  546,  550. 

Still  another  peculiar  feature  of  the  angelology  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  is  the  plain  intimation 
that  anjels  may  become  enamored  with  women  of  the  human  race,  and  enjoy  with  them  unhal- 
lowed sexual  intercourse.  There  is  no  other  reasonable  explanation  of  the  relations  said  to 
have  been  sustained  to  Sarra  by  Asmodieus.  But  on  what  is  such  an  idea  based  ?  It  can 
only  be  based  on  a  false  interpretation  of  the  well-known  passage  in  Genesis  (vi.  2),  where 
the  "  sons  of  God  "  are  spoken  of  as  intermarrying  with  the  daughters  of  men.  This  view 
was  widely  accepted,  at  first,  in  the  synagogue  and  the  church,  and  may  have  been  shared 
also  bv  the  translators  of  the  Septuagint,  since  the  MSS.  are  divided  between  the  reading 
viol  Ton  &eov  anil  S776\oi  t.  0.  Two  important  apocryphal  works,  in  addition  to  the  Book  of 
Tobit,  contain  the  teaching,  —  the  Book  of  Enoi-h,  and  the  Book  of  the  Jubilees,  or  the 
Little  Genesis.  It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  in  our  day  there  are  scarcely  any  commenta- 
tors of  note  who  o-ive  it  the  least  countenance  as  the  real  meaning  of  the  passage  cited  from 
(Jenesis.  Again,  the  canonical  Scriptures  give  no  countenance  to  the  views  of  the  Book  of 
Tobit  (vi.  16)  respecting  the  exorcism  of  demons.  These  views,  however,  are  in  complete 
harmony  with  practices  which  were  common  among  the  Jews  and  other  nations  before  and 
after  the  time  of  Christ.  On  one  of  the  Babylonian  monuments  occurs  a  singular  instance 
of  the  use  of  the  magic  knot  (itoToSeo-^os)  for  the  purpose  of  exorcising  demoniacal  spirits. 
The  inscription  is  as  follows  :  — 
"  Go,  my  son! 

Take  a  woman's  linen  kerchief, 

Bind  it  (?)  round  thy  right  hand  :  loose  it  (?)  from  the  left  hand ; 

Knot  it  with  seven  knots  :  do  so  twice; 

Bind  it  round  the  head  of  the  sick  man; 

Bind  it  round  his  head  and  feet,  like  manacles  and  fetters: 

Sit  down  (?)  on  his  bed: 

Sprinkle  holy  water  over  him : 

The  gods  will  receive  his  dying  spirit."  ' 

Many  allusions  in  the  New  Testament  itself  show  how  prevalent  the  use  of  extraordinary 
means  for  exorcism  was  at  that  time  (Matt.  xii.  27;  Acts  xix.  13,  16).  Joscphus,  also 
(^Antiq.,  viii.  2,  §  5),  gives  an  account  of  an  instance  even  more  extravagant  in  some  of  its 
features  than  that  used  against  Asmodieus.  And  Justin  Martyr  (Dial,  cum  Tnjph.,  c.  85) 
puts  the  inquiry,  whether  a  Jew  could  exorcise  a  demon  by  using  the  name  of  the  God  of 
Abraham.  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  That  the  power  exercised  so  wonderfully  by  Christ,  and  before 
and  after  his  ascension  by  his  disciples,  over  the  powers  of  darkness,  was  of  quite  another 
sort,  and  employed  in  quite  another  manner,  needs  no  proof.  To  none  of  these  instances 
would  the  term  ''exorcise,"  in  its  usual  signification,  be  at  all  applicable. 

A  second  important  particular  in  which  the  Book  of  Tobit  separates  itself  in  its  doctrinal 
teaching  from  the  canonical  Scriptures  is  the  emphasis  which  it  lays  on  the  matter  of  fasting 
and  almsgiving.  A  careful  examination  will  show  that  the  opinion  expressed  by  Westcott 
(Smith's  Bible  Did.,  art.  "  Tobit  ")  on  this  point  is  somewhat  too  favorable.  He  savs: 
"  There  may  be  symptoms  of  a  tendency  to  formal  righteousness  of  works;  but  as  yet  the 
works  are  painted  as  springing  from  a  living  faith.  The  devotion  due  to  Jerusalem  isunited 
with  definite  acts  of  charity  (i.  6-8),  and  with  the  prospect  of  wider  blessings  (xiii.  11).  The 
giving  of  alms  is  not  a  mere  scattering  of  wealth,  but  a  real  service  of  love  (i.  16,  17;  ii.  1-7; 
iv.  7,  11,  16),  though  at  times  the  emphasis  which  is  laid  upon  the  duty  is  exaggerated  (as  it 
seems)  from  the  special  circumstances  in  which  the  writer  was  placeil  (xii.  9;  xiv.  10,  11)." 

With  respect  to  fasting,  it  is  well  known  that  among  the  Jews  it  was  looked  upon  quite 
ilifferently  at  tlie  time  of  Christ  from  what  it  had  been  up  to  the  period  when  the  canonical 
books  of  Scripture  were  gathered.  How  much  stress  the  Pharisees  laid  upon  the  observance 
is  clear  from  many  allusions  in  the  New  Testament,  and  is  proved  also  from  other  sources. 
Cf.  Schiirer,  p.  505.  Now,  the  tendency  to  exaggerate  the  duty  and  the  merit  of  fasting 
seems  to  have  begun  soon  after  the  cessation  of  prophecy.  Some  signs  of  it,  indeed,  are 
manifest  in  the  warnings  of  the  later  prophets  (Is.  Iviii.  3-7  ;  cf.  Zech.  vii.  5).  But  in  the 
various  apocryphal  books,  including  the  present  one,  it  is  seen  in  rapid  development.     Cf. 

1  See  Transact.,  ii.  54. 


120  THK   APOCKVPHA. 


Jud.  viii.  6;  2  Esdras  vi.  31,  ix.  23,  x.  4.  The  writer  of  Tobit  does,  it  is  true,  teach  that 
prayer  is  to  be  united  with  fasting  (xii.  8) ;  but  the  whole  tenor  of  the  book  shows  that  this 
prayer,  too,  in  liannony  with  the  spirit  of  the  time,  was  but  another  form  of  the  opua  npera- 
tum  by  which  it  was  hoped  to  win  ri;;hteonsness  before  God.  It  is  the  advocacy  of  fasting  as 
a  regularly  recurring,  and  in  itself  meritorious,  observance  that  divides  these  apocryi)hal  teach- 
ings from  that  of  the  canonical  books.  It  is  the  false  spirit  that  breathes  in  them,  and  that 
finds  its  unmistakable  utterance  at  last  in  the  words:  "I  fast  twice  in  the  week;  I  give 
tithes  of  all  I  possess,"  etc.  (Luke  xviii.  12).  We  have,  indeed,  not  to  go  very  far  back 
before  we  find  the  veritable  prototype  of  this  familiar  character.  Tobit  says  (i.  3)  :  "  All  the 
davs  of  my  life  I  have  walked  in  righteousness  and  truth;  "  "  The  whole  house  of  Nephthali 
apostatized,"  but  I  stood  fast  (i.  6).  "  All  my  brethren  partook  of  the  bread  of  the  lieathen," 
but  I  did  not  (i.  11,  12). 

But  particular  emphasis  is  laid,  in  our  book,  on  the  duty  of  alrfisgiving.  In  fact,  to  such 
an  extent  is  this  the  case  that  some  critics  have  regarded  it  as  one  of  the  leading  objects 
of  the  composition  to  inculcate  the  duty.  Tobit  is  represented  as  taking  particular  credit 
to  himself  for  having  given  alms  so  freely  (i.  3,  16).  He  enjoins  the  same  earnestly 
upon  his  son  (iv.  7,  8).  He  declares  that  such  giving  of  alms  is  an  ayaSSv,  and  to  be 
ranged  with  fasting,  prayer,  and  righteousness  (xii.  8).  He  even  hoWs  that  it  saves 
from  death  (iv.  10),  purifies  from  all  sin  (xii.  9),  and  imparts  the  fullness  of  life  (xii.  9; 
xiv.  10,  11).  Is  this  in  harmony  with  the  teachings  of  the  canonical  Scriptures?  No 
doubt,  they  inculcate  the  same  duty.  But  do  they  ascribe  to  its  right  performance 
the  same  relative  importance,  and  especially  do  they  expect  from  it  the  same  extraor- 
dinary results?  The  question  needs  only  to  be  asked.  That  we  do  not  mistake  the 
real  purport  of  these  passages  from  the  Book  of  Tobit  will  appear  when  they  are  examined 
in  the  original.  It  teaches  that  "  almsgiving  saves  from  death  "  (ixeriixoaivrt  ix  eavirov  pvirai) 
"purifies  from  every  sin"  (aTToKaSapii'inacTav  afiapTiav),  and  to  those  practicing  it  imparts 
"  the  fullness  of  life  [ol  TroioCfTts  SiKaiotriiraj  irX-riaB-haovTai  fojjjs).  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  word  eivaros  is  here  used  in  its  general  sense  as  denoting  the  punitive  consequences  of 
sin ;  and  so  including  not  only  the  death  of  the  body,  but  all  other  evil  effects  of  transgres- 
sion. This  would  appear,  not  only  from  the  well-established  meaning  which  the  term  had 
already  acquired  (see  Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc,  and  Sengelmann,  Einleit.,  p.  33),  but  also  from 
the  connection  in  which  it  is  employed,  and  the  striking  contrast  into  which  it  is  brought 
(xii.  9)  with  the  idea  of  purification  from  all  sin  and  the  fullness  of  life.  In  fact,  it  would 
have  been  difficult  at  that  time  to  have  expressed  the  idea  of  deliverance  from  eternal  death 
with  more  exactness  or  definiteness.  It  is  quite  a  different  thought  that  rules  in  such  pas- 
sages as  Ps.  xii.  1-3;  Prov.  x.  2,  xi.  4,  xix.  7;  Dan.  iv.  27;  Matt.  xxv.  31  ff.;  Luke  xi.  41,  xvi. 
9 ;  and  many  others.  In  none  of  them  do  we  find  anything  that  brings  any  real  support  to 
the  teachintr  that  "  almsgiving /Juri/Te.'i  from  every  sin,^'  and  rescues  one  from  the  destruction 
that  sin  has  caused.  It  is  the  teaching  alone  of  the  Book  of  Tobit,  with  other  associated 
apocryphal  books  (of.  Ecclus.  iii.  31;  xxix.  12),  and  of  that  perverse  rabbinism  which  did 
not  hesitate  to  make  void  the  law  of  God  through  its  traditions.  Indeed,  it  is  easy  to  see 
just  where  our  book  steps  aside  from  the  safe  path.  It  is  where  it  takes  a  single  and  sub- 
ordinate element  of  a  virtue,  and  exalts  it  above  the  virtue  in  its  complete  form.  This,  in 
fact,  is  characteristic  of  all  heresy  {a1p((ns.  Cf.  Trench,  Syn.  of  the  N.  T.,  1st  ser.,  p.  239). 
The  writer  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  exhibits,  only  in  a  superior  degree,  the  marks  of  a  tendency 
which  ajipears  in  the  translation  of  the  LXX.  when  they  give  iKerifuKTwri  as  the  rendering  for 
np"T?.  They  took  a  part  for  the  whole.  He  went  further,  and  took  almsgiving  for  Actj^oo-wt), 
— ^the  outward  act  for  the  inward  feeling,  —  and  ended  by  ascribing  to  it  a  power  which  no 
one  .should  have  dared  to  give  even  to  righteousness,  except  in  its  highest  form.  As  it  is, 
we  meet  already,  in  this  pre-Christian  document,  the  denial  in  advance  of  the  central  truth 
of  Christianity:  "  But  if  ye  walk  in  the  light,  as  he  is  in  the  light,  we  have  fellowship  one 
with  another,  and  the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  his  Son,  cleanseth  us  from  all  sin."     See  1 

John  i.  5. 

Author,  Place,  and  Time  of  Composition. 

The  author  of  the  Book  of  Tobit  was  undoubteilly  a  Jew,  as  is  sufficiently  proved  by  its 

language  and  spirit.     That  he  wrote  in  Palestine,  however,  by  no  means  follows.     He  is  cer- 

Uinly  not  un.acquainted  with  the  countries  with  which  the  Jews  after  the  Captivity  wer« 

brought  in  contact  — Egypt,  Babylon,  and  Media.     It  is  indeed  most  proliable,  consid-ring 


THE   BOOK   OF   TOBIT.  121 

especially  the  form  of  the  narrative  throughout,  that  the  opinion  of  Ewald  is  correct,  who 
holds  that  the  book  was  wi'itten  in  the  far  East.  He  bases  his  opinion  not  only  on  the 
author's  accurate  knowledge  of  the  places  where  the  scene  of  the  book  is  laid,  his  use  of 
proper  names  then  and  there  common,  but  also  on  what  he  considers  the  special  aim  of  the 
work  itself.  (See  Geschichte  d.  Volk.  Is.,  iv.  269.)  The  same  critic  dates  its  orii;in  at  the 
end  of  the  period  of  the  Persian  dominion  (victory  of  Alexander  at  Issus,  B.  c.  333).  But 
this  is  evidently  too  early.  Eichhorn  could  not  make  up  his  mind  that  it  was  even  a  proiiuct 
of  the  pre-Christian  era.  Hitzig  holds  that  it  was  written  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by 
the  Romans.  Graetz,  Koliut,  and  Neubauer  refer  it  to  a  time  when  the  burial  of  their  dead 
was  prohibited  to  the  Jews.  There  are  two  such  periods  known  in  Jewish  history:  the  first 
at  about  A.  D.  2.50,  under  the  Guebres  in  Persia,  at  which  time  Kohiit  fixes  the  date  of  the 
composition.  But  this  supposition  overlooks  the  fact  that  the  work  is  cited  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria.  Hence,  Graetz  and  Neubauer  decide  upon  the  time  of  Hadrian,  "after  the  fall 
of  the  famous  fortress  of  Bether,  so  valiantly  defended  by  Bar  Kokhba.  The  Talmud  men- 
tions in  fact  that  the  benediction  after  meals  — '  Blessed  be  he  who  is  good  and  doeth  good  ' 
—  was  instituted  after  the  dead  bodies  round  Bether  were  allowed  to  be  buried."  (See  Neu- 
bauer, The  Book  of  Tobit,  p.  .xvii.)  Hilgenfeld  and  Vaihinger,  with  Fabricius  and  others, 
maintain  that  it  was  composed  in  the  first  century  (b.  c.)  ;  while  even  Scholz  does  not  accept 
Ewald 's  date,  but  decides  for  the  earlier  part  of  the  period  of  the  Grsco-Macedoiiian  rule. 

In  the  mean  time,  there  are  certain  facts  of  importance  bearing  on  the  question.  These 
are,  (1.)  The  composition  of  such  a  book  as  the  present  one  by  a  Jew,  in  Greek,  or  its  trans- 
lation into  Greek,  if  it  were  first  written  in  Hebrew;  (2.)  its  doctrinal  bearings,  especially  the 
form  which  Judaism  here  assumes  with  respect  to  the  outside  world,  its  governments  and  its 
own  hopes.  These  show  a  much  later  origin  than  that  supposed  by  Ewald.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  ia  no  sufEcient  reason  for  fi.xing  the  date  at  so  late  a  period  as  that  assigned  by 
Hitzitj,  or  even  by  Vaihinger  and  Hilgenfeld,  while  it  might  be  urged  against  their  view  that 
the  work  bears  clear  marks  of  an  earlier  age.  "  It  is  simple  in  tone.  There  is  wanting  in  it 
that  rhetorical  pathos  which  was,  at  this  later  period,  so  much  liked.  And  its  contents  are 
not  so  artificially  arranged  or  composed  in  a  manner  to  excite  wonder,  as  was  the  custom  of 
the  later  time."  (Fritzsche,  Einleil.,  p.  16.)  On  these  grounds,  it  seems  on  the  whole 
most  likely  that  the  composition  had  its  origin,  as  the  latter  critic,  Keil,  Herzfeld,  and  others 
suppose,  near  the  close  of  the  Maccabasan  wars. 

History. 

There  is  no  allusion  to  the  Book  of  Tobit  in  the  writings  of  either  Philo  or  Josephus.  The 
supposed  references  of  the  New  Testament,  as  for  example  at  Matt.  vii.  12  (cf.  Luke  vi.  31), 
2  Cor.  viii.  12,  to  Tobit  iv.  16,  iv.  9,  respectively,  are  quite  too  general  and  uncertain  to 
claim  attention.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Polycarp  {Ep.  ad  Phil.,  x.),  in  the  words  :  "  Elee- 
mosyna  de  morte  liberat,"  would  cite  Tob.  iv.  10,  or  Ecclus.  xxix.  12  (cf.  iii.  30),  where  es- 
sentially the  same  expression  occurs.  The  first  undisputed  citation  is  that  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria  {Strom.,  vi.  12;  see  also,  ii.  23),  who  quotes  from  the  Greek  text  the  words  of 
Tobit  xii.  8  :  'Aya6hv  vT\ar(ta  ya-ra.  wpoaivxhi,  and  accompanies  them  with  the  usual  formula  of 
citation  from  Scripture.  But  as  he  is  the  first  so  is  he  also  the  last  important  writer  of  the 
Greek  church  who  assigns  to  it  this  position;  since  Origen,  however  inconsistent  his  practice 
may  have  been,  rested  the  authority  of  the  work  simply  on  the  usage  of  the  church,  declaring 
that  the  Jews  rejected  it  along  with  Judith  (Ep.  ad  Afric,  xiii.).  So  also  Athanasius,  who 
in  his  formal  list  reckoned  it  definitely  among  the  apocryphal  books,  but  still  recommended 
its  use  to  those  "  desirous  of  being  instructed  in  the  rules  of  piety,"  and  used  it  himself,  and 
at  times  even  as  though  it  possessed  canonical  authority  (see  Apol.  c.  Arian.,  xi. ;  cf.  Tobit 
xii.  7).  That  this  was  the  attitude  of  the  entire  ancient  Greek  church  as  a  body  is  evident, 
among  other  reasons,  from  the  fact  that  in  the  reaction  of  modern  times  it  has  been  niaiu- 
tained  by  them  (cf.  Herzog's  Real-Encjjk.,  vii.  268).  The  work  was  included  in  no  one  of 
the  three  important  catalogues  of  the  Biblical  books  by  Cyril  of  Jerus.alem,  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anzus,  and  Epiphanius  respectively.  The  same  is  true  of  the  list  of  Melito  of  Sardis,  and  of 
the  8oth  of  the  Apostolical  Canons.' 

Apparently,  through  the  African  church,  where  we  find  Lucifer  of  Cagliari  (f  A.  D.  371) 
making  use  of  the  Old  Latin  translation  of  the  book,  and  Augustine  (a.  d.  354-430)  recom- 

1  Cf.  Smith's  Diet,  of  ChrUi.  Antiq.,  art.  "  Apostol.  Can;" 


122  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


mending  it  as  among  the  books  "  received  by  the  church,"  —  i.  e.,  the  Latin  African  church 
—  it  passed  into  that  of  the  West.  At  first,  however,  it  was  not  received  without  hesitation, 
Ruffinus  (f  A.  D.  410)  classing  it  among  books  "  ecclesiastical,"  rather  than  "  canonical," 
while  Jerome  (a.  d.  329-420),  as  is  well  known,  held  it,  together  with  the  other  apocryphal 
productions  which  had  been  added  to  the  Hebrew  canon,  to  be  unauthoritative.  The  influ- 
ence of  Augustine,  the  controversialist,  seems,  however,  to  have  finally  preponderated  over 
that  of  Jerome,  the  scholar,  since  the  councils  of  Hippo  (a.  d.  39.S),  of  Carthage  (a.  d.  397), 
and  of  Carthage  (a.  d.  419),  in  all  of  which  he  took  part,  fixed  the  canon  according  to  his 
list  in  De  Doct.  Chr.,  ii.  8.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  views  of  Augustine  himself  were 
far  from  being  clear  on  the  subject.  In  practice  he,  too,  admitted  a  distinction  between  the 
books  of  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  apocryphal  (cf.  Westcott,  Bib.  in  Ch.,  p.  187),  and  was 
no  doubt  much  influenced  in  his  general  position  by  a  high  regard  for  the  LXX.,  possibly, 
also,  for  his  spiritual  father,  Ambrose,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  warm  admirer  of  some  of 
the  apocryphal  books,  especially  of  Tobit,  whom  he  calls  a  prophet. 

In  the  history  of  the  book,  as  of  the  Apocrypha  in  general,  subsequent  to  the  time  of  Au- 
gustine and  Jerome,  the  influence  of  both  of  these  fathers  is  clearly  observable,  though  in 
different  directions.  While  the  majority  held  by  the  opinion  of  the  former,  as  sanctioned  by 
the  early  councils,  there  were  not  a  few  writers  of  note,  even  up  to  the  time  of  the  council 
of  Trent,  who  as  firmly  defended,  or  at  least  conformed  in  practice,  to  that  of  the  latter.  An 
African  bishop,  Junilius  (cir.  a.  d.  550),  not  only  distinguishes  the  apocryphal  from  the 
other  books  of  Scripture,  but  in  his  list  makes  no  mention  of  Tobit  wJiatever.  Gregory  the 
Great  (f  a.  d.  604)  apologizes  for  quoting  from  1  Mace,  and  cites  Tobit  (Horn,  in  Ezech., 
Ix.)  as  something  which  "  pier  quendam  sapientem  dicitur."  Venerable  Bede  (f  A.  D.  735) 
wrote  a  commentary  on  Tobit  (//(  librum  B.  Patris  Tobice  explanationis  allegoricm  de  Christo 
et  Ecclesia,  lib.  i.),  but  did  not  regard  the  work  as  of  canonical  authority.  Nicolaus  de  Lyra 
(f  a.  d.  1340),  in  his  Prcsfat.  in  Libr.  I'obice,  says:  "  Veritas  scripta  in  lil>ris  canonicis 
prior  est  tempore  quantum  ad  plura,  et  diguitate  quantum  ad  omnia,  quam  sit  ilia  quEe  scri- 
bitur  in  non  canonicis."  In  more  modern  times,  the  history  of  the  book  has  not  been  peculiar 
to  itself,  but,  in  general,  has  corresponded  with  that  of  the  other  works  of  its  class.  In  the 
Anglican  church,  however,  it  attained  in  very  early  times  to  an  extraordinary  position, 
which  it  holds  to  this  day.  Not  only  was  the  judgment  of  Luther  and  other  continental 
Protestant  leaders  confirmed  that  it  was  a  work  "  useful  for  Christian  reading,"  but  it  was 
quoted  in  the  Second  Book  of  Homilies  as  the  teaching  of  "  the  Holy  Ghost  in  Scripture," 
and  several  passages  were  introduced  from  it  into  different  parts  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer. 


TOBIT. 


Chapter  I. 

1  Book  *  of  the  history  of  Tobit,  the  son  of  Tobiel,  the  son  of  Ananiel,  the  S07i  of 

2  Aduel,  the  soti  of  Gabael."  of  the  seed  of  Asiel,"*  of  the  tribe  of  Nephthalim,^  who 
in  the  time  of  Enemessarus  king  of  the  Assyrians  was  led  captive  out  of  Tliisbe, 

3  which  is  at  the  right  hand  of  Cydis  of  Nephthalim  ^  in  Galilee  above  Aser.  I  To- 
bit  walked "  all  the  days  of  my  life  in  the  way  of  truth  and  righteousness,'  and  I  did 
many  almsdeeds  to  my  brethren,  and  my  nation,  who  had  come  together  with  me 

4  into  the  land  of  the  Assyrians,  to  Nineve.*  And  when  I  was  in  my  country,  in  the 
land  of  Israel,  being  young,'  all  the  tribe  of  Nephthalim  '■"  my  father  fell  from  the 
house  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  chosen  out  of  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  that  all  the 
tribes  should  sacrifice  there,  and  the  temple  of  the  habitation  of  the  jMost  High 

5  had  been  consecrated  there,  and  built "  for  all  ages.  And '-  all  the  tribes  which 
together  revolted,  and  the  house  of  my  father  Nephthalim,^^  sacrificed  unto  the 

6  heifer  ^^  Baal.  And  I  alone  went  often  to  Jerusalem  at  the  feasts,  as  it  was 
prescribed  unto  all  Israel '°  by  an  everlasting  decree,  having  the  first-fruits  and 
tenths  of  increase,  with  that  which  was  first  shorn  ;  and  them  gave  I  for  ^^  the  altar 

7  to  the  priests  the  children  of  Aaron.  The  tenth  "  part  of  all  increase  I  gave  to  the 
children  of  Levi,'"  who  ministered  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  second  tenth  '^  part  I 

8  sold,'-*  and  went  and  spent  it  every  year  at  Jerusalem  ;  and  the  third  I  gave  unto 
them  to  whom  it  was  meet,  as  Debbora  ^  my  father's  mother  had  directed,'--  because 

9  I  was  left  an  orphan  by  my  father.  And  '■"  when  I  became  -*  a  man,  I  married 
10  Anna  who  was  of  my  kindred,-^  and  of  her  I  begat  Tobias.    And  when  I  was  carried 

away  captive  -"  to  Nineve,  all  my  brethren  and  those  that  were  of  my  nation  '-''  did 
11,  12  eat  of  the  bread  of  the  Gentiles;  but  I  kept  myself  so  that  I  did  not  eat,-"  be- 

13  cause  I  remembered  God  with  all  my  soul.-''    And  the  Most  High  gave  me  agreeable- 

14  ness  and  beauty  of  form""  before  Enemessarus,  and"'  I  was  his  purveyor.     And  I 
went  into  Media,  and  left  in  trust  with  Gabaelus,  the  brother  of  Gabrias,  at  Rages  "^ 

15  a  city  of  Media,  ten  talents  of  silver.     And  ""  when  Enemessarus  was  dead,  Sen- 
nacherim  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead  ;  and  his  ways  were  unstable  and  I  was  no  more 

1 6  able  to  "■*  go  into  Media.     And  in  the  time  of  Enemessarus  I  did  many  almsdeeds  "* 

Ver,  1.  — '  A.  v.  :  The  book.  ^  nrords  (marg.,  arts ;  Gr.,  Xoycuv)  of  T.  son  of  T.  the  son  of  A.,  Iht  son  of  A.  the  son 

of  G.  3  Asael  (as  64.  106.  a48  Co.  Aid.).  ■■  Nephthali.  Fritzsche  adopts  here  and  in  the  following  verses  from 
II.  III.  58.  and  most  of  the  other  authorities,  N€(fi0aAei/i. 

Ver.  2.  —  5  A.  v.  :  Enemesaar  [as  everywhere]  king  ....  that  city  which  if  called  properly  Nephthali  (marg.,  Eedes 
of  Nephthali  in  Galilee).    For  'Ersfietr.  the  Old  Lat.  Vulg.  Syr.  [IF.  IIM.  and  Chald.  have  "  Salmanassar." 

Ver.  3.  — •*  A.  V.  :  have  walked  (Gr.,  eiropevi/iijr).  ^  justice  {.lunius,  ;k,«c).  8  came  (better,  crvtnropevdelcn,  from 
23.  55.  68.,  etc.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.)  ....  to  N.,  into  the  land  of  the  A. 

Ver.  4.  —  »  A.  V.  :  mine  own  country  ....  but  young.  i»  Nephthali.  "  where  the  temple  of  the  habitation  of 
the  Most  High  was  consecrated  and  built. 

Ver.  5.  —12  A.  V.  :  Now.  is  Nephthali.  "  For  SaniAei  248.  Co.  have  Swii^ti,  which  the  version  of  1611  notices 
in  the  margin,  as  also  the  "  Bahali  deo  "  of  Junius  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  6.  —15  A.  V.  :  But  I was  ordained  unto  all  the  people  of  Israel  (so  23.  58.  64s  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.).        is  at. 

Ver.  7.  —  "  A.  V.  :  first  tenth  (so  64.  106.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  and  Junius).  is  sons  of  Aaron  (so  Junius).  The 
reading  'Aapiii'  for  Aevi  is  found  only  in  the  less  important  MSS.  (68.  64.  243.  249.)with  Co.  and  Aid.  I  write  "  children 
of  L."  for  uniformity  ;  cf.  ver.  6.        i»  A.  V. :  another  tenth.        -«  sold  away  (see  Com.). 

Ver.  8.  — 21  A.  V.  ;  Debora  (so  Junius).        --  commanded  me. 

Ver.  9.  —23  A.  v.  :  Furthermore.         ^  I  was  come  to  the  ago  of.         '■■  of  mine  own  kindred. 

Ver.  10.  —  =»  A.  V. :  we  were  ....  captives.  Fritzsche  receives  ^jxtLaXwritre^v  from  III.  44.  62.  and  others,  with  Co 
►nd  Aid.    Cod.  n.  agrees  with  the  text.  rec.  in  giving  [)x^oAuiTi<r«>)(ie>'.        •'  A.  V.  1  kindred  (Or.,  tov  yeVovj  (xou). 

Ver.  11.  —  2a  A.  V.  :  myself  from  eating  (see  Com.).        29  heart  (Gr,  i/fuxn)- 

Ver.  13.  — 31  A.  V.  :  grace  and  favor  (Junius,  gratiam  decoremque).         8i  so  that. 

Ver.  14.  — S2  A.  V. :  Qabael.    The  Aldiue  text  has  ev  a-ypois  for  ev  'Payois  ;  A.  V. :  marg.,  in  the  land  or  country  of  M 

Ver.  16.  — 33  A.  V. :  Now.        s*  Sennacherib  ....  whose  etaa^e  (Junius,  rationes)  was  troubled  that  I  could  not,  etc 

Ver.  18.  —  "  A.  V. :  gave  many  alma.    (Cf .  ver.  3.) 


124 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


17  to  my  brethren,  mid  gave  my  bread  to  the  hungry,  and  clothes  to  the  naked  ;  and  if 
I  saw  any  of  my  nation  who  had  died  and  been  cast  behind  the  wall '  of  Nineve,  I 

18  buried  him.  And  if  tlie  king  Sennacherim  slew  '■'  any,  when  he  came  as  fugitive  from 
Judiva,^  I  buried  them  privily  (fo"  in  his  wrath  he  killed  many)  ;  and  *  the  bodies 

19  were  not  found,  when  they  were  sought  for  of  the  king.  And  one^  of  the  Nine- 
vites  went  and  informed  the  king  of  me,*  that  I  buried  them,  and  hid  myself;  and' 
understanding  that  I  was  sought  for  to  be  put  to  death,  I  withdi-ew  myself  for  fear. 

20  And  "  all  my  goods  were  forcibly  taken  away,  neither  was  there  any  thing  left  me, 
'21   besides  my  wife  Anna  and  my  son  Tobias.     And  there   passed  not  fifty  ^  days,  be- 
fore his  two  '"  sons  killed  him  ;  and  they  fled  into  the  mountains  of  Ararat.''     And 
Sacherdonus '"  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead ;  and  he  '^  appointed  over  the  whole 
business  of  accounts  of  his  realm  and  over  the  entire  administration,"  Achiacharus, 

22  my  brother  Anael's  son.  And  Achiacharus  interceding  •'°  for  me,  I  came  '*  to  Nineve. 
But  Achiacharus  was  cupbearer,  and  keeper  of  the  signet,  and  steward,  and  ac- 
countant ;  "  and  Sacherdonus  "  appointed  him  to  be  second  in  rank  ;  '^  and  he  was 
my  brother's  son. 

Ver.  17.  —  1  A.  T. :  my  clothes  {as  23.  44.  58.  64.  74.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  dead,  or  cast  about  the  walls.  The  reading  iiri 
(.luniii^,  ad)  for  oirio-w  is  found  in  III.  23.  64.  Aid.  Co.,  but  it  is  obTiously  a  correction.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin 
behind  the  waits. 

Ver.  18.  —  -  A.  V. :  Sennacherib  [as  everj'wherej  had  slain.  For  airtKreivev  (instead  of  offeVrewe)  Fritzsche  citee  the 
authority  of  III.  55.  71.  74.  76.  249.  To  these  II.  can  be  added.  The  form  of  the  king^s  name  in  II.  is  always  dxilpciA 
(for  axTjpei^)  the  transcriber  having,  apparently,  left  off  the  prefix  <r€»',  as  being  the  name  of  a  heathen  deity. 
3  A.  V.  :  was  come,  and  tied  from  Judea  (Gr.,  ^KBe  tfreuyoic,  etc.).        *  but, 

Ver.  19.  —  ^  A.  V. :  when  one.        «  complained  of  me  to  the  king.         '  omits  and  (8e). 

Ver.  20— "  A.  v.;  Then  (Junius,  Turn). 

Ver.  21.  —5  A.  V.  :  flye  and  fifty  (see  Com.).  '»  two  of  his. 
"Apopir  from  in.  23.  58.  64.  >2  A.  V. :  Sarchedonus  "  who. 
and  over  all  his  affairs. 

Ver.  22.  —  lo  A.  V. :  entreating.         "  returned.        i'  Now  A.  was  . 


"  Araratb  {text.  rer.  andll.).    Fritzsche  adopts 
"  his  father's  (as  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.)  accounts, 


.  .  .  overseer  of  the  accounts.      "  SarchedonuB. 


»o  next  unto  him.    Cod.  n.  with  the  Syr.  supplies  uid?  before  «  SeuTcpac. 


Chapter  I. 


Ver.  2.  Snemessar.  See  ii.  15.  Uudoubt- 
edly  Shalmaneser  is  meant.  Whether  the  pres- 
ent form  of  the  word  is  a  corruption  (a.s  Grotius 
supposes),  or  simply  another  name  for  the  same 
person  (as  others  think),  cannot  with  certainty 
be  determined.  Kawliuson  adopts  tiie  former 
view.  He  ^ays  ihe  first  syllable  S)uil  has  been 
dropped  (in  Abydenus  we  find  Bnpalns.sor  for 
Nabopolassar),  and  the  order  of  the  liquids  m 
and  n  reversed.  With  respect  to  the  historical 
statement  of  the  present  verse,  the  same  autlior 
remarl^s  that  the  writer  follows  the  appnrfut  nar- 
rative of  the  Book  of  Kings  (2  Kinfjs  xvii.  3-6  ; 
xviii.  9-1 1).  See,  further,  the  Introduction  to 
the  pre.sent  book,  under  "Historical  Diflieulties." 
—  Thisbe-  There  was  a  place  of  this  name  in 
Gilead,  where  the  prophet  Elijah  was  born,  and, 
for  a  time,  lived.  Hence,  perhaps,  the  definite- 
uess  of  the  description  in  our  passage.  Winer 
{litdUvorte.ib.,  ad  voc.)  and  some  others  maintain 
the  identity  of  the  two  places.  According  to  2 
Kings  XV.  29  (cf.  xvi.  9),  the  people  of  this  region 
were  made  cajitives  by  Tigbith-Pileser. 

Ver.  3.  For  remarks  on  aKiiBeta,  see  1  Esd.  iv. 
40.  —  ^tKaioavvT}  ^=  "  that  relalionship  to  the  5i/c^ 
which  fulfills  its  claims."  See  Cremer's  Lt:r.,  ad 
voc.  Did  many  almsdeeds.  Cf.  with  the  Greek 
Acts  ix.  36. 

Ver.  4.  'HytdtrBri  ....  tfKoSofi'fidri.  The  aorist 
is  sometimes  used  in  narrative  for  the  pluper- 
fect. See  Winer,  p.  275 ;  Buttmann,  pp.  199,  200. 
It  is  here  said  that  Tobit  was  a  young  niiin  at  the 
time  of  the  falling  away  of  the  tribe  of  Neph- 
thalini  from  Judah.  The  Chaldaic  text  agrees 
wiih  this  represectation  :  "  And  when  he  was  but 
young  in  the  land  of  Israel,  all  the  tribe  of  Naph- 


thali  rebelled  against  the  kingdom  of  David,  and 
refused  to  go  to  Jerusalem."  Hence  Tobit  must 
have  been  at  least  two  hundred  years  old  at  the 
time  of  the  Assyrian  captivity.  But,  according 
to  a  later  statement  of  the  book  (xiv.  11),  he  only 
lived  to  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight 
years  altogether.  It  might  be  said  that  not  a 
political,  but  a  spiritual,  falling  away  is  meant. 
Still,  the  explanation  can  be  hardly  regarded  as 
suflicient.  The  Vulgate,  while  using  different 
dates,  is  no  less  inconsistent.  According  to  it 
Tobit  was  carried  away  with  the  capiives  removed 
in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Hoshea  (2  Kings 
xvii.  6).  He  is  represented  as  knowing  of  the 
destruction  of  the  temple  (Viilg.,  xiii.  11,  12), 
which  took  place  one  hundred  and  thirty  years 
later,  while  elsewhere  (xiv.  2)  he  is  said  to  have 
reached  only  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  two  years- 

Ver.  5.  Tj?  BdoA  rrj  5ajuaA€i,  to  the  heifer 
Baal,  I.  e.,  the  idol  Baal  which  was  worshipped 
in  the  form  of  a  heifer.  Both  the  masculine  and 
leminine  genders  are  used  in  the  LXX.,  in  speak- 
ing of  this  deity. 

Ver.  6.  This  statement  that  Tobit  went  alone 
(^6vos'  Sin.,  fjLoyunaros)  to  Jerusalem  to  sacrifice 
does  not  agree  with  one  found  at  v.  13.  —  Often. 
Three  times  a  year  was  prescribed.  See  Ex. 
xxiii.  17. 

Vers-  7-9.  Respecting  tithes,  see  Numb,  xviii. 
21,  24-32.  On  the  second  tenth,  see  Dent.  xii. 
17  f . ;  xiv.  22.  —  I  sold,  aTriwpaTt^6/n}v.  It  was 
sold  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  transportation, 
and  so  to  save  expense.  This  (ireek  word  is 
said  to  be  nowhere  else  found  —  The  third.  See 
Dent.  xiv.  28,  29;  xxvi.  12.  —  Of  my  kindred. 
It  was  at  that  time,  and  is  still,  regarded  ir  ths 


TOBIT. 


125 


Orient  ns  praiseworthy  to  marry  among  one's  own 
kindreil. 

Ver.  10.  Bread  of  the  Gentiles,  i.  e.,  food 
that  was  foibiddiii  by  the  law  of  Moses.  Cf. 
Judith  X.  5;  Acts  x.  14. 

Ver.  1 1 .  ^vvfTTipriaa  ttjv  ^uxv^  f^ov.  Most  of 
the  old  eommentators  (as  A.  V.)  hold  that  the 
substantive  simply  represents  the  personal  pro- 
noun. But  it  nii^'ht  also  be  taken  in  its  usual 
sense.  It  was  the  soul  that  needed  to  be  kept ; 
since  it  was  not  a  matter  of  eating  or  not  eating, 
in  itself  considered,  but  of  observing  the  Mosaic 
law. 

Ver.  14.  It  is  not  meant  that  he  went  on  only 
"lie  occasion  into  Media,  but  that  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  go  thither  {ewopcvSfirii'}.  See  next  verse. 
—  Rages.  An  old  city  of  Meilia,  and  of  consid- 
erable importance.  It  is  twice  mentioned  in  the 
Book  of  Judith  (i.  5,  15,  Rdfjau],  but  nowhere  in 
the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  According  to  Arrian  it 
wiis  ten  days'  journey  distant  from  Ecbatana ; 
according  to  Ptolemy,  two  thousand  furlongs. 

Ver.  15.  Ten  talents  of  silver.  The  Jewish 
talent  contained  about  niiiety-tive  English  pounds. 
See  Ex.  xxxviii.  25,  26.  —  Sennacherim.  He 
reigned,  according  to  Rawlinson  {Ancient  Hon., 
iii.  43),  from  2.3-24  years,  and  was  then  mur- 
dered. —  His  ways  were  unstable.  This  is  to 
i)e  understood  either  of  his  own  conduct  or  of  the 
fate  which  overtook  him.  His  reign  wa.s  during 
a  stormy  |)eriod,  and  made  uncertain  through  the 
wars  which  he  waged.  Our  book  is  wrong  in 
representing  hira  as  the  sou  of  Shalmaneser.  See 
Introduction,  under  "  Historical  Difficulties." 

Vers.  16-18.  Some  commentators  call  atten- 
tion to  the  high  Christian  standard  of  Tobit's 
conduct,  **  Prope  accedebat  ad  evangelicam  perj'ec- 
tionein  "  (see  Grotiiis,  Annot.  ad  loc).  But,  un- 
fortunately, it  was  only  one  part  of  the  Xew 
Testament  morality  that  Tobit  seems  to  have 
recognized.  He  was  certainly  ignorant  of  the 
virtue  that  lets  not  the  right  hand  know  what 
the  left  hand  does,  and  so  falls,  after  all,  into 
the  condemnation  of  the  Pharisee  in  the  para- 
ble.— I  buried  them  privily.     It  was  regarded 


among  the  .Jews  as  the  greatest  disgrace  that 
one's  body  should  be  left  unburied  after  death. 
(See  1  Kings  .xiii.  22;  xiv.  11.) — As  fugitive. 
'The  memorable  defeat  of  Sennacherib  before 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  through  the  special  inter- 
position of  divine  Providence,  is  probably  referred 
to.  It  is  often  noticed  by  the  later  Jewish  writers. 
See  1  Mace.  vii.  41  ;  2  Mace.  viii.  19;  3  Mac(t. 
vi.  5  ;  ]';cclus.  xlviii,  21.  Cf.  Rawlinson,  Jnci'e»( 
Man.,  ii.  168. 

Ver.  19.  Koi  (KpiBn"-  If  this  word  is  made 
dependent  on  ^Jxt,  like  Ba-mu,  we  may  suppose  a 
hendiadys  (flaTrrw  Kpu/SSyji')  ;  or  with  Eritzsche 
translate  :  "  that  I  bury  them  and  am  concealed," 
^.  e.,  that  I  am  the  unknown  one  who  buries  them. 

Ver.  21.  Oy  5ii)\0oi/  Tifj.fpas  {rj^fpai)  TreyTTjKOfra. 
This  verb  is  sometimes  used  with  the  accusative 
of  time  in  the  sense  of  pass,  yu  by.  But  the  read- 
ing of  riiiipai  (II.  III.  23.  58.  64.)  is  sufficiently 
well  sujjporteil. —  His  two  sons.  They  w'cre 
called  Adrammfleck  and  Sharezer.  See  U.awlin- 
son's  Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  169.  This  author  says 
that  the  murder  of  Sennacherib  "  within  tifty-five 
[the  reading  of  23.  58.  64,  at  Aid.]  days  "  of  his 
return  to  Nineveh  is  an  invention  of  our  book. 
He  "  did  not  die  till  seventeen  years  after  his 
misfortune  (B.C.  681)."  See  2  Ivings  xix.  36. 
Cod.  II.  has  fifty  days;  the  Vulgate,  with  the 
Old  Latin  and  Chaldaic,  forty-five  days;  HE., 
nineteen  ;  Outberlct,  following  Rensch,  would  un- 
derstand the  time  after  the  confiscation  of  the 
goods  of  Tutiir,  and  not  after  the  monarch's  re- 
turn from  .Tudrea.  But  we  cannot  see  how  that 
helps  the  matter,  as,  from  the  te.xt,  it  would  seem 
that  this  took  place  at  about  the  same  time  with 
the  other  event.  —  Sacherdonus  =  Esarhaddon. 

Ver.  22.  The  position  of  the  "  keeper  of  the 
signet  "  was  next  to  that  of  the  king.  See  Esth. 
iii.  1(1.  This  part  of  the  history  is  apparently  at 
imitation  of  that  of  Joseph,  Daniel,  and  Neh« 
miah.  as  it  respects  their  elevation  to  high  offiov 
in  a  foreign  state.  —  'i,la.S(Ktpos  is  a  late  word, 
and  not  elsewhere  found  in  the  LXX.,  except  in 
the  present  book.  There  is  commonly  used  with 
this  meaning  the  word  avp\ii6s. 


Chapter   II. 


1  And  when  I  came '  home  again,  and  my  wife  Anna  was  restored  unto  me,  witn 
my  son  Tobias,  at"  the  feast ^  of  Pentecost,  which  is  the  holj  feast,   of  the  seven 

2  weeks,  there  was  a  rich  meal  prepared  for  *  me.  And  ^  I  sat  down  to  eat.  And 
when  I  saw  abimdance  of  food,''  I  said  to  my  son.  Go  and  bring  what  poor  man 
soever  thou  shalt  find  out  of  our  brethren,  who  is  mindful  of  the  Lord  ;  and  lo,  I 

3  tarry  for  thee.    And '  he  came  again,  and  said.  Father,  one  of  our  nation  has  been ' 

4  strangled,  and  cast  out  ^  in  the  market-place.  And  ^"  before  I  had  tasted  anything," 
I  sprang  ^-  up,  and  took  him  up  into  a  room  until  after  ^'  the  going  down  of  the  sun. 

5,  6  And  I  returned,  and  washed  myself,  and  ate  my  bread  ^*  in  heaviness.     And  I 

called  to  mind  the  '^  prophecy  of  Amos,  how '"  he  said.  Your  feasts  shall  be  turned 

7  into  mourning,  and  all  your  mirth  into  lamentation.     And  "  I  wept  ;  and  after  the 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  V.  :  Now  ....  was  come  2  \^^  3  nein-jjaocnT?  before  eoprij  is  omitted  in  III.  248.  Co.  Aid.  The 
article  before  the  latter  word,  as  in  III.  24S.  Co.  Aid.,  would  matte  it  iu  appositiou  with  the  former.  *  A.  V. :  good 
dinner  prepared  me.  With  e-yei^^  it  was  hardly  neceasarj-  to  put  the  word  "  prepared  '■  in  italics,  as  iu  the  A.  V. 
^  A.  v.,  in  the  which. 

Vera.  2-7.  —  ■'  -i.  V.  :  meat.  '  But.  ^  is.  For  erTpayyaAwfieVos  of  the  text.  rec.  III.  55.  offer  corpayyoATjfteVos 
as  also  II.  as  a  correction  j  44.  106.  :  carpoyyaAnj/itVo?.  ^  A.  V. ;  is  cast  out.  i'>  Then  (Junius,  Turn).  ^  of 

any  meat,        ^  start.  13  omits  after  (Gr.,  eus  ou  eSu,  etc.).         "  Then  (Jun.,  Deinde)  ....  meat  ^^  Remem- 

bering that.        "  aa.        "  Therefore. 


1-26 


THE    APOCRYI'IIA. 


8  going  down  of  the  sun  I  went  and  made  a  grave,  and  buried  him.  And '  my  neigh- 
bors mocked  me,  and  said,  He  is  no  longer  afraid  of  being  ^  put  to  death  for  this 
matter  ;  he  has  been  even  a  fugitive,^  and  yet.  lo,  he  burieth  the  dead  again. 

9  And  the  same  night  *  I  returned  from  the  burial,  and  slept  by  the  wall  of  mif 
10  courtyard,  being  unclean,^  and  my  face  was  uncovered  ;  and  I  knew  not  that   there 

were  sparrows  in  the  wall  ;  and  mine  eyes  being  open,  the  sparrows  muted  warm 
dtiny  into  mine  eyes,  and  white  spots  ^  came  in  mine  eyes ;  and  I  went  to  the  phy- 
sicians, and'  they  helped  me  not;  but  *  Achiacharus  nourished*  me,  until  he'* 
went  into  Elymais.  And  my  wife  Anna  wove  wool  in  the  women's  rooms  ;  ''■ 
and  she  sent  it  to  its  owners  and '-  they  paid  her  the  "*  wages,  and  gave  her  also 
besides  a  kid.  And  when  she  returned  home,  it"  began  to  cry  ;  and  '*  I  said  unto 
her.  From  whence  is  this  kid?  It  is  not  stolen,  is  it?  Return  '*  it  to  the  owners, 
14  for  it  is  not  lawful  to  eat  cmy  thing  that  is  stolen.  But  she  replied,"  It  was  given 
as  ■■*  a  gift  more  than  the  wages.     And  "  I  did  not  believe  her,  and ''"  bade  her  re- 


11 
12 
13 


turn  ^'  it  to  the  owners  ;  and  I  was  indignant  "  at  her.     But  she  replied  to  ^  me. 


Where   are   thine   alms    and   thy  righteous  deeds  ? 
known. 


Behold,  aU  thy  works  -*  are 


Vers.  8-10.  —  1  A.  V. :  But.  '  This  man  is  not  yet  afraid  to  be.     In  23.  44.  52.  64.  108.  Co.  Aid.  oCtos  is  inserted 

irfter  i^o^etTai  (Jun.,  nnn  amptiiis  tnetuit   iste  inierjici).  ^  A.  V.,  who  lied  away.  *  The  same  night    also. 

*  polluted.  "^  a  whiteness  (marg.,  white  jUms\.  '  A.  V.  :  but.  8  moreover.  ^  did  nourish.  '*•  I. 

Fritzsche  has  changed  cTropeu^p',  notwithstanding  the  authority  of  the  MSS.,  including  II.,  to  ^iropcL^,  as  "clearly  re- 
quired by  the  context."'  Junius  has  pro/ectus  esset^  and  remarks,  in  a  foot-note  :  Stc  resCituimus  ex  conjectura  subUzta 
titera  una.     The  Vulg.,  HM.,  and  Chald.  omit  the  clause. 

Vers.  11-13.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  did  take  women's  work  to  do  (marg.,  was  hired  to  spin  in  the  women's  rooms).  For  iv  Tois 
yvfaiKcioic,  llgen  would  read  epyotq  y.  (see   Com.).  ^-  A.  V.  :  and  when  she  had  sent  them  home  to  the  owners 

^  ovnts  the.        "  it  was  in  mine  house  (Gr.,  ore  Se  TJAfle  trpis  ^€)  and.        "  omits  and.        i^  is  it  not  stolen  ?    render. 

Ver.  14.  —  1"  A.  V. :  replied  «/JOn  me.  ^^  for.  i9  Howbeit.  20  but.  21  render.  22  abashed.  Fori^pvdptwr 
("became  red"),  llgen  would  substitute  i)ftl9€vov  ("served"),  but  without  sutlicient  reason.  23  a.  V.  ;  upon 

**  thou  and  all  thy  works  The  Greek  is  i5oi'  yvtutrroi  rravTa.  fieri  cov  ;  hence  the  italics  ( thy  works)  are  not  needed.  The 
A.  V.  has  in  the  margin,  "  Or,  lo  all  things  are  known  to  thee,^^  which  rendering  is  admissible,  but  does  not  so  well  suit 
the  context  as  the  other.    Junius,  Eece  spectata  sunt  omnia  apud  te  ;  Old  Lat.,  Ecce  guce  pateris  omnibus  nota  sunt. 


Chaptee  n. 


Ver.  1 .  Feast  of  Pentecost.  From  tliis  p.is- 
sage  we  learn  that  such  a  feast  was  .at  this  period 
ceK'br;ite<i.  The  law  jirescribed  (Lev.  xxiii.  11, 
15)  that  the  time  sliould  be  reckoned  from  "  tlie 
morrow  after  the  Sabbath  "  to  the  morrow  after 
the  completion  of  the  seventh  mouth,  i.  e.,  the 
fiftieth  dav.  The  Jews  in  foreign  lands,  subse- 
quent to  tlie  Captivity,  usually  devoted  two  days 
to  the  feast,  although  the  Law  required  but  one. 
—  'Aferretra.  The  use  of  this  verb  to  indicate  the 
reclining  posture  at  table  is  evidence  of  a  later 
date.  In  the  Kew  Testament  it  is  not  uncom- 
mon. See  .lolin  xxi.  20.  and  Winer,  p.  23.  Cod. 
III.  has  suiistituted  avewavad^-nv. 

Ver.  4.  Into  a  room.  It  was  not  in  his  own 
house,  since  it  would  have  become  thereby  un- 
clean, but  in  some  adjoining  buiUling.  See  fol- 
lowing verse.  —  UntU  after  the  sun  had  set. 
Cum  jam  traiisihsit  (Jiesft^:itns.     Grotius. 

Ver.  6.  Prophecy  of  Amos.  See  Am.  viii. 
10. 

Ver.  9.  He  did  not  sleep  at  home,  because  he 
would  have  rendered  the  lionse  thereby  unclean. 
A  person  who  c;ime  in  contact  with  a  dead  body 
was  rendered  unclean  in  consequence  for  seven 
days.  See  Numb.  xix.  11.  But  lie  must  have 
previously  touched  the  body  wheti  he  bore  it  from 
the  street  into  a  room  to  wait  for  night.  And 
yet  he  had  nut  only  returned  to  his  liuust;,  but  had 
eaten  in  it.  Either  Tobit  or  his  historian  must 
have  forgotten  himself  at  this  point. 

Ver.  10.  SrpovBia.  Small  birds  of  any  kind 
might  be  meant,  but  particularly  sparrows.  The 
Vulgate  renders  by  hiriindines,  and  is  followed  by 
Coverdale's  and  the  Bishops'  Bible.     The  A.  V. 


has  in  the  margin  :  "  Or,  swallows."  It  is  not 
likely  that  Tobit  would  be  afflicted,  at  the  same 
time,  in  both  his  eyes  in  this  manner;  it  might, 
indeed,  be  said  to  be  well-nigh  impo-sible.  — 
White  spots,  AfiKtaJ/iora.  This  Greek  word  is 
comuionly  used  to  designate  the  di.sea.se  of  the 
eyes  known  as  "  cataract."  But  that  can  scarcely 
be  its  meaning  here.  It  is  likely  that  what  is 
known  as  "  albugo  "  is  meant.  Junius  renders 
by  albiitfities.  It  is  a  white,  hard  flake  on  the 
eye,  which  is  of  greater  or  less  extent,  and  not 
transparent,  and  sometimes  assumes  a  bluish  ap- 
pearance. Among  the  remedies  used  for  it  is  the 
gall  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  of  certain  kinds  of  tish. 
Cf.  Fritz,sche,  Com.,  ad  loc.  —  Until  he  [IJ  went 
into  Elymais.  The  reading  of  the  text.  rec.  is 
looked  upon  as  a  corruption,  since  nothing  is  said 
elsewhere  of  this  journey  of  Tobit.  See  xi.  17. 
Its  difficulty  may  have  led  some  of  the  secondary 
texts  to  leave  out  the  allusion  entirely,  as  they 
have  done.  Elymais  was  a  province  on  the  Per- 
sian Gulf.     See  1  Maec.  vi    1. 

Ver.  11.  'Epifieuoj  means  properly  (0  ivorlc  fir 
wages.  It  has  also  a  special  significance,  to  imrk 
in  wool.  See  Fritzsche,  Jxoinerlin'ef,  i.  p.  143  ff. 
Schleusner  {Lex.,  ad  roc.)  translates  it  by  lanam 
traclo.  llercser  would  supply  the  word  fpyois 
after  yviraiKfiois.     See  Textual  Notes. 

\e\:  13.  On  the  use  of  /itj  in  interrogative 
clau.ses,  see  Winer,  p.  511  ;  Buttmann,  pp.  248, 
250,  255  ff.  In  this  ease  Tobit  seems  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  kid  had  been  stolen.  It  is,  how- 
ever, a  sad  hint,  as  it  respects  the  character  of 
his  wife.  —  K\f>pi^aios  (=  K\otrtfjia7os).  A  lat« 
word,  and,  according  to  Fritzsche,  here  first  found 


TOBIT.  127 


Cf.  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  roc,  who  gives  citations 
from  the  Fathers,  showing  its  use. 

Ver.  14.  "Was  indignant,  lit.,  became  red. 
'*  Excandesceham  adverstis  lllam,  ad  verbnm  :  san- 
quineo  rubore  {prie  ira)  sujf'undebam  contra  illain.'^ 
Wahl's  Clains,  ad  voc  —  Where  are  thine  alms  ? 
i.e.,   Where  are   the   good   results  which   might 


have  been  expected  from  them  if  they  had  been 
])roper]v  given.  "  They  nre  not  to  be  found." 
"  We  are  in  distress."  —  All  thy  works  are 
known.  She  means,  apparently,  th;\t  it  is  easy 
to  see  from  the  misfortunes  into  which  he  had 
fallen  that  they  amounted  to  nothing.  Cf.  Job 
ii.  10. 


Chapter  III. 

1,  2  And  I  being  grieved  wept/  and  in  my  sorrow  prayed,  saying,  O  Lord,  thou 
art  just,  and  all  thy  works  and  all  thy  ways  are  mercy  and  truth,  and  thou  judgest 

3  truly  anJ  justly  for  ever.  Remember  me,  and  look  on  me  ;  punish  -  me  not  accord- 
ing to '  my  sins  and  ignorances,  and  t/ie  sins  of  my  fathers,  which  they  *  sinned  be- 

4  fore  thee  ;  for  they  obeyed  not  tliy  commandments.  And  thou  deliveredst  ^  us 
for  a  spoil,  and  unto  captivity,  and  unto  death,  and  for  a  proverb  of  reproach  to  all 

5  the  nations  among  whom  we  are  dispersed.  And  now  thy  many  judgments  are  true 
in  that  thou  dealest  ^  with  me  according  to  my  sins  and  my  fathers' ;  because  we 

6  have  not  kept  thy  commandments,  neither  have  walked  in  truth  before  thee.  And 
now  '  deal  with  me  as  seemeth  best  unto  thee.     Command  "  my  spirit  to  be  taken 

from  me,  that  I  may  be  dissolved,'  and  become  earth  ;  for  it  is  proiitable  for  me  to 
die  rather  than  to  live,  because  I  have  heard  false  reproaches,  and  have  much  sor- 
row. Command  therefore  that  I  may  now  be  delivered  out  of  t/iis  distress,  and  go 
into  the  everlasting  place  ;  turn  not  thy  face  away  from  me. 

7  It  came  to  pass  the  same  day,  that  in  Ecbatana  ^^  a  city  of  Media,  Sarra  ^^  the 

8  daughter  of  Raguel  was  also  reproached  by  her  father's  maids,  because  that  she  had 
been  married  to  seven  husbands,  and  AsmodiBus  the  evil  demon  killed  them  '■'-  be- 
fore they  had  lain  with  her.  Art  thou  not  clever,'^  said  they,  that  thou  hast 
strangled  thine  husbands  ?    Thou  hast  already  had  seven,  and  wast  not  named  " 

9  after   any  of   them.     Wherefore  dost   thou   beat   us  ?  '^     If  they  died,^"  go  "  after 

10  them,  let  us  never  see  of  thee  either  son  or  daughter.  When  she  heard  these 
things,  she  was  very  sorrowful,  so  that  she  would  ''  have  strangled  herself.  And 
she  said,  I  am  tlie  only  daughter  of  ray  father,  and  if  I  do  this,  it  will  '^  be  a  re- 

1 1  proach  uuto  him,  and  I  shall  bring  his  old  age  with  sorrow  unto  Hades.^"  And  ^' 
she  prayed  at '--  the  window,  and  said,  Blessed  art  thou,  O  Lord,  my  God,  and 
blessed  is  thy  holy  and  honorable  name  -^  for  ever ;   let  all  thy  works  praise  thee 

12  for  ever.     And  now,  O  Lord,  I  have  directed  ^*  min-    eyes  and  my  face  toward 

13  thee.  Command  to  '^  take  me  away  from  the  earth,  that  I  may  hear  no  more  re- 
14,  15  preach.-"     Thou  knowest,  Lord,  that  I  am  pure  from  all  sin  with  a  man,"'  and 

that  I  did  uot  pollute  ""  my  name,  nor  the  name  of  my  father,  in  the  land  of  my 
captivity  ;  I  am  the  only  daughter  of  my  father,  and  there  is  no  son  '^  to  be  his  heir, 
neither  any  near  kinsman,  nor  atiy  son  of   one  ^  alive,  for  whom  '^  I  may  keep  my- 

Verfl.  1-5.  —  I  A.  V. :  Then  1  .  .  .  .  did  weep.  ^  por  iKSiKricrni,  which  Fritzsche  adopts  from  III.  58-  64.  and  many 
other  MSS  ,  the  lext.  rec.  (with  II.)  has  eicSiKn^.  ^  A-  V.  :  for  {see  Com.}.  *  who  have  (Gr.,  a  TJ^oprei';  but  III.  55. 
64.  and  pome  others  with  Co.  Aid.  have  o'i ;  Junius,  qui).  ^  wherefore  (Codd.  II.  44. 106.  omit  the  connective  ;  Jan., 
quemnbrcm)  thou  ha..it  delivered.  «  thy  judgmentsare  many  and  true,  deal,  etc.  (so  Junius}.  Fritzsche  justly  strikes 
out  the  connective  before  oKriS^vai,  with  II.  III.  23.  44.  Aid. ;  cf.  Co»i. 

Vers.  6,7.  —  'A.  V.:    Now   therefore  (a   very  common   rendering  of  Ka\   vvv  in  the   A.  V.).  ^  and   command. 

*  iaa,Tg.,  dismissed,  OT  delivered.        ^^'  Kcbacane.        "  Sara. 

Ver.  8.  —  1-  A.  V.  ;  whom  Asmodeus  the  evil  spirit  had  killed  (Jun.,  occiderat).  The  form  of  this  proper  name  in  11.  is 
everywhere  Acrfiwfiaus.  ^^  A.  V.  :  Dost  thou  not  know.     For  ov  truvtel^,  llgen,  with  Schleusner,  thinks  nil  <rv  el? 

should  be  read  '^  A.  V.  :  had  already  seven  husbands  (Co.  Aid.  :  cttto  avSpasj  ....  neither  wast  thou  named.  Cod. 
II.  and  the  Syr.,  as  well  as  III.  have  the  reading  uivdtrBrii  {"  been  profited  '")  instead  of  uivoiidadTji  of  the  text.  rec.  It  b' 
probably  to  be  regarded,  however,  as  a  corrupt  form  of  the  latter,  since  the  word  does  not  otherwise  appe.ir  in  this  for.*!* 

Vers.  9-13.  — "  A.  V. :  us  for  them.  The  addition  is  not  in  the  text,  rer.,  but  is  found  in  23.  44.  52.  &4.  71.  Co.  Aid 
Syr.  and  Junius.         ^'*  A.  V-  ;  be  dead  (died,  aneQavav,  i.  e.,  a  natural  death  I.  ^t  go  thy  ways  (only  ^afii^e).         **  she 

thought  to.  "shall.  »  the  grave  (Gr.,  eis  oSou).  ^i  Then.  '-  towanl  (Gr.,  irpbs  77)).  See  Com.  =3  A.  V.  : 
thine  holy  and  glorious  name  is  blessed  and  honorable  {evKoyvirbi'  to  oro^a  rijs  Sofi)?  trov  to  ayiov  Kal  ei'TtpLov,  63.  243 
248.  Co.  Aid.).  **  Bet  (Gr.,  SeSiuica).         ^r.  and  say  {eliriv).     We  connect  with  the  following  as  imperative  (Command 

lo).    Jonius  has,  IHcens  ut  itberes.        -"  A.  V. :  out  of  the  earth  ....  the  reproach. 

Vera  14,16.  —  "  A.  V. :  with  man.  (Cod.  II.  from  the  first  baud  supplies  icai  before  avSpiy,  as  do  also  23  44.52.-58. 
106.  ll'S.  ^9.  Syr.,  which,  however,  would  make  her  say  quite  too  much.)  -'*  that  I  never  polluted.  ™  neither  hath 
le  any  child.        ^^  of  his  (Gr.,  simply,  ucos  ;  Jun.,  JUius  ex  eo).         -"  to  whom. 


128 


THE  APOCKYPHA. 


sell  for  a  wife  ;  my  seven  husbands  are  already  dead  ;  why  should  I  live?  And* 
if  it  please  not  thee  to  kill  me,  command  some  regard  to  be  had  of  me,  and  pity 
taken  on  -  me,  that  I  hear  no  more  reproach. 

16  And  ^  the   prayers  of  them  both  were  heard  before   the  glory*  of  the  great 

17  God.^  And  Raphael  was  sent  to  heal  them  both,  that  is,  to  scale  away  the  white 
spots  from  ^  Tobit's  eyes,  and  to  give  Sarra '  the  daughter  of  Eaguel  for  a  wife  to 
Tobias  the  son  of  Tobit ;  and  to  bind  Asmodreus  the  evil  demon  ;  because  she 
fell  '  to  Tobias  by  right  of  inheritance.  At  the  selfsame  time  Tobit  returned,' 
and  entered  into  liis  house,  and  Sarra  '"  the  daughter  of  Raguel  came  down  from 
her  upper  chamber. 

Ver.  15.  — *  A.  V. :  and  why  should  I  live?  but,  etc.  2  that  I  should  die  ...  .  pity  taken  of.    The  text,  rec,  by 

mistake,  placed  ^Tjitert  before  i\eTnrat,  instead  of  before  aKovtrai,  etc.  Walton's  Polyglot  met  the  difficulty  by  rendering 
i\€Ti(rai,  Tniseraijilem  facere  (1). 

Vers.  16,  17.  —  s  A.  V. :  So.  «  majesty  (Gr.,  Sofrjs).         =  God  (SeoS  is  supplied  by  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  Syr. ,  and 

the  Greek  Bibles  of  1545  (Basle)  and  1597  (Frankfort) ;  Jun.,  Dei.  «  A.  V. :  whiteness  of.  '  Sara.  '  spirit  .... 
belonged.  s  The  selfsame  time  came  Tobit  home.  ^"  Sara.  I  have  written  "  Asmodseus  '■  in  this  Terse,  as  every- 
where hereafter,  instead  of  "  Asmodeus  "'  of  the  A.  V. 


Chapter  III. 


Ver.  1.  As  we  learn  from  ver.  17,  this  prayer 
was  uttered  in  the  court  of  his  house,  to  which 
Tobit  seems  to  h.ave  confined  himself  since  the 
burial  recorded  in  the  previous  chapter. 

Ver.  2.  Mercy,  eAcTj^oirwoi.  This  word  is 
used  elsewhere  in  the  present  book  as  designating 
simply  a  human  virtue,  or  rather  the  oniward 
exercise  of  a  human  virtue. 

Ver.  .3.  Mt)  ^e  fKSiK-niTTts  rais  a^apriais  fiov, 
punish  me  not  on  account  of  my  sins.  "  In  a 
iiidiT  use  the  dative  of  the  thing  is  employed  of 
everything  in  reference  to  which  an  action  or  a  state 
comes  to  pass."  See  Winer,  p-  216,  and  cf.  Rom. 
xi.  20.  —  'Ayvoiifiaat,  ignorances.  See  remarks 
at  1  Esd.  viii.  75,  and  cf.  Ecclus.  xxiii.  2. 

Ver.  5.  The  trauslation  of  the  A.  V.,  deal  with 
me,  etc.,  rests  on  the  reading  Tro'i-qaov  for  iroiriaai, 
which,  however,  is  not  to  he  adopted  simply  on 
the  authority  of  the  Complutensian  Polyglot. 
See  also  ver.  .3,  which  the  foimcr  reading  would 
contradict.     Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Is.  i.  24. 

Ver.  6.  For  it  is  profitable  for  me,  SiiSti  \v<n- 
TfKfi  fiLOi.  Cf.  Luke  xvii.  2,  AuffiTf^er  auTu;  also, 
Ecclus.  XX.  9,  13,  xxix.  13;  Xen.,  j1/«n.,  ii.  1,15. 
—  Into  the  everlasting  place.  Does  he  mean 
heaven  (Luke  xvi.  9),  the  grave  (Ecclus.  xii.  5), 
or  Hades'?  Prohiihly  the  last.  See  ver.  10;  xiii. 
2.  But  his  ideas  of  the  future  life  can  scarcely 
be  regarded  as  in  advance  of  those  of  ihe  Old 
Testament.     Cf.  Add.  to  Esth.,  ii.  7. 

Ver.  7.  The  same  day.  The  day  on  which 
Tobit  uttered  his  prayer  is  meant.  —  Bcbatana. 
There  were  two  cities  of  this  name  in  Media  : 
one  the  capital  of  Northern  Media,  the  other  of 
the  so-called  Media  Magna.  According  to  Sir 
H.  Hiiwlinson  the  place  here  meant  was  the  for- 
mer. See  Smith's  Bible  Did.,  ad  voc. ;  Ez.  vi.  2  ; 
Judith  i.  1. 

Ver.  8.  Aamodaeus  (iaC7).  Cf.  Job  xxxi.  12. 
(^T^?^.))  "fd  Wisd.  xviii.  25  (6  oXoOpeiav).  Many 
good  authorities,  however,  think  ihe  word  is  of 
Persian,  rather  than  Semitic,  origin.  See  Stan- 
Icy,  iii.  185;  Scheukel's  Bib.  Lex.,  ad  voc;  in 
Riehm's   Handwdrterb.,  an  article  by  Delitzgch ; 


and,  particularly,  Kohut's  work.  This  personage 
is  introduced  quite  frequently  into  the  Talmud  as 
Satan  himself.  It  is  here  intimated  that  he 
obtained  power  over  these  seven  unfortunates 
through  their  incontinence.  But  any  attempt  to 
give  the  narrative  at  this  point  a  reasonable  ex- 
planation must  be  abandoned.  Some  would 
make  Asmodteus  the  demon  of  impurity,  and  hold 
that  through  the  fumes  of  smoke  simply  the  pas- 
sions of  Tobias  and  Sarra  were  deadened  (!); 
others,  that  the  death  of  the  seven  unfortunates 
took  place  by  permission  of  God,  and  the  deliver- 
ance of  Tobias  from  a  similar  fate  through  prayer 
and  continence.  (So  Welte,  p.  95.)  The  fumi- 
gation, according  to  this  critic,  was  merely  sym- 
bolical, or  was  made  with  reference  to  the  bodily 
appearance  of  the  demon,  in  which  condition  the 
smoke  would  have  been  to  him  unendurable. 
And  Tobias  and  Sara?  (!)  The  most  probable 
explanation  is  that  the  whole  story  is  a  fabrica- 
tion, based  on  the  then  prevalent  belief  in  demon- 
ology  among  the  Jews,  and  possibly  having  refer- 
ence to  the  so-called  "  loves  of  the  angels."  See 
Gen.  vi.  2.  —  On  yeveaBat  ....  fier'  ain^s,  cf. 
Susan,  ver.  20. 

Ver.  9.  If  they  died,  ;'.  e.,  "  If  they  have  died 
a  natural  death,  good  !     May  you  follow  them  !  " 

Ver.  10.  Would  have  strangled  herself,  5itt6 
a.-rrdy^a(TSat.  The  Sinaitic  MS.  reads  ii8e\niTfV 
aTrdy^atrBat ;  t)ld.  Lat.,  voliiit  laqueo  vitam  Jinire. 
<  )n  the  force  of  So-re  iu  such  a  construction,  see 
Winer,  pp.  301,  318  ;  Buttmann,  p.  244. 

Ver.  II.  At  (or  before,  Trpds)  the  window. 
See  Dan.  vi.  10.  The  meaning  is  that  she  turned 
her  face  in  the  direction  of  Jerusalem. 

Ver.  13.  Command  to.  The  mediation  of 
angels  is  implied. 

Ver.  17.  Scale  away,  Aeirfaai.  Cf.  Acts  ix.  18, 
where  it  is  said  of  Paul  that  there  fell  from  his 
eyes  itrel  \€ir(5ej;  also,  xi.  13  of  the  present  book, 
and  1  Mace.  i.  22.  —  Fell  to,  ^jri/3aAAti.  Lit. 
"falls  to,"  the  present  being  used  for  the  aorisl 
See  Winer,  p.  267  ;  Buttmann,  p.  196.  Cf.  Gen 
XV.  3,  4,  and  vi.  11,  12,  below. 


TOBIT.  129 


Chapter  IV. 

1  On  that  day  Tobit  remembered  the  money  which  he  had  committed  to  Gabaelus 

2  in  Rages  of  Media.     And  he  said  '  with  himself,  I  have  wished  for  death  ;  where- 

3  fore  do  I  not  call  for  my  son  Tobias,  that  I  may  inform  him  -  before  I  die  ?  And 
having  called  ^  him,  he  said, 

J/y  son,  when  I  am  dead,  bury  me  ;  and  neglect  not  thy  mother,  but  honor  her 
all  the  days  of  thy  life,  and  do  that  which  will  ■*  please  her,  and  grieve  her  not. 

4  Remember,  my  son,  that  she  experienced  ^  many  dangers  for  thee,  witen  ihou  wast 

5  in  /ler  womb  ;  and  when  she  is  dead,  bury  her  by  me  in  one  grave.  3Ii/  son,  be 
mindful  of  the  Lord  our  God  all  thy  days,  and  let  not  thy  will  be  set  *  to  sin,  and ' 
to  transgress  his  commandments  ;  do  uprightly  all  thy  life  long,  and  go  not  in '  the 

6  ways  of  unrighteousness.     For  if  thou  practice  the  truth  thou  shalt  be  prospered 

7  in  all  thy  works.'  And  to  all  them  that  live  justly  give  alms  of  thy  substance  ; 
and  when  thou  givest  alms,  let  not  thine  eye  be  envious ;  do  not '"  turn  thy 
face  from  any  poor  mau,'^  and  the  face  of   God   shall  not  be  turned  away  from 

8  thee.     If  thou  hast  '^  abundance,  give  alms  accordingly  ;   if  thou  have  but  a  little, 

9  be  not  afraid  to  give  according  to  that  little  ;   for  thou  layest  up  a  good  treasure 

10  for  thyself  against  the  day  of  necessity.      Because  that  alms  doth  deliver  from 

11  death,  and  suffereth  not  to  come"  into  darkness.     For  alms  is  a  good  offering" 

12  unto  all  that  give  it,  in  the  sight  of  the  Most  High.  Beware  of  every  sort  of  '^ 
whoredom,  my  son,  and  above  all  '^  take  a  wife  of  the  seed  of  thy  fathers,  take  " 
not  a  strange  woman  as  wife  who  '*  is  not  of  thy  father's  tribe  ;  for  we  are  children 
of  prophets.  Noe,  Abraam,  Isaac,  Jacob,'''  our  fathers  from  the  beginning,  — 
remember,   my  son,  that  '^  they  all  married  wives  of   their  brethren,-'  and  were 

13  blessed  in  their  children,  and  their  seed  shall  inherit  the  land.  And  now.--  my 
son,  love  thy  brethren,  and  turn  not  away  with  a  proud  heart  from  -^  thy  brethren, 
the  sous  and  daughters  of  thy  people,  in  respect  to  taking  thyself  '"  a  wife  of  them ; 
for  in  pride  is  destruction  and  much  disorder,-^  and  in  dissoluteness  is  degradation 

14  and  great  want ;  for  dissoluteness-''  is  the  mother  of  famine.  Let  not  the  wages 
of  any  man,  who  '-'  hath  wrought  /b;-  /Aee,-"  tarry  with  thee,  but  give  him  it  out  of 
hand ;  if  ^  thou  serve  God,  he  will  also  repay  thee.     Be  circumspect,  my  son,  in  all 

15  things  thou  doest,  and  be  well  bred^"  in  all  thy' conduct.  And  do  ^'  that  to  no  mar 
which  thou  hatest.     Drink  not  wine  to  make  thee  drunken  ;  neither  let  drunkenne^ 

16  go  with  thee  on^-  thy  journey.     Give  of  thy  bread  to  the  hungry,  and  of  tliy  ga. 
ments  to  them  that  are  naked  ;   all  that  thou  hast  in  superfluity  give  as  ^^  alms  ;  and 

17  let  not  thine  eye  be  envious,  when  thou  givest  alms.     Pour  out  thy  bread  on  the 

18  burial  of  the  just,  and  give  not^^  to  the  wicked.     Seek  counsel  from  every  wise  man 

19  and  despise  him  not  in  ^  any  counsel  that  is  profitable.  And  bless  the  Lord  thy 
God  on  every  occasion,^''  and  seek  from  *'  him  that  thy  ways  may  become  straight,^' 
and  that  all  thy  paths  and  counsels  may  prosper,  for  no  nation  hath  ^'  counsel ;  but 
the  Lord  himself  giveth  all  good  things,  and  he  humbleth  whom  he  wiU,  as  he  will. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V. :  In  that  ....  Gabael  ....  and  said.  ^  signify  to  him  of  the  money.         3  when  he  had 

called.        *  despise  not  ....  shall.         ^  saw.     This  verb  opaw,  not  only  means  to  see,  but  also  to  experience . 

Wers.  5-7.  — "  Cod.  II.  omit.**  Kai  before  juij  ^eA^oT)?.  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  is  pretty  strong ;  but  cf.  the  Greek  at 
1  Tim.  V.  11,  yafifly  Oe^ova-Lv,  and  Buftmanii,  pp.  375,  37t>.         '  A.  V.  :  or.  8  follow  not,  etc.  ((.Jr.,  /iij  nopevSjjs  TaZ<; 

Wots).  "  deal  truly,  thy  doings  shall  prosperously  succeed  to  thee  (cf.  the  Greek).  i"  neither.  Cod.  II.  supplies 
Kai  before  firj  aTro<rrp€>prti.         11  A.  V.  :  any  poor. 

Vers.  8-12  :  i-  For  ujrapxet,  instead  of  vTidp)^0L,  may  be  cited  with  Fritzsche  not  only  III.  44-  74.,  but  also  II.  ^^  For 
ia  elueXetEtu, II.  has  edirei  iKdeti'  {Oldljut,,  non  pntilur  ire  in  tenelf'as)  ^*  A.  V.:  gift  (see  Com.).     The  Codd.  III.  23. 

65.  74.  76.  236.  omit  yip  at  the  beginning.  w  a.  V. :  all.  i»  chiefly.  "  and  take  (the  Codd.  III.  68.  64.  with 

Co.  Aid.  have  the  connective).  '*  woman  to  wife,  which.  *'  the  children  of  the  prophets,  .  .  Abraham  .... 
Jacob;        ^o  remember  ....  that   our  fathers  ....  erc«  that  21  own  kindred. 

Vers.  13,  14. —22  A.  v.:  Now,  therefore.  =»  despise  not  in  thy  heart,  -'*  in  no«  taking  (as  106.).  25  trouble 

(Gr.,  axoTatrratrta).  -"  lewdness  is  decay  ....  lewdness.  -"  which.  -"  wrought  for  tht-e.     The  Codd.  64. 

243.  248  ,  with  Co.  Old  Lat.  and  Aid.,  add  <roi  after  Jpydcmrai.  =»  A.  V.  :  for  if  {icai  is  supplied  by  IH.  65.  53.  64.). 
3°  A.  V.  :  be  wise  (Gr.,  ladi  TrejrcuSeuficVos).        3i  conversation  (cf.  Eph.  v.  15).     Do. 

Vers.  15-20.  —  -'^  a.  V.  :  in.  ^  and  according  to  thine  abundance  give  (Gr.,  nav  o  iav  TTcpLo-aeva-i}  <rot  fl-otet,  etc.). 
"  but  give  nothing.  35  Ask  counsel  of  all  tkat  are  wise,  and  despise  not.  ^ti  jjless  ....  alway  (Qi.,  iv  iravri 

•oipto).         2'  desire  of.        38  directed.        3^  every  nation  hath  not. 


130 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


And  now,'  my  son,  remember  my  commandments,  neither  let  them  be  blotted 

20  out  of  thy  heart.'     And  now  I  make  thee  aware  of  ten  talents  which  I  entrusted 

21  to  Gabaelus  ■*  the  brother  ^  of  Gabrias  at  Rages  in  Media.  And  fear  not,  my  son, 
that  we  have  become  impoverished ; "  thou  hast  much  wealth,  if  thou  fear  God,  and 
depart  from  all  sin,  and  do  that  which  is  pleasing  in  his  sight. 

Ver.  20. — i  A.  V. :  now,  therefore.  *  put  (Gr.,  ^^aAei(|>0v}TW(7ai/).  s  mind  (Gr.,  Kopfiias).  *  signify  tAu  to 

«h«e,  that  I  committed  ten  talents  to  Gabael.        ^  son  (marg.,  cli.  i.  14,  tlu  brother).        ^  are  made  poor  :  for. 


Chapter  IV. 


Ver.  4.     In  one  grave.     Cf.  2  Sam.  i.  23. 

Ver.  7.  Give  alms.  The  Greek  is  iroUi  i\e- 
rmoavirrfv,  lit.  do  almsdeeds ;  but  the  oonte.xt 
shows  that  they  were  meant  to  take  the  form  of 
gifts.  —  Thine  eye  be  envious,  i.  e.,  penurious, 
sparinr/.  Cf.  Ecclus.  xiv.  9,  10;  Matt.  xx.  15; 
and  ver.  16,  below. 

Ver.  10.  On  the  doctrine  of  this  verse  and  its 
relation  to  the  teachings  of  the  canonical  Scrip- 
tures, see  Introd.,  under  "  Doctrinal  Teaching." 

Ver.  1 1 .  Offering,  Swpoi/.  In  Matthew  we  find 
this  Greek  word  used  several  times  for  a  sacri- 
ficial offering,  and  in  Mark  the  Hebrew  Corban 
(T3"lp)  is  rendered  by  the  same.  In  the  LXX. 
it  is  quite  frequently  used  for  the  latter  word, 
as  also  for  nP3!2  (iu  thirty-two  places),  and  for 

^^t^.  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  it  is  em- 
ployed side  by  side  with  dvaia.  Hence  the  trans- 
lation which  we  have  given  it,  which  also  seems 
best  to  agree  with  the  context. 

Ver.  12.  A  strange  woman.  A  woman  of 
another  naticm  (slc  Kz.  x,  2  f.),  aud  here  also 
including  those  nut  belonging  to  the  same  tribe. 
Noah  is  reckoned  among  those  who  married  wives 
"  of  their  own  brethren."  But  where  did  the 
author  learn  this  facti  Nothing  is  said  of  it  in 
Genesis. 

Ver.  13.  'Axpdrns.  I  render  by  "  dissolute- 
ness," as  seems  to  be  required  by  the  context.  Its 
literal  nieauiiig  is  *'uselessness."  But  a  useless 
life  generally  becomes  something  much  worse  than 
that.  Cf.  a  passage  from  Aulus  Gellus  in  Sfepli- 
ens'  Thes(nn-u:i,  under  &xp^to^-  Sophocles  {Lex., 
ad  voc.)  would  give  it  here  the  meaning  of  "lazi- 
ness." 

Ver.  14.  Tarry  with  thee,  av\i<T6-l]Tu).  Lit., 
"remain  over  night." 

Ver.  15.  Drunkenness.  Cf.  Ezek.  xxxix. 
19;  Joel  i.  5;  Hag.  i.  6.  —  On  (eV)  thy  jovirney. 
Fritzsche  would   refer  it  to  the  journey  of   life. 


But  it  is  to  be  doubted  whether  this  is  the  mean- 
ing, since  Tobit  is  addressing  his  son,  who  himself 
is  about  to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Media. 

Ver.  16.     Envious.     See  ver.  7. 

Ver.  17.  On  the  burial  of  the  just,  e'lrl  rht> 
Taipov  TtJov  diKaloip-  Among  the  ancient  Greeks 
the  meal  at  a  burial  was  called  Tii<pos.  See  Horn., 
//.,  xxiii.  29;  Odys.,  iii.  309.  Cf.  Jos.,  Bel. 
,/ud.,  ii.  1,  §  8.  Fritzsche  supposes  that  the  cus- 
tom of  carrying  food  to  the  house  of  mourning  is 
meant  —  which  on  account  of  the  presence  of  a 
corpse  had  been  defiled  —  that  those  who  were 
present  as  mourners  might  not  suffer  in  their 
necessarily  prolonged  absence  from  their  own 
homes.  The  force  of  the  injunction  would  then 
be  that  Tobias  was  to  bring  help  and  comfort  to 
the  survivors  in  the  case  of  the  death  of  the 
righteous.  See  Schenkel,  Bib.  Lex.,  art.  "  Be- 
grabuiss  ;  "  and  cf.  Dent.  xxvi.  14;  Ezek.  xxiv. 
17  ;  Hos.  ix.  4  ;  Ep.  of  Jer.  ver.  32.  There  was 
also  a  custom  common  among  some  nations  of 
carrying  food  in  large  quantities  to  the  tomb 
of  the  departed  ;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that 
this,  rather  than  the  above,  is  what  is  referred 
to  in  our  passage.  See  Ecclus.  ,\.\x.  18,  in  the 
Greek  text.  The  Jews  may  have  adopted  this 
cusiuin  in  .some  measure.  So  Bretschneider  on 
Ecclus.  XXX.  18.  Grotius  remarks  :  "  Sepulto  ali- 
quu  viro  bono  proxiutos  ejus  solare  missis  cibis  et  vino 
Optimo.  Vid.  Jer.  xvi.  7.  Nam  upud  sepulchra 
e/julari  et  facere  ^oxols  iTmaipiovs  [convivia  parenta- 
lia)  mos  nonfuit  HebriEorum.^'  Hitzig  agrees  with 
the  latter  statement  iu  his  Commentary  on  Jere- 
miah, ad  lor.  Reusch  (  Coin.,  p.  49)  maintains  that, 
if  food  was  thus  carried  to  the  graves  of  the  dead, 
it  was  intended  in  no  sense  for  the  dead,  but  for 
the  living,  especially  the  poor,  quoting  Menochiua 
and  referring  to  Calmet  as  holdins;  the  same  opin- 
ion. —  Give  not  to  the  wicked, )'.  e.,  at  the  buria'. 
of  the  wicked. 

Ver.  2 1 .  That  we  have  become  impoverished, 
Cf.  Judg.  vi.  6  ;  Ps.  xxxiv.  10  ;   2  Cor.  viii.  9. 


Chapter  V. 


1  And  Tobias  answered  and  said  to  him,'  Father,  I  will  do  all  things  which  thou  hast 

2  commanded  me.    But  how  can  I  receive  the  money,  seeing  I  know  him  not  ?    And 

3  he  gave  him  the  handwriting,  and  said  unto  him,  Seek  thee  a  man  who  will  *  go 
with  thee,  and  while  I  live  *  I  will  give  him  wages  ;  and  go  and  receive  the  money 

4,  5  And  °  he  went  to  seek  a  man,  and  ^  found  Raphael,  who '  was  an  angel,  and  ha 
knew  it  not.*    And  he  said  unto  him,  Can  I  go  with  thee  '^  to  Rages  in  Media  ? '"  and 

Vers.  1-6.  —  '  A.  V.  :  T.  then  ....  said  (as  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.).  '  Then.  »  which  may.  «  whiles  I  y«f 

live,  and.  »  Therefore  when.  'he.  'that.  The  article  is  found  before 'Poi*.,  in  III.  23.  tk.  243.  24S.  Co.  Aid 
(we  Com,),  Junius  properly  renders,  aliquem  .  .  .  .  R.  qui  erat  angdus.  *  A.  V. :  But  (Junius,  &ed)  he  knew  not 
»  Canst  thou  go  with  me  (so  71. 108.  248.  Co.  Junius).        '»  omits  in  Media. 


TOBIT.  131 

6  knowest  thou  those  places  well  ?     To  whom  the  angel  said,  I  will  go  with  thee,  and  I 

7  know  the  way  well ;  and  ^  I  have  lodged  with  our  brother  Gabael.     And  -  Tobias 

8  said  unto  him,  Tarry  for  me,  and  I  will  tell  my  father.^  And  ^  he  said  unto  him,  Go, 
and  tarry  not.  And  ^  he  went  in  and  said  to  his  father,  Behold,  I  have  found  one 
who  *  will  go  with  me.      And  he  said,  Call  him  unto  me,  that  I  may  know  of  what 

9  tribe  he  is,  and  whether  he  5e'  a  trusty  man  to  go  with  thee.     And'  he  called  him, 

10  and  he  came  in,  and  they  saluted  one  another.    And  ^  Tobit  said  unto  him.  Brother, 

11  shew  me  of  what  tribe  and  family  thou  art.  To  whom  he  said.  Dost  thou  seek  for 
a  tribe  and  '"  family,  or  a  hired  man   to  go  with  thy  son  ?     And  '^  Tobit  said  unto 

12  him,  I  would  know,  brother,  thy  race  ^'  and  name.     Then  he  said,  I  am  Azarias, 

13  son^^  of  Ananias  the  great,  and  of  thy  brethren.  And  he  said  to  him,"  Thou  art 
welcome,  brother  ;  and  be  not  '^  angry  with  me  because  I  inquired  ^^  to  know  thy 
tribe  and  thy  family."  And  '*  thou  art  my  brother  of  a  noble  '^  and  good  stock,  for 
I  became  acquainted  with  ^  Ananias  and  Jonathas,  the  sons  of  the  great  Semei,"' 
as  we  went  together  to  Jerusalem  to  worship,  and  offered  the  first-born,  and  the 
tenths  of  the  fruits  ;  and  they  were  not  seduced  with  the  error  of  our  brethen  ;  my 

14  brother,  thou  art  of  a  good  stock.     But   tell   me,  what  wages   shall  I  give  thee  ?  a 

15  drachma ■■^-  a  day,  and  what  is  needful  for  thee,  as  also  for  my^'  son?      And,-'' 

16  moreover,  if  ye  return  safe  and  sound,^°  I  will  add  something  to  thy  wages.  And 
so  they  agreed.''*  And  he  said  "  to  Tobias,  Prepare  thyself  for  the  journey,  and 
may  you  have^*  a  good  journey.  And  his  son  prepared  the  things''^  for  the  jour- 
ney. And'°  his  father  said  to  him.  Go  thou  with  this^'  man,  and  God,  who  °^ 
dwelleth  in  heaven,  prosper  your  journey,  and  his  angel  ^  keep  you  company. 
And  '^  they  went  forth  both,  and  the  young  man's  dog  with  them. 

17  But  Anna  his  mother  wept,  and   said   to   Tobit,  Why  hast   thou  sent  away  our 

18  son  ?     Is  he  not  the  staff  of  our  hand,  in  going  in  and  out  before  us?     Add  not'^ 

19  money  to  money;   but  let  it  be  a  ransom  for '^  our  child.     For  as  the  Lord  hath 

20  given  us  enough  to  live  with,  this  sutiiceth  ^  us.     And  Tobit  said  **  to  her.  Take  no 

21  care,  my  sister  ;  he  shall  return  safe  and  sound,^^  and  thine  eyes  shall  see  him.  For 
a  good  *"  angel  will  keep  him  company,  and  his  journey  shall  be  prosperous,  and 

22  he  shall  return  safe  and  sound.*'     And  she  ceased  *-  weeping. 

Vers.  6-9.  —  >  A.  v.:  for(Qr.,  «aO.  2  Then.         '  till  I  tell  my  father.    Old  Lat.  (from  MSS.  Germ,  and  Reg.), 

donee  inlrem,  etc.     Codd.  III.  23.  44.  64.  71.  nl.  Co.  Mi.  read  (lou.        ■■  k.  V.  :  Then.  «  So.         »  which.  '  Then 

...  be  (the  word  iirriv  is  supplied  after  jtiotos  in  lU.  23.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.).        »  So. 

Vers.  10-12.  — »  A.  V. :  Then.  ">  or.  "  Then.  '=  kindred.  '3  the  son  (to  ytVos  is  found  before  'Af.  in  44. 
B8.  64.  Co.  Aid.)  "  Then  Tobit  said  (Gr.,  itai  dirtp  avr<^  ;  Toj^.  is  added  in  23.  44.  etc.,  Co.  Aid.  Jun. ;  air<3,  omitted 
in  44.  64.  106.  Co.  Aid.).  ^^  be  not  now.  lo  have  inquired.  ''  Fritzsche  states,  in  his  critical  apparatus,  that  II. 
(with  III.  5.3.  6S.  64.)  omits  trov  after  iraTplav.    In  II.  aov  is  found,  but  dotted.  ^^  a.  V. :  for.         '^  an  honest  (for 

fcoXTJs,  III.  55.  58.  64  71.,  etc.,  with  Co.  AM.,  have  jaeyoAT]?).  20  ttnow  (Gr.,  ^Treyrwcritoc).  21  gons  of  that  great  Sa- 
maias.     The  reading  of  II.  is  not  (as  Fritzsche  states),  with  III.,  Sefteiov  but  Sc^e'ou  ;  text,  ree  ,  Se^et ;  Old  Lat.  Setneiee. 

Vers.  14,  15.  — '^-  A.  V.  ;   wdt  thou  a  drachm.  -^  and  thiii.ss  necessary  (53.  64.  Co.  Aid.  omit  trot)  as  ....  to  my 

own.  21  Yea.  2,-,  omits  and  sound.  The  Greek  word  here  used  {iiyiaivoi^fi}  means  more  than  simple  safety,  and 
may  well  be  rendered  by  our  common  expression  "safe  and  sound." 

Ver.  16. — •"  A.  V.  :  So  they  were  well  pleased  (Gr.,  iv56Kiiaav).  The  sense  obviously  is  that  they  accepted  each 
other's  terms.  27  a.  V  ;  Then  said  he.  2S  Q^d  send  you  (Gr.,  evoSwfieiijre).  It  is  a  glaring  fault  of  the  A.  V.  that 
in  such  instances  it  introduces  without  necessity  the  name  of  the  divine  being.  29  A.  V.  :  And  when  his  son  had  pre- 

pared aU  things.  »»  o?ni«  And.  3i  said,  Go  ...  .  this.  Cod.  II.,  with  III.  44.  55.  58.  71.,  omits  toutou.  '■  A.  V. : 
which.        33  the  angel  of  God  (so  &4.  Co.  Mil.  and  Junius).        »  So. 

Ver.  18.  — ^"  A.\ .  :  Be  not  greedy  to  add.  For  apyiipioc  Tcp  apyvpi'w  ^ij  i^^ciffoi,  lit.  "  let  not  money  come  to  money,*' 
Grotius  would  read  apyiipioi/  apa  utw  ^T)  <i)9d(Tai,  jton  decuit  peruniain  prfF/erre  JUio.  Ilgen  would  substitute  dpyupei'w, 
"  money  chest,"  for  the  third  word.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  te.xt  is  correct.     38  A.  V  :  as  refuse  in  respect  of  (cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  19-22.  —  37  a.  V. ;  that  which  (Gr.,  ws)  the  Lord  hath  given  us  to  live  with  doth  suffice.  The  margin  has  :  "  80 
long  as  God  hath  granted  US  to  live,  this  is  sufficient.'*  38  a.  V. :  Then  said  T.  39  jq  gafety.  « /A*  good. 

"  safe.        *2  Then  she  made  an  end  of. 

Chapter  V. 


Ver.  4.  Kaphael.  This  word,  iu  the  majority 
of  MSS.,  as  will  be  seen,  has  not  the  article.  The 
sense  is  :  a  certain  Raphael  who  was  an  anqel.  (See 
Winer,  p.  112,)  The  meaning  of  the  word  "  Ra- 
phael" is  "  divine  healer."     Afterwards  (ver.  12 


Ver.  6.  I  have  lodged  witli  our  brother 
Gabael.  Reusch  justifies  the  deception  here 
jiracticcd,  on  the  ground  that,  as  he  hud  assumed, 
as  angel,  a  human  character, —  that  of  Azarias, 
the  son  of  Ananias,  —  in  the  impersonation  of  this 


he  describes  himself  iis  "  Azarias,  son  of  Ananias,"  I  character  he  was  obliqed  to  speak  and  act  as  he 


the  first  word  meaning  "Jehovah  helps."  We 
lave  in  both  words  apparent  evidence  of  the  in- 
tended symbolical  character  of  the  na.rrative. 


did.     But  this  is  simply  supporting  one  deception 
by  another. 

Ver.  8.     There  is  no  analogy  to  be  found  in  the 


132 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


eanoDical  books  for  what  is  here  related,  that  au 
angel  should  accompany  a  man  on  such  a  jour- 
ney. 

Ver.  11.  The  answer  of  the  angel  is  not  with- 
out point:  "You  are  seeking  a  servant,  —  what 
has  the  matter  of  family  to  do  with  it?"  He 
seems  reluciaut  to  utter  the  untruth  which  the 
questioning  of  Tobit  at  last  leads  him  to  do. 
But  would  the  father  have  been  any  le.ss  ready  to 
intrust  his  son  to  the  care  of  this  person,  if  he 
had  known  at  first  what  he  is  afterwards  supposril 
to  have  known  ?  In  that  case,  it  is  true,  the 
story  would  have  suffered.  Some  Roman  Catho- 
lic coniinentator.s  seek  to  excut^e  the  supjio-'^ed 
angel's  duplicity  by  referring  to  the  case  of  Abra- 
ham (Gen.  XX.  12  ;  xxii.  5).  But  if  the  circum- 
stances of  the  two  cases  were  in  other  respects 
similar,  we  could  hardly  approve  of  an  angel's 
taking  a  fallible  human  creature  (even  though  he 
were  a  patriarch)  as  example. 

Ver.  1 3.  As  we  went  together.  For  remarks 
I'n  the  discrepancy  of  this  passage  with  earlier 
«teclarations  of  Tobit,  see  above,  i.  6. 

Ver.  14.  "Eaonat  .  .  .  SiS6vai.  Such  a  con- 
struction would  be  in  Greek  a  l>arl)arism.  Fritzsche 
explains  by  sup]io>ing  that  either  SiSii^'ai  was  a  slip 
of  the  pen  for  StSovs,  or  that  the  writer  gave  ((rofxai 
for  tiTToi  fioi.  —  A  drachma  a  day.  Among  the 
Jews  and  Romans  in  the  New  Testament  times, 
the  drachma  was  equal  to  the  denarius,  whose 
value  was  about  fifteen  cents. 

Ver.  16.  And  the  young  man's  dog  with 
them.  It  is  not  so  easy  to  see  why  the  dog  is  intro- 
duced. It  plays  no  important  part  in  the  narra- 
tive. It  is  not  again  mentioned  until  the  return 
home  (xi.  4).  Wherever  else  the  dog  is  spoken 
of  in  the  Apocryphal  books,  it  is  with  disrespect 
(cf.  Eeclus.  xiii.  18;  xxvi.  25).  It  is  well  known 
that  the  animal  was  regarded  as  unclean  by  the 
Jews  (Is.  Ixvi.  3) ;  and  the  terms  "  dog,"  "  dead 


dog,"  etc.,  were  often  used  as  epithets  of  reproach 
or  of  humility  among  them.  In  fact,  this  feeling 
with  respect  to  dogs  has  not  yet  died  out  in  the 
Orient.  That  the  jiresent  mention  is  no  more 
than  a  humorous  addition  to  the  story  by  some 
later  hand,  it  would  be  easy  to  credit  were  there 
any  external  evidence  in  its  support.  According 
to  Winer  (Heahvorferh.,(idvoc.),  dogs  were  seldom, 
and  not  till  a  late  jjeriod,  kept  for  pleasure  rather 
than  use,  and  then  only  exceptionally.  He  refers, 
in  addition  to  the  present  passage,  to  Matt.  xv. 
27.     Cf. ///«f/,  xxiii.  173;   Of/j/s.,  xvii.  309. 

Ver.  18.  This  passage  has  given  great  diffi- 
culty to  commentators.  But  adopting  the  read- 
ing, and  giving  it  the  translation  above,  seems  on 
the  whole  the  best.  It  is  supported  by  Se.ngel- 
maim,  Schleusner,  Wahl,  Fritzsche,  and  others. 
In  translating  jrepi'ifTj/ia  "  refuse  "  (cf  1  Cor.  iv. 
13,  "tilth  "),  the  A.  V.  ailopted  the  literal  mean- 
ing of  the  word.  But  it  had  also  sometimes  the 
figurative  meaning  of  "  ransom,"  which  certainh' 
agrees  better  with  the  context.  In  the  LXX.  at 
Proverbs  xxi.  18,  we  find  rrfpiKaOapfia  used  to 
render  the  Hebrew  '^^.3,  "  ransom."  "  Tradunt 
Siiidas  ei  alii  Grteci  lexicograpki  sub  h.  v. :  '  Athaii- 
eases  ad  avertendas  publicas  calamitates  quotannis 
/n  mare prcecipitasse  hominem  sceleratum,  qui  Posei- 
doni  sacn'Jicii  loco  qfferretur ;  hinc  apyvpiov  .... 
TTfpi^i/Tjfia  Tov  TTttiSiou  i)pLOiv  y^voiTo,  {quasi)  piaculum 
Jiat  jilii  nostrif  i.  e.,  pro  servanda  Jilii  vita  abjectum 
et  couteintum  nobis  sit.'"  Grimm,  A^.  T.  Lex.,  ad 
voc.  Sophocles  {Lex.,  ad  voc.)  gives  "  ransom  "  as 
the  original  meaning  of  the  word,  referring  to  the 
present  passage  ;  and  "  offscouring  "  as  a  second- 
ary signification.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin  : 
•'  Gr.,  Let  not  money  be  added,  but  be  the  offscouring 
oj* our  son." 

Ver.  20.  Sister.  Like  "brother,"  simply  an 
expression  of  tenderness,  of  which  usage  this 
book  furnishes  several  examples. 


Chapter  VT. 


1  And  as  they  went  on  their  journey,  they  came  in  the  evening  to  the  river  Ti- 

2  gris,  and    they  lodged   there.     And  '   the   young  man  went  down  to  wash  himself, 

3  and  ^  a  fish  leaped  out  of  the  river,  and  would  have  devoured  him.  And  ^  the 
angel  said  unto  him.  Lay  hold  of  *  the  fish.     And  the  young  man  mastered  the  fish 

4  and  cast  it  upon  the  ^  land.     And  the  angel  said  to  him,^  Open  the  fish,  and  take 

5  the  heart  and  the  liver  and  the  gall,  and  put  them  up  safely.  And'  the  young 
man  did  as  the  angel  commanded  him  ;  and  liaving  roasted  the  fish,  they  ate '  it. 

6  And"  tliey  both  went  on  their  way.  till  they  drew  near  to  P^cbatana."  And"  the 
young  man  said  to  the  angel,  Brother  Azarias,  for  what  is  ^'^  the  heart  and  the  liver 

7  and  the  gall  of  the  fish  ?  And  he  said  unto  him,  Toiichinq  the  heart  and  the  liver,  if 
a  demon  "  or  an  evil  spirit  trouble  any  one,  he  "  must  make  a  smoke  thereof  before 

8  the  man  or  the  woman,  and  he  will  '°  be  no  more  "  vexed.  And  as  for '"  the  gall, 
it  is  good  to  anoint  a  man  that  hath  white  spots  '^  in  his  eyes,  and  he  shall  be 
healed. 

9,  10       And  when  they  drew '"  near  to  Eages,  the  angel  said  to  the  young  man, 

Vers.  2-4. —  'A.  v.:  And  when.  2  omils  and.  '  Then.  «  Take  (Gr.,  eiriXagov).  ^  laid  hold  of  (Gr, 
■KpaTTjo-e)  the  fish  and  drew  it  to  (marg.,  cast  it  upon,  aLV€$a\ev).        "  To  whom  the  angel  said. 

Vers.  .'>-7.  — '  A.  V. :  So.  »  when  they  had  ....  did  eat.  »  then.  '"  Ecbatane.    The  o5  of  the  text,  rec, 

«fter;(u!,iB  omitted  in  II.  III.  44.  66.  74.,andb.v  Frit7.,sche.  "  Then.  "  to  what  use  is  (Gr.,  ti  to-ni').  "  devil 
>*  any,  we.  '^  the  pftrty  phall.  l'^  For  jU7j(ce'Ti,  II.  55  have  ov  iitjk.  ;  64.  S4.3.  Aid-,  oii  fiij  cti  ;  III.  23.  58.  71.,  ou«T 
n  (iij. 

Ver».  8,9.  —  "  A.  V. :  ^.i/or  (St  is  omitted  by  44.  107.  .lun.).        '»  whiteness.        "  were. 


TOBIT.  .  133 

Brother,  to-day  we  shall  lodge  with  Ragiiel,  who  is  thy  kinsman  ; '  he  also  hath 

11  a  '^  daughter,  named  Sarra ;  ^  I  will  speak  concerning ''  her,  that  she  may  be  given 
thee  for  a  wife,  for  to  thee  doth  the  inheritance  ^  of  her  fall,^  and  thou  art  the  only 

1 2  one  of  her  race ; '  and  the  maid  is  fair  and  intelligent.'  And  now  *  hear  me, 
and  I  will  speak  to  her  father  ;  and  when  we  return  '"  from  Rages  we  will  celebrate 
the  marriage  ;  for  I  know  that  Raguel  cannot  marry  her  to  another  according  to 
the  law  of  Moses,  or''  he  will'-  be  exposed  to '^  death,  because  it  is  fitting  that 

13  thou  shouldst  receive  the  inheritance  rather  than  any  other  person."  Then  the 
young  man  answered  the  angel,  I  have  heard,  brother  Azarias,  that  this  maid  hath 

14  been  given  to  seven  men  and  that  they'^  all  died  in  the  marriage  chamber.  And 
now  I  am  the  only  son  of  my  father,  and  I  am  afraid,  lest,  if  I  enter  it,  I  die," 
as  also  the  former  ones ; '"  for  a  demon  '*  loveth  her,  who  '^  hurteth  nobody  but 
those  who  approach  her.  And  now  I  ^°  fear  lest  I  die,  and  bring  my  father's  and 
my  mother's  life,  because  of  me,  to  their  ^'  grave  with  sorrow  ;  and  --  they  have  no 

15  other  son  to  bury  them.  But'^  the  angel  said  unto  him.  Dost  thou  not  remember 
the  precepts  which  thy  father  gave  thee,  that  thou  shouldst  marry  a  wife  of  thy 
race  '^*  ?  And  now  '^  hear  me,  0  my  brother,  for  she  shall  be  thy  ^^  wife ;  and 
make  no  account "  of   the  evil  spirit,  for  this  night  "*  shall  she  be  given  thee  in 

16  marriage.  And  when  thou  enterest  ■''  into  the  marriage  chamber,  thou  shalt  take 
the   ashes  of  incense,^"  and   shalt  lay  upon  them  some  of  the  heart  and  liver  of  the 

17  fish,  and  shalt  make  a  smoke  with  it.  And  the  demon  will"  smell  it,  and  flee 
moay,  and  never  come  again.'^  But  when  thou  comest  ^  to  her,  rise  up  both  of 
you,  and  pray  to  God  who  is  merciful,  who  will  save  you,  and  have  pity  on  you  ^*. 
Fear  not,  for  she  was  '^  appointed  unto  thee  from  the  beginning ;  and  thou  shalt 
preserve  her,  and  she  shall  go  with  thee  ;  and  ^  I  suppose  that  she  will  ^  bear  thee 
children.  And  °'  when  Tobias  had  heard  these  things,  he  loved  her,  and  his  heart 
was  exceedingly  attached  ''  to  her. 

Ver.  10. —  *  A.  V. :  cousin.  -  one  only.    The  Codd.  III.  23.  58.  64.  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.,  add  fioroyen};  to  Ovyarnp. 

>  A.  V. :  Sara. 

Ver.  11.  —  •  A.  v. :  for  {we  omit  kox  before  ort,  with  II.  III.  23.  55.  58.  64.  71.).  ^  for  ....  right  (marg.,  inher- 
itance).     *  appertain  (Gr.,  cTripoAAet).      ^  seeing  thou  only  art  of  her  kindred  ;  Junius  :  quia  tu  solus  es  ex  genere  itlitis. 

Vers.  12, 13.  —  ^  ^.  v. ;  wise.  ^  now  therefore.  i^  Cod.  II.  has  uTroarpei/fw^ei/  ....  n-oi^o-wfiei'  instead  of  the 

future.  '^  A.  V.  :  but;  Cod  II.  substitutes  (cai  for  ^.  '^a.V.  ;  shall.  '2  gu^ity  Qf_  m  the  right  of  inheritance 
doth  rather  appertain  to  thee  than  to  any  other  (cf.  the  Greek).        ^^  who. 

Ver.  14.  —  '1  A  V. :  go  in  unto  her,  I  die.  i'  as  the  other  before  (Gr.,  oi  n-porepoi ;  68.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.,  oi 
npvTtpov),       ^s  wicked  spirit.       ^^  which.       20  which  come  unto  her  :  wherefore  I  also.      ^i  the  {Gr.,  auTwc).      -2  for. 

Vers.  15, 16.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Then.         ^  thine  own  kindred.         25  wherefore  (Jun.,  ergo].  ^  given  thee  to  (Gr.,  <ro* 

trrai  eU  yvvaiKa).        27  reckoning.        -^  same  {Jun.,  (;>5a)  night.        29  ghalt  come.        ^  perfume. 

Ver.  17.  — ^^  A.  V.  :  devil  shall.  ^^  again  any  more  (Jun.,  neque  amplius).  ^  shaltcome.        ^  which  is  ...  . 

have  pity  on  yoK  and  save  you.  ^5  jg.  s"  Moreover.  3*  shall.  ^  Now.  S9  gfjectually  (marg.,  vehemently) 
joined     Cod.  III.  has  Ke«6AATjTo  (for  iKoXKijQi))  omitting  the  following  avr^. 

Chapter  VI. 

Ver.  1.  To  the  river  Tigris.  Niueveh,  from  if  it  were  a  fancy,  for  our  Tobias  to  indulge 'J 
which  they  started,  lay  on  the  Tig:ris.  Witliwhat  We  would  have  given  him  credit  for  more  sense 
propriety,  then,  thi.s  stati'ment  ■?  Fritzsche  con- 1  after  all  his  previous  travels, 
jectures  that  ;m  arm  of  the  Tigris,  Zab,  is  meant,  1  Ver.  5.  Did  they  eat  the  whole  (i.-ihl  .''engel- 
and  refers  to  Xcnophou  {.4»a^^.,  ii.  5)  and  Herod-jmaun  quotes  Djile  {De  Orig.  Idol.,  p.  167)  as 
otus  (v.  52)  in  its  support.  Reusch,  however, '  follows  :  *'  Qnem  si  totuin  devorarunt^  videntur  sane 
holds  that  there  is  no  need  of  such  a  theory,  \'n-\J'aisse  homines  perquam   voraces   ac  guhsi,  saltern 


asmuch  as  the  place  wliere  they  lived  may  have 
not  been  directly  on  the  river ;  or,  if  it  w<as,  that 
they  may  have  left  it  for  a  time,  and  then  come 
back  to  it  again 

Vers.  2,  3.  This  is  certainly  a  remarkable  fish  ! 
It  springs  out  of  the  river  to  catch  and  swallow 
this  young  man  of  marriageable  age,  and  yet  is 
caught,  apparently  with  the  hands,  by  this  same 


junior  ille  Tobias,  si  proitensus  iste  a/tgelus  recet'a 
nil  inde  comedit,  quod  exserte  de  se  ipso  testatur,  xii. 
19."  In  the  Chaldaic  text  the  matter  is  other- 
wise represented :  **  And  Tobiyyah  ran  to  the 
river  to  wasli  his  feet,  and  a  fish  came  suddenly 
out  of  the  river,  and  devoured  the  young  man's 
bread,  and  the  young  man  cried  out.  Raphael 
said  to  him  :  '  Take  the  fish,  and  do  not  let  it  j 


young  man,  and  flung  ashore.  Why  should  it  I  And  he  laid  hold  of  the  fish,  and  drew  it  to  land, 
not  be  relegated  to  the  collection  of  other  so- 1.  ...  So  Tobiyyah  did,  and  took  out  the  heart 
called  "  fish  stories  "  ?  Welte,  whose  opinion  and  the  gall,  and"  roiisted  the  fish,  and  ate,  and  he 
Reusch  sanctions,  says  in  explanation  (is/c^eiV.,  I  left  the  remainder  on  the  road."  See  text  in  Neu- 
p.  90),  that  it  is  only  the  yonng  man's  notion  that  j  bauer,  xxxv.,  xxxvi. 

the  fish  sought  to  swallow  him  ;  and  that  it  is  not  Vers.  7,  8.  According  to  the  Commentary  of 
kt  all  intimated  that  the  fish  could  have  swallowed  Dereser  (Scholz),  the  angel  here  speaks  simply  in 
iim.     But  wjuld  it  not  be  a  singular  fancy,  even  '  harmony  with  the  ideas  of  that  time.     Put  it  is  a 


lo-i  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


justification  wliioh  thev  would  probablv  regard  as  (Xumb.  xxxvi.  6-9),  the  daughter  who  was  an 
far  from  sufficient  if  it  were  to  be  more  widely  heir  was  obliged  to  marry  within  her  tribe.  Bui 
applied  :  as,  for  instance,  to  what  our  Saviour  i  that  the  father  was  to  be  condemned  to  death  in 
Bays  of  demoniacal  possessions.  With  respect  to  !  case  she  did  not,  is  nowhere  enjoined, 
the  fact  that  the  gall  of  fishes  and  of  various  Ver.  14.  This  doctrine  of  the  possibility  of 
animals  was  in  Persia  and  Arabia  extensively  spirits  haviuir  l)odie^  and  senses,  and  falling  in 
used  for  diseases  of  the  eyes,  there  is  no  doubt.  '  love  with  the  beautiful  daughters  of  men,  was  by 
In  the  Mission's  Magazine  (Basle,  1837,  p.  597)  it  no  nieaus  unoimmon  even  in  the  early  Christian 
is  reported  by  a  Mr.  Wolf  that  blindness  cau.sed  church.  Cf.  Augustine,  iJe  Civit.  Oei,  c.  23. 
by  inflammation  of  the  eyes  is  still  often  cured  in  Ver.  15.  How  the  angel,  who  was  not  present 
Persia  by  use  of  the  gall  of  animals.  at  the  time  these  words  were  spoken,  came  to  the 

Ver.  9,     Kages.      This  cannot   be  the  Rages   knowledge  of  thim,  it  is  not  said.     If  it  is  meant 
mentioned  in  other  parts  of  the  Book  of   Tobit   to  be  reiircscntcd  that  it  was  through  his  super- 

~ human  knowledge,  it  is  singular  that  the  young 

man  takes  no  notice  of  the  fact. 

Ver.  16.  On  the  methods  used  in  his  time  for 
the  exorcism  of  demons,  see  the  singular  account 
of  Josephus  (Aiitiq.,  viii.  2,  §  5).  Cf.  also  the 
Introduction  to  the  present  book,  under  "  Doc- 
trinal Teaching,"  p.  118,  and  the  various  authori- 
ties there  cited. 


(i  14;  v.  5;  vi.  9,  121.  Fritzsche  thiuks  it  must 
have  been  a  place  in  the  vicinity  of  Ecbatana. 
Others  (Ilgen)  .suppose  that  the  text  is  corrupt. 
Meanivhile,  the  difference  in  the  form  of  the  word 
"Payri  as  here  found  from  the  usual  "PdyoL  is  to  be 
noticed.  The  Hebrew  (Miinster)  and  the  Chal- 
daic  substitute  for  it  Ecbatana. 

Ver.    12.      According    to   the   law   of    Moses 


Chapter  VII. 

1  And  when  he  reached  Ecbatana,  he  came  to  the  house  of  Raguel.  And  Sarra 
also  met  him  ;  and  saluted  him  and  he  her ;  and '  she  brought  them  into  the  house. 

2  And  Eaguel  said  ^  to  Edna  his  wife.  How  like  is  this  young  man  to  Tobit  my 

3  cousin  !     And  Raguel  asked  them.  From  whence   are  you,  brethren  ?     And  they 

4  said  to  him,'  We  are  of  the  sons  of  Nephthali.^  who  are^  captives  in  Nineve.  And ' 
he  said  to  them.  Do  you  know  Tobit  our  kinsman  ?     And  they  said,  We  know  him. 

5  And  he  said  to  them,'  Is  he  in  good  health  ?     And  they  said,  He  is  both  alive,  and 

6  in  good  health ;  and  Tobias  said,  He  is  my  father.     And  "  Raguel  leaped  up,  and 

7  kissed  him,  and  wept,  and  blessed  him,  and  said  unto  him.  Thou  art  the  son  of  a 
noble  and  good  man.     And  on  hearing  ^  that  Tobit  was  blind,  he  was  sorrowful,  and 

8  wept.  And  liheicise  Edna  his  wife  and  Sarra  ^°  his  daughter  wept.  Moreover 
they  entertained  them  cheerfully ;  and  after  they  had  killed  a  ram  of  the  flock,  they 
set  an  abundance  of  food  "  on  the  table.  And  Tobias  said  ^-  to  Raphael,  Brother 
Azarias,  speak  of  those  things  of  which  thou  didst  talk  on  the  way,  and  let  tliis  busi- 

9  ness  be  dispatched.  And ''  he  communicated  the  matter  to "  Raguel.  And 
10  Raguel  said  to  Tobias,   Eat,  drink,'^  and  be  merry.^^  for  it  is  meet  that  thou 

shouldest  marry  my  daughter.     Nevertheless  I  will  declare  unto  thee  the  truth 

111  have  given  my  daughter  in  marriage  to  seven  men,  who  died  in  the  ''  night  they 

came  in  unto  her  ;  nevertheless  for  the  present  be  merry.   And  "*  Tobias  said  I  will 

12  eat  nothing  here,  tUl  we  agree  and  swear  cue  to  another.  Arid  Raguel  said,  Take 
her  from  henceforth  according  to  the  law ;  '^  moreover  ^  thou  art  her  brother  -' 
and  she  is  thy  sister,"  and  the  merciful  God  will "'  give  you  the  highest  prosperity.** 

13  And  ^  he  called  his  daughter  Sarra,-'^  and  he  took  her  by  the  hand,  and  gave  her  to 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  V. ;  And  when  they  were  come  to  E.,  they  came  to  the  house  of  R.  ;  and  Sara  met  them  :  and  after 
that  they  had  saluted  one  another.  The  verbs  in  the  iirst  two  clauses  are  put  in  the  plural  in  III.  23.  58.  64.  71.  74., 
etc.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.  The  same  authorities,  in  general,  have  avroZs  for  ai/ria  in  the  next  clause.  The  Kai  before 
Sappa  is  also  omitted  by  them.  The  want  of  clearness  in  the  thought  of  the  last  part  of  the  verse  has  caused  consider- 
able variation  in  the  MSS.  For  the  reading  aiirbs  avrriv,  are  55.  108.  Syr.  ;  for  auroi  ain-^v,  III.  23.  68.  64.  etc.,  with  Co. 
and  Aid.    The  text.  Tec.  has  avTos  avToiis. 

Vers.  2-7.  —  -  A.  V. :  Then  said  R.  "PoyoviiX  is  omitted  in  11.  in.  56.  =  To  whom  they  said.  *  Cod.  II.  has 
here  Ne</)0aA€i,  although  in  aU  other  places  Ne^oAetjii.  ^  which  are.  «  Then.  '  Then  said  he.  ^  xhen  (Jun. 
Turn).         ^  honest  and  good  man.     But  (.lun.,  ffro)  when  he  heard. 

Vers.  8-11.  —  '"  A.  V.  :  Sara.  "  store  of  meat.  ^-  Then  said  T.  "  in  the  way  ....  So.  "  with.  «  and 
drink  (so  55.  58.  71.  74.  76.  243.  Co.  Aid  and  Jun.).  i"  make  (Gr.,  ytvov)  merry;  cf.  verse  11.  "  A.  V. :  tkat  (Gr., 
oirb  TTji*  vvKTa).  A  second  hand  has  corrected  in  II.  the  word  anidi^iTKOv  to  awf6t^<TK0(rav  {with  III.  64.  243.  Aid.)  and 
this  Cod.  omita  the  article  before  n>KTa.         '^  A.  V. :  But  (Jun.,  f«ro)  ....  another.     R.  said.  Then. 

Ver.  12.  —  >»  A  v.:  manner  (marg, /aw;  Gt.,  rriv  Kpiini' ,  see  Com.)  '^  ior  {&€  ;  it  is  omitted  in  III.  248.  249.  Co.) 
**  cousin.        '2  thine.        23  omits  will.        '*  good  success  in  all  tAi'n^s  (Gr.,  euofiwcrci  v^ic  ri  *toAAi(jTa).    See  Com. 

Ver.  13.  —  2"  A.  V. :  Then.  =«  Sara  ;  and  she  came  to  her  father.    We  have,  with  Fritzsche,  omitted  this  adde^ 

tlause,  as  wanting  in  most  of  the  better  authorities.  It  is  found  in  23.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  Jun.,  and  the  ar«el 
eiblcs  of  1545  IBaiile)  and  1597  (Frankfort). 


rOBIT. 


135 


be  wife  to  Tobias,  saying,  Behold,  take  her  after  the  law  of  Moses,  and  lead  her 

14  away  to  thy  father.     And  he  blessed  them.     And  he  ^  called  Edna  his  wife,  and 

15  took  paper,  and  wrote  a  covenant ; "  and  they  ^  sealed  it.     And  *  they  began  to  eat. 

16  And  ^  Raguel  called  his  wife  Edna,  and  said  unto  her.  Sister,  prepare  the  other" 

17  chamber,   and  bring  her  into   it.'       And   she  did"   as   he  had   bidden   her,   and" 
brought  her  in  thither  ;  and  she  wept ;  and  she  received  ^^  the  tears  of  her  daugh- 

18  ter,  and  said  unto  her.  Be  of  good  comfort,  my  chUd ;   the   Lord  of  heaven  and 
earth  give  thee  joy  ''  for  this  thj'  sorrow  ;  be  of  good  comfort,  my  daughter. 

Ver.  14. — 1  A.  v.  :   omits  he.  -  did  write  an  instrument  of  covenants  (Gr.,  eypai//e  avyypa-fr^i').  3  he.     For 

«<r<^ayi<raTO  TI.  55.  108.  give  the  plural,  which  i.s  probably  the  correct  form,  and  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 

Vers.  15,  16.  —  ■>  A.  V.  :  Then  (so  Jun  ;  jtai  totc,  106;  er  cj:  i7/a  Aora,  etc.,  Old  Lat.  from  MSS.  Reg.  and  Germ.). 
*  A.  V.  :  After  (Postea,  Jun.).        «  another  (Gr.,  to  ETcpof;  see  Com.).        '  in  thither. 

Ver.  17.  —  ^  A.  v.:   Which  when  she  had  done.         '•*  she.  ^^  her  thither  ....  received.      De  Wette  renders 

*'  wiped  away  ;  "  but  that,  as  Fritzsche  remarks,  would  require  awe/io^aTo  for  aireSe^aro.  In  the  margin  of  the  ed.  ol 
1611  the  alternative  rendering  is  "  licked.''     The  two  Old  Latin  MSS.,  Reg.  and  Germ.,  read  :  et  extersit  lacrymas. 

Ver.  18.  —  "  A..  V. :  my  daughter  ....  joy.  Instead  of  X"P*''i  l^S.  343.  3i8.  Co.  Aid.  offer  xp-pav  ;  Junius,  Imtu 
tiam  pro  tristitia. 

Chapter  VII. 


Ver.  2.  Eaguel,  "friend  of  God;"  Edna, 
"  delight." 

Ver.  5.  Tlie  Syriac  and  Vulgate  omit  what  is 
here  said  with  respect  to  Tobit's  health,  probably 
on  account  of  his  blindness. 

Ver.  6.  Raguel's  weeping  for  joy  and  weeping 
for  sorrow  follow  each  other  pretty  closely.  See 
following  verse. 

Ver.  7.  'O  toO  KaXov,  etc.  The  nominative  for 
the  vocative,  as  in  the  classics.  Cf.  Winer,  p. 
182  ;   Buttrnann,  p.  140. 

Ver.  8.  "Edvaaf  Kpihv  irpoSiTav.  This  verb 
has  obviously  here  a  derived  meaning.  The  He- 
brew word  ny^,  however,  whose  first  meaning  is 
to  slaughter,  is  generally  rendered  by  Bvci  and 
Sucnaicii  in  the  LXX.  This  may  have  led  Bret- 
Schneider  to  give  macto  as  the  original  meaning 
of  the  Greek  verb  in  his  Lexicon  of  the  New 
Testament.  But  in  classical  Greek  the  njeauiiig 
to  sacrifice  is  the  original.  Cf.  Lexicons  of  Gnnini, 
Jiobinson,  and  others.  —  Then  said  Tobias  to 
Raphael,  .\ccording  to  the  Itala,  Vulgate,  Chal- 
daic,  and  Hebrew  of  Miinster,  it  is  Tobias  who 
introduces  the  subject  of  a  marriage  with  Sarra. 
But  the  Greek  is  not  only  in  much  lietter  taste, 
but  corresponds  better  with  the  supposed  relation 
of  Raphael  to  the  young  man. 

Ver.  II.  "Eojs  i.v  trriiinfTe  koI  araOrire  trpSs  fjLe 
(cf.  I  Mace.  xiii.  38  :  oa-a  kaTijKa^ev  wphs  v/j.as 
«o-T7)K6).  The  verb  may  here  have  the  meaning 
of  promise:  until  you  have  promist-d  vie  (i.  e..  to 
give  Sarra  as  wife),  and  conjirnted  it.  Others  sup- 
ply auT-i}v  with  (nfitjrin,  and  refer  aTadrJTe  to  the 
position  which  the  parents  took  at  the  betrothal : 
till  yon  have  placed  her  and  yunrselves  stand  before 
me.     So  De  Wette,  and  Buusen's  Sibelwerk. 

Ver.  12.  Aooording  to  the  law,  Kari  t^v 
Kpiaiv  (cf.  ver.  12,  Kara  riv  v6ii.oii  M.  ;  and  ver.  13). 
The  former  expression  occurs  in  the   LXX.  at 


Neh.  viii.  18  (A.  V.,  "  according  to  the  manner  "). 
It  is  also  found   in  the  LXX.  at  2  Chron.  xxxv. 

13,  as  the  rendering  of  l25C*;.  Ti  KoAAnrra,  the 
highest  prosperity.  The  adjective  is  used  ad- 
verbially. Cf.  Winer,  p.  463  ;  Buttmann,  p.  82  ff. 
Fritzsche  thinks  that  the  figure  called  brachy- 
logy  is  employed,  and  would  render  :  "  And  the 
merciful  God  will  conduct  you  well,  .and  give  you 
the  highest  good  (das  Sehonste,  Deste)." 

Ver.  13.  On  the  L'ener.al  subject  of  marriage 
in  the  Orient  and  the  various  ceremonies  attend- 
ing it,  see  an  excellent  articK'  in  Smith's  fii'6. 
Diet.,  ad  voc. ;  and  Van  Lenuep,  Bib.  Lands,  pp. 
548-554. 

Ver.  14.  A  covenant,  iTuyypa.if>i]v.  The  con- 
tract was  always  witnessed  and  signed.  Both  the 
Hebrew  texts  here  make  mention  of  the  presence 
of  witnesses.  The  Chaldaic  runs  :  "  And  Reuel 
called  Kdnah,  his  wife,  to  bring  paper  to  write 
thereon  the  deed  of  marriage  to  his  daughter,  and 
she  did  so ;  and  they  wrote  the  deed,  and  wit- 
nesses signed  it."  According  to  Fritzsche,  writ- 
ten marriage  contracts  are  of  late  date  among  the 
Jews.  He  claims  that  tliis  passage  is  the  oldest 
example  of  such  a  practice. 

Ver.  16.  Til  eVepoj-  Ta/icroi/.  Probably  some 
room  other  than  the  ordinary  one  is  meant.  Sen- 
gelmann  takes  rafi^iov  in  the  sense  of  6<i\a^0Sf 
bridechamber,  and  thinks  that  a  room  different 
from  the  one  which  had  l)een  previously  used  for 
this  purpose  was  selected. 

Ver.  17.  And  she  wept,  i.e.,  Sarra  wept.  See 
next  clause.  The  Chaldaic,  however,  runs  :  "  And 
Ednah  embraced  her  daughter  Sarah,  and  wept, 
saying,  My  daughter,  may  the  God  of  heaven 
show  Kindness  to  thee  this  night,  and  watch  over 
thee,  and  give  thee  joy  for  the  sorrow  thou  hast 
had  in  time  past."  See  also  ad  loc.,  our  transla- 
tion of  text  B.  as  found  below. 


Chapter  VIII. 


1,  2       And  when  they  had  supped,  they  brought  Tobias  in  unto  her.     And  as  he 
went,  he  remembered  the  words  of  Raphael,  and  took  the  ashes  of  the  incense,'  and 


Vers.  2. 


'  A.  V. :  perfumes. 


i36 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


put  the  heart  and  the  liver  of  the  fish  thereon,^  and  ^  made  a  smoke  therewith. 

3  And  when  the  demon  smelled  the  stench,'  he  fled  into  *  the  upper  parts  ^  of  Egypt, 

4  and  the  angel  bound  him.     And  when  *  they  were  both  shut  in  together,  Tobias 
rose  from  the  bed,  and  said.  Sister,  arise,  and  let  us  pray  that  the  Lord  may '  have 

5  pity  on  us.     And   Tobias  began  *  to   say,  Blessed  art  thou,  O  God  of  our  fathers, 
and  blessed  is  thy  holy  and  glorious  name  forever ;  let  the  heavens  bless  thee,  and 

6  all  thy  creatures.     Thou  madest  Adam,  and  gavest  him  Eve  his  wife  for  a  helper 
aiid  stay  ;   from  them  sprang  the  race  of  men.^     Thou  hast  said.  It  is  not  good 

7  that  man  should  be  alone  ;   let  us  make  for  "  him  a  helper  "  like  unto  himself. 
And  now,  O  Lord,  I  take  not  this  my  sister  for  lust,  but  uprightly  ;  let  me  find 

8,  9  mercy  and  with  her  reach  old  age.'^     And  she  said  with  hhn,  Amen.     And  '^ 

they  slept  both  through  the  night.''' 
10       And  Raguel  arose,  and  went  and  made  a  grave,  saying.  This  one  also,  is  most 
11,  12  likely'^  dead.     And   Raguel  went ''*  into  his  house,  and"  said   unto   his  wife 

Edna,  Send   one  of  the  maids,  and  let  her  see  '*  whether  he  be  alive  ;  and  ''  if  he  be 

13  not,  that  we  may  bury  him,  and  no  man  know  it.     And  -°  the  maid  opened  the  door, 

14  and  went  in,  and  found  them  both  asleep.    And  she^'  came  forth  and  told  them  that 

15  he  was  alive.     And'-'*  Eaguel  praised  God,  and  said,  O  God,  thou  art  worthy  to  be 
praised  with  all  pure  and  holy  praise  ;  and  ^'  let  thy  saints  praise  thee  with  all   thy 

16  creatures  ;  and  let  all  -*  thine  angels  and  thine  elect  praise  thee  for  ever.    Thou  art 
to  be  praised,  for  thou  hast  made  me  joyful ;  and  it  has  not  happened  to  me  as  I  sus- 

17  pected  ;  but  thou  hast  dealt  with  us  ^  according  to  thy  great  mercy.     Thou  art  to  be 

18  praised  because  thou  hast  had  mercy  on  two  only-begotten  children."^     Grant  them 
mercy,  0  Lord,   and   finish   their  lite   in  health  with  joy  and  mercy.       And  he 

19  bade  his  servants  fill'"  the  grave.     And  he  made  for  them  a-*  wedding  feast  of  ^ 

20  fourteen  days.     And  ^  before  the  days  of  the  wedding  '^  were  finished,  Raguel  said  ^'^ 
unto  him  by  an  oath,  that  lie  should  not  depart  till  the  fourteen   days  of  the   wed- 

21  ding  ''  were  expired  ;  and  that  then  he  should  take  half  his  goods,  and  go  in  health  ^ 
to  his  father  :  and  the  rest  ^*  when  I  and  my  wife  are  ^  dead. 

.  Vers.  2,  3.  —1  A.  V. :  thereupon.  "  The  ical  before  UiTrvurtv  is  omitted  in  III.  64.  ^3.  Aid.  »  A.  V. :  The  which 
imell  when  the  evil  spirit  had  smelled.  *  After  ef^v-yei'  e«i>s  is  inserted  before  €ts  by  III.  58.  ^  A.  V. :  utmost 
parts  (Gr.,  rd  ofuiTaTa). 

Vers.  4-6.  — «  A.  V. :   And  after  that.  ■  out  of  the  bed  ...  .  that  God  (©eot,  23.  71.  74.  76.  108.  236.)  would. 

*  Then  began  T.  ^  of  them  came  mankind  (Gr  ,  eic  Tovrtuv  ^eyrfdri  to  av^puininv  trniptia).         '"  unto.         "  an  aid 

(the  same  word  in  the  Greek  is  rendered  "  helper  "'  in  the  previous  verse). 

Vers.  7-11.  —  ^2  a.  V. :  therefore  mercifully  ordain  that  we  may  become  aged  together  (Gr.,  iirlTa$ov  iXerjirai  ^€,  etc.) 
I  have  rendered  freely,  but  this  seems  to  be  the  force  of  iTTiTdaatu  here.  '^  So.  "  that  (Gr.,  rijr  yvxra)  night, 

I'*  I  fear  lest  he  also  (Gr.,  /it»)  Ka't  oJto?)  be.        ^^  But  when  R.  was  come.        *'  he. 

Ver.  12.  — 1«  The  reading  IShujaav,  of  the  text.  rec.  (also  of  II.)  is  found  as  iSerw  in  108.  236.  248.  Co.,  and  as  yviartA 
in  III.  58.  64.  and  others,  both  of  which  latter  are  doubtless  corrections,  although  the  plural  was  first  written  through 
oversight,  the  last  word,  and  not  ^cai*,  having  been  in  mind.         ^^  A.  V.  otrtits  and. 

Vers.  13-17.  —  -"  A.  V. :  So.  -i  omits  she.  "-  Then.  ^  therefore  (Gr.,  Kal).  24  The  icai  before  Troi'Te?  is 
omitted  by  II.  55.  74.  -^  A  V.  :  that  is  not  come  to  me  which  (Gr.,  ovk  iytvfT6  ti-oi  KoButs)  ....  hast  dealt  with  me 
(Gr.,  |Li60'  ijfi.uii').        26  Qf  two  that  were  the  only-begotten  children  of  their  fathers. 

Vera.  18-21.  —2:  A.  V. :   Then  Raguel  ....  to  fill.  2a  he  kept  the  (Gr.,  imiriirev  aiinw  yai±oy).         29  omits  of 

"0  For  (Gr.,  Kal).  si  marriage.  ^-  R.  had  said.  ^  and  then  ....  the  half  of  ....  in  safety.  ^  should  have 
the  rest.        35  be. 


Chapter  VIII. 


Ver.  2.  The  ashes  of  the  incense  (A.  V. ; 
"  pcrfumt'S  ").  The  article  is  lu-re  used,  thou}:h 
not  ill  vi.  16.  The  OrientuLs  make  great  use  of 
perfumes.  Tlie  Hebrews  emjiloyed  for  this  pur- 
pose spices  imported  from  Arabia,  or  aromatic 
plants  which  grew  in  Palestine,  These  plants 
were  sometimes  worn  in  their  natural  state  about 
the  person  (CiUit.  i.  13)  ;  or  boiled  down,  and 
aiixed  with  oil  {.John  xii.  3)  ;  or  reduced  to  a 
powder,  which  mipht  be  carried  in  a  smelling 
bottle  (Is.  iii.  24) ;  or  used  for  fumigation  (Cant. 
iii.  0).  Cf.  Smith's  Bib.  Did.,  art.  '  Perfumes." 
The  object  in  the  present  case,  however,  was  luit 
to  make  a  plcasiint  impression  on  the  deiiiou,  but 
a  di»iigreeable  one.  It  is  better,  therefore,  to 
transhue  BuniafjLaTuv  incense.  A  fesirful  smell 
must   indeed    have  been  caused   by   burning  the 


h.alf-deeayed  heart  and  liver  of  the  fish  in  the 
manner  described.  The  wonder  is  that  it  did  not 
drive  the  young  Tobias  and  his  bride  away,  as 
well  as  the  demon  ! 

Ver.  3.  Upper  parts  »f  Egypt.  This  piace 
is  mentioned  because,  on  account  of  its  desolate- 
ness,  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  peculiar  resort  of 
the  demoniacal  powers.  Cf.  Matt.  xii.  43  ;  Rev. 
xviii.  2,  with  the  introduction  to  the  present  book 
by  Sengelmiinn,  sect.  3.  But  whiit  is  to  be  under- 
stood by  the  binding?  Welte  {Eitileil.,  p.  94) 
says  it  is  not  to  be  taken  literally  ;  that  the  limita- 
tion of  his  power  over  Tobias  alone  is  meant  tij 
be  inilicated.  But  Krirzseiie  properly  character- 
izes this  ojiinioji  of  Welte  as  gro.ss  arbitrarines.s 
Undoubtedly,  llie  bindiie.:'  is  to  be  taken  literally 
as  much  as  the   remaining  portion  ot'  llie  narrft 


TOBIT. 


137 


live.  Some  Roman  Catholic  commentators,  how- 
ever, regard  the  whole  transaction  as  symbolical, 
or  consider  the  outward  means  used  for  tiie  ex- 
orcism simply  as  a  medium  for  the  exercise  of 
snpernatural  power  on  the  part  of  the  angel,  and 
as  having  no  special  virtue  in  and  of  themselves. 
It  is  represented  in  the  Vulijate  that  the  angel 
made  the  passage  through  the  air,  from  Ecbataua 
to  Upper  Egypt,  wiih  the  demon,  in  one  night, 
and  bound  him  there  so  fast  that  he  was  never 
more  able  to  le  ive  the  region.  According  to 
HM.  and  the  Chaldaic  the  smoke  was  made 
"  under  Sarah's  garments,"  which  would  seem  to 
carry  the  idea  that  the  demon  was  wholly  invisi- 
ble.' 

Vers.  5-9.  The  relation  between  husband  and 
wife,  as  here  represented,  is  worthy  of  attention 
as  indicating  tlie  general  views  of  the  period 
among  the  Jews  touching  this  subject.  Cramer 
says,  that  the  description  of  the  mutual  relation 
of  husband  and  wife  in  our  boolj  appears  to  be 
based  on  the  principle  that  the  marriage  relation 
was  to  be  inspired  more  by  a  pure,  sincere,  and 
hearty  brotherly  and  sisterly  affection  than  by 
mere  sexual  passion  ;  that  often  Tobias  is  named 
the  brother  of  his  wife,  and  Sara  the  sister  of  her 
husband.  See  Moral  der  Apoc,  p.  194  f.  But 
it  is  also  to  be  remembered  that  these  words 
"  brother"  and  "sister  "  were  favorite  expressions 
of  endearment  in  other  relationships  as  well,  and 
that  in  the  case  before  us  the  exigencies  of  the 
story  demanded  a  more  than  ordinary  control  of 
the  sexual  impulse,  and,  at  the  same  time,  would 
naturally  require  unusual  expressions  of  attach- 
ment from  persons  so  peculiarly  situated.  In 
another  part  of  the  book  (ii.  12-14)  we  find  that 
there  were  also  at  that  time  at  least  some  ex- 
ceptions to  the  general  prevalence  of  domestic 
felicity. 

Ver.  8.  And  she  said  with  him,  Amen.  It  was 
the  custom  in  the  early  Christian  church  also,  in 


public  prayer,  for  all  those  assembled  to  unite  in 
the  closing  Amen. 

Ver.  9.  Arose,  and  went  and  made  a  grave 
The  account  of  Raguel's  conduct  with  respect  to 
the  grave  here,  and  in  verse  18,  has  a  suspicious 
appearance.  Had  he  buried  the  seven  unfortu- 
nate previous  husbands  in  this  clandestine  man- 
ner f  He  does  not  wish  that  any  man  should 
know  it,  if  he  is  obliged  to  bury  Tobias  in  the 
grave  that  he  has  made.  Yet  he  allows  the  ser- 
vants to  fill  it  up,  and  they  must  have  known  for 
what  it  was  intended.  Cf.  art.  "  Burial "  in 
Smith's  Bib.  Diet.  In  the  Chaldaic  the  matter  is 
somewhat  differently  represented :  ■'  Now  it  came 
to  pass  in  the  middle  of  the  night  that  Reuel 
arose,  and  bade  his  servants  dig  a  grave  in  the 
night,  saying  to  them,  '  If  the  young  man  die,  we 
will  bury  him  in  the  night,  so  that  no  man  know 
it,  and  there  will  be  no  reproach  to  us.*  .... 
Then  his  servants  came,  and  he  said  to  them, 
'  Cover  the  grave  before  any  man  perceive  it.'" 

Ver.  19.  Made  for  them  a  wedding  feaat  of 
fourteen  days,  i.e.,  double  the  usual  time.  Cf. 
Gen.  xxix.  27  ;  Judg.  xiv.  12  ;  and  xi.  19  of  the 
present  book. 

Ver.  20.  Before  the  days  of  the  marriage 
were  finished.  It  would  seem  from  ix.  1-6  to  have 
been  near  the  beixiiuiing  of  the  marriage  festival. 
—  Mtj  f^f\6elv.  The  infinitive  involves  the  idea 
of  permission.  lie  would  not  be  permitted  to 
depart.  Cf.  Phil.  iii.  16,  and  Winer,  p.  316.  So 
Buttmann,  p.  273 :  '*  And  that  consequently  the 
simple  infinitive  often  includes  the  ide.a  of  obli'ja' 
tion,  nect-ssift/,  permission.  This  is  especially  the 
case  after  such  predicates  as  contain  a  wish,  re- 
quest, or  summons,"  etc.  This  usage  is  well 
known  in  classic  Greek. 

Ver.  21.  When  I  and  my  wife  are  dead. 
The  change  from  the  direct  to  the  indirect  address 
is  also  common  in  the  classics  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment.   See  Winer,  pp.  545, 379 ;  Buttmann,  p.  385. 


Chapter  IX. 

1,  2       And^  Tobias  called  Raphael,  and  said  unto  him,  Brother  Azarias.  take  with 
thee  a  servant,  and  two  camels,  and  go  to  Rages  of  Media  to  Gabael,  and  bring  me 

3  the  money,  and  bring  him  to  me  '^  to  the  wedding,  for  Raguel  hath  sworn  that  1 

4  shall  not  depart.     And  '  my  father  counteth  the  days ;  and  if  I  tarry  long,  he  will 

5  be  sorely  distressed.^     And  ^  Raphael  went  on  his  way,"  and  lodged  with  Gabael, 
and  gave  him  the  written  document ; '  and  he  '  brought  forth  the  '  bags  which  were 

6  sealed  up,  and  gave  them  to  him.     And  early  in  the  morning  they  went  forth  to- 
gether," and  came  to  the  wedding.     And  Tobias  blessed  '^  hia  wife. 


Vers.  1,  2.  — '  A.  V. :  Then.        >  omits  to  me.    The  pronoun  is  wanting  in  m.  23.  55.  58.  64.  60.  Aid.  Old  Lat. 

Ver8.4,5.— 3  A.  V. :  But.  »  very  sorry  (Or.,  oSuvTiSijo-eToiAioi').  For  jieya  (after  x/x»"'<n<i  "  tarry  long,")  58.  61. 
71.  108.  236.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.  have  (leyiAus.  See  Cojn.  6  a.  V.  :  So.  »  out  (Gr.,  lirofineri).  '  handwriting 
{lit.  something  written  with  the  hand).        s  who.        ^  o/nits  the. 

Ver.  6. '"  A.  V. :  both  together  (Gr.,  simply  <toii'i;s).  n  For  tvAoyriirt  23.  Tl.  74.  76.  108.  have  »|vSoio)irev  [was  welt 
pleased  with)  which  is  doubtless  a  gloss,  but  gives  the  real  meaning  of  the  former  word.  Of.  Com.  The  Old  Latin 
omits  this  clause,  but  adds  considerable  new  matter  as  follows  :  "  Et  invenit  Gabelus  Thobiam  discumbentem  :  et  ex- 
silivit,  et  ealutavit,  et  osculatus  est  eum  ;  et  lacrymatus  est  Gabelua,  et  benedixit  Deum,  dicens  :  Benedictus  Dominua 
qui  dedit  tibi  pacem,  bone  et  optime  vir,  quoniam  boni  et  optimi  et  justi  viri,  eleemosynas  facientis,  filius  es :  et  bene. 
lictns  tn,  fill.  Det  tibi  benedictionem  Dominus  caeli,  et  uxori  tuse,  et  patri  et  matri  uxoris  tuse  :  et  benedictus  Deu^ 
laonivn  video  Thobi  consubrini  mei  similem.-'    Cf.  the  translation  of  the  Sin.  413  which  follows. 


138  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IX. 

Ver.  2.  TlopeidriTi  iv  'Vayois.  We  have  ev  for  ]  well  as  the  jilural,  of  this  adjective,  in  place  of  th« 
(is.  fSee  Winer,  p.  413  f.  ;  Buttmanu,  p.  ,3.'i.3.  —  adverb  fxiyaKwi,  occurs  also  in  classical  Greek. 
The  distance  was  two  hundred  miles.  But  one  ,  Ver.  6.  And  Tobias  blessed  his  ^dfe.  Most 
receives  the  impression  from  the  narrative  that  it '  commentators  think  tlie  text  is  corrupt.  Some 
was  made  by  the  angel  in  one  day,  and  that  on  find  in  fuK6yria-e  the  idea  of  eljXoxos,  and  translate 
the  following  diiy  he  returned  with  Gabael.  And, ,  by  gruvidam  fecit.  (BadwcU  and  the  Geneva  ver- 
even  supposing  that  several  days  elapsed,  they.sion.)  Others  would  read /ta!  euAiJ77)(7€  Taifliai/ ital 
could  not  have  been  many,  as  it  is  evident  the  [  ttjc  7ui'aTKa  outoi', /.e.,  Gabael  blessed  Tobias  and 
journey  was  made  well  within  the  time  allotted  to  i  his  wife.  This  was  a  conjecture  of  Junius  ("  Et 
the  marriage  festival.  The  Old  Latin  (v.  H) 'beuedtxit  {  Gebahliel)  Tobijie  tt  itxori  ejus ''),  Avd  ia 
distinctly   designates  the  journey  as  one  of  two  [  found  in  the  margin  of  the  version  of  1611.     It  is 


days  :  '*  Et  est  iter  bidui  ex  Balhanis,  us(/ne  Rages 
civitiitem  Pfiagar,  qiioe  posita  est  in  monte."  The 
Vulgate  at  this  point  has  seemed  to  think  it  neces- 
sary that  Toliias  should  recognize  the  value  of 
his  guide's  services  thus  far,  and  adds:  "  Were  I 
to  make  myself  your  slave,  I  could  not  sufficiently 
repay  your  care  for  me."  But  is  not  the  young 
man  wanting  in  ordinary  discrimination  not  to 
see  in  his  attendant  something  more  than  a  mere 
man  ? 

Ver.  4.     Me'-yo,  long.     The  neuter  singular,  as 


an  interesting  fact  that  this  particular  word  in  the 
later  Greek  had  the  technical  mciining  of  "  to 
marry,"  as  used  of  the  priest  who  performed  the 
ceremony.  Cf.  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc.  The  ren- 
dering we  find  in  the  A.  V.,  however,  is  perhaps 
best  in  harmony  with  the  context,  if  the  expres- 
sion is  considered  as  a  sort  of  conclusion  to  the 
wedding  festivities.  Tobias  felt  happy  in  the 
possession  of  such  a  wife,  and  gave  a  correspond- 
ing expression  to  his  feelings. 


Chapter  X. 

1  And  '  Tobit  his  father  counted  every  day.     And  when  the  days  for  ^  the  journey 

2  had  '  expired,  and  he  *  came  not,  he  ^  said.  Are  they  perhaps  ^  detained  ?  or  is  Ga- 

3  bael  pos.sibly '  dead,  and  there  is  no  man  to  give  him  the  money  ?     And  he  was  very 

4  sorrowful.*      But^  his  wife  said  to  him,  The  child  ^°  is  dead,  since  he  stayeth 

5  40  long."     And  she  began  to  bewaU  him,  and  said,  Thou  art  a  source  of  care  to 

6  me,'^  nit/  son,  because  '*  I  have  let  thee  go,  the  light  of  mine  eyes.   And  Tobit  said 

7  to  her,"  Hold  thy  peace,  take  no  care,  /or  he  is  safe.  And  she  said  to  him, '°  Hold 
thy  peace,  and  deceive  me  not ;  my  son  is  dead.  And  she  went  out  every  day  into 
the  way  which  he  departed,^^  and  did  eat  no  food  in  ^'  the  day-time,  and  ceased  not 
nights  '■'  to  bewail  her  son  Tobias,  until  the  fourteen  days  of  the  wedding  were  ex- 
pired, which  Raguel  had  sworn  that  he  should  spend  there. 

But  '^  Tobias  said  to  Raguel,  Let  me  go,  for  my  father  and   my  mother  look  no 

8  more  to  .see  me.  But  his  father-in-law  said  unto  him.  Tarry  with  me.  and  I  will 
send  to  thy  father,  and  they  shall  make  knovni  ^  unto  him  how  t/iings  go  with  thee. 

9,  10  And  -^  Tobias  said,  Let  *-  me  go  to  my  father.     And  '^  Raguel  arose,  and  gave 

11  him  Sarra  -''  his  wife,  and  half  /lis  goods,  servants,  and  cattle,  and  money  ;  and  he 
blessed  them,  and  sent  them  away,  saying.  The  God  of  heaven  give  you  a  blessing 

12  before  I  die,'-*^  tny  children.  And  he  said  to  his  daughter.  Honor  thy  father  and  thy 
mother-in-law,  who  '^*  are  now  thy  parents,  that  1  may  hear  good  report  of  thee. 
And  he  kissed  her.    Edna  also  said  to  Tobias,  The  Lord  of  heaven  bring  thee  back  ^ 

Ver.  1.  —  »A.  V.:Now.  2  of.         3  were.  «  they.    For  eAoyio-oTo — iqpxero  III.  23.  55.  53.  64.  and  some  others 

with  Co.  and  Aid.  have  eAoyt^ero  —  ripj^otno. 

Ver.  2.  —  f-A.  v.:  r/if;i  Tobit  {so  68.,  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.).  ^  omits  perhaps  (Or.,  firinore  KaTe<rx^vTai,  the  latter 
word  being  a  conjecture  of  Ilgen,  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  —  Old  Lat.,  nvrnquid  detentus  est  Thobias  —  for  Ka-rxiaxviTat. ; 
gee  Com.).        ^  omits  possibly. 

Vers.  3-5.  —  »  A.  V. :  Therefore  he  was  very  sorry.  ®  Then.  "  My  son  (Gr.,  to  TraiSio*-).  ^^  seeing  (Or 

SioTi ;  oTi,  248,  Co.)  he  stayeth  long.  '2  Now  I  care  for  nothing.     We  have  adopted,  with  Fritzsche,  the  suggestion 

of  DruBius,  ffii  ^e'Aet  (for  ov  fif'AeO-     Sengelmann  would  read  ol  for  ou  ;  Vulg.,  heu.  Cf.  Com.         ^^  A.  V. :  since. 

Vers.  6-8.  —  '*  A.  V.  :  To  whom  T.  said  (.lun.,  cui  dixit  Tobit).  "  But  she  said.  *•  they  went.  '*  meat  on. 

'•  whole  nights.    In  III.  64.  108.  243.  248.  Co.  and  Aid.  oAos  is  found  after  viK-raq  ;  Old  I^t.  tola  nottr,  and  adds  ft  non 
dormiebal.        »  A.  V. :  Then.        ^  his  (aixcj  is  added  by  III.  23.  56.  68.  64.  74.  at.  Co.  Aid.)  father-in-l,aw  ....  declare. 

Ver.  9.  —  «  A.  V.  :  But.  2"  No  ;  but  let.  Cod.  II.  (as  a  correction)  ns  well  as  III.  23.  66.  64.  71.  with  Co.  and  Aid 
have  ouxi  before  i^an6<rT.  (Co.  and  Aid.  also  iAAa),  but  it  seems  better,  with  Fritzsche,  to  reject  both  as  later  additions 

Vers.  10-12. — 23  a.  V  :  Then  (Or.,  5«).  "^  Sara.  25  a  prosperous  journey  (Gr.,  EvoSuJa-ei,  but,  as  the  contex* 
shows,  not  to  be  literally  rendered) ;  omitt  *'  before  1  die,"  and  adds  it  improperly  in  ver.  12.  ^  A.  V. :  which 
"  iwtore  thM. 


TOBIT. 


139 


my  dear  brother,  and  grant  that  I  may  see  thy  childreD  of  my  daughter  Sarra,' 
that  I  may  rejoice  before  the  Lord.  And  '^  behold,  I  commit  my  daughter  unto 
thee  in  trust ; '  do  not  treat  her  ill.^ 

Ver.  12.  —  1  A.  V. :  Sara  before  I  die  (aee  preceding  verse).  ^  ,yjjiits  and.  '  of  special  trust  (Gr.,  ec  7TopaAcaTa5^*c7j). 
•  wherefore  do  not  entreat  her  evil.  Fritzsche  properly  removes  the  ko.C  before  ^i}  Auff^o^js,  with  II.  III.  23.  56.  53.  71. 
74.  76.  236.  249. 

Chapter  X. 


Ver.  1.  ^'EXoylaaro  iKaaTqs  TjfjLepas,  counted 
every  day.  See  ix.  4 ;  aud  for  this  use  of  the 
genitive,  Winer,  p.  207, 

Ver.  2.  MTJTTOTe  KaTeaxV^"'-  -^^e  they  perhaps 
detained  P  This  is  the  translation  of  the  Old 
T.,atin,  except  in  the  use  of  the  j)lural ;  Numquid 
(Ifieittiis  fst  Thobids?  U^en  therefore  suggested 
the  reading  KaxeVxi^'Tai  for  KaTTJffxufrat,  and 
Fritzsche  adopts  the  same.  But  the  latter  word 
would  also  give  a  good  sense  :  Have  tkei/  perhaps 
been  disappointed  ?  Cf .  the  LXX.  at  Jer.  ii.  36 
and  Job  vi.  20,  where  this  verb  is  used  to  translate 
t'^3.  Grotius  :  "  Ati  elusa  eorum  spes  per  Ga- 
baeiis  heredes."  On  the  use  of  ^^jirore  as  an  inter- 
rogative particle,  cf.  John  vii  26  ;  Luke  iii.  15. 

Ver.  5.  Dgen  and  Dereser,  following  the  text, 
rec.,  translate :  "  I  have  not  mvself  to  accuse 
that,"  !.  e.,  it  was  the  father,  not  the  mother,  who 


had  sent  oS  the  son  ;  and  he  was  therefore  the 
cause  of  the  supposed  bereavement. 

Ver.  7.  Did  eat  no  food.  An  obvious  hyper- 
bole. 

V^er.  11.  Servants,  (Tii/iara.  Cf.  Greek  at 
Gen.  xxxvi.  6  ;  2  Mace.  viii.  11;  Rev.  xviii.  13. 
This  Greek  word  is  also  used  by  the  classic  poets 
and  by  Xenophon  to  denote  persons.  See  Cremer, 
ad  I'oc. 

Ver.  12  The  blessing  referred  to  is  probably 
the  gift  of  children.  Some,  indeed,  construe 
TfKva  in  the  accusative  after  evoSaxret,  "  bless  you 
with  children."  The  future  is  here,  as  not  infre- 
quently, used  for  the  optative.  Cf.  Buttmann, 
p.  218.  —  Kal  Sc^Ti,  and  grant.  One  of  the  rare 
inflections  of  verbs  in  ^i.  It  is  for  Soltj,  optative 
second  aorist.  Cf .  Rom.  xv.  5 ;  2  Tim.  i.  16,  18  ; 
and  see  Winer,  p.  78  ;  Buttmann,  p.  46. 


Chapter  XI. 


1  After  these  thinffs  Tobias  also  went  his  way,*  praising  Gtod  that  he  had  given 
him  a  prosperous  journey,  and  blessed  Raguel  and  Edna  his  wife.     And  he  went 

2  on  his  way'-'  till  they  drew  near  unto  Nineve.    And  Raphael  said  to  Tobias,  Knowest 

3  thou  not,  brother,  how  thou  didst  leave  thy  father?^     Let  us  haste  before  thy  wife, 

4  and  prepare  the  house,  and  have  at  hand  *  the  gall  of  the  fish.     And  they  went  their 

5  way,*  and  the  dog  went  after "  them.    And '  Anna  sat  looking  about  towards  the  way 

6  for  her  son.    And  when  she  espied  him  coming,  she  said  to  his  father.  Behold,  my  ' 

7  son  Cometh,  and  the  man  that  went  with  him.     And  Raphael  said,*  I  know  *"  that 

8  thy  father  will  open  his  eyes;  therefore"  anoint  thou  his  eyes  with  the  gall,  and 
being  pricked  therewith,  he  wOl  *'  rub,  and  the  white  spots  will  *^  fall  away,  and  he 

9  wiU  "  see  thee.     And  Anna  ran  up,'^  and  fell  upon  the  neck  of  her  sou,  and  said 

10  unto  him,  I  ^°  have  seen  thee,  my  son,  from  henceforth  I  am  content  to  die.     And 

1 1  they  wept  both.     Tobit  also  went  forth   toward  the  door,  and  stumbled.     But  his 
son  ran  unto  him,  and  took  hold  of  his  father ;  and  he  sprinkled  *'  the  gaU   on   his 

12  father's  eyes,  saying.  Be  of  good  hope,'*  my  father.     And  when  his  eyes  began  to 

13  smart,   he  rubbed  them;    and  the   white  spots  scaled  oflF"    from   the  corners  of 

14  his  eyes;  and  on  seeing  his   son,    he  fell   upon   his   neck,  and*'  wept,  and  said, 
Blessed  art  thou,  O  God,  and  blessed  is  thy  name  for  ever,  and  blessed  are  all 

15  thy  holy  angels,  for  thou  hast  scourged,  and  hast  taken  pity  on  me;  behold,-'  I  see 

Vers.  1,  2.  —  i  A.  V.  :  T.  went  Aij  way  (Or.,  en-opeuero  «ai  T.).  2  and  went  on  his  way.  ^  Then  R Thou 

iinowest  ....  father.    Codd.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  omit  oii. 

Ver.  4.  — •  A.  V.  :  take  in  thine  hand.  The  force  of  Aa3e  n-api  xf^pti,  however,  is  as  we  have  given  it,  and  the  con- 
text also  requires  it.  s  ^,  v.  ;  So  .  .  .  .  their  way.  •*  For  hni.iT8iv  (before  avitav)  of  the  te:ct.  rec.  53.  71-  and  some 
others  have  ciiTrpoo^ef.  According  to  the  Syriac,  the  mother  saw  tirst  the  dog,  on  the  return  of  Tobias  and  the  angel, 
and  hence,  probably,  the  reading  ;  Old  L:vt.,  "  Et  abiit  cum  illis  et  canis." 

Vers.  6-7. — 'A.V.:  Now.  8  thy.  For  ui65  ^ou,  III.  55.  64.  71.  Vulg.  Syr.  Co.  Aid.  offer  uio?  (Tov  ;  Old  Lat.,^ii« 
IU!«(80  Jan.).  8  A.  V. :  Then  said  R.        '»  know,  Tobias.    The  authorities  for  Tiup.  are  111.  23.  58.,  etc.,  with  Co. 

Aid.,  but  it  is  probably  a  gloss. 

Ver  8.  — "  In  the  text.  rec.  ovv  is  not  found,  but  seems,  perhaps,  sufficiently  well  supported  {III.  23.  65.  58.  64.  71., 
^tc,  with  Co.),  and  is  received  by  Fritzsche.         ^^  A.  V. ;  shall.        '^  whiteness  shall.        "  shall. 

Vera.  9-13.  — "  A.  V. :  Then  A.  ran  forth.  "^  Seeing  I.         l'  strake  of.     The  verb  is  irpoa-eiraffe,  and  Tr]v  ^oA^f  is 

ts  direct  object.  "  At  vii.  IS,  the  same  word  (fldptjet)  is  rendered,  "  Be  of  good  comfort."     The  underlying  idea  ifl 

rather  *' courage."        i9  A.  V. :  whiteness  pilled  away  (Gr.,  eXeiriij^  .  .  .  .  rd  AevKuM-ara ;  cf.  Com.  at  iii.  17). 

Vers.  14-15.  —  ^  k.  V. :  when  he  saw  ....  And  he.  21  for  behold.    There  is  no  word  in  the  Greek  representing 

for,"  but  Co.  has  icai,  and  Jun.  Nctm. 


140 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


my  son  Tobias.     And  his  son  went  in  rejoicing,  and  told  his  father  the  great  things 

16  that  had  happened  to  him  in  Media.  And"  Tobit  went  out  to  meet  his  daughter- 
in-law  to  ^  the  gate  of  Nineve,  rejoicing,  and  praising  God.     And  they  who  '  saw 

17  him  go  marvelled,  because  he  saw.^  And°  Tobit  gave  thanks  before  them,  be- 
cause God  had  mercy  on  them.'  And  when  Tobit '  came  near  to  Sarra '  his 
daughter-in-law,  he  blessed  her,  saying.  Thou  art  welcome,  daughter.  God  be 
blessed,  who°  hath  brought  thee  unto  us,  and  blessed  be  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

18  And  there  was  joy  amongst  all  his  brethren  who '"  were  at  Nineve.     And  Achia- 

1 9  charus,  and  Nasbas  his  brother's  son  came ;  and  Tobias'  wedding  was  kept  seven 
days  with  joy." 

Vers.  15-19.—  >  A.  V. ;  Then.  '  at.    The  Greek  is  irpb?  tt)  iniAi)  (m.  23.  65.  68.  71.  with  Co. :  irpbt  ttjk  nvKiiy). 

'  A.  V. :  which.         *  had  received  his  sight  (Qr.,  e^Ael/(€  ;  58.  al.  ffi^ene).  ^  But.  «  him  (Gr.,  avrout;  avrovt 

ill.  64.  71.  al.  with  Co.  Aid.).        '  he.        »  Sara.        »  which.        i»  which.        "  great  joy. 


Chapter    XI. 


Ver.  1 .  In  Fritz.«iche'8  text  the  first  part  of  this 
verse,  as  far  as  the  period,  is  found  at  the  end  of 
chap.  X. 

Ver.  3.  The  other  texts  have  mentioned  the 
place  where  Raphiie!  and  Tohias  left  the  rest  of 
the  company  to  hasten  on  before.  The  Vulgate 
names  it  "  Haran,"  or  "  Charan ; "  the  Syriac. 
"  Basri,"  or,  as  IJeusch  has  it,  "  Kasra  ;  "  the 
Greek  B.,  Kaio-aptia  ;  The  Hehrew  of  Miinster 
and  the  Chaklaic  Ahris.  The  Vulgate,  moreover, 
says  that  this  point  was  reached  on  the  eleventh 
day.  These  places  have  not  been  identified. 
Ilgen,  on  account  of  readings  of  certain  manu- 
scripts of  the  Old  Latin,  conjectures  that  the 
'ApuKTrifTi  of  Stralio  is  meant. 

Ver.  4.  It  is  said  that  the  dog  went  "  after  " 
them.  There  is  no  ground,  then,  in  this  text  for 
the  opinion  of  Dereser  and  Heusch  that  he  is 
introduced  into  the  story  that  he  may  go  on  in 
advance  to  signify  the  return  of  the  son  to  the 
anxious  parents.  Cf.  v.  16.  The  tbllowing  state- 
ment of  the  Vulgate  (xi.  9)  is  an  obvious  embel- 
lishment :  "  Now,  the  dog  which  had  accompanied 
them  on  the  journey  ran  on  ahead,  and,  as  a 
messenger  coming  up,  fawned,  and  wagged  his 
tail."  Both  I'ritzsche  and  Sengelmann  call  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  the  dog  is  quite  super- 
fluous in  the  narrative.  It  is  not  grammatically 
allowable,  with  Ilgen  and  others,  to  refer  ouriir  in 
verse  6,  "  espied  him  coming,"  to  the  dog,  while 
the  context  is  equally  agaiu.st  it. 

Ver.  9.  'Anh  tov  vvv  cnroBavov^ai.  This  is  a 
remarkable  use  of  the  future.  It  is  likely  that 
some  word  is  to  be  understood  as  in  the  text ;  the 
expiessiou  being  proverbial,  and  so  of  the  briefest 
character. 

Vers.  10-12.  Roman  Catholic  commentators 
are  not  agreed  among  themselves  with  respect  to 
tlie  healing  of  Tobit.  Some  hold  it  to  be  miracu- 
lous, and  others  aa  the  result  of  the  use  of  natural 


remedies.  According  to  Reusch  (Com.,  p.  103), 
the  analogy  of  the  other  cure  spoken  of  in  this 
book  would  lead  us  to  regard  it  as  miraculous. 
The  Syriac  introduces  a  very  natural  addition, 
and  makes  the  father  ask  the  son,  after  his  strange 
way  of  greeting  him  :  "  What  hast  thou  done,  my 
sou?  "  In  fact,  we  cannot  help  thinking  that  it 
would  have  been  far  more  respectful,  and  in  the 
end  quite  as  useful,  if  the  father  had  been  previ- 
ously informed  of  what  it  was  proposed  to  do  for 
his  benefit. 

Vers.  16,  17.  Ilgen  holds  that  what  is  here 
said  of  Tobit's  rejoicing  and  praising  God  is  an 
interpolation.  He  seems  to  think  that  it  is  repre- 
sented that  the  thankful  man  went  through  the 
streets  of  Nineveli  shouting  out  his  thanksgiving 
before  all  the  people ;  and  says  that  when  we 
think  of  what  Nineveh  was,  and  of  the  circum- 
stances of  Tobit,  it  is  simply  ridiculous.  But  this 
is  to  put  a  meauing  into  the  text,  and  not  to  take 
its  natural  meaning  from  it.  —  Tlphs  t^  iruAp.  Cf. 
Luke  xix.  37  :  "Eyyt^ovro^  ....  ^5?;  nphs  rij  Kara- 
$a<ret  toG  Spovt,  etc."  The  verb  "  does  not  mean 
when  he  was  near,  but  as  he  came  near  (to)  the 
mountain."     So  Buttmann,  p.  .340. 

Ver.  IS.  And  Nasbas.  This  person  does  not 
otherwise  appear  in  the  history.  Since  the  words, 
"  his  brother's  son,"  follow  immediately,  and  ac- 
cording to  i.  22,  Achiacharus  was  a  brother's  son, 
it  has  been  held  by  some  commentators  that 
Nasbas  is  only  another  name  for  the  same  person. 
In  the  margin  of  the  version  of  1611  it  is  added 
after  Achiacharus,  as  a  conjecture  of  Junius.  "  who 
is  also  called  Nasbas."  Fritzsche's  remark,  that 
avTOv  in  the  phrase  b  i^dSiXcpos  avrov  refers  to 
Achiacharus,  is  by  no  means  conclusive  on  that 
poiut.  It  might,  by  a  loose  construction  not  for- 
eign to  the  present  book,  refer  to  Tobit.  The 
other  texts  give  the  name  differently :  Greek  B., 
No;8a5 ;  Old  Latin,  Nahal ;  Syriac,  Laban. 


Chaptek  XII. 


1  And  '  Tobit  called  his  son  Tobias,  and  eaid  unto  him,  My  son,  see  that  the  man 

2  who  went  with  thee  has  his  wages,^  and  (kou  must  give  him  more.     And  he  said 
unto  him,'  0  father,  I  shall  not  be  straitened  if  I  give  *  to  him  half  of  those  things 

Vera.  1,2.  —  i  A.  V. :  Then.  '  man  have  his  (not  In  Or.,  except  44.)  wages  which  went,  etc.  8  Tobias  said  nntc 
Mm.  The  proper  name  is  found  only  iB  "MS.  Co.,  Jun.  The  pronoun  also  (auTfjI),  is  omitted  in  the  text,  ree.,  but  ij 
tound  in  in.  23.  66.  68.  71.  74.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.       «  A.  V. :  it  is  no  harm  to  me  to  give.    See  Com. 


TOBIT.  141 

3  which  I  have  brought ;  for  he  hath  brought  me  again  to  thee  in  safety  ' ;  and  made 

4  whole  my  wife  ;  and  brought  my  ^  money,  and  likewise  healed  thee.  And  '  the  old 

5  man  said,  It  is  due  unto  him.   And  *  he  called  the  angel,  and  said  ^  unto  him,   Take 

6  half  of  all  that  ye  have  brought,  and  go  away  in  safety.  Then  he  called  both  apart, 
and  said  unto  them,  Bless  God,  and  praise  °  him,  and  magnify  him,  and  praise  him 
for  the  things  which  he  hath  done  unto  you  in  the  sight  of  all  that  live.  It  is  good 
to  praise  God,  and  exalt  his  name,  and  to  shew  forth  with  honor '  the  works  of  God ; 

7  and  *  be  not  slack  to  praise  him.     It  is  good  to  keep  close  the  secret  of  a  king,  but 

8  it  is  good  to  reveal  with  praise  the  works  of  God.  Do  good,  and  evil  shall  not  touch 
you.  Prayer  is  good  with  fasting  and  alms  and  righteousness.  Little  "  with  righteous- 
ness is  better  than  much  with  unrighteousness.    It  is  better  to  give  alms  than  to  lay 

9  up  gold  ;  for  alms  doth  deliver  from  death,  and  it  shall  "^  purge  away  all  sin.     Those 

10  that  practice  almsgiving"  and  righteousness  shall  be  filled  with  life  ;  but  they  that 

11  sin  are  enemies  of '-  their  own  life.  Surely  I  will  keep  close  nothing  from  you.  I 
have  just  said,'^  It  is  good  to  keep  close  the  secret  of  a  king,  but  it  is  good  to  re- 

12  veal  with  praise"  the  works  of  God.  And  now,"  when  thou  didst  pray,  and  Sarra 
thy  daughter-in-law,  I  did  bring  the  remembrance  of  your  prayer  ^^  before  the  Holy 

13  One;  and  when  thou  didst  bury  the  dead,  I  was"  with  thee  likewise.  And  when 
thou  didst  not  delay  to  rise  up,  and  leave  thy  meal,  ^*  to  go  and  cover  the  dead, 

14  thou  and  '^  thy  good  deed  were  -°  not  hid  from  me,  but  I  was  with  thee.     And  now 

15  God  sent^'  me  to  heal  thee  and  Sarra'-  thy  daughter-in-law.  I  am  Raphael,  one  of 
the  seven  holy  angels,  who  ^  present  the  prayers  of  the  saints,  and  who  ^^  go  in  and 
out  before  the  glory  of  the  Holy  One. 

16  And^  they  were  both  in  consternation,'*  and  fell  upon  their  faces,  for  they 

17  feared.   And '"  he  said  unto  them,  Fear  not ;  peace  be  with  you  ;  but  praise  God  for- 

18  ever.-'     For  not  through  '■^  favor  of  mine,  but  by  the  will  of  our  ^  God  I  came ; 

19  wherefore  praise  him  forever.     All  these  days  I  simply  appeared  "  unto  you  ;  and  I 

20  neither  ate  nor  drank,'-  but  you  did  see  a  vision.     And  now ''  give  God  thanks,  for 

21  I  go  up  to  him  that  sent  me ;  and '''write  all  things  which  have  happened'"  in   a 

22  book.  And  when  they  rose,  they  saw  him  no  more.'^  And  they  confessed  his*' 
great  and  wonderful  works,'*  how  the  ^  angel  of  the  Lord  had  appeared  unto  them. 

Vera.  3-5.  —  *  The  Greek  here,  and  in  Ter.  6,  is  irytjj,  i.  e.,  "  in  health,"  or,  *'  safe  and  sound.'"  2  x.  V. ;  me  the 
(Gr.,  fiov) ;  Old  Lat.,  et  pecu/iiam  mecum  adtulit,        a  Then.        *  So.         ^  he  said. 

Ver.  6.  — ^  A.  V.  :  took  them  (Gr.,  KoAeVas  Toi>s  fiuo  kpvtttws)  both  ....  God,  praise.  '  honourably  (marg.,  with 

honour)  to  show  forth.     The  Greek  here  is  ti-riVw?,  Aonori^cff,  "  giving  him  honor."  8  A.  V.  :  therefore. 

Vers.  7-10,  —  »  A.  V.  :  but  it  is  honourable  (Or.,  evS6(m  ;  Codd.  71.  236.  248.  ai9.  Co.  read  ei-Sofoi/)  to  reveal  ....  Do 
that  tvhich  is  good,  and  no  evil  shall  ....  A  little.  ^^  ^_  y. :  for  alms  (the  yap  is  omitted  in  II.  55.  74.  236.)  ....  and 
shall  (avTT)  is  omitted  by  44.  106.).        *'  exercise  alms.        i-  to. 

Ver.  11.  —  "  A.  V. :  For  I  said.  The  Codd.  III.  65.  64.  74.  76.  243.  248.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.  have  6e  here  instead  of  S^. 
1*  It  is  good  ....  but  that  it  was  honourable  (Codd.  74.  76.  248.  249.  Co.,  eif&o$ov)  to  reveal. 

Vers.  12, 13.  — "•  A.  V. :  Now  therefore.  18  Sara  ....  prayers.  i"  In  addition  to  the  authorities  cited  in 

Fritzsches  Cril.  Ap.  for  the  reading  trviinapiinTif  (III.  68.  64.  71.  oV.  —which  are  76.  236.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  —  ),  II.  may 
be  cited.     The  text.  rec.  has  (rv^irapjJy^Tji'.  '^  A.  V.  :  dinner  (Qr.,  as  ii.  1.  apurrov).  ^^  omits  thou  and  (contained 

in  the  Gr.,  ovk  iXadt^  fl€  ayadoiroiaif).         20  was. 

Vers.  14-16.  —  ='  A.  V. ;  hath  sent.  '^  Sara.  »  which.  "  which.  2=  Then.  =»  troubled  (Gr.  erapix^'"^'') 
The  rendering  is  weak. 

Ver.  17.  —  -'^  A.  V. :  But  28  for  it  shall  go  well  with  you  ;  praise  God  therefore  (Gr.,  eipijtnj  vfjuv  ecrrai  •  rot.  5e  Behy 
riiKoyflre  eis  rbv  atoji-a  ;  the  last  three  words,  however,  are  omitted  in  23.  64.  71.  74.  76.  236.  249.  Co.  Aid.). 

Vers.  18-20.  —  29  A.  V.  :  of  any.  »»  The  Codd.  II.  and  III.  have  v/xii.  instead  of  ^(lii.  of  the  text,  rec;  Old  Lat., 

vobiscum.  Codd.  44.  68.  106.  249.  omit  rifxiliv.  si  A.  V.  :  I  did  appear.  The  addition  seems  necessary  for  clearness. 
^2  A.  V. :  but  I  did  neither  eat  nor  drink.        33  Now  therefore.        ^  but.        ^5  are  done. 

Vers.  21,  22.  —  ^^  For  ovkcti  II.  65.  offer  ovk  ;  Old  Lat.,  et  non  potuerunt  ilium  videre.  3'  A.  V. :  Then  they  confessed 
the,  etc.  38  great  and  wonderful  works  of  God,  and,  etc.  The  reading  followed  by  the  A.  V.  (dav^aora  toO  Bern  koI 
m)  Is  supported  by  III.  23.  55.  58.  71.  Co.  Aid.        3=  Cod.  H.  omits  the  article. 

Chapter  XII. 


Ver.  1.  "Opo,  see,  in  the  sense  of  "  have  a  c^re," 
"  look  ont  for  it,"  like  the  verb  €7ri/ueA.eo;uai.  This 
meaning  is  also  given  to  the  word  in  the  classics. 
See  Buttmann.  p.  243. 

Ver.  2.  B\a!rTO;nai,  disabled,  weakened.  The 
meaning  is  that  he  would  liave  enough  left,  so 
that  he  would  n<it  l>e  emhurnissed. 

Ver.  ^.    'Ay-fjox^  f'U-  ay^)xe,  instead  of  tlie  usiiai 


^X«  as  perfect  of  Syoo.  The  former  is  .i  late 
word.  The  intimation  of  Tobias  in  this  verse 
with  respect  to  his  wife  is  anything  bnt  compli- 
mentary. But  it  is  doubtless  a  slip.  He  refers 
to  her  deliverance  from  the  influence  of  the 
demon. 

Ver.  5.     Go  away  in  safety.     The  meaning  is 
not  clearly  expressed.     Tol^it  wishes  him  simply 


142 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


a  happv  jouruey.     As  the  Germans  say :   "  Eine 
gliickliche  Reise ! "  "  A  pleasant  journey  !  " 

Ver.  7.  KaKi»'  olix  evpri<ret  iifias.  The  article 
is  omitted  with  the  subject,  probably  on  account 
of  its  omis>ion  with  the  preceding  ayaOSf  through 
the  general  nature  of  the  thought.  "  Evil  shall 
not  find  (reach)  you." 

Ver.  8.  Prayer  is  good  with  fasting  and 
alms.  For  remarks  on  the  doctrine  of  fasting 
and  almsgiving,  as  taught  in  this  book,  see  Intro- 
duction. The  Hebrew  word  npT"  is  rendered 
by  eXeifiioaivT]  in  the  Septuagint  at  Deut.  xxiv. 
13  ;  Dan.  iv.  27.  In  fact,  there  are  at  least 
thirteen  passages  where  a  similar  rendering  is 
given.  The  lesson,  on  which  no  little  stress  is 
laid  in  Scripture,  would  thereby  be  taught  by 
the  translators  of  the  LXX.,  "  that  mercy  toward 
our  fellow-men  is  the  grand  token  of  righteous- 
ness in  the  sight  of  tliat  God  who  manifests  his 
own  righteousness  especially  by  showing  mercy 
and  goodness."     Girdlestone,  0.  T.  Syn..  p.  261. 

Ver.  9.  According  to  the  text.  rec.  the  angel 
.nakes  no  effort  to  reconcile  the  theoretical  prin- 
ciples which  he  lays  down  with  what  was  practi- 
cally true  in  the  case  of  the  much-suffering 
but  righteous  Tobit.  The  Vulgate,  however,  puts 
into  the  former's  mouth  the  words  ;  Et  quia  ac- 
ceptus  eras  Deo,  necesse  Jiiit,  lit  tentatio  probaret  te. 
— Doth  deliver  from  death,  and  it  shall  purge 


away  all  sin.  Attention  should  be  called  again 
(see  Introduction)  to  the  unmistakable  and  start- 
ling import  of  this  declaration.  The  giving  of 
alms  shall  purqe  away  all  sin  and  deliver  from 
{spi7-itn(il)  death  .'  How  important  to  study  the 
grounds  on  which  the  authenticity  and  genuine- 
ness of  such  a  composition  are  supported,  whose 
teachings  are  so  obviously  in  contradiction  to  the 
letter  and  spirit  of  the  canonical  Scriptures  ! 

Vers.  1 2-1 5.  I  brought  the  remembrance  of 
your  prayers.  This  idea  that  angels  presented 
pravers  before  God  is  also  found  in  the  book  of 
Enoch  (xv.  1).  See  remarks  of  Hoffmann,  orf/oc. 
<  )thers  have  erroneously  adduced  pas.sages  from 
the  canonical  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament 
(.IS  Job  xxxiii.  23  :  Zech.  i.  12)  in  support  of  the 
same  doctrine.  Cf.  Introduction,  under  "  Doc- 
trinal Teaching,"  and  the  various  commentaries 
on  Rev.  viii.  and  ix. 

Ver.  20.  For  I  go  unto  him  that  sent  me. 
Strangely  enough,  some  Protestant  commentators 
h.ave  been  driven  to  such  straits  in  their  attempted 
justification  of  the  opinion  that  the  Apocryphal 
books  ought  to  be  retained  as  a  legitimate  part  of 
the  Bible  as  to  cite  this  passage  as  suggesting  to 
our  Saviour  his  words  in  John  xvi.  5.  Keerl  well 
replies  :  "  Let  him  understand  it  who  can  under- 
stand it ;  I  confess  that  such  statements  appear 
to  me,  in  my  'foolishness,'  too  strange,  too  pro- 
found."    Die  Apokryphenfrage  (ed.  1855),  p.  109. 


Chapter  Xm. 


1  And^  Tobit  wrote  a  prayer  of  rejoicing,  and  said, 

Blessed  he  God  that  liveth  for  ever,  and  blessed  be  his  kingdom. 

2  For  he  doth  scourge,  and  hath  mercy  ; 

He  leadeth  down  to  Hades,'^  and  bringeth  up  again  ; 
Neither  is  there  any  that  shall  escape  ^  his  hand. 

3  Confess  him  before  the  Gentiles,  ye  children  of  Israel, 
For  he  hath  scattered  us  among  them. 

4  There  declare  his  greatness. 

Extol  him  before  every  living  being,^ 
For  he  is  our  Lord  and  God, 
He  is  our  Father  for  ever. 

5  And  he  will  scourge  us  for  our  iniquities, 

And  will  have  mercy  again,  and  will  gather  us  out  of  all  nations, 
Wherever  ye  have  been  scattered  among  them.^ 

6  If  you  turn  to  him  with  your  whole  heart. 

And  with  your  whole  soul,  to  deal  ^  uprightly  before  him. 

Then  will  he  turn  unto  you, 

And  will  not  hide  his  face  from  you. 

And  see  what  he  will  do  for  you,' 

And  confess  him  with  your  whole  mouth, 

And  praise  the  Lord  of  righteousness,* 

And  extol  the  everlasting  King. 

In  the  land  of  my  captivity  do  I  confess  him. 

And  declare  his  might  and  majesty  to  a  nation  of  sinners.' 

Te»  1,2.  — >  A.  V.  :  Then.        '  Hell.        »  can  avoid  (iK^cv^srat.). 

Vers.  4,6.— «  A.  v.:  And  (bo  64.  106.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.)  extol  hta  before  all  the  living  (Or.,  iraiT*!  <5itos).  For  he 
U  onr  Lord,  And  he  is  the  God,  our  Father.  I  have  changed  the  order  of  the  wordp  to  correspond  better  with  that  of 
the  Greek.        ^  among  whom  he  hath  scattered  us  (Or.,  ofl  iav  aK0pTniT9fiTe  ev  avToi<; ;  243.  Co.,  ov  BUaneipef  rifLat). 

Vcr.  6.  — "A.  V. :  mind  and  deal  {koX  jroiij<n)Te  is  found  in  23.  74.  236.)  "  Therefore  see  .  .     .  with  you.  ■  ol 

might  {t>}s  Sui'ttixewv,  with  Co. ;  .luD.,  a  potentissimo).  '•  praise  hini  ....  sinful  nation.     For  tBvei  11.  and  III.  hav« 


TOBIT.  143 

0  ye  sinners,  turn  and  do  justice  before  him  ; 
Who  knows  but  that  he  will  accept  ^  you, 
And  have  mercy  on  you  ? 

7  I  will  extol  my  God, 

And  my  soul  shall  praise  the  King  of  heaven, 
And  shall  rejoice  in  his  greatness. 

8  Let  all  men  speak,  and  let  all  praise  him  in  Jerusalem.' 

9  O  Jerusalem,  city  of  the  Holy  One, 

He  scourges  thee  for  thy  children's  works, 

And  will  have  mercy  again  on  the  cliildren  of  the  righteous.* 

10  Give  praise  to  the  Lord  in  uprightness 
And  bless  ^  the  everlasting  King, 

That  his  tabernacle  may  be  built  ^  in  thee  again  with  joy, 
And  he  make  joyful  in  thee  °  those  that  are  captives. 
And  love  in  thee  for  ever'  those  that  are  miserable. 

1 1  Many  nations  shall  come  from  far  to  the  name  of  the  Lord  God, 
Having '  gifts  in  their  hands,  even  gifts  to  the  King  of  heaven ; 
Generations  of  generations  shall  render  thee  jubilant  praise.' 

12  Cursed  are  all  they  who'"  hate  thee. 

And  blessed  shall  all  be  who  ^^  love  thee  for  ever. 

13  Rejoice  and  be  glad  for  the  children  of  the  just. 

For  they  shall  be  gathered  together,  and  shall  bless  the  Lord  of  the  just. 

14  O  blessed  are  they  who  '^  love  thee, /o?-  they  shall  rejoice  in  thy  peace  ; 
Blessed  are  they  who  ''  have  been  sorrowful  for  all  thy  scourges  ; 

For  they  shall  rejoice  for  thee,  when  they  have  seen  all  thy  glory, 
And  my  soul  shall "  be  glad  for  ever  ; 

15  Let  it  bless  '^  God  the  great  King. 

16  For  Jerusalem  shall  be  built  up  with  sapphire,  and  emerald,^"  and  thy  walls 

with ''  precious  stone  ; 
And  thy  towers  '*  and  battlements  with  pure  gold. 

17  And  the  broadways  '^  of  Jerusalem  shall  be  paved  with  beryl  and  carbuncle  and 

stone  of  Suphir.'^'' 

18  And  all  her  streets  shall  say.  Alleluia ; 

And  they  shall  praise  him,  saying.  Blessed  he  God, 
Who  ^'  hath  exalted  thee '--  for  ever. 

Ver.  6.  —  *  A.  V. :  can  tell  if  he  will  accept, 

Vcr.  8.  —2  A.  V. :  for  his  righteousness  (ii/  5i«iiio<n;n),  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.,  the  Greek  Bible  of  1546  (Basle) 
and  1597  (Frankfort) ;  i\in.,  juste,  and  in  the  margin,  "  Gra^c,  in  juslitia  ''). 

Ver.  9.  — ^  A.  V.  :  the  holy  city.  (\Ve  find  ayia  (for  ayiov  of  II.,  the  text,  rec,  and  other  authorities)  in  III.  55.  f>4. 
n.  76.  236.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  See  Com.)  ....  He  w  ill  scourge  (the  future,  but  better  rendered  as  present,  as  it  repre- 
sents a  general  truth,  and  one  which  the  Israelites  were  even  then  experiencing.  The  margin  of  the  A.  V.  has,  more 
literally,  ''  lie  will  lay  a  scourge  upon  the  works  of  thy  children '')....  sons  of  the  righteous  (cf.  ver.  13). 

Ver.  10. —  •>  A.  V.  :  for  he  is  good  ((.  ?.,  ort  aya66^,  as  248.  Co.),  and  praise.  Cod.  II.  has  dyadwy  (as  text,  rec.)  by  the  first 
hand,  and  there  is  not, as  stated  in  Fritzsche's  apparatus,  a  correction  to  ayaSiZ  ;  III.  has  tw  ayadiZ.  ^  A.  V.  :  builded. 
«  let  him  make  joyful  therein  (eitei  is  found  in  III.  23.  64.  249.  Aid.).        '  Lit.,  unto  all  the  generations  of  the  aeon. 

Ver.  11.  —  8  A.  V.  :  with  (Gr.,  exovre-i).  c  All  generations  shall  praise  thee  with  great  joy  (Gr.,  7ei'6al  yeveCjtf 

5<i(T0v<ri  a-ot  ayoAAtao-tv).  Codd.  III.  64.  243.  249.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.,  add  alvitrovtri  t70t  (o-e,  64.)  (cat  after  yeveCjv,  and 
omit  the  pronoun  after  the  following  verb.  The  form  ayoAAta^a  is  found  in  the  text,  rec,  but  is  changed  in  his  text 
by  Fritzsche  to  dyaAAiWii',  with  111.  *23.  44.  64.  and  many  others. 

Vers.  12-14.  —  i"  A.  V. ;  which.        "which.        ^^  ^yijich.        i3  which.        "  And  shall  (see  next  Terse). 

Ver.  15.  —  If"'  A.  V.  :  Let  my  soul  bless  (Codd.  II.  and  III.  have  evifipavOiiaeTtu  just  before,  instead  of  the  plural  of 
.ke  same,  and  we  have  consequently  made  ij  i/n/^^  ij.ov  the  subject  of  it,  and  transferred  the  words  to  the  preceding  verse, 
while  continuing  the  same  subject  for  evKfyyelTin  here). 

Vers.  16,  17. —  ^^  A.  V. ;  sapphires,  and  emeralds.  ^^  In  harmony  with  the  text  of  Fritzsche,  we  connect  tA  Tet^ij 
(Tov  with  \i0<f  ivTiiiiu.  Cf.  following.  >*  A.  V. :  Thy  walls  and  towers.  w  the  streets.  ^o  stones  of  Ophir  (Gr., 
2ou0£ip). 

Ver.  18.  —  2'  A.  V. :  Which.  ^  extolled  it.     Fritzsche  would  emend  the  text.  rec.  vi/niio-e,  whlcb  la  also  the  read- 

ing of  the  Codd.  (HI.  adds  eU)  to  vt/zuire  ere  eU.  1.  is  probable  that  the  pronoun  was  overlooked  on  account  of  the  end- 
ing of  the  verb.    The  direct  address  se«ms  to  require  it. 

Chapter  XIII. 


Ver.  1.  This  "prayer  of  rejoicing"  is  made 
up  mostly  of  expressions  of  prayer  and  praise 
Which  are  familiar  to  Old  Testament  readers,  and 


has  but  little  adaptation  to  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  the  case  before  us.  Sengelmann  sug- 
gests that  it  may  have  been  separately  compo.seJ 


144 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


by  some  person  whose  name  was  Tobit,  and  after- 
wards included  in  the  present  book.  But  that  is 
scarcely  probable. 

Ver."  5.  As  in  verse  9,  so  here,  the  ftftnre 
{/laffTtyiiffei)  is  used  for  the  present,  as  denoting 
both  what  has  taken  place  and  what  will  be  in  the 
future.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  279  f. ;  Buttmann,  p.  311. 

Ver.  6.  See  Deut.  xxx.  2-4.  —  The  everlast- 
ing King,  Thy  Paat\ia  tuv  aidivay.  Cf.  Ps.  cxlv. 
13.  Some  would  improperly  give  to  aluivuv  the 
sense  of  "  worlds,"  as  intended  to  magnify  the 
creative  power  of  God.  The  same  expression  is 
found  in  1  Tim.  i.  17  :  "Now  unto  the  king  eter- 
nal," etc.  In  Heb.  1.  2,  however,  5i'  ov  koI 
roiis  alavas  iwoiria-ft',  the  above-mentioned  render- 
ing would  seem  to  be  applicable.  —  A  nation  of 
sinners.  Grotius  thinks  the  Assyrian  people  is 
meant.  But  the  connection  seems  to  require  that 
the  reference  be  to  the  Israelites,  and  there  is 
sufficient  justification  in  their  idolatry  for  their 
being  thus  stigmatized.  In  fact,  the  following 
sentence  appears  to  he  conclusive  on  this  point  : 
"  who  knows  but  that  he  will  accept." 


Ver.  7.  T^j  ffaaiXfl  rod  oupavov.  The  dative  ia 
here  used  prohablv  through  the  influence  of  the 
following  iloiioXoyeiaSaaav,  which  was  already  in 
the  writer's  mind.  Kritzsche  thinks  the  expres- 
sion "  King  of  heaven  "  is  nowhere  else  found 
(except  in  verse  11 )  in  the  Old  or  New  Testament. 
But  m  the  LXX.,  at  Dan.  iv.  34,  we  have  rhy 
j8a<ri\€a  toD  oupavov. 

Ver.  9.  City  of  the  Holy  One,  TiiAis  aylov. 
Fritzsche  would  translate  "  city  of  the  sanctu- 
ary," making  07(01/  neuter,  as  referring  to  the 
temple.  But  it  seems  preferable  to  refer  it  to  the 
subject  of  the  immediately  following  naaTiyucrfi. 

Ver.  II,  Cf.  I's.  Ixxxvi.  9,  to  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  i.  e.,  where  He  is  named,  to  Jerusalem  and 
the  temple. 

Ver.  16.     Cf.  Is.  liv.  11,  12  ;  Rev.  xxi.  18-20. 

Ver.  17.  The  word  translated  "streets"  in 
the  A.  V.  is  irXare'iaL,  i.  e.,  broad  streets;  ^vfiTi 
(ver.  18)  commonly  denotes  a  narrower  street. 
—  'V-n<pokoyrt$ri(royTai.  This  word  means,  first,  "  to 
play  juggling  tricks ; "  then,  "  to  make  inlaid 
work,  to  pave." 


Chapteb  xrv. 


1,  2  And  '  Tobit  made  an  end  of  praising  God.  And  he  was  eight  and  fifty  years 
old  when  he  lost  his  sight,  and  he  recovered  it  ^  after  eight  years  ;  and  he  gave  alms, 

3  and  continued  to  fear  the  Lord  God  and  to  praise  him.*  But  he  became  ^  very  aged  ; 
and  *  he  called  his  son,  and  the  sons  of  his  son,  and  said  to  him.  My  son,  take  thy 

4  sons,'ybr  behold,  I  am  aged,  and  about'  to  depart  out  of  this  life,  go  into  Media, 
my  son,  for  I  surely  believe  those  things  which  Jonas  the  prophet  spake  of 
Nineve,  that  it  shall  be  overthrown  ;  however,  there  wUl  be  for  a  time  more  peace ' 
in  Media  ;  and  that  our  brethren  still  in  the  land  shall  be  scattered  '  from  that  good 
land  ;  and  Jerusalem  shall  be  desolate,  and  the  house  of  God  in  it  shall  be  burned, 

5  and  shall  be  desolate  for  a  time  ;  and  again  '°  God  will  have  mercy  on  them,  and 
bring  them  again  into  the  land,  and  "  they  shall  build  the  '-  temple,  but  not  like  to 
the  former  one,^'  untU  the  epochs  of  the  age  ^*  be  fulfilled  ;  and  afterward  they 
shall  return  from  all  places  of  their  captivity,  and  build  up  Jerusalem  gloriously, 
and  the  house  of  God  shall  be  built  in  it  for  ever  with  a  glorious  building,  as  the 

6  prophets  have  spoken  concerning  it.'^     And  all  the  heathen  "  .shall  turn,  and  fear 

7  the  Lord  God  truly,  and  shall  bury  their  idols.  And  all  the  heathen  shall "  praise 
the  Lord,  and  his  people  shall  confess  God,  and  the  Lord  shall  exalt  his  people  ; 
and  all  those  who  "  love  the  Lord  God  in  truth  and  justice  shall  rejoice,  shewing 

8  mercy  to  our  brethren.     And  now,  my  son,  depart  out  of  Nineve,  because  all  those 

9  things  which  the  prophet  Jonas  spake  will "  come  to  pass.  But  keep  thou  the 
law  and  the  comman(inents,  and  be  -"  merciful  and  just,  that  it  may  go  well  with 

Vers.  1,2.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  So.  2  which  was  restored  to  him.  *  he  increased  (Or.,  irpoo-efleTo)  in  the  fear  of  the  I^rd 
God,  and  praised  him.  Fritzsche  adopts  from  III.  23.  44.  65.  58.  64.  71.  106.  Co.  Aid.  i^oit.okayeltrio.i.  for  ifa))ioXoyeiTO  of 
the  ttrt.  Tec,  thus  relieving  the  awkwardness  of  the  construction.  But  the  awkward  constructions,  it  must  be  admitted, 
are  more  generally  the  original  ones. 

Vers.  3,  4.  —  *  A.  V. :  And  when  he  was  (Gr.,  iityiXiai  6i  fyijpao-e  ;  44.  lis  Si  ry^poo-ev).  »  omits  and.  «  the  six 

sons  (60  III.  69.  at.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  children.  '  am  ready.  «  A.  V. :  and  that  for  a  time  peace  shall  rather  be. 

"  and  that  our  brethren  shall  lie  scattered  in  the  earth.    I  have  rendered  according  to  the  construction  of  the  Greek. 

Ver.  6.  —  '°  A.  V.  :  that  again.         "  where.        ^  a.     The  article  \s  found  in  the  Greek.        i»  A.  V. :  first  "  the 

time  of  that  age  (Qr.,icaipol  tov  aiwvos).  I  have  received  after  oiitoSo^Tj^trfTat ;  eis  n-ao-as  tos  Yeveas  tou  alw^o?  oiSoKo^ji, 
»ith  II.  (in  the  margin),  HI.  23.  55.  61.  71.  Aid.  Co.  and  the  A.  V.  On  the  margin  of  the  last  it  is  remarked  :  "  For  ever 
1»  not  found  in  the  Roman  copy."  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  corrector  of  II.  mtant  to  read  ii/Sofm.jilthough  he  hat 
omitted  to  dot  the  final  letter  in  the  alternative  word  [iMim  of  the  teit.  rec).  Fritzsche  gives  evSofcf,  as  the  reading 
of  n.  by  a  corrector.     The  Codd.  44.  106.  24S.,  with  Co.,  have  oiSoKOfiij  li-Sofoi.         ">  A.  V. :  thereof. 

Vers.  6-9.  — '"  A.  V. :  nations  (Gr.,  irivra.  ri  c«n)).  The  context  seems  to  demand  the  above  rendering.  "  A.  V.  • 
Bo  fihall  all  nations  (see  preceding  verse).  "  which.  '"  that  those  things  ....  shall  (Ur.,iroi'To«  t(n-oi)  It  renden 
navTti  by  "  Burely."         20  a.  V. :  show  thyself  (Gr.,  yevou  =z  H^^n)  • 


TOBIT. 


145 


10  thee.  And  bury  me  decently,  and  thy  mother  with  me;  and'  tarry  no  longer  at 
Nineve.  See,''  iny  son,  how  Aman  handled  Achiacharus  that  brought  him  up, 
how  out  of  light  he  brought  him  into  darkness,  and  how  he  rewarded  liim ;  and 
God  saved  Achiacharus,'  but  the  other  had  his  reward,  and  he  himself  went  down  * 
into  darkness.     Manasses  gave  alms,  and  escaped  the  snare  of  death  which  one  ^ 

1 1  set  for  him  ;  but  Aman  fell  into  the  snare,  and  perished.  And  now,  my  children,' 
see '  what  alms  doeth,  and  how  righteousness  doth  deliver. 

And  while  he  was  saying  this,*  he  gave  up  the  ghost  in  the  bed  ;  and  he  was  ° 

12  a  himdred  and  fifty-eight '"  years  old  ;  and  he''  buried  him  honorably.  And  when 
Anna  died,'-  he  buried  her  with  his  father.     But  Tobias  departed  with  his  wife 

13  and  his  sons '^  to  Ecbatana '^  to  Raguel  his  father-in-law.  And  he '^  became  old 
with   honor  ;    and  he   buried  his  father   and  mother-in-law  honorably,  and  he  in- 

14  herited   their   substance,  and  his   father   Tobit's.      And   he  died  at  Ecbatana  in 

15  Media,  being  a  hundred  and  twenty-seven  '^  years  old.  And "  before  he  died 
he  heard  of  the  destruction  of  Nineve,  which  was  taken  by  Nabuchodonosor  and 
Asuerus  ;  '*  and  before  his  death  he  rejoiced  over  Nineve. 

Ver.  10.  —  1  A.  V. :  but.  *  Remember  (Gr.,  t6e).  ^  again  :  yet  Achiarchus  waa  saved  (icol  'Axiax*po5  f-^v  eo-w^, 
III.  23.  65.  58.  at,  mult.  Co.  Aid.)  *  for  he  went  down  (Gr.,  leol  aurbs  jcaTepTj).  ^  snares  ....  chey  had.  The  Godd. 
23.  64.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.,  have  the  plural  iivfi^av  for  the  sing.  The  proper  name  is  written  as  'Afia^  in  II.  66.  106; 
' A5w^,  in  44. ;  Acab  in  the  Syr. ;  Nadab,  in  the  Old  Lat. 

Ver.  11. — 5  A.  V. :  Wherefore  now,  7?iy  son  (Jun.,  Nunc  ergo  JUi ;  Trai&iov,  23.  55.  58.  64.  71.  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.). 
'  consider  (Gr.,  ISctc).  *  When  he  had  said  these  thi7igs.  ^  being.         ^^  an  hundred  and  eight  and  fifty.     The 

Codd.  44.  106.  55.  give  the  number  as  fifty,  instead  of  fifty-eight.  "  In  addition  to  III.  68.  74.  76.  248.,  cited  by 
Fritzsche  as  authority  for  tdatfiev,  II.,  the  Greek  Bible  of  1697  (Frankfort),  and  Jun.  may  be  mentioned.  Fritzsche  re- 
tains the  plural  form. 

Vers.  12, 15.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  his  mother  was  dead  (Gr.,  ore  anddavev  'A.wa  ;  the  addition  is  found  in  71.  76.  236.  248.  Co. 
Jun.).  *3  and  children.  "  Ecbatane.  '^  Where  he,  etc.  (Jun.,  Ubi  consenuit  honorate).  '^  Ecbatane  ....  an 
hundred  and  seven  and  twenty.  *'  But  (Jun.,  autem).  ^^  Assuerus.  'Ao-ct-oi/tjpos  (Fritzsche  says,  'Ao-ouijpos,  but  this 
is  not  the  form  given  in  Holmes  and  Parsons'  notes)  in  23.  63.  64.  76.  248.  Co.  Aid.  {text,  ree.,  'AcnJTjpo?) ;  III.,  'Atrovripos 


Chapter  XIV. 


Vers.  1,  2.  According  to  ver.  11  Tobit  died 
at  the  age  o£  one  hundred  eight  and  fifty,  that 
is,  ninety-two  years  after  the  restoration  of  his 
sight.  The  figures  of  the  Vulgate  are  quite  dif- 
ferent, according  to  which  he  became  blind  at 
fifty-six;  was  restored  four  years  later,  and  died 
at  one  hundred  and  two.  The  impossibility  of 
arriving  at  any  satisfactory  adjustment  of  the 
dates  of  the  book,  as  they  relate  to  the  life  of 
Tobit  and  his  son,  will  appear  from  the  great 
diversity  that  rules  in  the  MSS.  and  old  versions. 
For  instance,  the  Old  Latin,  Hebrew  of  Fagius, 
and  the  Peshito,  agree  with  Greek  A.  in  giving 
Tobit's  fifty-eighth  year  as  the  time  when  he 
became  blind  ;  while  the  codices  4-1.  and  106.  give 
fifty  ;  the  Vulgate,  fifty-si.x  ;  Cod.  Sinait.,  si.xty- 
two  ;  Cod.  Ale.x.,  eighty-eight.  His  entire  age  is 
given  by  Greek  A.  as  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight ; 
by  the  Vulg.ate  and  the  Peshito  as  one  hundred 
and  two ;  the  Old  Latin,  Sinait.,  Arab.,  and  one 
MS.  of  the  Vulgate,  a-s  one  hundred  and  twelve  ; 
codd.  44.  106  55.,  as  one  hundred  and  fifty.  The 
period  of  blindness  lasted,  according  to  Greek 
A.,  eight  years ;  the  Peshito,  seven ;  Vulgate, 
Old  Latin,  Sinait.  (ii.  11.),  four.  He  lived  after 
this,  according  to  the  Vulgate,  forty-two  years; 
the  Peshito,  thirty-seven ;  and  the  Old  Latin, 
fifty-four  years. 

Ver.  3.  'Eyfipa<rf,  became  old.  The  Attic 
form  was  iyripava.  —  Take  thy  sons.  According 
to  Ilgen,  Dereser,  and  others,  Tobit  had  hitherto 
superintended  the  education  of  his  grandchildren, 
and  here  turns  over  this  duty  to  their  father. 
But  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  such  a  sup- 
position either  in  the  context  or  in  the  word  \i$€. 
This  word,  in  fact,  plainly  looks  forward  to  the 
following  SiTfAfle  (cf.  verse  12),  and  I  have  pointed 
accordingly. 

10 


Ver.  4.  This  verse  has  given  commentators 
much  trouble,  on  account  of  the  reference  to 
Jonah.  It  is  well  known  that  God  recalled,  on 
account  of  the  repentance  of  the  Ninevites,  the 
judgments  which  he  had  sent  that  prophet  to  pre- 
dict. The  other  texts  omit  this  reference  to  the 
prophet.  Ilgen  and  Grotius  would  substitute 
Naoii//  for  'layii.  Cf.  Nab.  iii.  7  ;  Zeph.  ii.  13  ;  and 
the  translation  of  the  Sinait.  MS.  which  follows, 
ad  loc.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for 
this  change.  Tobit  may  well  have  thought  that 
the  evils  against  which  Jonah  had  warned  this 
heathen  city  had  been  delayed  only  for  a  time 
through  their  self-humiliation,  and  that  it  would 
certainly  come  in  the  future.  Verse  4,  ewy  Katpov 
.  .  .  .  yue'xp'  xp^""^'  I'he  writer  may  indeed  have 
had  a  definite  period  in  view,  although  the  Greek 
obviously  admits  of  a  somewhat  indefinite  mean- 
ing (cf.  Luke  iv.  13;  Acts  xiii.  11,  &xp'  Kaipov  ; 
and  Ecclus.  i.  23,  24).  But  it  is  more  likely  that 
he  uses  these  expressions  without  knowing  to 
what  they  referred.  The  translation  of  the  A.  V., 
"  for  a  time,"  is  a  fair  rendering.  —  Our  breth- 
ren, i.  «.,  the  tribes  of  Judah  and  Benjamin.  The 
"  good  land  "  is  of  course  Palestine. 

Ver.  5.  Kai^of,  epochs,  i.e.,  periods  of  time 
in  the  jirovidence  of  God  predetermined  upon. 
—  The  places  of  their  captivity.  The  A.  V. 
has  explained,  rather  than  translated,  e'/c  Trnv 
alx^o.^'^^ri^v,  from  their  captivities.  The  idea  of 
place  is.  however,  undoubtedly  involved  in  the 
plural,  and  we  have  suffered  the  rendering  to 
stand. 

Ver.  9.  ^iKi\eTiix.aii,  merciful,  a  lover  of  mercy. 
A  word  which  appears  not  to  occur  in  this  form 
elsewhere. 

Ver.  10.  Eis  Niveu^j.  On  the  use  of  this  prep 
osition  for    iv,  see  above,  ix.  2  ;  and  cf.   Winer 


146 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


p.  416,  Buttmann,p.  333.  —  How  Aman  handled 
Achiacbarus.  Is  the  reference  to  the  story  of 
Haman  anil  Mordecai  in  the  Book  of  Esther? 
There  are  apparent  reasons  for  the  supposition, 
and  it  has  been  adopted  by  some  critics.  Both 
Achiacharus  and  Mordecai  were  "  keepers  of  the 
signet  "  to  the  monarch.  Both  were  second  in 
authority  in  the  realm  ;  the  difference  in  name 
might  be  accounted  for  from  the  fact  that  more 
than  one  name  of  the  same  person  was  not  un- 
common ;  besides,  there  are  several  minor  points 
of  resemblance  in  the  history.  The  discrepancy 
in  dates,  which  would  amount  to  more  than  a 
hundred  years,  might  not  be  regarded  as  an  in- 
superable objection,  if  the  same  fault  in  other 
parts  of  the  present  work  is  considered.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  these  points  of  resemblance  in  the 
two  histories  seem  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
the  differences.  For  instance,  Mordecai  gained 
his  high  station  in  Susa  under  a  Persian  mon- 
arch ;  Achiacharus  in  Nineveh,  under  Sacher- 
donus,  i.e.,  Esarhaddon.  Again,  according  to 
the  present  account  Achiacharus  had  brought  up 
Aman,  and  there  could  hardly  have  existed  such 
a  relationship  between  the  Mordecai  and  Haman 
of  the  Book  of  Esther.  Sengelmann  thinks  it 
favorable  to  the  former  theory  that  the  Mauasses 
mentioned  in  this  SMme  verse  is  probably  but  the 
Jewish  name  for  Achiacharus,  and  that  this  might 
be  a  corruption  for  Mordecai,  the  latter  being 
called  (Tr'^ab)  njtt'a  at  Esth.  x.  3,  which  might 

easily  have  been  mistaken  by  a  copyist  for  ntl^SQ. 
On  the  other  hand,  Hgen  supposes  that'A/jai'  was 
read  for  '\iiav  by  a  copyist,  and  then  Manasseh 
substituted  for  Achiacharus,  in  harmony  with  2 


Chron.  xxxiii.  22,  25.  Grotius  would  identify 
the  Manasses  here  mentioned  with  the  Nasbas  of 
xi.  18,  who,  in  his  opinion,  is  identical  with  Achi- 
acharus. On  the  whole,  there  seems  »ot  to  be 
sufficient  data  at  hand  to  admit  of  a  satisfactory 
conclusion.  We  should  hardly  be  justified,  how- 
ever, in  regarding,  with  some  critics,  the  passage 
as  a  later  addition,  or  in  supposing  that  the 
writer  had  the  facts  of  the  Book  of  Esther  but 
imperfectly  before  him. 

Ver.  15.  And  before  he  died  he  heard  of  the 
destruction  of  Nineve.  It  is  well  known  that 
authorities  differ  respecting  the  exact  date  of  the 
destruction  of  this  city.  According  to  the  report  of 
Abydenus  and  vSyncellus  (through  Euseb.,  Chron., 
can.  i.  9),  it  would  appear  that  it  took  place  at 
about  the  time  when  Nabopolassar  ascended  the 
throne  of  Babylon,  b.  c.  625.  According  to  an- 
other reckoning  found  in  Eusebius  and  Jerome, 
Nineveh  fell  in  the  year  606,  or  at  latest  605 
(cf.  Schrader,  Keilinschrift.,  p.  231  f.).  There  is 
no  obvious  historical  ground,  if  the  first  date  be 
correct,  for  the  statement  that  Nebuchadnezzar 
had  personally  anything  to  do  with  the  capture 
of  Nineveh  He  was  still  too  young  at  this  time. 
But  his  betrothal  with  the  daughter  of  Cyaxares 
seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  means  adopted  for 
strengthening  the  alhance  between  his  father,  Na- 
bopolassar,  and  the  Median  king,  whereby  the 
Assyrian  monarchy  was  overthrown.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  say  who  is  here  meant  by  "  Asuerus,"  as 
several  different  persons  bear  this  name  in  Bibli- 
cal books,  although  it  may  have  been  one  of  the 
names  of  Cyaxares.  This  view  is  held  by  Rawlin- 
son.     See  hia  Herod.,  i.  523. 


THE   BOOK   OF   TOBIT.* 


CHAPTER  I. 

1  Book  of  the  history  of  Tobith,  the  son  of  Tobiel,  the  son  of  Ananiel,  the  son  of  Adael, 
the  son  of  Gabael,  the  son  of  Raphael,  the  son  of   Raguel  of  the  seed  of  Asiel  from  the 

2  tribe  of  Nephthalim,  who  was  carried  away  captive  in  the  days  of  Enemessarus,  the  king 
of  the  Assyrians,  from  Thisbe,  which  is  on  the  right  of  Cydis  of  Nephthalim,  in  Upper 
Galilee,  above  Asser,  back  of  a  road  to  the  westward,  on  the  left  of  Phogor. 

3  I,  Tobith,  walked  in  the  ways  of  truth  and  in  righteousness  all  the  days  of  my  life,  and 
did  many  alms  deeds  to  my  brethren  and  to  my  nation,  who  had  gone  with  me  as  captives 

4  into  the  land  of  the  Assyrians,  to  Nineve.  And  while  I  was  in  my  country,  in  the  land  of 
Israel,  and  while  I  was  young,  the  whole  of  my  father's  tribe,  Nephthalim,  fell  away  from 
the  house  of  David,  my  father,  and  from  the  city  of  Jerusalem  which  was  chosen  from  all 
the  tribes  of  Israel  that  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  might  sacrifice  [there];  and  the  temple  of 

5  the  habitation  of  God  was  sanctified  and  built  in  it  for  all  futm-e  time.  And  as  for  all 
my  brethren  and  the  house  of  my  father  Nephthalim,  they  sacrificed  to  the  calf  which 

6  Jerobeam,''  the  king  of  Israel  made  at  Dan  [and]  ^  on  all  mountains  of  Galilee.  And  I 
was  accustomed  to  go,  quite  alone,  often  to  Jerusalem  on  the  feast  days,  according  as  it 
is  prescribed  for  all  Israel  for  a  perpetual  ordinance.  With  the  first-fruits,  and  the  first- 
born, and  the  tenth  of  the  cattle,  and  the  first  shearings  of  the  sheep  I  hastened  to  Jeru- 

7  salem  and  gave  them  to  the  priests,  the  sons  of  Aaron,  for  the  altar.  And  the  tenth  of 
the  grain,  and  the  wine,  and  the  oil,  and  of  pomegranates,  and  the  figs,  and  of  the  rest  of 

8  the  fruits  of  trees  I  gave  to  the  sons  of  Levi,  who  minister  in  Jerusalem.  And  the  second 
tenth  I  discharged  in  money  from  the  six  years,  and  went  and  consumed*  it,  year  by  year, 
at  Jerusalem,  and  I  gave  it^  to  the  orphans,  and  the  widows,  and  to  proselytes  who  dwelt 
among  the  sons  of  Israel  I  appropriated  it,  and  gave  it  to  them  in  the  third  year,  and  we 
consumed  it  according  to  the  regulation  prescribed  concerning  these  things  in  the  law  of 
Moses,  and  according  to  the  precepts  which  Debbora,  the  mother  of  Ananiel,  our  father, 

9  had  enjoined,  for  my  father  left  me  as  an  orphan  when  he  died.  And  when  I  had  grown 
to  be  a  man  I  took  a  wife  from  the  seed  of  our  father's  house,  and  begot  from  her  a 

10  son  and  called  his  name  Tobias,  after  I  was  carried  away  captive  into  Assyria.^  And 
when  as  captive  I  came  to  Nineve,  and  all  my  brethren  and  they  of  my  race  ate  of  the 

11  bread  of  the  heathen,  I,  on  the  other  hand,  kept   myself  so  that  I  did  not  eat  of  the 
12,  13  bread  of  the  heathen;   and  when  1  was    mindful  of   my  God  with    my  whole  soul, 

the   Highest  also  gave  me  favor  and  a  shapely  figure    in    the    sight    of    Enemessarus, 

14  and  I  purchased  for  him  all  things  which  he  needed  ;  and  I  went  into  Media  and  pur- 
chased for  him  from  there  till  he  died.     And  I   deposited  with   Gabael,  the    brother  of 

15  Gabri,  in  the  land  of  Media,  bags  of  silver  amounting  to  ten  talents.  And  when  Ene- 
messar  died  and  Sennacherim  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead,  the  roads  of  Media  also  were 

16  unsettled,  and  I  was  no  longer  able  to  go  into  Media.     And  in  the  days  of  Enemessarus' 

17  I  did  many  alms  deeds  to  my  brethren,  to  those  who  were  of  my  race  :  my  bread  I 
was  wont  to  give  to  the  hungry,  and  clothing  to  the  naked,  and  if  I  saw  any  one  of  my 

18  nation  dead  and  cast  behind  the  wall  of  Nineve,  I  buried  him.  And  if  the  king,  Sen- 
nacherim, had  slain  any  when  he  came  back  as  fugitive  from  Judsea  at  the  time  of  the 
judgment  which  the  King  of  heaven  had  brought  upon  him  on  account  of  the  blas- 
phemies which  he  had  uttered,  I  buried  them  ;  for  many  of  the  sons  of  Israel  he  slew  in 
his  rage,  and  I  slipped  their  bodies  off  and   buried  tliem.      And  Sennacherim   sought  for 

19  them  and  found  them  not.     And  a  certain  one  of  the  inhabitants  of  Nineve  went  and 

1  I  give  here  a  translation  of  the  so-called  "  test  B.*'  of  the  Book  of  Tobit,  the  same  being  for  the  most  part  that  of 
the  Sinaitic  MS  (X.)  and  where  that  fails,  of  the  Itala.  I  follow  in  ail  cases,  unless  a  deviation  is  indicated,  Fritzsche'd 
text,  as  found  in  his  edition  of  the  Apocrypha  published  in  1871.  See  Introduction  to  Tobit  under  "  The  Uilferent 
Texts.'' 

2  The  Greek  spelling  is  followed. 

8  No  Kai  is  found  in  the  Sinait.  cod.,  but  is  inserted  by  Reusch  on  the  authority  of  Latin  MSS. 

*  iSaKaviai/,  Siu.  :  "  eBiSovv  per  errorem  scripsit  Fritzsche,"  Reusch.    See  Tischendorf's  ed.  of  LXX. 

''  TTji'  ieKdnji-  ToiTrfv.     Reusch. 

6  Fritzsche  joins  the  last  clause  with  the  nest  vers*     I  have  followed  Reusch. 

'  The  Greek  is  foUowed.     See  ver.  15. 


148  THK  APOCRYPHA. 


informed  the  kino;  of  me,  that  I  was  the  one  who  had  secretly  buried  them,  and  when  1 
was  aware  that  the  king  knew  of  me,  and  that  my  life  was  sought,  I  was  afraid  and  raa 

20  away.     And  I  was  robbed  of  all  my  possessions,  and  there  was  nothing  left  me  which  wa» 

21  not  passed  over  to  the  royal  treasury  except  Anna,  my  wife,  and  Toljias,  my  son.  And 
forty  days  passed  not  away  before  his  two  sons  killed  him  and  fled  into  the  mountains  of 
Ararat.  And  Sacherdonus,  his  son,  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  placed  Achicha- 
rus,  the  soa  of  Anael,  my  brother's  son,  over  the  entire  business  of  accounts  of  his  king- 

22  dom,  auL  ^s  had  power  over  the  whole  civil  administration.  Then  Achicharus  interceded 
for  me  auJ  i  returned  to  Nineve.  For  Achicharus  was  chief  cupbearer  and  keeper  of 
the  signet,  and  comptroller,  and  accountant  for  Sennacherim,  king  of  Assyria,  and  Sa- 
cherdonus gave  him  the  position  of  second  to  himself.  But  he  was  my  cousin,  and  of 
my  kinsfolk. 

Chapter  11. 

1  And  under  king  Sacherdonus  I  came  back  to  my  house,  and  there  were  returned  to  me 
my  wife,  Anna,  and  Tobias,  my  son;   and  at  our  feast  of  Pentecost,  which  is  the  holy 

2  feast  of  weeks,  there  was  an  excellent  meal  prepared  for  me.  And  when  I  sat  down  to 
the  meal,  and  the  table  was  spread  for  nie,  and  many  dishes  served  up  for  me,  I  said 
to  Tobias,  my  son,  My  child,  go  and  bring  hither  any  poor  man  whatever  whom  thou 
mayest  find  of  our  brethren  of  the  captivity  in  Nineve,  who  is  mindful  of  the  Lord  with 
his  whole  heart,  and  he  shall  eat  in  common  with  me,  and  lo,  I  wait  for  thee,  my  child, 

3  until  thou  dost  come..  And  Tobias  went  to  seek  some  poor  man  of  our  brethren;  and 
when  he  returned  he  said,  Father!  And  I  said  to  him.  Behold  I  [listen],  my  child.  And 
he  answered  and  said,  Father,  behold  one  of  our  nation  has  been  killed  and  cast  out  in 

4  the  market-place;  just  now  he  has  been  strangled  there.  And  I  sprang  up  and  left 
my  meal  untasted  and  bore  him  away  out  of  the  street,  and  placed  him  inside  one  of  the 

5  little  buildings  until  the  sun  had  set  and  I  might  bury  him.     On  returning  therefore,  I 

6  washed  myself  and  ate  my  bread  in  sadness,  and  called  to  mind  the  prophetical  word 
which  Amos  uttered  at  Bsthel,  saying.  Your  feasts  shall  be  turned  into  sorrow,  and  all 

7  your  songs  into  lamentation  ;  and  1  wept.     And  when  the  sun  had  gone  down  I  went  out 

8  and  dug  a  grave  and  buried  him.  And  the  neighbors  derided  me  saying,  Is  he  no  longer 
afraid?     For  already  his  life  has  been  sought  for  this  very  thing,  and  he  ran  away,  and 

9  lo,  he  is  burying  the  dead  again.  And  on  the  same  night  1  washed  myself  and  went  into 
my  court  and  slept  by  the  wall  of  the  court,  and  my  face  was  uncovered  on  account  of 

10  the  heat.  And  I  knew  not  th.at  little  birds  were  in  the  wall  above  me,  and  their  warm 
dung  fell  squarely  '  into  my  eyes  and  brought  on  leucoma.  And  I  went  to  the  physi- 
cians to  be  treated,  and  the  more  they  plied  me  with  their  unguents  the  more  blind  my 
eyes  became  from  the  leucoma  until  my  sight  was  wholly  gone.  And  for  four  years  1 
could  not  use  my  eyes.     And  all  my  brethren  grieved  on  my  account,  and  Achiacharus 

11  took  care  of  me  for  two  years,  until  he  went  into  Elymais.  And  at  that  time  Anna,  my 
wife,  was  engaged  among  womanly  employments  in  working  in  wool,  and  returned  it  to 

12  her  employers,  and  they  gave  her  her  pay.  And  on  the  seventh  of  Dystros  ^  she  cut  off 
what  was  woven  and  sent  it  to  the  employers,  and  they  gave  her  her  pay  all  of  it,  and 

13  gave  her  for  the  family  a  young  goat.  And  when  she  came  home  the  kid  began  to  bleat, 
and  I  called  her  and  said,  Whence  is  this  kid  V     It  has  n't  been  stolen  has  it?     Return  it 

.4  to  its  owners,  for  we  have  no  right  to  eat  anything  stolen.  And  she  said  to  me.  It  was 
given  me  as  a  present  in  addition  to  the  pay.  And  I  believed  her  not,  and  told  her  to  re- 
store it  to  the  owners;  and  I  was  indignant  at  her  because  of  this.  Then  she  retorted 
by  saying.  And  where  are  thy  alms?  Where  are  thy  righteous  deeds?  Behold  thy 
matters  are  known. 

Chapter  III. 

1  And  I  grew  very  sad  at  heart  and  wept  with  sighs,  and  amid  sighings  began  to  pray, 

2  Thou  art  righteous,  O  Lord,  and  all  thy  works  are  righteous,  and  all  thy  ways  are  mercy 

3  and  truth;  thou  judgest  the  world.  And  so,  O  Lord,  be  tliou  mindful  of  me,  and  look 
upon  me  and  take  not  vengeance  on  me  for  my  sins  and  for  my  ignorances  and  those  of 

4  my  fathers.  I  sinned  before  thee,  and  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  thy  precepts,  and  thou  gavest 
us  to  spoil  and  captivity  and  death,  and  to  ridicule  and  babble  and  reproach  among  all 

5  the  nations  where  thou  didst  scatter  us.  And  now,  thy  just  judgments  are  many  in 
dealing  with  me  for  my  sins,  because  we  kept  not  thy  precepts  and  walked  not  uprightly 

6  before  thee.  And  now,  according  to  thy  pleasure  deal  with  me,  and  order  my  spirit  to  be 
taken  from  me,  that  1  may  be  released  from  the  earth  and  become  dust,  since  it  were  gain 
for  me  to  die  rather  than  to  live:  because  1  have  heard  false  reproaches  and  1  have  much 

1  ixadivtv.  '  Macedonian  word  for  March. 


THE  BOOK  OF  TOBIT.  149 


sorrow.  O  Lord,  command  that  I  be  freed  from  this  distress  ;  discharge  me  into  the  ever- 
lasting place,  and  turn  not  away  thy  face  from  me,  O  Lord,  for  it  were  gain  for  me  to  die 
rather  than  experience  much  distress  in  my  life,  and  that  I  should  not  hear  reproaches. 

7  On  that  day  it  happened  to  Sarra,  the  daughter  of  Raguel  in  Ecbatana  of  Media,  that 
she  also  heard  reproaches  from  one  of  the  maids  of  her  father,  for  the  reason  that  she 
had  been  given  in  marriage  to  seve»  men  and  Asraoda>us.  the  evil  demon,  killed  them  be- 

8  fore  they  had  been  with  her  as  the  custom  is  [to  bi  1  with  women.  And  the  maid  said 
to  her,   Thou  art   the  one   that  killest  thy  husbands ;    behold   already  thou  hast   been 

9  wedded  to  seven  men  and  wast  not  named  after  one  of  them.  Why  dost  thou  chastise  us 
for  thy  husbands,  because  they  died  V     Go  thou  with  them,  and  let  us  see  of  thee  neither 

10  son  nor  daughter  for  ever.  On  that  day  she  was  grieved  to  the  soul  and  wept,  and  having 
gone  up  into  the  upper  room  of  her  father  she  would  have  hanged  herself ;  and  again  she 
considered  with  herself  and  said.  They  might  reprsach  my  father  and  say  to  him.  Thou 
hadst  one  beloved  daughter  and  she  escaped  her  misfortunes  by  hanging  herself,  and  I 
bring  my  father's  old  age  with  sorrow  to  Hades.  It  is  better  for  me  not  to  hang  my- 
self, but  to  pray  to  the  Lord  that  I  may  die,  and  no  longer  hear  reproaches  in  my  life. 

11  At  this  juncture  she  spread  out  her  hands  toward  the  window,  and  prayed,  and  said, 
Blessed  art  thou,  O  merciful  God,  and  blessed  is  thy  name  for  ever,  and  let  all  thy  works 

12,  13  bless  thee  for  ever.     And  now  I  have  lifted  up  my  face  and  my  eyes  unto  thee.     Com- 

14  mand  that  I  be  released  from  the  earth,  and  that  I   no  longer  hear  reproaches.     Thou 

15  knowest,  O  Lord,  that  I  am  free  from  every  impurity  with  a  man,  and  that  I  have  stained 
neither  my  name  nor  my  father's  name  in  the  land  of  my  captivity.  I  am  an  only  child  of 
my  father  and  he  has  no  other  to  be  his  heir,  nor  has  he  brother  at  hand,  or  relative,  that 
I  should  keep  myself  for  him  as  wife.  Already  my  seven  [husbands]  have  perished, 
and  why  should  1  live  any  longer?  And  if  it  seem  not  good  to  thee,  O  Lord,  to  kill  me, 
look  now  upon  my  reproach. 

16,  17  At  this  point  the  prayer  of  both  of  them  was  heard  before  the  glory  of  God,  and 
Raphael  was  sent  to  heal  both  :  to  relieve  Tobith's  eyes  of  the  leucoraa  in  order  that  he 
might  behold  with  his  eyes  the  light  of  God,  and  as  to  Sarra  the  daughter  of  Raguel,  to  give 
her  to  Tobias,  the  son  of  Tobith,  as  wife,  and  set  her  free  from  the  evil  demon  Asmo- 
daeus,  because  by  inheritance  she  fell  to  Tobias  rather  than  any  of  those  who  wished  to 
marry  her.  At  that  point  Tobith  returned  from  the  court  into  his  house,  and  Sarra,  the 
daughter  of  Raguel,  she  also  descended  from  the  upper  room. 

Chapter  IV. 

1  On  that  day   Tobith  bethought  himself  of   the  money  which  he  had  deposited  with 

2  Gabaelus  in  Rages  of  Media  ;   and  he  said  in  his  heart.  Behold,  I  have  asked  for  death  ; 

3  why  not  call  Tobias,  my  son,  and  inform  him  of  this  money  before  I  die?  And  he  called 
his  son  Tobias,  and  he  came  to  him;  and  he  said  to  him,  My  child,  when  I  die,  bury  me 
respectably;  and  honor  thy  mother,  and  leave  her  not  all  the  days  of  her  life;  and  do 

4  what  is  pleasing  in  her  eyes,  and  grieve  not  her  spirit  in  any  single  thing.  Be  mindful 
of  her  my  child,  because  she  experienced  many  dangers  in  her  womb  on  thy  account; 

5  and  when  she  is  dead,  bury  her  beside  me  in  orr-i  tomb.  And  all  thy  days,  my  child, 
remember  the  Lord,  and  do  not  choose  to  sin,  and  to  transgress  his  precepts.     Practice 

6  righteousness  all  the  days  of  ;hy  life,  and  walk  no   in  the  ways  of  unrighteousness.     For 

7  those  who  practice  truth  will  have  prosperity  in  what  they  do.  And  to  all  who  practice 
righteousness^  give  alms  of  thy  substance,  my  son,  and  do  not  turn  thy  face  away  from 
any  poor  man,  and  so  will  it  come  to  pass  that  the  face  of  God  will  not  be  turned  away 

8  from  thee.  According  to  thy  ability,  my  son,  give  alms  :  if  thou  have  abundance,  give 
the  more  alms  from  it;  if  thou  have  little,  from  that  little  itself  communicate;  and  be  not 

9  anxious,  my  son,  when  thou  givest  alms.  Thou  wilt  lay  up  for  thyself  a  noble  reward 
10  against  the  time  of  need  ;  for  alms  free  from  death,  and  do  not  suffer  one  to  come  into 
11,  12  darkness.     A  good  gift  is  an  alms  to  all  who  bestow  it,  before  the  highest  God.     Keep 

thvself,  my  son,  from  all  fornication.  As  wife  take  the  nearest  from  the  seed  of  thy 
parents,  and  marry  no  strange  wife  who  is  not  of  the  tribe  of  thy  parents.  For  we  are 
sons  of  the  prophets,  who  prophesied  in  truth  in  the  former  times.  Noe  prophesied  in 
the  early  days,  and  Abraham  and  Isaac  and  Jacob,  our  fathers  from  the  beginning  of 
the  world.  Call  to  mind,  my  son,  how  all  these  married  wives  of  the  race  of  their  fathers, 
and  were  blessed  in  their  sons ;  and  the  seed  of  their  sons  shall  possess  the  heritage  of  the 

13  earth.  And  thou,  my  son,  love  thy  brethren,  and  show  not  such  proud  spirit  towards 
the  daughters  of  the  sons  of  thy  people  that  thou  wilt  accept  no  one  of  them  ;   for  pride 

14  is  destruction  and  great  unsteadiness,  and  luxury  is  poverty  and  great  impiety.     Give  his 

1  From  this  verse  to  ver.  19  incIusiTe,  Fritzsche  has  emended  Cod.  X.,  which  is  incomplete,  from  the  Old  Lat.,  and 
ban  given  the  whole  text  as  there  found.     Reusch  has  supplied  a  text  from  the  Alexandrine  Codex. 


150  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


wages  the  same  day  to  everv  man  who  shall  have  worked  for  thee,  and  let  not  the  wages 
of  a  man  remain  with  thee;  and  thy  wages  shall  not  be  diminished,  it  tlioii  serve  God  in 

15  truth.  Give  heed  to  thyself,  my  son,  in  all  thy  works,  and  be  wise  in  all  thy  utterances; 
and  what  thou  hatest  thyself,  that  do  not  to  another.    Drink  not  wine  to  drunkenness,  and 

16  let  no  iniquity  whatever  fasten  itself  upon  thee  in  thy  whole  life.  Give  of  thy  bread  to  the 
hungry,  and  clothe  the  naked  with  thy  garments.      From   thy  abundance  of  everv  sort, 

17  my  son,  bestow  alms;   and  let  not  thine  eye  look  when   thou  givest  an  alms.     Pour  out 

18  thy  wine  and  thy  bread  over  the  tomlis  of  the  just,  and  give  it  not  to  sinners.      Seek 

19  counsel  of  a  wise  man,  and  do  not  despise  it ;  for  all  counsel  is  useful.  On  every  occasion 
bless  God,  and  entreat  of  him  that  he  direct  thy  ways  and  all  thy  paths,  and  that  thy 
purposes  may  turn  out  well,  for  other  nations  have  not  a  worthy  purpose.  Whom  he 
will,  he  elevates:  and  whom  he  will  he  brings  low.  even  down  to  the  underworld.^  And 
so,  uiy  child,  be  mindful  of  these  precepts,  and  let  them  not  be  blotted  out  from  thy  heart. 

20  And  now,  my  child.  I  inform  thee  that  I  entrusted  ten  talents  of  silver  to  Gabaelus,  the 
brother  of  Gabri,  at  Rages  in  Media.  And  fear  not,  my  child,  because  we  have  become 
impoverished.  Thou  hast  many  good  things,  if  thou  fearest  God,  and  fleest  every  siu 
and  dost  practice  what  is  good  before  the  Lord  thy  God. 

Chapter  V. 

1  Then  Tobias  answered  and  said  to  Tobith,  his  father :    All  things  which  thou  hast 

2  enjoined  upon  me  I  will  do,  father  ;  but  how  can  I  receive  it  from  him,  when  he 
neither  knows  me,  nor  I  him?  What  token  can  I  give  him  that  he  may  recognize  me 
and  have  confidence  in  me  so  as  to  give  me  the  money?     And  the  roads  into  Jledia  —  I 

3  do  not  know  the  way  of  getting  there.  Then  Tobith  answered  and  said  to  Tobias,  his 
son.  His  written  obligation  he  gave  nie,  and  I  gave  a  written  obligation  to  him  ;  and  I 
divided  it  into  two  parts,  and  we  took  each  a  piece,  and  I  laid  it  along  with  the  money. 
And  now,  behold,  twenty  years  are  gone  since  I  deposited  this  money.  And  so,  my  child, 
seek  for  thyself    a  trust}'  ma-n  who  shall   go   with    thee,   whom   we  will  ])ay  after  thou 

4  hast  returned,  and  get  from  him  this  money.  And  Tobias  went  out  to  seek  a  man  who 
should  go  with  him  into  Media,  one  acquainted  with  the  way;  and  when  he  went  out 
he  found  Raphael,  the  angel,  standing  before  him,  and  he  knew  not  that  he  was  an  angel 

5  of  God.  And  he  said  to  him.  Whence  art  thou,  young  man?  And  he  said  to  him.  From 
the  sons  of  Israel,  thy  brethren,  and  I  have  come  hither  to  get  employment.     And  he 

6  said  to  him.  Dost  thou  know  the  way  to  go  into  Media?  And  he  said  to  him.  Oh,  yes! 
I  have  been  there  many  times,  and  have  experience,  and  am  acquainted  with  all  the 
roads.  I  have  often  gone  into  Media,  and  lodged  with  Gabaelus,  our  brother,  who 
lives  at  Rages  in  Media ;    and  it  is  a  definite  journey  of  two  days  from  Ecl)atana  to 

7  Rages;  for  it  lies  in  the  mountain,  Ecbatana  in  the  midst  of  the  plain.  Ami  he  said  to 
him,  Wait  for  me,  young  man,  until  I  go  in  and  inform  my  father;  for  I  have  need  of  thee 

8  to  go  with  me,  and  I  will  give  thee  thy  wages.  And  he  said  to  him,  Behold,  I  wait; 
only  do  not  stay  long.  And  Tobias  went  in,  and  informed  Tobith,  his  father,  and  said 
to  him,  Lo,  I  have  found  a  man  from  our  brethren,  of  the  sons  of  Israel.  And  he  said  to 
him.  Call  the  man  to  me,  that  I  may  learn  of  what  race  he  is,  and  of  what  tribe,  and 

9  whether  he  is  sufficiently  trusty  to  go  with  thee,  my  child.  And  Tobias  went  out  and 
called  him,  and  said  to  him.  Young  man,  my  father  would  see  thee.  And  lie  went  in  to 
him,  and  Tobith  greeted  him  first.  And  he  said  to  him,  Much  joy  be  unto  thee  !  And 
Tobith  answered  and  said  to  him.  What  joy  remains  to  me  more?  I  am  even  one  who 
has  no  use  of  his  eyes,  and  see  not  the  light  of  heaven,  but  sit  in  darkness  as  the  dead 
who  no  more  see  the  light;  I  am  alive  among  the  dead;  I  hear  the  voice  of  men,  and  see 
them  not.  And  he  said  to  him.  Be  of  good  courage:  to  heal  thee  is  near  with  God;  be 
of  good  courage.  And  Tobith  said  to  him,  Tobias,  my  son,  wishes  to  go  into  Media,  if 
thou  canst  be  his  companion  and  guide;  and  I  will  give  thee  thy  wages,  my  brother. 
And  he  said  to  him,  I  shall  be  able  to  go  with  him,  and  I  know  all  the  ways ;  and  I  have 
often  been  going  into  Media,  and  passed  through  all  its  plains  and  mountains,  and  I  am 

10  acquainted  with  all  its  roads.     And  he  said  to  him.  My  brother,  of   what  fandly  art  thou, 

11  an<l  of  what  tribe?  Show  me,  my  brother.  And  he  replied,  What  use  hast  thou  for  a 
tribe?      And  he  said  to  him,  I  desire  to  know  truthfully,  brother,  whose  son  thou  art,  ami 

12  what  thy  name  is.     And  he  answered  him,  I  am  Azarias,  son  of  the  great  Ananias,  of  thy 

13  brethren.  And  he  said  to  him.  Health  and  safety  to  you,  my  brother;  and  be  not  vexed 
at  me,  brother,  that  I  wished  to  know  the  truth  and  thy  father's  house.  Thou  also  art  a 
brother  of  ours,  and  of  an  excellent  and  good  race.     I  was  acquainted  with  Ananias  and 

'  The  Sin.  Cofl.  confounds  Ters.  7  and  19,  omitting  what  intervenes  between  the  words  irotouo-iv  Stxatocriii^v  of  th« 
one,  and  Swcrci  jcvpi'os  avToU  ^ouAijc  ayadriv  of  the  other  ;  but  with  the  exception  of  the  latt«r  words,  which  are  no» 
found  in  it,  the  Old  Latin  sufficiently  well  restore.^  the  sense. 


THE  BOOK   OF   TOBIT.  16) 


Nathan,  the  two  sons  of  the  great  Semelias,  and  they  went  with  me  to  Jerusalem,  and 
worshipped  with  me  there,  and  they  did  not  go  astray.     Thy  brethren  were  good   men, 

14  of  a  good  stock  art  thou,  and  I  bid  thee  welcome.  He  also  said  to  him,  I  will  give  thee 
as  wages  a  drachma  a  day  and  the  things  thou  mayest  need,  just  as  to  my  son;  and 

15  do  thou  go  with  my  son,  and  I  will  add  somewhat  to  thy  wages.  And  he  said  to  him,  I 
will  go  with  him.  And  be  without  anxiety  :  we  shall  go  away  in  health,  and  in  health  shall 
we  return  to  you,  for  the  road  is  safe.     And  he  said  to  him,  A  blessing  be  upon  thee,  my 

16  brother!  And  he  called  his  son,  and  said  to  him,  My  child,  get  ready  the  things  neces- 
sary for  the  journey,  and  go  along  with  thy  brother ;  and  the  God  who  is  in  heaven 
preserve  you  [to  get]  there,  and  bring  you  back  to  me  safe  and  sound ;  and  may  his  angel 
attend  you  with  safety,  my  child! 

And  he  went  forth  to  go  his  way,  and  kissed  his  father  and   mother;   and   Tobith  said 

17  to  him,  A  safe  journey  !  And  his  mother  wept,  and  said  to  Tobith,  Whv  hast  thou  sent 
away  my  child?     Is  not  he  the  staff  of  our  hand,  and  does  he  not  go  in  and  out  be- 

18  fore  usV     Add  not  money  to  money,  but  let  it  be   as  refuse  in  comparison  with  [oj',  as  a 

19  ransom  for]  our  son.     As  we  receive  enough  from  the  Lord  to  live,  let  this  suffice  us. 

20  And  he  replied  to  her,  Be  not  anxious:  our  child  will  go  in  health,  and  in  health  will  he 
return  to  us.     And  thy  eyes  shall  see  bim  on  the  day  on  which  he  will  return  to  thee  in 

21  health.     Be  not  anxious;  fear  not  for  them,  my  sister;  for  a  good  angel  will  attend  him, 

22  and  his  way  shall  be  prospered,  and  he  shall  return  safe  and  sound.  And  she  ceased 
crying. 

Chapter  VI. 

1  And  the  young  man  departed,  and  the  angel  with  him;  the  dog,  too,  went  out  with 
him,  and  accompanied  them  on  the  journey;  and  as  they  travelled  together  the  first  night 

2  came  upon  them,  and  they  spent  it  at  the  river  Tigris.  And  the  young  man  went  down 
to  the  river  Tigris  to  bathe  his  feet;  and  a  huge  fish  leaped  out  of  the  water,  and  would 

3  have  swallowed  the  foot  of  the  young  man.  And  when  he  cried  out,  the  angel  said  to 
the  young  man.  Lay  hold  and  get  possession  of  the  fish.     And  the  young  man  mastered 

4  the  fish,  and  drew  it  up  upon  the  land.  And  the  angel  said  to  bim.  Divide  the  fish,  and 
take  out  its  gall  and  heart  and  liver,  and  lay  them  up  by  thee,  and  throw  away  the  insides; 

5  for  its  gall  and  heart  and  liver  are  good  as  medicine.  And  the  young  man  divided  the 
fish,  and  collected  together  the  gall  and  the  heart  and  the  liver;  and  some  of  the  fish  he 
broiled  and  ate,  and  left  over  a  part  of  it,  which  he  salted.     And  they  journeyed  both 

6  together  until  they  drew  near  to  Media.  And  then  the  young  man  spoke  to  the  angel, 
and  asked  him.  Brother  Azarias,  what  are  the  medicinal  qualities  in  the  heart  and  the 

7  hver  of  the  fish  and  in  the  gallV  And  he  answered  him.  The  heart  and  the  liver  of  the 
fish,  — make  a  smoke  with  them  before  a  man  or  a  woman  who  is  attacked  by  a  demon 
or  evil  spirit,  and  every  attack  will  cease  from  him,  and  they  will  not  continue  with  him 

8  any  more  for  ever.     And  the  gall  is  to  anoint  a  man's  eyes  with  who  has  leucoma  on 

9  them.  Blow  it  in  upon  the  white  spots  that  are  on  them,  and  they  will  get  well.  And 
when  he  had  come  into  Media,  and  already  approached  Ecbatana,  Raphael  said  to  the 

10  young  man.  Brother  Tobias!  And  he  said.  Behold,  I  [listen]!  And  he  said  to  him. 
In  the  house  of  Raguel  must  we  lodge  this  night;  and  the  man  is  of  thy  kin,  and  has  a 

11  daughter  whose  name  is  Sarra;  and  he  has  no  son  i  or  daughter,  with  the  sole  excep- 
tion of  Sarra;  and  thou  art  her  next  of  kin,  to  whom  she  falls  by  inheritance  rather 
than  to  any  other  man,  and  thou  hast  the  right  to  inherit  her  father's  substance.  And 
the  maiilen  is  intelligent  and  courageous  and  very   beautiful,  and  her  father  is  a  noble 

12  man.  He  also  said:  Thou  hast  the  right  to  marry  her;  and  listen  to  me,  my  brother, 
and  I  will  talk  this  night  with  her  father  concerning  the  maiden  that  we  may  get  her  for 
thee  as  bride,  and  when  we  return  from  Rages  we  will  celebrate  the  wedding  with  her; 
and  I  know  that  Raguel  cannot  withhold  her  from  thee,  or  betroth  her  to  another,  without 
exposing  himself  to  death  according  to  the  ordinance  of  the  book  of  Moses;  and  because 
of  the  knowledge  that  the  inheritance  is  thine,  it  is  fitting  that  thou,  rather  than  any 
other  man,  shouldest  marry  his  daughter.  And  now  listen  to  me,  my  brother,  and  let 
us  this  night  speak  about  the  maiden,  and  ask  her  in  marriage  for  thee;   and,  when  we 

13  return  from  Rages,  we  will  take  her,  and  lead  her  away  with  us  to  thy  house.  Then 
Tobias  answered  and  said  to  Raphael,  Brother  Azarias,  I  have  heard  that  she  has 
already  been  given  to  seven  men,  and  they  died  in  their  bridal  chamber;  the  night 
when  they  entered  in  unto  her  thev  also  died.^     And  I  have  heard  it  said  that  a  demon 

14  killed  them.  And  now  I  am  afraid,  becau>e,  while  he  does  not  injure  her,  he  kills  him 
who  has  a  mind  to  come  near  to  her.  I  am  my  father's  only  child,  [I  am  afraid]  lest  I 
die  and  bring  down  the  life  of  my  father  and  my  mother,  with  grief  on  my  account,  to 

15  their  grave ;  and  they   have  no  other  son  to  bury  them.       And  he  said  to  him,  Dost 

*  The  Greek  is  vib?  aptrrjv.  2  The  last  clause  is  omitted  by  Reusch,  following  the  best  Latin  MSS. 


l52  THE  APOCHYl'HA. 


thou  not  recall  the  injunctions  of  thy  father,  that  he  bade  thee  marry  a  wife  from  the 
house  of   thy   father?      Anti   so    hear  me,  my  brother,  ami  be  not  anxious  about  this 

16  demon,  and  take  her.  And  I  know  that  this  ni^ht  she  shall  be  given  thee  as  wife,  .-^nd 
when  thou  enterest  into  the  marriage  chamber,  take  some  of  the  liver  of  the  fish,  and  the 
heart,  and  place  it  on  the  ashes  of  the  incense,  and  the  smoke  will  issue  from  it ;  and  the 

17  demon  will  smell  it,  and  will  flee  away,  and  no  more  appear  in  her  neighborhood  forever. 
And  when  thou  art  about  to  have  connection  with  her,  rise  up  first,  both  of  you,  and 
pray  and  entreat  the  Lord  of  heaven  that  mercy  and  salvation  may  come  upon  you.  And 
fear  not;  for  she  has  been  apportioned  to  thee  from  eternity,  and  thou  wilt  save  her,  and 
she  will  go  with  thee ;  and  I  suppose  that  thou  wilt  have  children  from  her,  and  thev 
will  be  to  thee  as  brothers  ;  have  no  anxiety.  And  when  Tobias  heard  the  words  of 
Raphael,  and  that  she  was  his  sister,  from  the  seed  of  his  father's  house,  he  loved  her 
very  much,  and  his  heart  cleaved  to  her. 

Chapter  Vii. 

1  And  when  he  arrived  at  Ecbatana,  he  said  to  him,  Brother  Azarias,  take  me  a  direct 
course  to  Raguel,  our  brother.  And  he  took  him  to  the  house  of  Raguehis,  and  they  found 
him  sitting  by  the  door  of  the  court,  and  they  saluted  him  first;  and  he  said  to  them, 
Many  welcomes,  my  brethren!     And  I  hope  you  come  in  the  best  of  health!     And  he  led 

2  them  into  his  house;   and  he  said  to  Edna,  his  wife.  How  like  is  this  young  man  to 

3  Tobith,  my  brother!  And  Edna  asked  them  and  said  to  them.  Whence  are  3'ou,  my 
brethren  ?     And  they  replied  to  her,  We  are  of  the  sons  of  Nephthalim,  of  the  captivity 

4  at  Nineve.      And   she  said  to  them.  Do  you  know  Tobith,  our  brother?      And  they 
6  answered  her,  We  know  him.     And  she  said  to  them.  Is  he  well  ?    And  they  replied  to  her. 

6  He  is  alive  and  well.     And  Tobias  said.  He  is  my  father.     And  Raguel  sprang  up,  and 

7  kissed  him  tenderly,  and  wept.  And  blessing  him  he  said,  A  blessing  be  upon  thee,  my 
child,  who  art  the  son  of  a  noble  and  good  man!  O  the  wretched  misfortune,  that  a 
righteous  man  and  a  giver  of  alms  should   become  blind!     And  falling  on  the  neck  of 

8  Tobias,  his  brother,  he  wept.  And  Edna  his  wife  wept  for  him;  and  Sarra,  their 
daughter,  she  also  wept.  And  he  slaughtered  a  ram  from  the  flock,  and  entertained 
them  heartil}-;  and,  after  they  had  bathed  and  washed  and  sat  down  to  eat,  Tobias 
said   to  Raphael,  Brother  Azarias,    Speak   to  Raguel  that  he  give  me  Sarra,  my  sis- 

9  ter?     And  Raguel  heard  the  remark,  and  said  to  the  young  man,  Eat  and  drink  and 

10  be  men-y  this  night ;  for  there  is  no  man  who  can  properly  marry  my  daughter,  Sarra^ 
except  thyself,  my  brother.  And  moreover,  likewise,  I  have  no  power  to  give  her  to  any 
other  man,  except  thyself,  because  thou  art  my  next  of  kin.     And  [yet]  verily  I  will 

11  make  known  to  thee  the  truth,  mj'  child.  I  have  given  her  to  seven  men  of  our  brethren, 
and  they  all  died  the  night  when  they  entered  in  to  her.  And  now,  my  child,  eat  and 
drink,  and  the  Lord  will  show  you  mercy.     And  Tobias  said,  I  will  not  eat  here  at  all,  nor 

12  drink  at  all,  until  thou  hast  arranged  these  matters  with  me.  And  Raguel  said  to  him, 
I  will  do  it,  and  she  shall  be  given  thee,  according  to  the  ordinance  of  the  book  of  Moses ; 
and  it  has  been  fixed  in  heaven  that  she  is  to  be  given  to  thee.  Receive  thy  sister. 
From  now  on  thou  art  her  brother,  and  she  is  thy  sister;  from  to-day  and  for  ever  she  is 
made  over  to  thee.     And   the  Lord  of  heaven  prosper  you,  my  child;  this  night,  also, 

13  may  he  bestow  upon  you  mercy  and  peace.  And  Raguel  called  his  daughter,  Sarra,  and 
she  came  to  him;  and,  taking  her  hand,  he  gave  her  away  to  him,  and  said,  Receive  her 
according  to  the  law,  and  according  to  the  ordinance  written  in  the  book  of  Moses  that 
she  is  given  thee  as  thy  wife,  and  keep  her,  and  lead  her  away  to  thy  father  in  health 

14  and  the  God  of  heaven  give  you  prosperity  and  peace.  And  he  called  her  mother,  and 
bade  her  bring  paper ;    and  he  wrote  a  certificate  of  marriage,  and  that  he  gave  her  away 

15  to  him  as  wife  according  to  the  ordinance  of  the  law  of  closes.     After  that  they  began 
'6  to  eat  and  to  drink.     And  Raguel  called  Edna,  his  wife,  and  said  to  her.  Sister,  make 
>.7  ready  the  other  sleeping-room,  and  lead  her  in  there.     And  she  went  into  the  sleeping- 
room,  and  put  the  couch  in  readiness,  as  he  had  bidden  her,  and  led  her  in  there,  ami 

8  wept  over  her;  and,  when  she  had  wiped  away  the  tears,  she  said  to  her.  Be  of  good 
cheer,  my  daughter;  the  Lord  of  heaven  give  thee  joy  for  thy  sorrow;  be  of  good  cheer, 
my  daughter.     And  she  departed. 

Chapter  VIIL 

\       And  when  they  were  through  with  eating  and  drinking,  they  wished  to  go  to  sleep, 

*  and  they  led  away  the  young  man  and  conducted  him  into  the  sleeping-room.     And 

Tobiae  recalled  the  words  of  Raphael,  and  he  took  the  liver  and  the  heart  of  the  Csb  ox' 


THE   BOOK   OF  TOBIT.  153 


of  the  little  sack  where  he  had  kept  them  and  laid  them  on  the  ashes  of  the  incense 

3  And  the  odor  of  the  fish  was  a  check  to  the  demon  and  he  ran  away  into  the  upper  parts 
of  Egypt,  and  Raphael  went  and  fettered  him  there  and  bound  him  forthwith.'    And  they 

4  went  out  and  shut  the  door  of  the  sleeping-room.  And  Tobias  arose  from  the  couch  and 
said  to  her,  Sister,  rise  up,  let  us  pray  and  entreat  our  Lord  that  he  will  bestow  upon  us 

i>  mercy  and  deliverance.  And  she  rose  up,  and  they  began  to  pray  and  entreat  that  they 
might  find  deliverance;  and  he  began,  saying.  Blessed  art  thou,  O  God  of  our  fathers, 

6  and  blessed  is  thy  name  for  ever ;  let  the  heavens  bless  thee,  and  thy  whole  creation  for 
ever.  Thou  didst  make  Adam  and  niadest  for  him  a  helpful  support,  Eva,  his  wife,  and 
from  both  sprang  the  race  of  men.    And  thou  didst  say.  It  is  not  good  for  man  to  be  alone, 

7  let  us  make  for  him  a  helper  like  himself.    And  now,  I  take  not  this  my  sister  for  the  sake 

8  of  lust,  but  in  truth.     Command  that  mercy  be  shown  me  and  her,  and  that  we  become  old 

9  together.     And  they  said  with  one  another,  Amen.     And  they  slept  through  the  night. 

And  Raguel  rose  up  and  called  his  servants  with  him,  and  they  went  and  dug  a  grave; 

10  for  he  said.  He  may  perhaps  have  died  and  we  become  a  laughing-stock  and  reproach. 

11  And  when  they  were  through  digging  the  grave,  Raguel  went  into  the  house  and  called  his 

12  wife  and  said,  Send  one  of  the  maids  and  let  her  go  iu  and  see  if  he  is  alive;  and  if  dead, 

13  that  we  may  bury  him,  so  that  no  man  know  it.  And  they  sent  the  maid,  and  lighted 
the  lamp  and  opened  the  door;  and  she  went  in  and  found  them  at  rest  and  asleep  to- 

14  gether.     And  the  maid  came  out  and  told  them  that  he  was  alive  and  that  there  was  no 

15  trouble.     And  they  blessed  the  God  of  Heaven  and  said.  Blessed  art  thou,  O  God,  with 

16  all  pure  blessing;  let  them  bless  thee  for  ever ;  and  blessed  art  thou  that  thou  hast  made 
me  glad,  and  it  has  not  happened  as  I  suspected,  but  thou  hast  dealt  with  us  according 

17  to  thy  great  mercy.  And  blessed  art  thou  that  thou  didst  pity  two  only-begotten 
children.     Grant  them,  O  Lord,  mercy  and  salvation,  and  bring  their  life  to  a  close  with 

18  joy  and  mercy.     Then  he  ordered  his  servants  to  fill  up  the  grave  before  the  dawu  should 

19  appear.  And  he  bade  his  wife  make  much  bread.  And  going  out  to  the  herd  he  brought 
two  bullocks  and  four  rams  and  ordered  that  they  should  be  made  ready,  and  they  began 

20  to  prepare  them.  And  he  called  Tobias  and  said  to  him,  Under  fourteen  days  thou 
shalt  not  stir  a  step  from  here,  but  remain  in  this  place  eating  and  drinking  with  me  and 

21  making  glad  the  soul  of  my  daughter,  that  is  cast  down.  And  of  my  entire  property  take 
hence  half  and  go  in  health  to  thy  father,  and  the  other  half  is  yours  when  I  and  my  wife 
are  dead.  Be  of  good  cheer,  my  child,  I  am  thy  father  and  Edna  thy  mother.  And  we 
are  with  thee  and  thy  sister  from  this  time  forth  for  ever  ;  be  of  good  cheer,  my  child  I 


Chapter  IX. 

1,  2     Then  Tobias  called  Raphael  and  said  to  him,  Brother  Azarias,  take  with  thee  four  ser- 
vants and  two  camels,  and  go  to  Rages  and  visit  Gabaelus,  and  orive  him  the  written  obli<»a- 
S  tion  and  get  the  money  and  bring  him  with  thee  to  the  wedding.     For  thou  knowest  that 

4  my  father  will  be  counting  the  days,  and  if  I  delay  a  single  day  I  shall  grieve  him  sorely. 

5  And  thou  seest  how  Raguel  has  sworn,  and  I  cannot  disregard  his  oath.  Antl  Raphael, 
with  the  four  servants  and  two  camels,  went  to  Rages  of  Media  and  stayed  over  night 
with  Gabaelus  ;  and  he  delivered  to  him  his  written  obligation  and  told  him  about  Tobias, 
the  son  of  Tobith,  that  he  had  married  a  wife  and  that  he  invited  him  to  the  weddincr. 
And  he  rose  up  and  counted  out  to  him  the  little  sacks  with  their  seals  and  they  laid  them 

€  together.  And  they  arose  earlj-  in  the  morning  together,  and  started  out  for  the  wedding; 
and  they  came  into  the  house  of  Raguel  and  found  Tobias  reclining  at  table.  And  he 
sprang  up  and  embraced  him,  and  wept  and  blessed  him  and  said  to  him,  A  noble  and 
good  man,  sou  of  one  noble  and  good,  righteous  and  merciful,  art  thou;  may  the  Lord  give 
thee  and  thy  wife  heaven's  blessing,  and  to  thy  father  and  the  mother  of  thy  wife.  Blessed 
be  God  that  I  have  seen  Tobias,  my  cousin,  a  picture  of  him.^ 

Chapter  X. 

1  BoT  Tobith  reckoned  day  by  day  the  number  of  days  it  would  require  for  him  to  go 

2  and  to  return.  And  when  the  days  cauie  to  an  end  and  his  son  did  not  appear,  he 
said.  Has  he  perhaps  been  detained  there?     Or  is  Gabael  possibly  dead  and  no  one  de- 

3,  4  livers  to  him  the  money?     And  he  began  to  be  sorrowful.     Ami  Anna,  his  wife,  said, 

My  son  has  perished  and  is  no  more  among  the  living.     And  she  began  to  weep  and  la- 

5  ment  for  her  son,  and  said.  Woe  to  me,  my  child,  that  I  let  you  go  away,  the  light  of  my 

*  Reusch  has  for  ttie  last  clanee  «al  eTrtirrpe\f/tv  rrapavrUa,  "  and  returned  immediately." 

'  'Ofioiov  avTf^  Reusch  would  emend  to  ort  elSov  <re  Ttu^id  tuv  aveipiov  juov  ojuotoi'.    The  Old  Lat.  is  :  "  yuoniawl  mdt$ 
Thobi  consobrini  mei  simitem,^^ 


154  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


6  eyes  !  And  Tobith  said  to  her,  Be  silent,  have  no  anxiety,  sister  I  He  is  well,  and  thej 
have  been  finely  entertained  there;  and  the  man  who  went  with  him  is  trusty,  and  is  one 
of  our  brethren.     Grieve  not  on  his  account,  my  sister.     He  will  be  here  ri^ht  awav. 

7  And  she  said  to  him.  Do  not  talk  to  me,  and  deceive  me  not;  my  child  has  peri-hed.  Anil 
she  rushed  out  and  day  by  day  looked  round  about  on  the  road  which  her  son  went,  and 
trusted  to  nobody ;  ^  and  when  the  sun  went  down  she  returned  home  and  lamented 
and  wept  the  whole  night  and  had  no  sleep.     And  when  the  fourteen  days  of  the  wedding 

8  were  over  which  Raguel  had  sworn  to  observe  for  his  daughter,  Tobias  went  to  him  and 
said,  Send  me  away,  for  I  know  that  my  father  and  mother  do  not  believe  that  they  shall 
see  me  again  ;  and  now  I  beg  thee,  father,  to  send  me  away  that  I  may  go  to  my  father  — 

9  I  have  already  told  you  in  what  state  I  left  him.  And  Raguel  said  to  Tobias,  Stay,  my 
child,  stay  with  me,  and  I  will  send  messengers  to  thy  father  Tobith,  and  they  shall  in- 

10  form  him  concerning  thee.     And  he  said  to  him.  By  no  means,  I  pray  you   permit  me  to 

11  go  hence  to  my  father.  And  Raguel  rose  up  and  delivered  to  Tobias  Sarra,  his  wife,  and 
half   of  all  his  possessions,  uienservants  and   maidservants,  cattle  and   sheep,  asses  and 

12  camels,  clothing,  and  money,  and  vessels,  and  he  sent  them  away  in  health,  and  em- 
braced him  and  said  to  him.  Farewell,  ray  child,  in  health  go  hence;  the  Lord  of  heaven 
prosper  you  and  Sarra  thy  wife  and  may  I  see  from  you  children  before  I  die.  .\nd  he 
said  to  Sarra,  his  daughter.  Go  to  thy  father-in-law,  for  from  tliis  time  forth  they  are  thy 
parents  as  those  who  have  begotten  thee;  go  in  peace,  my  daughter;  may  I  hear  good 
of  thee  as  long  as  I  live.  And  embracing  them  he  let  them  go.  And  Edna  said  to  Tobias, 
My  child  and  beloved  brother,  may  the  Lord  bring  thee  back  and  may  I  see  thy  children 
while  I  live  and  those  of  Sarra  my  daughter  before  I  die.  Before  the  Lord  I  give  over  my 
daughter  to  thee  in  trust;  grieve  her  not  all  the  days  of  thy  life.  Go,  dear  child,  in  peace, 
from  henceforth  I  am  thy  mother  and  Sarra  thy  sister.  And  may  we  all  be  prospered  in 
the  same  thing  all  the  days  of  our  life.    And  she  tenderly  kissed  them  both  and  sent  them 

13  away  in  health.  And  Tobias  went  away  from  Raguel  hale  and  happy  and  blesssing  the 
Lord  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  King  of  all,  that  he  had  given  him  a  prosperous  journey; 
and  he  [Raphael?]  said  to  him,  May  it  be  granted  thee  ^  to  honor  them  all  the  days  of 
their  life. 

Chapter  XL 

1,2     And  when  they  drew  near  to   Caserin,' which  is  over  against  Nineve,  Raphael  said, 

3  Thou  knowest  how  we  left  thy  father;  let  us  hasten  on  in  advance  of  thy  wife  and  get  the 

4  house  ready  while  they  are  on  the  way.^  And  they  went  on  both  together;  and  he  said  to 
him.  Take  in  thy  hand  the  gall.     And   the  dog  went  along  with  them,  behind  him   and 

5,  6  Tobias.  And  Anna  sat  looking  around  over  her  son's  road.  And  she  espied  him 
coming  and  said  to  his  father,  Lo,  thy  son  is  coming  and  the  man  who  went  with  him. 

7  And  Raphael  said  to  Tobias  before  he  got  near  his  father,  I  know  that  his  eyes  will  be 

8  opened  ;  rub  the  gall  of  the  fish  into  his  eyes  and  the  medicine  will  make  them  shrink 
up  and  the  leucoma  will  peel  off  from  his  eyes  and  thy  father  will   see  again  and   behold 

9  the  light.     And  Anna  ran  up  and  fell  on  her  son's  neck  and  said  to  hiui,  I  have  seen 
10  thee,  my  child,  henceforth  I  am  ready  to  die.     And  she  wept.     And  Tobith  rose  up  and 

stumbled  with  his  feet,  and  he  went  out  to  the  door  of  the  court.     And  Tobias  advanced  tc 
n  him,  and  the  gall  of  the  fish  was  in  his  hand;  and  he  blew  it  into  his  eyes  and  took  hold  of 

12  him    and   said.  Be  of   good  courage,  father.      And  he  applied  the   medicine  to  him  once 

13  and  again;  and  with  both  his  hands  he  peeled  oft  [the  substance]  from  the  corners  of  his 

14  eyes;  and  he  fell  on  his  neck  and  wept,  and  said  to  him,  I  have  seen  thee  my  child,  the  light 
of  my  eyes!     And  he  said.  Blessed  be  God,  and  blessed  his  great  name,  and  blessed  be  all 

15  his  holy  angels.  May  his  great  name  be  upon  us  and  all  the  angels  be  blessed  for  ever,  for 
he  chastised  me  and  behold,  1  see  Tobias,  my  son.  And  Tobias  went  in  rejoicing  and 
blessing  (iod  with  his  whole  mouth  ;  and  Tobias  told  his  father  that  his  journey  had  been 
prospered  and  that  he  had  brought  the  money  and  how  he  had  married  Sarra,  the  daiighter 
of  Raguel,  and.  Behold  she  is  at  hand  and  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  the   gate   of   Nineve. 

16  And  Tobith  went  out  to  meet  his  daughter-in-law,  rejoicing  and  blessing  God,  to  the 
gate  of  Nineve.      And  the  inhabitants  of  Niiieve,  as  they  saw  him  going,  and  walking  along 

17  m  his  full  strength  and  led  by  the  han<l  of  none,  wondered.  And  Tobith  acknowledged 
before  them  thatljod  had  had  mercy  on  him  and  that  he  had  opened  his  eyef.  And  Tobith 
drew  near  to  SaiTa,  the  wife  of  Tobias  his  son,  and  blessed  her  and  said  to  her.  Welcome, 
daughter,  and  blessed  be  thy  God  wlio  has  brought  thee  to  us,  daughter,  and  blessed  is  thy 
father,  and  blessed  is  Tobias  my  son,  and  blessed  art  thou,  my  daughter.     Enter  into  thy 

>  ReuBs  adopts  for  eVti'fltTO  oiSeW  from  "  C, ■■('•<•,  ^- 1U6.  107.),  e-ycviraTo  ovJeyoi. 

J  Rmsoti  would  substitute  lioi  for  o-oc,  and  put  the  verb  in  the  optative  instead  ol  the  subjunctive.        C.    has  -yttoirj 
KOI  Tiiiii-  r'ov  TTtyBtpov  Mou,  etc.  ;  Old  Lat.,  "  Iiijiinclum  e.«  mihi  a  Domino  honoran  vos  omnibus  dithus  mla  vestrir.  ' 
»  KeuBch  writes  from  conjecture  XaAojj  ;  tin-  (ild  Lat.  has  Otaram;  the  Codd.  named  by  Reusch  "  0.,"  Xaio-opcio. 
*  'Hv  y  ipxovrat..     lleusch,  ews  epxfai  ojriVaj  t^i^ujv. 


THE   BOOK  OF  TOBIT.  155 


house  in  health,  in  blessing  and  joy  enter  in,  my  daughter.     On  this  day  there  came  joy 
18  to  all  the  Jews  who  were  in  Nineve.     And  Achicar  and  Nabad,  his  cousins,  were  present 
to  rejoice  with  Tobith. 

Chapter  XII. 

1  And  when  the  wedding  was  over  Tobith  called  his  son,  Tobias,  and  said  to  him.  My 
child,  see  that  thou   trivest  his  wages  to  the  man  who  went  with  thee  and  give  him  more 

2  than  the  wages.  And  he  said  to  him,  Father,  how  much  as  wages  shall  I  give  himV  I 
shall  not  be  harmed  if  I  give  him  half  of  the  property  which  he  brouL^ht  here  with  me; 

3  he  has  guided  me  prosperously,  and  my  wife  he  has  cured,  and  the  money  he  has  brought 
in  my  company,  and  has  healed  thee  :  how  much   additional  as  wages   shall  I  give  liimV 

4  And  Tobith  said  to  him,  It  is  right  for  him.  my  child,  to  receive  half  of  all  that  he  brought. 

5  And  he  called  him  and   said.  Take  half  of  all  that  thou  didst  bring  as  thy  wao-es,  and 

6  go  in  health.  Then  he  called  the  two  aside  and  said  to  them.  Bless  God  and  acknowl- 
edge him  before  all  the  living  for  the  good  things  he  has  done  in  your  case  that  you 
might  bless  and  praise  his  name;  declare  the  works  of  God  to  all  men  with  honor  and 

7  be  not  slow  to  acknowledge  him  ;  to  conceal  a  secret  of  a  king  is  well,  but  to  acknowledge 
the  works  of  God  and  reveal  them  [is  also  well];  and  [so]  acknowledge  him  with  honor.* 

8  Practice  the  good  and  evil  shall  not  find  you.  Prayer  is  good  with  truth,  and  alms  with 
righteousness  better  than  wealth  with  unrighteousness  ;  better  is  it  to  give  alms  than  hoard 

9  up  money.     Almsgiving  delivers  from  death  and  it  cleanses  from  every  sin  ;   those  who 

10  give  alms  shall  be  filled  with  life ;  those  who  practice  sin  and  unrighteousness  are  enemies 

11  of  their  own  souls.  I  will  make  known  to  you  the  whole  truth  and  conceal  from  you 
nothing.     Already  I  have  shown  you  and  said,  A  secret  of  a  king  it  is  well  to  conceal, 

12  and  to  reveal  with  praise  the  works  of  God.  And  now,  when  thou  and  Sarra  didst  pray  I 
brought  the  memorial  of  your  prayer  before  the  glory  of  the  Lord,  and  when  thou  didst  bury 

18  the  dead  bodies  likewise,  and  when  thou  didst  not  delay  to  rise  up  and  leave  thy  meal  and 

14  go  and  bury  the  corpse,  then  I  was  sent  to  thee  to  prove  thee  and  at  the  same   time   God 

15  sent  me   to  heal  thee  and  Sarra  thy  daughter-in-law.^   I  ain  Raphael,  one  of  the  seven  an- 

16  gels  who  stand  in  waiting,  and  go  in  before  the  glory  of  the  Lord.     And  the  two  were  in 

1 7  consternation  and  fell  down  on  their  faces  and  were  afraid.    And  he  said  to  them,  Fear  not ; 

18  peace  be  to  you!     Bless  God  for  ever.     I,  when  I  was  with  you,  was  not  with  you  by  my 

19  favor  but  by  the  will  of  God,  bless  him  for  ever;  praise  him.     And  you  observed  me  that 

20  I  ate  nothing,  but  it  was  a  vision  you  saw.  And  now  bless  the  Lord  on  earth  and  acknowl- 
edge God.    Behold  I  ascend  up  to  him  that  sent  me  ;  record  all  that  which  has  happened  to 

21,  22  you.  And  he  ascended.  And  they  arose  and  could  see  him  no  more.  And  they 
blessed  and  praised  God  and  gave  him  thanks  for  all  these  his  great  works,  that  an  angel 
of  God  had  appeared  to  them. 

Chapter  Xm. 

1,  2  And  he  said,  Blessed  be  God  who  lives  for  ever  and  blessed  be  his  kingdom,  for  he 
chastises  and  shows  mercy,  he  leads  down  to  Hades,  in  the  lowest  [lart  of  the  earth  and 
he  brings  up  from  the  great  destruction  and  there  is  nothing  which  shall  escape  his  hand. 

3,  4  Confess  him,  ye  sons  of  Israel,  before  the  nations,  for  he  scattered  you  among  them,  and 
there  he  showed  you  his  greatness  ;  and  exalt  him  in  the  sight  of  everything  that  lives,  since 

5  he  is  our  Lord  and  he  is  our  God  and  he  is  our  Father  and  he  is  God  fur  ever.  He  will 
chastise  you  for  your   unrighteousness  and  will  have  mercy  on   you  all  ^  out  of  all  peoples 

6  among  whom  you  may  have  been  anywhither  scattered.  VV'hen  you  turn  to  him  with  your 
whole  heart  and  your  whole  soul  to  practice  truth  before  him  then  will  he  turn    to  you  and 

8  will  no  longer  hide  his  face  from  you.  And  now  observe  what  he  has  done  with  you,  and 
confess  him  with  thy  whole  mouth  and  bless  the  Lord  of  righteousness  and  e.xalt  the  eternal 

10  King.*   And  again,  thy  tabernacle  shall  be  set  up  in  thee  with  joy,  [and  he  will  turzi]  to  make 

11  glad  in  thee  all  the  captives  and  lo  love  in  thee  all  the  wi-etched  even  for  ever.  A  clear 
light  shall  shine  to  all  the  ends  of  the  earth ;  many  nations  shall  come  to  thee  from  far  and 
dwellers  in  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  to  thy  holy  name,  yea  having  their  gifts  in  their 
hands.  To  the  King  of  heaven  generations  of  generations  shall  give  praise  in  thee  and  [carry  V 

12  the]  name  of  the  chosen  one  to  eternity.*  Cursed  shall  be  all  they  who  speak  a  harsh 
word,  cursed  shall  be  all  they  who  destroy  thee  and  cast  down  thy  walls,  and  all  who 
overturn  thy  towers  and  set  fire  to  thy  dwellings,  and  blessed  shall  be  for  ever  those  who 

13  fear  *  thee.     Then  go '  and  rejoice  before  the  sons  of  the  just,  for  all  shall  be  gathered 

^  Beuss  has  emended  to  ;  ra  St  epya  rov  Qeov  efofioAoyetcrtfai  ivrifUK,  omitting  Koi  avoKaXvirreiVf  Kol  efoftoAoyeiij^e. 

*  The  Greek  is,  ttji'  wfifbi^v  trov- 

3  We  follow  the  Sinaitic  Cod-,  with  Fritzsche  ;  Reusch  supplies  from  other  MSS.  koI  ovfo^ei  um«- 

*  The  next  three  verses  are  wanting  in  .\.  s  Reusch's  text  reads,  to  byofid  (Toy  eVXeKTOK 

*  Reusch  adopts,  from  the  Old  Latin,  oi«o5ououi/Tes  for  if)oflou^e»'oi  of  the  Sin. 
'  Reusch  has  ;^dp7jfli,  which  is  the  reading  of  II. 


156  THE   APOCRYPHA. 

14  together  and  shall  bless  the  everlasting  Lord.  Happy  are  they  that  love  thee  and  happy 
are  they  that  shall  rejoice  over  tliy  peace,  and  happy  are  all  the  men  who  shall  grieve 
for  thee  on  account  of  thy  chastisements,  for  they  shall  have  joy  in  thee  and  shall  see  all  thy 

15,  16  joy  for  ever.  My  soul  blesses  the  Lord,  the  great  King,  for  in  the  city  of '  Jerusalem 
shall  be  built  his  house  for  ever.  Happy  shall  I  be  if  the  remnant  of  my  seed  survive 
to  behold  thy  glory,  and  to  give  thanks  to  the  King  of  heaven.  And  the  gates  of  Jeru- 
salem shall  be  built  with  sapphire  and  emerald,  and  all  thy  walls  with  precious  stone  ; 
the  towers  of  Jerusalem  shall  be  built  with  gold  and  their  bulwarks  with  pure  gold  ;  the 

17  broadways  of  Jerusalem  shall  be  paved  with  carbuncle  and  stone  of   Suphir.     And  the 

18  gates  of  Jerusalem  shall  utter  songs  of  praise  and  all  her  dwellings  say,  Alleluia,  blessed  be 
the  God  of  Israel.     And  blessed  ones  shall  bless  the  holy  name  for  ever  and  aye. 

Chapter  XIV. 

1  And  the  words  of   Tobith's   thanksgiving  were  ended,  and   he  died   in   peace,   one 

2  hundred  and  twelve  years  old,  and  was  buried  with  honor  in  Nineve.  And  he  was 
sixty-two  years  old  when  he  became  blind;    and  after  he  saw  again  he  lived  in  good 

3  circumstances,  and  practiced  almsgiving.  And  still  more  he  praised  God,  and  confessed 
his  greatness.      And  when  he  was  dying  he  called  Tobias,  his  son,  and  charged  him, 

4  saying.  My  son,  take  away  thy  children,  and  hasten  into  Media,  for  I  believe  the  word 
of  God  against  Nineve  which  Nahura  uttered :  that  all  things  shall  be  and  shall  come  upon 
Assur  and  Nineve;  and  what  the  prophets  of  Israel  have  spoken,  whom  God  sent,  all  will 
come  to  pass,  and  nothing  at  all  will  fail  from  all  the  predictions ;  yea,  all  will  take 
place  in  their  time  ;  and  in  Media  there  will  be  safety,  rather  than  in  Assyria  and  in 
Babylon.  [Go]  for  I  know  and  am  assured  that  all  things  which  God  has  spoken  will  be 
fulfilled  and  will  be,  and  not  one  word  of  his  utterances  fail.  And  our  brethren  who 
dwell  in  the  land  of  Israel  will  all  be  scattered,  and  carried  away  captive  from  the  good 
land,  and  the  whole  land  of  Israel  will  be  desolate,  and  Samaria  and  Jerusalem  will  be 

5  desolate,  and  God's  house  in  it  will  also  be  burned  until  its  time.  And  again  God  will 
have  mercy  on  them,  and  God  will  return  them  to  the  land  of  Israel;  and  again  they  will 
build  the  house,  yet  not  as  the  first,  until  the  time  when  the  period  of  the  epochs  has 
been  fulfilled.  And  afterwards  all  will  return  from  their  captivity,  and  will  build  Jerusalem 
gloriously,  and  the  house  of   God  will  be  built  in  it,  according  as  the  prophets  of  Israel 

6  have  spoken  concerning  her.  And  all  the  nations  which  are  in  the  whole  earth  will  turn, 
and  fear  God  truly,  and  all  will  forsake  their  idols,  which  seduced  them  to  their  false 

7  ways,  and  will  bless  the  eternal  God  in  righteousness.  All  the  sons  of  Israel  who  are 
saved  in  those  days,  remembering  God  in  truth,  will  be  gathered  together,  and  will 
come  to  Jerusalem,  and  dwell  for  ever  in  the  land  of  Abraam  in  safety,  and  it  will  be 
given  over  to  them;  and  they  that  love  God  in  truth  will  rejoice,  and  they  that  practice 

8  sin  and  unrighteousness  will  cease  from  the  whole  land.  And  so,  my  children,  I  enjoin  it 
upon  you  :  serve  God  in  truth,  and  do  that  which  is  pleasing  in  his  sight,  and  enjoin  it  upon 
your  children  to  practice  righteousness  and  almsgiving,  and  that  ihey  be  mindful  of  God, 

9  and  praise  his  name  at  every  opportunity  in  truth,  and  with  their  whole  strength.     And 

10  now,  my  child,  do  thou  go  away  from  Nineve,  and  remain  not  here.  On  the  very  day  on 
which  thou  shalt  bury  thy  mother  by  my  side,  stay  not  over  night  in  her  borders;  for  I  see 
that  there  is  much  uin-ii;liteousness  in  her,  and  much  guile  comes  to  fruit  in  her,  and  they 
are  not  ashamed.  Behold,  my  child,  what  Nadab  did  to  Achicarus,  who  brought  him  up: 
was  he  not  brought  down  alive  into  the  earth V  And  God  paid  back  the  dishonor  to  his 
face;  and  Achicarus  came  out  into  the  light,  ivhile  Nadab  went  into  the  eternal  darkness, 
because  he  sought  to  kill  Achicarus.  Because  he  practiced  almsgiving  in  my  case  he 
escaped  the  snare  of  death  which  Nadab  laid   for  him ;   and  Nadab  tell  into  the  snare  of 

11  death,  aud  it  destroyed  him.  And  now,  my  children,  see  what  almsgiving  docs;  and  what 
unrighteousness  does  —  that  it  kills.     And,  behold,  my  spirit  is  departing.      And  they  laid 

12  him  on  the  bed,  and  he  died,  and  was  buried  with  honor.  And  when  his  mother  died 
Tobias  buried  her  by  his  father,  and  he  and  his  wife  went  away  into  Media,  and  dwelt 

13  in  Kcbatana  with  Raguelus,  his  father-in-law;  and  he  cherished  them  honorably  in  their 
old  age.     And  he  buried  them  in  Ecbatana,  of  Media,  and  inherited  the  house  of  Raguelus 

14  and  that  of  Tobith,  his  father.     And  he  died  with  honor  when  he  was  one  hundred  and 

15  seventeen  years  old;  and  he  saw,  before  his  death,  and  heard  of  the  destruction  of 
Nineve;  and  he  saw  her  captives  led  to  Media,  whom  Asuerus,*  the  king  of  Media,  led 
captive.  And  he  blessed  God  in  all  which  he  did  to  the  sons  of  Nineve  and  Assur,  and 
he  rejoiced  before  his  death  over  Nineve;  and  he  blessed  the  Lord,  who  is  God  for  eve* 
and  ever.     Amen ! 

1  Beusch  has  adopted  TraAiv  for  t-jJ  TrdXei  of  the  Sin. 

i  Beiuch  has  'Axia;^apof,  which  ia  the  original  reading  of  X. ;  Old  Lat.,  Achicar. 


THE  BOOK  OF  JUDITH. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Book  of  Judith,  which  Luther  for  some  reason  not  yet  explained  places  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  apocryphal  books  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible,  in  the  English  Bible  comes  fourth 
in  order,  being  preceded  by  1  and  2  Esdras  and  Tobit.  Its  contents  are,  in  brief,  as  fol- 
lows :  An  Assyrian  king,  called  Nabuchodonosor,  residing  at  Nineveh,  wag  carrying  on,  in 
the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign,  a  war  against  a  certain  Median  king  named  Arphaxad.  After 
five  yciirs  of  conflict,  the  latter  was  defeated  and  slain,  and  his  capital,  Eebatana,  destroyed. 
In  this  war  the  neighboring  peoples  had  allied  themselves  to  the  one  side  or  the  other,  as 
their  own  prejudices  or  interests  dictated.  The  war  being  over,  and  his  victory  having  been 
duly  celebrated  by  Nabuchodonosor,  he  determined  to  take  vengeance  on  such  nations,  in- 
cluding the  Jews,  as  had  refused  to  become  his  allies  against  Arphaxad. 

Operations  against  the  latter  people  were  undertaken  by  Olophernes,  the  general  of  Nabu- 
chodonosor, at  first  in  connection  with  a  certain  fortified  place  called  Betulua,  situated  some- 
where in  the  mountains  of  Judah.  He  laid  siege  to  the  place,  and  after  a  period  of  thirty- 
four  days  bad  brought  the  inhabitants  into  a  condition  of  the  deepest  distress.  They  despaired 
of  deliverance,  and,  with  the  hope  of  saving  at  least  their  lives,  wished  to  surrender  to  the 
Assyrians.  Ozias,  however,  one  of  the  "governors"  of  the  city,  counseled  delay  for  five 
days  longer,  expressing  the  hope  that  within  this  time  Jehovah  would  in  some  way  interpose 
for  their  deliverance.  At  this  point  Judith,  a  rich,  pious,  and  beautiful  widow,  presents 
herself  before  the  elders  of  the  city  and  declares  her  readiness  to  engage  in  an  enterprise  for 
the  rescue  of  her  people,  but  is  unwilling  to  communicate  the  details  of  her  plan.  She  is 
allowed  to  go  forth  on  her  perilous  undertaking,  and  reaches  in  safety  the  Assyrian  camp, 
attended  only  by  a  single  maid.  Here,  after  three  days,  she  succeeds  in  so  far  winning  the 
confidence  of  Olophernes  and  his  officers  that  she  is  allowed  to  remain  alone  in  the  former's 
tent  while  he  is  in  a  state  of  beastly  intoxication.  With  his  own  sword  she  sunders  the  head 
of  this  redoubtable  general  from  his  body,  and  under  cover  of  the  darkness  makes  good  her 
escape  with  the  bloody  trophy.  Arrived  in  Betulua,  she  advises  that  the  head  of  Olophernes 
be  suspended  over  the  walls,  and  that  a  feint  of  attacking  the  Assyrians  be  made  at  the  break 
of  day.  Her  counsel  being  followed,  the  Assyrians  are  utterly  routed  and  are  pursued  by  the 
Jews  as  far  as  Damascus.  Thirty  days  are  consumed  in  plundering  the  Assyrian  camp,  after 
which  great  honors  are  paid  to  Judith  by  the  high  priest  and  the  entire  nation.  She  dies  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred  and  four  years,  and  is  publicly  lamented  for  seven  days.  During  her 
lifetime,  subsequent  to  the  defeat  of  the  Assyrians,  and  for  a  long  period  after  her  death, 
Israel  had  peace. 

Is  the  Book  a  History  or  a  Romance  f 

With  the  exception  of  Wolf  and  Von  Gumpach,  those  who  in  modern  times  defend  the 
story  of  Judith  as  a  veritable  history  are  found  almost  exclusively  within  the  bounds  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  church.  How  serious  a  task  these  persons  have  taken  upon  themselves,  and 
how  far  short  they  have  come  of  its  successful  execution,  we  shall  endeavor  to  show.  It  is 
seen,  in  the  first  place,  in  the  widely  divergent  theories  proposed  by  them  in  accounting  for 
the  origin  of  the  work.  Some  would  assign  the  events  narrated  to  a  period  just  previous  to 
the  Babylonian  captivity,  others,  with  equal  assurance,  to  that  just  after  the  return,  while  by 
gtill  others  they  have  been  located  in  almost  everj-  subsequt/nt  century  down  to  the  time  of 
Christ.  Naturally,  the  difhculty  of  dispo.sing  of  Nabuchodonosor  is  one  of  the  greatest,  and 
there  is  scarcely  an  Assyrian,  a  Babylonian,  Persian,  or  Seleucian  king  with  whom,  at  one 


158  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

time  or  another,  he  has  not  been  identified,  —  Cambyses,  Xerxes,  Esarhaddon,  Kiniladen,  Me- 
rodach  Baladan,  among  them.  There  is  a  like  want  of  unanimity  among  its  defenders  respect- 
ing the  authorship  of  the  work.  Some  maintain  that  it  was  Judith  herself.  Others  fi.ic 
upon  Joacim,  the  high  priest.  Wolf  will  have  it  that  it  was  no  other  than  Achior  the  Am- 
monite. 

The  geographical  problems  which  the  remarkable  campaign  of  Olophernes  force  upon  the 
careful  reader  are  no  less  productive  of  differences  of  opinion  among  the  supporters  of  the 
credibility  of  the  history.  No  one  seems  able  to  trace  this  general's  line  of  march  in  a  man- 
ner satisfactory  to  his  co-l.iborers.  Such  a  state  of  things  is,  in  itself,  calculated  to  awaken 
doubt  even  in  the  minds  of  those  naturally  inclined  to  accept  the  supposition  of  a  real  his- 
tory. But  when  the  actual  facts  of  the  case  are  known,  the  misstatements,  the  anachro- 
nisms, the  geographical  absurdities,  the  literary  extravagances  of  the  book  considered,  it  is- 
difficult  to  see  how  any  unprejudiced  reader  can  hesitate  in  his  decision  that,  whatever  slight 
basis  of  truth  or  worthy  aim  it  may  have  had,  it  is  essentially  a  work  of  tlie  imagination.  In 
harmony  with  this  view,  Luther  speaks  of  it  as  a  kind  of  allegorical,  didactic,  passion-play 
(Passionsspiel)  ;  Grotius,  as  an  allegorical  work  intended  for  comfort  and  encouragement ; 
Buddeus,  as  a  drama;  Niebuhr,  an  epic;  Babor,  an  apologue;  Jahn,  a  didactic  poem;  Movers 
and  Ewald,  a  legend  ;  Eichhorn,  a  worthless  [?]  fable  of  an  ignorant  Jew;  Bertholdt,  purely 
a  work  of  the  fancy;  Keil  and  Gutmann,  a  free,  poetic  working  over  of  a  traditional,  and  dur- 
ing its  transmission  much  changed  historical  saga ;  Fritzsche  and  De  Wette,  a  poem  with 
patriotic  and  moral  aim  ;  Vaihinger,  a  prophetico-poetical  nariative  ;  Westcott,  historical 
fiction.  This  line  of  opinions  which,  under  various  forms  of  expression,  is  essentially  one, 
finds  its  support  in  the  following  among  other  similar  characteristics  of  the  book. 

First,  the  impossibility  of  reconciling  its  historical  statements  and  presuppositions  with  one 
another  or  with  universally  acknowledged  facts.  In  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  book,  for  ex- 
ample, we  read  that  an  Assyrian  army  marclied  against  the  Jews.  This  could  have  happened 
only  before  the  Exile,  while  in  the  later  chapters  the  entire  representation  is  of  a  period  sub- 
sequent to  the  Exile.  It  is  distinctly  stated,  in  fact,  that  the  people  had  but  just  returned 
from  the  Cajitivity,  and  that  the  temple,  which  had  been  destroyed,  was  again  restored  and 
consecrated  (iv.  3;  v.  18,  19).  They  had  no  longer  a  king,  but  were  politically  united  under 
a  high  priest  by  the  name  of  Joacim,  who  ruled  in  connection  with  the  Sanhedrin  (iv.  6,  8; 
XV.  8).  After  the  heroic  act  of  Judith,  the  country  is  said  to  have  had  peace  for  a  long  time 
(xvi.  25).  It  is  as  impossible,  from  these  historical  data,  to  fix  the  period  covered  by  our 
narrative  soon  after  the  Captivity  as  immediately  before  it.  Still,  this  has  been  the  usual 
course  of  those  attempting  to  defend  its  credibility.  Nabuchodonosor,  for  instance,  is  assumed 
to  be  some  Persian  king.  Gutschmid  sought  to  identify  him  with  Artaxerxes  Ochus,  who  is 
known  to  have  had  a  general  by  the  name  of  Olophernes.  But  while  meeting  this  compara- 
tively trifling  condition  of  the  problem  he  became  involved  in  a  network  of  more  serious  diffi- 
culties, from  which  he  found  it  impossible  to  extricate  himself.  He  was  obliged,  among  other 
things,  to  explain  how  it  was  possible  for  Nineveh  to  be  still  in  existence  at  that  period,  and 
how  such  a  campaign  as  the  one  described  could  then  have  been  undertaken  against  Israel. 
Those,  on  the  other  hand,  like  Wolf  and  Niebuhr,  who  have  preferred  to  take  the  bull  boldly 
by  the  horns,  and  to  locate  the  history  where  its  opening  chapters  place  it,  have  shown  a  no 
less  astounding  temerity  in  the  character  of  their  suppositions  and  logical  combinations. 
Fritzsche  (Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.)  says  of  these  critics:  "  That  history  knows  nothing  of  a 
Nabuchodonosor,  as  king  of  Assyria  in  Nineveh,  or  of  a  Median  king  Arphaxad,  who  built  the 
walls  of  Ecliatana,  troubles  them  not.  By  the  latter  mentioned  they  understand,  at  one  time, 
Deioces,  the  builder  of  Ecbatana  (Herod.,  i.  98  [according  to  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  383, 
there  was  really  no  such  person];  at  another  time,  and  more  commonly,  his  son  Phraortes. 
Here,  truly,  there  was  something  to  hold  to,  that  this  person,  in  the  twenty-second  year  of 
bis  reign,  was  overwhelmingly  defeated  by  the  Assyrians  (Herod.,  i.  102).  The  difference  in 
•_ame  could  indeed  be  explained,  and  that  the  task  of  building  Ecbatana  had  been  entrusted 
to  him  by  his  father  might  be  considered  as  a  pardonable  error  of  representation.  But  diffi- 
culties multiply  as  we  advance.  At  the  very  start,  the  Nabuchodonosor  wanted  cannot  be 
found.  On  the  basis  of  certain  vague  dala  these  critics  proceed  to  guess  :  it  is  Esarhaddon, 
it  is  Saosduchinus,  or  Kiniladen.  They  even  lix  on  the  Babylonian  Merodach  Baladan,  and 
Nabopolassar,  but  without  exi)lainiiig  how  any  one  of  them  came  to  bear  the  name  "  Nabu- 
>;hodono8or."    They  lose  themselves  in  labyrinthine  speculations  in  order  to  bring  this  period 


THK   BOOK   OF  JUDITH.  ,15& 


mto  harmony  with  the  condition  of  the  Jews  as  described.  Since  no  Jewish  king  is  mentioned, 
and  yet  there  must  be  one,  so  it  must  have  been  the  time  when  Manasseh  was  in  prison  at 
Babylon,  or,  just  then,  had  little  authority,  or  when  king  Josiah  was  under  guardianship.  The 
captivity  of  the  people  and  their  return  from  the  same  is  left  unexplained.  Has  the  temple, 
according  to  v.  18,  been  wholly  destroyed  —  it  is  only  a  desecration !  The  high  priest  Joacim 
was  Eliakim,  represented  in  2  Kings  xviii.  18  to  be  an  important  personage  under  Hezekiah; 
or,  as  Von  Gumpach  supposes,  the  high  priest  Hilkiah  under  king  Josiah  (2  Kings  xxii.  4). 
And  finally,  tc  adduce  but  a  single  other  circumstance,  the  beautiful  Judith  executed  her 
bold  undertaking,  according  to  this  theory,  in  somewhere  .about  the  sixtieth  year  of  her  life!" 

Again,  the  geographical  difficulties  encountered  by  those  who  would  defend  the  authenticity 
of  the  book  are  as  hopelessly  numerous  and  embarrassing  as  the  historical.  Let  us  notice,  for 
example,  some  of  the  places  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  campaign  of  Olofernes,  and  see 
what  light  one  of  the  most  learned  commentators  of  our  book  has  been  able  to  shed  upon  it. 
According  to  chap.  ii.  15,  Olophernes  started  from  Nineveh  with  an  army  of  120,000  infantry 
and  12,000  cavalry.  After  a  march  of  three  days  (ver.  21)  the  army  came  to  the  "  plain  of 
Bsectilaeth."  Wolf  supposes  this  to  have  been  "  Malatia  "  (Melitene),  which  was  more  than 
three  hundred  miles  from  Nineveh  to  the  northwest.  Since  this  place  could  not  really  have 
been  reached  in  the  time  stated,  he  conjectures  that  they  must  have  reckoned  from  some 
other  nearer  place  (p.  91).  From  there  the  army  marched  "  into  the  hill  country  and  de- 
stroyed Phud  and  Lud  and  spoiled  all  the  children  of  Rasses."  By  "Phud,"  this  critic 
thinks  the  Cholcians  are  meant,  a  people  more  than  another  three  hundred  miles  to  the 
northeast  of  Malatia ;  by  Lud,  the  Lydians,  double  that  distance  to  the  west ;  while  by  the 
"  children  of  Rasses,"  the  inhabitants  of  Tarsus,  or  Cilicia,  are  supposed  to  be  meant,  to 
reach  whom  the  army  must  march  back  a  couple  of  hundred  miles  or  so,  in  a  southeasterly 
direction.  Then  the  "  children  of  Ishmael  "  were  subdued,  inhabiting  the  country  "to  the 
south  of  the  land  of  the  Chellians."  These  Ishmaelites,  Wolf  thinks,  were  to  be  found  directly 
to  the  east,  inhabiting  a  part  of  Mesopotamia.  Another  long  march  of  from  two  hundred  to 
three  hundred  miles  must  be  made,  and  the  river  Euphrates  crossed,  to  reach  them.  The 
Euphrates  was  then  recrossed,  and  the  fortified  places,  "  high  cities,"  on  the  river  "Arbona," 
—  supposed  to  be  "  Chaboras  "  —  destroyed.  But,  according  to  Wolf's  theory  respecting  the 
Chellians,  the  army  was  already  on  the  right  side  of  the  river  for  this  purpose,  and  he  is  there- 
fore obliged  to  suppose  that  after  bringing  these  Ishmaelites  into  subjection  they  had  gone 
over  to  the  south  side  again,  and  carried  on  operations,  of  which  our  book  says  nothing. 

The  next  point  of  attack  was  the  "  borders  of  Cilicia,"  the  very  land  and  people  from 
which  they  had  but  just  come,  and  which,  one  might  suppose,  had  already  been  sufficiently 
punished  by  this  agile  and  insatiable  general  of  Nabuchodonosor.  From  Cilicia  the  line  of 
march  is  to  the  "  borders  of  Japhet,"  by  which,  our  critic  thinks,  the  high  table-land 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  mountain  range  Hauran  is  meant.  From  thence  they  compassed  "  all 
the  children  of  Madiam,"  and  "  went  down  into  the  plain  of  Damascus."  Was  there  ever 
another  army,  in  ancient  or  modern  times,  that  could  march  with  such  rapidity  as  this,  or 
that  has  been  led  by  a  general  who  conducted  his  campaigns  on  such  a  singular  plan  ?  If 
Olophernes  had  no  mercy  on  his  soldiers,  that  he  put  them  through  this  shuttle  movement, 
back  and  forth  over  plains  and  mountain  ranges  indifferently,  we  should  suppose  that  the 
question  of  forage  and  supplies  for  such  a  multitude  would  have  led  to  a  different  course. 
Our  book  gives  us  but  slight  indications  resj)ecting  the  time  consumed  in  this  remarkable 
scries  of  military  operations  ;  but  Wolf,  who  seems  never  to  be  at  a  loss  for  theories,  would 
have  us  understand  that  Olophernes  left  Malatia  with  his  army  in  the  "  middle  of  September, 
J.  C.  638,"  and  reached  Damascus  after  passing  over  a  distance  of  two  thousand  miles,  more 
or  less  —  as  one  may  readily  compute  for  himself  from  the  data  given  by  this  critic,  —  fighting 
many  battles,  and  reducing  a  large  number  of  fortified  places  "  at  the  end  of  May,  B.C.  037," 
i.  e.,  in  eight  months,  the  rainy  season  included!     See  Wolf,  Com.,  pp.  91,  108. 

In  addition  to  these  geographical  and  historical  objections  to  the  supposition  that  the  work 
before  us  is  to  be  interpreted  as  fact,  its  structure  in  oiher  respects  is  equally  against  it. 
Many  of  the  proper  names,  for  instance,  seem  to  have  been  selected  with  special  reference  to 
the  characters  they  represent  in  the  story.  Such  are  Judith,  "  Jewess  ;  "  Achior,  "  brother 
of  light;"  Betulua,"  virgin  of  Jehovah;"  and  Nabuchodonosor,  as  a  common  designation 
for  a  dreaded,  hostile  sovereign.  The  descent  of  Judith,  too,  is  obviously  for  a  special  pur- 
pose traced  back  to  Simeon',  to  which  tribe  also  her  husband  belonged,  as  well  as  the  eldurs 


160  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


of  Betulua.  Moreover,  the  plan  of  operations  of  the  Assyrian  army,  in  its  attempt  to  reduce 
Betulua  (ihap.  vii.  passim)  is  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  supposition  of  an  actual  case.  So, 
too,  the  delineation,  in  many  of  its  features,  of  the  principal  character  of  the  book,  Judith. 
Her  conduct  is  especially  noticeable  for  its  unnaturalness  after  her  return  from  the  Assyrian 
camp,  where,  like  another  Jael,  she  had  made  a  striking  display  of  heroic  patriotism,  but  at 
the  expense  of  all  womanly  instincts.  The  scene  where  Achior  swoons  quite  away  (xiv.  6) 
at  the  sicrlit  of  Olophernes'  head,  is  as  highly  colored  as  that  where  the  heroine,  like  a  queen, 
summons  him  into  her  presence  with  the  words:  "  Call  me  Achior,  the  Ammonite!  "  The 
whole  representation  of  Judith's  proceedings  in  the  hostile  camp  presupposes  an  amount  of 
stupidity  and  carelessness  on  the  part  of  Olophernes  and  his  chief  officers  that  can  only  be 
paralleled  by  their  operations  in  the  attempted  capture  of  Betulua  with  its  handful  of  de- 
fenders. 

Probable  Dale  of  the  Composition. 

The  possibility  of  dating  the  origin  of  the  book  at  or  near  the  time  of  the  Babylonian  Cap- 
tivity beincr,  as  we  have  already  seen,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  out  of  the  question,  there 
are  but  two  other  theories  touching  the  time  of  its  composition  which  seem  to  demand  con- 
sideration :  that  which  would  assign  it  to  the  period  of  the  Maccabees,  or  thereabouts,  and 
that  which  sees  symbolically  depicted  in  it  the  relations  of  the  Romans  to  the  Jews  during 
the  time  of  Hadrian  or  Trajan.  Hitzig,  who  first  suggested  the  latter  theory,  fixed  upon  the 
insurrection  under  Barkochba  or  Simon,  during  the  reign  of  the  former  emperor  (a.  d.  132), 
as  the  event  symbolized  (cf.  his  work,  Ueber  Johannes  Markus  unci  seine  Schriften,  p.  165). 
But  Volkmar,  who,  in  a  number  of  shorter  articles,  and  especially  in  his  Handbook  of  Intro- 
duction to  the  Apocrypha,^  has  been  its  principal  supporter,  advocates  the  view  that  the  insur- 
rection brought  to  a  close  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  A.  D.  117,  is  meant. 
Graetz  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Hiitory  of  the  Jews,  accepts  in  a  somewhat  modified  form 
this  position  of  Volkmar,  while  others,  as  Lipsius,  Hilgenfeld,  Derenbourg,  Schiirer,  Ewald, 
and  Fritzsche  are  unable  to  find  any  sufficient  ground  for  it.  The  theory  of  Volkmar,  in 
brief,  is  this  :  "  The  book  is  a  poetic  narrative  of  the  historic  victory  of  Judith  (i'.  e.,  Judaea) 
over  the  leo-ate  of  the  new  Nebuchadnezzar  (Trajan)  after  his  victorious  campaign  against 
the  apparently  invincible  new  Median  (Parthian)  empire.  This  book  of  imaginary  history 
was  composed  under  the  veil  of  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament,  to  celebrate  the  day  of 
the  victory  of  the  Jews  in  March  {des  Adar),  after  Trajan's  death,  particularly  to  celebrate 
the  'day  of  Trajan,'  from  A.  D.  118,  at  the  end  of  A.  D.  117,  or  the  beginning  of  A.  D.  118, 
not  earlier,  and  also  not  later.  According  to  this,  by  Judith  is  meant  Judtea;  by  Nabuchod- 
onosor,  Trajan;  by  Assyria,  Syria;  by  Nineveh,  Antioch;  by  Arphaxad,  a  Parthian  king 
Arsaces;  by  Ecbatana,  a  new,  immense  citadel  of  the  later  Medians,  Nisibis,  or  the  smaller 
BatnsE,  or  both  together,  but  especially  the  latter ;  by  Olophernes,  a  barbarian  general,  Lusius 
Quietus.  Joakim  means  '•  God  raises  up; "  Achior,  "  friend  of  light ;  "  Bagoas  is  the  name 
for  the  office  of  eunuch  in  general.  The  temple  was  destroyed  by  Titus.  The  return  from 
Exile  followed  either  under  Trajan  or  Hadrian."  Cf.  Fritzsche,  in  Scbenkel's  Bi6.  Lex.,  ibid. 
One  of  the  o-reatest  difficulties  which  this  bold  but  ingenious  and  ably  defended  theory  has 
to  contend  with  is  the  serious  doubt  whether  Palestine  was  at  all  concerned  in  the  insurrec- 
tion in  question.  Lipsius,  Schiirer,  and  others  dispute  it,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  with  good 
reason.  Those  who  advocate  the  affirmative  are  obliged  to  rely  principally  on  a  single  ex- 
pression in  the  biography  of  Hadrian  by  Spartianus,  where  it  is  said  that  Palestine,  at  the 
becinnintf  of  the  emperor  Hadrian's  reign,  was  rebelliously  inclined:  " Lycia  denique  ac  Pales- 
tina  rebelles  animos  efferebant."  Cf.  Schurer,  p.  353,  note  6.  The  rabbinical  tradition  makes 
mention,  indeed,  of  a  war  by  this  Moor,  Quietus,  but  probably  refers  to  that  carried  on  in 
Mesopotamia.  Still  further,  Volkmar  is  obliged,  in  order  to  insure  safety  to  his  theory,  to 
deny  the  genuineness  of  the  first  epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome,  where  our  work  is  quoted  (Ep. 
i.  55).  But  the  question  of  the  date  and  authorship  of  this  epistle  is  a  far  less  doubtful  one 
than  that  concerning  the  Book  of  Judith.  And  it  is  much  more  reasonable  to  accept  the 
"ormer  as  evidence  to  reach  conclusions  touching  the  latter  than  to  reverse  the  process.  Cf. 
Zeller's  Jahrb.,  18.i6,  iii.,  and  Donaldson,  Apostol.  Fathers,  p.  135.  Moreover,  the  fact  that 
the  book  is  quoted  in  the  first  epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  may  be  taken  as  weighty  evidence 
in  support  of  the  view  that  it  had  its  origin  in  a  much  earlier  period.  Hence,  even  were  the 
lupposition  to  be  accepted  that  the  Clementine  letter  did  not  originate  until  after  A.  D.  118 

1    Handbuch  der  EinUit.  in  die  Apoknjphen. 


THE  BOOK  OF  JUDITH.  161 


still  the  balance  of  probabilities  would  be  in  favor  of  a  considerably  earlier  date  for  the  Book 
of  Judith.  How  imperfectly,  too,  in  general,  the  events  of  the  supposed  rebellion  in  tho 
time  of  Hadrian  would  be  symbolized  by  those  narrated  in  the  work  before  us  may  be  seen 
in  the  careful  comparison  made  by  Fritzsche  and  the  otlier  critics  before  alluded  to.  There 
are  besides  not  a  few  minor  particulars  in  which  the  argument  seriously  halts.  Volkraar,  for 
instance  (Einleit.,  p.  14),  asserts  that  the  "  Arphaxad  "  of  the  Book  of  Judith  is  the  Old 
Testament  designation  for  the  later  Medes,  or  Parthians.  But  in  the  genealogical  tables  of 
Gen.  X.  2,  "  Arpliaxad  "  is  the  name  given  to  a  Semitic  branch  of  the  human  family,  while 
the  Medes  belonged  to  the  Japhetic.  There  are  also  noticeable,  occasional  examples  of  ex- 
travagant and  arbitrary  interpretation,  an  overstraining  of  the  symbolism,  and  an  unauthor- 
ized interchange  of  the  letters  of  words  indicating  numbers,  in  apparent  subserviency  to  a 
preconceived  adjustment  of  the  history. 

The  principal  theory  remaining  respecting  tlie  origin  of  the  Book  of  Judith,  that  it  was 
written  during  tlie  first  or  second  centuries  before  Christ,  or  more  definitely,  at  or  near  the 
Maccabaean  period,  does  not  lack  the  support  of  scholarly  pens.  The  grounil  for  such  a  theory 
is,  of  course,  to  be  sought  in  the  work  itself,  and  necessitates  the  previous  supposition  that  it 
contains  at  least  some  more  or  less  trustworthy  historical  data.  Ewald,  for  example  (Ge- 
fchichie,  iv.  618),  and  essentially  Vaihinger  (Herzog's  Keal-Encyk.,  s.  v.),  refer  it  to  the  pe- 
riod of  the  campaign  of  the  Seleucian  king  Demetrius  II.  against  Egypt,  B.  c.  131-129.  He 
had  escaped  from  his  imprisonment  among  the  Parthians,  been  again  elevated  to  the  throne, 
and  now  breathed  vengeance  against  all  those  who  hail  made  war  upon  him,  the  Jews  under 
John  Hyrcanus  included.  Vaihinger,  indeed,  thinks  the  work  could  not  have  been  composed 
eariier  or  later  than  the  year  B.  c.  128.  Hilgenfeld  (Novum  Testamentum,  etc.,  Fasc.  L,  p.  89), 
on  the  other  hand,  fixes  on  the  period  B.  c.  147-145  for  the  date  of  its  composition.  Movers 
(Bonner  Zeitschnft,  H.  13,  p.  47)  would  not  put  it  so  far  back.  To  him  the  work  suggests 
events  in  connection  with  the  war  of  Ptolemy  Lathurus  against  Alexander  Jannsus,  b.  c.  lO.i. 
His  argument  is  based  on  the  theory  that  the  author  purposely  transferred  the  geographical 
relations  of  his  own  time  to  an  earlier  period.  These  relations  could  only  have  existed, 
he  thinks,  from  the  time  of  John  Hyrcanus  to  that  of  the  invasion  of  Judtea  by  Pompey.  But 
his  reasoning  is  far  from  conclusive.     Cf.  Ue  Wette,  Einleit.,  p.  579. 

According  to  Keil  the  probable  historical  groundwork  which  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Ju- 
dith made  use  of  in  his  composition  is  to  be  found  in  a  notice  contained  in  the  tliirty-first  book  of 
Diodorus  Sicnhis;  where  a  campaign  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus  against  Egypt  is  mentioned,  in  whicli 
campaign  a  certain  Cappadocian  prince,  by  the  name  of  Olophernes,  gi-eatly  ilistinguished  him- 
self. In  this  campaign,  moreover,  this  monarch  invadeil  Palestine,  taking  and  destrovin" 
Jericho.  Still  further,  according  to  Sulpicius  Severus  (ii.  14),  there  was  a  eunuch  by  the  name 
of  Bagoas  in  his  army,  and  that  writer,  as  more  recently  Herzfeld  (Geschichte,  ii.  118),  seems  to 
think  that  it  was  some  special  event  of  this  campaign  in  which  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Judith 
found  the  materials  for  his  composition.  Keil,  then,  holds  that  the  work  originated  in  the  first 
decade  of  the  second  century  before  Christ,  believing  that  a  liundred  and  fifty  years  must 
have  elapsed  after  the  occurrence  of  the  events  before  they  were  narrated  in  our  book.  His 
principal  reasons  for  this  opinion  are  :  (1.)  That  tliere  are  to  be  found  in  the  work  no  evi- 
dences of  the  religious  persecutions  which  the  Jews  suffered  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 
(2.)  That  it  is  there  stated  that  after  the  defeat  of  Olophernes  the  Jews  enjoyed  peace  for  a 
long  period,  which  might  well  refer  to  that  preceding  the  reign  of  Antiochus.  Cf.  Einleit., 
pp.'727,  729. 

Both  of  these  arguments  of  Keil,  however,  might  be  used  with  equal  propriety  as  applica- 
ble to  a  time  somewhat  subsequent  to  the  Maccabaean  wars.  In  fact,  the  Jewish  people  were 
so  often  in  the  condition  presupposed  in  the  present  narrative,  and  the  geographical,  histori- 
cal, and  other  data  were  obviously,  to  such  an  extent,  chosen  for  the  express  purpose  of  dis- 
guise, that  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  date  of  composition  has  been  made  to  oscillate  between 
such  extreme  points.  "  The  poet  intentionally  makes  his  sketch  in  a  period  long  past,  and 
carefully  veils  the  dangerous  names  of  the  present,  while  he,  in  fact,  depicts  the  more  clearly 
and  thoughtfully,  for  such  as  could  understand  it,  the  actual  affairs  of  his  own  period." 
(Ewald,  GeKcMchle,  iv.  619.)  And  since  this  really  seems  to  be  the  case,  it  is  perhaps  best 
to  leave  the  question  of  a  more  exact  designation  of  the  date  of  our  book  unsettled.  It  is 
enough  that  a.  great  majority  of  its  allusions,  direct,  and  especially  indirect,  such  as  its  point 
of  view  touching  the  Mosaic  law,  its  exaggeration  of  particular  features  of  the  same,  the  blood- 

n 


162  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


thirsty  spirit  it  breathes,  the  representation  of  the  Jewish  people  as  for  a  long  time  oppressed, 
references  to  the  prominent  position  of  the  Sanhedrin,  to  the  observance  of  the  day  before 
the  Sabbath  and  the  new  moons,  and  the  stress  laid  upon  the  circumcision  of  proselytes,  have 
led  most  unbiased  critics  to  think  of  the  later  centuries  before  Christ,  and  generally  to  fix 
upon  some  part  of  B.  c.  200,  for  the  date  of  its  origin.  The  influence  of  the  later  Hellenism 
on  the  composition  are  numerous  and  marked.  Cf.  iii.  7;  xv.  13;  xvi.  7.  This  view  is  also 
strongly  supported  by  Jewish  traditions.  According  to  Zunz  (^Vorlrage,  p.  124),  the  book  of 
Judith  "  stands  in  a  double  relation  to  the  Maccabasan  period:  On  the  one  hand,  it  gives  us  the 
sao'a  of  a  deliverance  and  of  a  supposed  public  festival.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  Inter  rab- 
binical teaching,  Judith  is  represented  as  daughter  of  Jochanan,  or  of  Mattathias,  and  heroine 
of  the  time  of  the  Hasmonaean  dynasty.  This  tradition  is  found  in  a  form  which  differs  very 
much  from  the  Greek,  in  the  collection  of  the  rabbinical  histories,  and  at  the  same  time  Jerome 
mentions  that  Judith  in  the  Aramaic  language  was  not  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  a  canoni- 
cal writing  but  as  a  history.  It  might  be  (juite  possible  that  in  a  Palestinian  city  a  festival  was 
observed  in  honor  of  some  heroic  deed  of  a  woman,  and  after  the  true  occasion  had  been  for- 
gotten and  had  given  place  to  a  much  enlarged  and  embellished  legend,  a  narrative  was  com- 
posed in  honor  of  Judith,  and  probably  before  the  destruction  of  the  temple."  The  rabbi 
Gutmann,  also  (Die  Apok.,  etc.,  p.  172),  in  support  of  his  theory  that  the  narrative  has  its 
basis  in  some  actual  occurrence,  adduces  incidentally  further  evidence  for  fixing  its  date  near 
the  Maccabsean  period.  He  says  that  the  story  is  quite  clearly  referred  to  in  a  prayer  which 
was  used  for  the  first  Sabbath  of  the  festival  of  the  dedication  of  the  temple,  beginning: 
3trm  ^2  TIDSS  ""3  ^T  "IS,  and  occurring  in  connection  with  a  reference  to  the  religious  perse- 
cutions under  Antiochus.  The  names  Judith,  Achior,  Olophernes,  are  distinctly  given.  How 
far  back  the  composition  of  this  prayer  dates  is  unknown. 

Literary  and  Moral  Character. 

As  a  purely  literary  work  the  composition  before  us  is  certainly  not  to  be  reckoned  among 
the  least  worthy  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha.  We  can  hardly  accord  to  it,  however,  the 
praise  of  which  Fritzsche  —  possibly  as  a  kind  of  indemnification  for  his  thoroughly  unfavor- 
able judgment  in  other  respects  —  sees  fit  to  give  it.  "The  narrative,"  he  says  (Einlek., 
p.  127),  "contains  nothing  tedious,  pompous,  strained,  but  is  brief,  simple,  natural,  and 
shows,  also,  originality.  Similar  things  may  be  found  in  the  older  literature,  but  not  in  the 
degree  that  one  can  really  charge  it  with  imitation.  It  is  the  spontaneous  fruit  rather  of  the 
author's  own  sphere  of  education,  or,  at  least,  he  makes  use  only  of  a  reminiscence  here  and 
there  in  the  pursuit  of  his  aim.  Appropriate,  and  sometimes,  most  appropriate  are  his  deline- 
ations of  single  points  and  characters.  The  representation  of  Nebuchadnezzar  brings  before 
one  the  image  of  an  insatiable  conqueror  who,  in  his  presumptuousness,  desires  to  know  that  he 
is  recosnized  as  lord  of  the  world,  yes,  even  as  Goil  himself.  Thatof  Holophernes,  the  success- 
ful o-eneral,  who,  proud  of  his  good  fortune,  imagines  himself  safe,  and  therefore  falls  so  easily 
a  victim  to  thoughtlessness  and  self-indulgence.  The  Jewish  people,  just  now  couscious  of 
freedom  from  heinous  sin,  especially  its  traditional  sin  of  idol-worship,  ought  to  have  con- 
fronted this  danger  without  fear,  but  in  its  weakness,  proved  itself  unequal  to  the  emergency. 
It  gives  up,  and  chooses  rather  to  submit  itself  to  the  will  of  the  enemy  tban  to  perish  heroically 
while  doing  the  utmost.  The  rulers,  indeed,  are  not  to  the  same  extent  wanting  in  confi- 
dence in  God,  still,  are  so  weak  as  to  yield  to  the  threats  of  the  people,  gaining  thereliy  only  a 
brief  respite  before  the  surrender  should  take  place,  —  which,  in  fact,  was  nothing  less  than  a 
temptint;  of  Providence.  This  people  sat  down  in  despair,  whose  history  had  made  such  a 
powerful  impression  upon  even  a  foreigner,  like  Achior,  that  he,  at  this  very  time,  ]iredicted 
to  the  haughty  foe  the  worst  consequences,  if  Israel  were  now  free  from  heinous  sin!  But  one 
man,  no  —  a  woman,  a  Jewess,  a  widow,  beautiful  and  rich,  despaired  not.  The  men  having 
become  women  she  became  a  man,  a  master,  the  ideal  of  the  genuine  Jewess.  In  the  strengtli- 
nin"  con.sciousness  of  the  strictest  observance  of  the  law  and  unsullied  chastity,  her  confi- 
dence in  God  is  not  to  be  shaken.  She  undertakes  with  manly  resolution,  through  one  bold 
act,  to  deliver  her  people  and  the  temple  of  her  God,  or  to  yield  herself  as  a  sacrifice  for  them. 
But  she  is  withal  a  woman,  and  as  such,  knows  full  well  how  to  employ  deception  and  dissim- 
ulation also." 

Did  Fritzsche  need,  as  in  these  closing  words,  to  slander  the  whole  of  womankind,  in  orde» 


THE   BOOK   OF  JUDITH.  163 


to  find  fitting  words  in  which  to  describe  this  old-time  heroine?  Or  did  he  think,  in  thus  seek- 
ing to  put  Judith  on  a  supposed  level  with  all  other  women  in  this  one  matter  of  a  capacity 
for  cunning  and  dissimulation,  to  weaken  the  force  of  one  of  the  principal  objections  against 
this  character  as  here  portrayed  ?  To  our  mind  it  is  one  of  the  chief  literary  faults  of  the 
author  of  our  book,  that  he  was  unable  to  sketch  this  idealJewish  woman,  without  making  her 
something  else  and  something  less  than  a  true  woman;  or  without  representing  her,  according 
to  Fritzsche's  judgment,  as  a  man  in  boldness,  and  a  woman  only  in  craft!  The  character, 
moreover,  is  not  simply  objectionable  from  a  literary  point  of  view,  but  even  more  so  from  a 
moral  stand-point.  The  question  needs  only  to  be  asked :  What  would  be  the  natural,  yes, 
inevitable  influence  of  this  story  of  Judith  on  the  mind  of  one  considering  it,  not  as  a  calm 
critic,  but  with  all  the  reverence  and  loving  prepossessions  of  one  taught  to  regard  it  as  a  part 
of  the  true,  inspired  Word  of  God?     Could  it  be  otherwise  than  most  harmful? 

This  Judith  tricks  herself  out  in  all  her  finery,  with  bracelets  and  anklets  and  pnint  in  order 
to  captivate  Olophernes  through  the  beauty  of  her  person  and  find  opportunity  to  take  his  life. 
Her  way  is  strewn  with  deception  from  first  to  last,  and  yet  she  is  represented  as  taking  God 
into  her  counsels  and  as  having  bis  special  blessing  in  her  enterprise.  Having  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  Assyrian  camp  and  inflaming  the  heart  of  Olophernes  with  unhallowed  passion, 
she  assents  to  his  request  to  take  part  in  a  carousal  at  his  tent  and  to  spend  a  night  in  his  em- 
brace (xii.  14).  "  Wlio  am  I,"  she  says,  "  that  I  should  gainsay  my  lord?  Surely  whatso- 
ever pleaseth  him  I  will  do  speedily  and  it  shall  be  my  joy  unto  the  day  of  my  death."  In 
fact,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  a  mere  matter  of  chance  that  Judith  escaped  an  impure  con- 
nection with  Olophernes,  and  something  which  she  could  by  no  means  have  counted  on  as  cer- 
tain —  not  to  say  probable  —  when  she  went  to  his  tent.  Indeed,  her  entire  proceeding  makes 
upon  us  the  impression  that  she  would  have  been  willing  even  to  have  yielded  her  body  to  this 
lascivious  Assyrian  for  the  sake  of  accomplishing  her  purpose.  That  God  by  his  providence 
interposed  to  prevent  such  a  crime,  cannot  relieve  her  of  the  odium  attaching  to  her  conduct. 
It  would,  in  truth,  have  required  of  her  a  faith  greater  than  that  of  Daniel  confronting  the 
lion's  den,  to  suppose  that  in  thus  rushing  uncalled  into  temptation  she  could  rely  on  the  divine 
interposition  at  the  nick  of  time.  And  she  exposes  herself  in  this  manner  to  sin,  simply  for 
the  present  purpose  of  gaining  the  confidence  of  a  weak  slave  of  his  passions  that  she  may  put 
him  to  death.  If  the  conduct  of  Jael,  in  .seeking  on  the  ;.pur  of  the  moment  the  life  of  a 
sleeping  guest  and  fugitive  who  had  confided  himself  to  the  protection  of  her  tent,  is  worthy 
of  reprobation,  there  are  elements  of  moral  turpitude  in  the  character  of  Judith  even  more 
reprehensible. 

Hers  was  a  deliberately  planned  assassination.  It  was  attempted  at  the  imminent  ri.sk  of 
sacrificing  her  own  purity.  It  was  carried  out  by  a  series  of  deceptions  which  would  do  credit, 
not  to  a  woman,  but  to  a  master  of  finesse  and  falsehood.  God's  blessing  was  invoked 
not  only  on  the  enterprise  in  general,  but  on  the  deceptions  themselves.  "  Smite,"  she  says 
(ix.  10),  "  by  the  deceit  of  my  lips  the  servant  with  the  prince."  And  again  (ix.  13) :  "  Make 
my  speech  and  deceit  to  be  their  wound  and  stripe."  An  old  commentator  (Calovius,  Bib. 
III.,  in  loc.)  remarks:  "Petere  enim  a  Deo  utfaveat  deceptinni  est  Deum  in  sociela/em  sceleris  co- 
care,  ut  promoveal  opus  Satanm,  et  innuere  deceptionem  aliquam  Deo  gralain  esse  posse:  petere  a 
Deo,  ul  inspire!  deceptionem,  est  statuere  Deum  esse  auctorem  peccati,  i.  e.  Deum  negare  esse 
Deum."  That  the  doctrine  of  the  present  book  should  give  no  ofi^ense  to  that  class  of  theolo- 
gians, one  of  whose  recognized  principles  is  that  "  the  end  justifies  the  means,"  is  not  sur- 
prising. It  is,  however,  matter  of  surprise  that  distinguished  Protestant  theologians  like 
Rudolph  StitiT  {Die  Apok.,  etc.,  passim),  and  others,  should  find  nothing  in  it  deservino- of 
special  censure.  It  breathes  throughout  the  spirit  of  that  condemned  Pharisaism  which  while 
straining  out  a  gnat  swallows  a  camel.  Dissimulation,  revenge,  an  indecent  coquetry,  an  abuse 
of  prayer  and  the  divine  Providence,  are  here  no  more  sins;  but  to  fail  of  the  observance  of  the 
ceremonial  law  in  the  least  particular,  that  is  the  greatest  of  offenses.  In  fact,  some  of  the 
most  solemn  and  divinely  sanctioned  lessons  of  Jewish  history  must  be  unlearned  in  order  to 
accept  the  moral  stand-point  of  the  present  narrative.  Judith,  for  instance,  proudly  traces 
her  descent  back  to  the  patriarchs.  It  is  Simeon,  who,  no  doubt  with  direct  reference  to  the 
vengeance  he  took  on  Shechem,  the  nolator  of  Dinah's  chastity,  is  assigned  to  her  as  ances- 
tor. And  yet  the  dying  Jacob  found  in  that  very  act  of  Simeon  occasion  for  loathing  and 
dread  :  "  O  my  soul,  come  not  thou  into  their  secret;  into  their  assembly,  mine  honor,  be  not 

thou  united;  for  in  their  anger  they  slew  a  man Cursed  be  their  anger  for  it  is  fierce, 

and  their  wrath  for  it  is  cruel."     Gen.  xlix.  6,  7. 


164  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Author  and  Original  Language. 

The  author  of  the  book  of  Judith  was  probably  a  Palestinian  Jew,  and  wrote  in  the  Hebrew 
language.  Both  of  these  views  are  accepted  with  considerable  unanimity  by  scholars  of  all 
confessions  and  shades  of  philosophical  opinion.  The  conjecture  of  Wolf,  that  Achior  the 
Ammonite  composed  it,  he  supports  by  a  long  array  of  learned  and  ingenious  arguments,  but 
they  are  not  such  as  carry  particular  weight  for  other  minds.  (Cf.  his  Cnm.,  pp.  188-196.) 
Eichhorn,  on  the  other  hand  (Einleil.,  p.  322  if.),  ascribes  the  work  to  the  pen  of  a  Christian 
who  lived  in  the  first  century,  and  wrote  in  Grvek.  With  him,  as  far  as  the  language  is  con- 
cerned, agree  Capellus,  Fabricius,  Jahn,  Dahne,  and  Von  Colin.  The  principal  fact  which  has 
weight  in  determining  the  place  of  composition,  is  the  definite  knowledge  shown  by  the  author 
concerning  the  geography  and  history  of  Palestine,  while  in  the  case  of  other  lands  coming 
under  notice  he  expresses  himself  only  in  the  most  general  terms.  The  writer,  however, 
seems  not  to  have  lived  at  Jerusalem,  but  as  it  would  appear,  at  some  point  in  the  neiijhbor- 
hood  of  the  real,  or  fictitious,  Betulua,  where  the  principal  scene  of  the  narrative  is  laid,  i.  e., 
somewhere  in  the  mountains  that  overlook  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 

Most  of  the  grounds  for  maintaining  that  the  work  was  originally  written  in  Hebrew  must 
be  sought  in  the  composition  itself.  Jerome  does,  indeed,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Book  of  Tobit, 
speak  of  having  used  a  "  Chaldaic  "  text  in  the  preparation  of  his  Latin  translation  (Vulgate) 
of  Judith,  but  there  is  little  probability  that  this  text  was  the  original.  (Cf.  Prcef.  ad  lib. 
Judith.)  In  apparent  contradiction  to  his  testimony,  Origen  affirms  (£/).  ad  African.),  that 
the  Jews  made  no  use  of  the  work  even  as  apocryphal,  as  he  had  learned  from  themselves. 
Just  what  he  means  by  this,  is  uncertain.  It  is  said  by  some  that  the  remark  had  its  ground 
in  the  fact  that  the  "Chaldaic"  original  at  this  time  had  been  so  far  supplanted  by  the 
Greek  text  that  it  e.xisted  in  only  a  very  few  copies,  and  that  hence  it  was  unknown  to  the 
Jews  with  whom  Origen  conferred  about  it.  But  it  seems  far  more  likely  that  this  so-called 
"  Chaldaic  "  text  may  have  been  simply  a  translation  of  the  work  into  the  language  prevalent 
in  Palestine  at  the  time  of  Christ.  At  least,  so  far  as  his  work  is  to  be  taken  in  evidence, 
Jerome  could  have  made  but  very  little  use  of  any  "  Chaldaic  "  te.xt,  the  "  many  codices"  of 
which  he  speaks  being  doubtless  but  different  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin,  by  which,  as  matter  of 
fact,  he  was  chiefly  influenced.     Cf.  below,  under  "  Different  Texts,  Vulgate." 

But  the  proofs  of  a  Hebrew  original  furnished  by  the  book  itself,  even  in  its  Greek  dress, 
are  quite  sufficient.  They  consist  not  alone  in  examples  of  Hebraisms  occurring  here  and 
there,  but  in  the  entire  form  and  coloring  of  the  composition  from  beginning  to  end:  its 
lexicography,  its  syntax,  and  its  style.  Among  other  things,  the  infrequent  use  of  Greek 
particles  is  quite  noticeable.  No  other  book  of  the  LXX.  can  compare  with  it  in  this 
respect.  In  chapters  i.,  iii.,  iv.,  xi.,  the  particle  S4  is  wholly  wanting;  oAAo,  in  iii.-v., 
vii.,  ix.-xi.,  xiii.,  xv.;  n€i/  occurs  only  at  v.  20;  S^,  only  at  xi.  2,  15,  xii.  4,  xiv.  2.  The 
particles  re,  oSi/,  and  Spa,  are  not  found  at  all.  On  the  other  hand,  the  expression,  so  com- 
mon in  Hebrew,  e'v  rais  fifiepaa,  occurs  ten  different  times;  and  a<t>65pa  (IS"),  about  thirty 
times.  There  are  also  many  apparent  examples  of  failure  on  the  part  of  the  Greek  trans- 
lator to  understand  the  original,  —  easily  to  be  explained  on  the  supposition  that  the  original 
was  Hebrew.  For  instance,  at  chap.  iii.  9,  we  have  toC  irpiovos,  instead  of  to5  ircSfou,  as  in 
chap.  iv.  6  ;  because  in  the  first  case  the  translator  probably  read  "liS^Q,  instead  of  "iiJl"C' 
At  chap.  i.  8,  he  evidently  read  "'0^2  instead  of  ■'^^2,  and  hence  translated  4v  rois  tSveat 
instead  of  Iv  Toii  n6\e<riv,  as  might  have  been  expected.  And  at  chap.  ii.  28,  he  gives  Soup 
as  the  rendering,  it  would  seem,  of  "ii"''  Aupa.  Cf.  1  Mace.  xv.  11.  Other  apparent  failures 
of  translation  have  also  been  noticed:  as  at  ii.  2,  ix.  9. 

A  multitude  of  peculiar  expressions,  too,  indicate  a  Hebrew  origin.  We  have  at  vii.  4, 
for  example,  'cKaaros  irphs  rhv  TrX-tjatov  avrov ;  at  iv.  2,  (rip65pa,  (T(p6Spa,  as  the  probable  transla- 
tion (as  we  have  noticed  above)  of  IS!;,  twice  repeated;  at  vi.  12,  i&a\ov  iv  \l6oi!,  as  it 
would  appear  for  □''3DS3  ^"1^.  Cf.  also  the  use  of  Kal  at  the  beginning  of  sentences  intro- 
ducing a  conclusion  (vi.  1 ;  xi.  11  ;  xiv.  11;  xv.  3,  and  elsewhere),  as  well  as  the  frequent  em- 
ployment of  a  demonstrative  in  connection  with  a  relative  (v.  19;  vii.  10;  viii.  22;  x.  2;  xvi.  4). 
Moreover,  some  of  the  geographical  names  of  the  book,  for  which  no  corresponding  places 
are  now  to  be  found,  may  [lerliMps  Ijc  accounted  for  on  the  natural  supposition  of  an  incorrect 
rendering  of  the  same  from  ilic  llrlirew      .Src  De  Wette,  Einleit.,  p.  577.     That  these  uamef 


THE  BOOK  OF  JUDITH.  165 


in  every  instance,  however,  represent  an  actual  place  then  existing  need  not  be  assumed.  On 
these  and  other  similar  grounds,  then,  we  are  quite  safe  in  accepting,  with  Ewald,  De  Wette, 
Fritzsche,  Vaihinger,  Hitzig,  Nbldeke,  Keil,  Volkraar,  and  many  others,  the  opinion  that  the 
Book  of  Judith  was  originally  written  in  some  dialect  of  tlie  Hebrew  language. 

The  Different   Exkting  Texts. 

Like  the  ancient  Hebrew  books  of  the  Bible  which  had  been  translated  into  Greek  by  the 
Hellenistic  Jews,  the  Book  of  Judith  also,  not  long  after  its  composition,  was  similarly 
honored,  and  after  a  time  found  a  place  in  the  Greek  Bible.  And  although  this  Greek  text 
has  in  the  course  of  time  been  considerably  modified  in  its  form,  it  still  maintains  its  place 
(in  the  absence  of  the  original)  as  the  purest,  most  e.xiict  and  complete,  representation  of  the 
same  now  in  existence.  In  fact,  considering  that  it  is  extant  in  different  MSS.,  was  the 
vul<.rar  text  of  the  early  church,  and  has  been  subject  to  the  vicissitudes  of  all  such  ancient 
works,  the  imperfections  are  no  more  numerous  than  might  have  been  expected. 

According  to  Fritzsche  (Einleit.,  p.  117,  and  Libri  Apoc.  Vet.  Test.,  Prfef.,  p.  xviii),  this 
text  is  to  be  found  in  its  best  form  in  IT.,  far  less  pure  in  III.  52.  and  65.  Outside  of  these, 
the  other  MSS.  range  themselves  as  follows:  on  the  one  side,  44.  71.  74.  76.  106.  107.  236., 
and  often  23.;  on  the  other  side,  64.  243.  248.  249.,  to  which  often  52.  55.  and  III.  join  them- 
selves. The  Complutensian  and  Aldine  editions  of  the  LXX.  present  a  mixed  text,  made 
up  from  that  found  in  both  of  the  series  of  MSS.  Each  of  these  two  families  of  codices  has 
a  text  which,  mainly  for  subjective  reasons,  has  been  much  amended;  the  former,  however, 
more  than  the  latter.  In  connection  with  this  common  form  of  the  Greek  text,  thus  modified, 
there  are  also  two  other  forms  in  which  it  has  been  transmitted  in  this  language,  — the  one, 
as  found  in  the  MS.  58.,  which  is  followed  by  the  Syriac  and  Old  Latin  versions  ;  the  other,  in 
MSS.  19.  and  108.  These  are  not,  however,  to  be  looked  upon  as  different  recensions  from 
the  original,  but  simply  as  independent  efforts  to  work  over  into  a  shape  more  acceptable  to 
the  person  or  persons  concerned  the  ordinary  Greek  text.  One  among  many  proofs  of  this 
is  the  fact  that  all  the  Greek  MSS.,  as  well  as  the  Syriac  and  Old  Latin,  have  at  chap.  iii.  9, 
the  reading  toO  irployoi  instead  of  rod  -mSiov ;  the  Greek  translator  having  obviously,  as  we  have 
shown  under  the  last  head,  read  the  Hebrew  at  this  point  falsely.  Nickcs,  with  whom 
Volkinar  agrees,  differs  somewhat  from  Fritzsche  with  respect  to  the  value  to  be  attached  to 
the  several  MSS.  According  to  him,  the  common  Greek  te-\t  is  to  be  found  in  II.  III.  (23.) 
52.  55.  Of  the  other  MSS.,  64.  243.  248.  249.  belong  together  on  the  one  side,  and  44.  106. 
71.  74.  76.  236.  on  the  other.  The  MSS.  58.  19.  108.  form  a  class  by  themselves  ;  with  which, 
moreover,  the  Old  Latin  and  Syriac  best  agree. 

The  Vulgate,  as  the  text  which  has  been  most  used  and  translated,  and  been  made  the 
ground  of  comment,  not  only  by  Roman  Catholics  but  by  Protestants,  down  to  a  very  late 
period,  has  attained  to  honors  and  a  position  quite  undeserved.  It  is  simply  an  arbitrary, 
and  often  extravagant,  working  over  of  the  narrative  on  the  basis  of  the  Old  Latin,  which 
itself  (as  we  have  seen)  is  but  an  imperfect  offspring  of  the  Greek.  The  principal  features 
of  the  story  are  indeed  preserved  ;  but  witliin  these  limits  the  changes  are  numerous  and 
important.  There  are,  for  example,  alterations  in  the  order  of  statement  (chap.  xiv.  5-10 
stands  at  the  close  of  chap.  xiii.).  Considerable  is  left  out  (i.  13-16)  ;  quite  as  much  added 
(iv.  11  f.;  xiv.  8  f.).  The  sense  is  sometimes  essentially  modified.  Differences  in  names 
and  numbers  are  quite  noticeable.  It  is  interesting,  indeed,  to  observe  more  particularly 
what  Jerome  says  of  his  own  work  in  the  preface  to  the  same,  as  above  quoted.  He  in 
substance  remarks  that  it  was  reckoned  by  the  Jews  among  apocryphal  works  (Jiagiographa. 
Cf.  Credner,  Geschichte  des  N.  T.  Kan.,  p.  309  ff. );  that  lie  himself  held  it  in  no  great  estima- 
tion, and  could  spare  no  time  for  a  thorough  handling  of  it.  But  inasmuch  as  some  greatly 
Irized  the  book,  and  it  was  used  at  the  Nicene  Council  with  the  other  Scriptures,  he  had 
done  his  friends  the  favor  of  editing  it.  Still,  he  had  given  it  little  attention  (^unam  lucu- 
hratiunculam  dedi);  and  it  was  necessarily  so  (^seposilis  occnpulionibiis  oehemenler  arclatu^'); 
tnoreover,  quite  proper,  since  the  book  had  really  no  authority,  and  could  not  be  used  for 
\eciding  questions  in  dispute  {cujus  auctorilns  ad  rnboranda  ea.  quce  in  conlenlionem  veniunt, 
iiinus  idonea  judicatur').  He  had  not  translated  (>uin  ex  cerbo  cei-bum  transfer  ens),  he  adds, 
ut  simply  given  the  sense  [sensum  e  sensu),  and  that  in  a  condensed  form,  hoping  tlms  the 
more  easily  to  overcome  the  diflicidty  ari.sing  from  the  many  variations  in  the  [l^atin]  MSS., 
and  get  at  the  meaning  of  his  "  Clialdaic  "  copv  (mulloruni  cndicum  varietatem  vitiosissimam 
anwutavi,  sola  ea,  qum  intelligentia  Integra  in  verbis  C/ialdceis  invenire  potui,  Lalinis  expressi). 


166  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Jerome  made  any  use,  in  his  superficial  work,  of  Greek  MSS., 
or  much  use  of  the  "  Chaldaic  "  of  which  he  speaks.  De  Wette  {Eiideil.,  p.  576)  says  there 
is  but  one  apparent  instance  of  the  hitter.  In  chap.  xvi.  3,  he  has  in  mullitudine  fortitudinis 
su(e,  while  the  Greek  is  ^v  /ivptain  SvfdfKas  auTov,  D";  having  seemingly  been  read  instead  of 
127.  In  this  chapter,  elsewhere,  his  translation  conforms  almost  Uterally  to  the  Old  Latin, 
while  throughout  the  entire  book  parts  of  verses,  peculiar  constructions,  noticeable  words, 
furnish  the  unmistakable  proof  that  his  chief  reliance  was  on  his  Latin  MSS.  Fritzsche 
mentions,  indeed,  as  convincing  evidence  in  this  direction,  the  fact  that  quite  a  number  of 
Latin  forms  and  expressions  are  found  in  this  translation  of  Jerome,  which  occur  in  none 
of  his  other  works,  and  which  may  be  traced  directly  to  his  Latin  authorities  (Einteil.,  p.  22). 
Some  critics  even  doubt  whether  Jerome  really  had  the  book  in  a  "  Chaldaic  "  text  before 
him  at  all.  In  addition  to  the  positively  adverse  testimony  of  Origen,  already  noticed,  it  is 
thought  that  this  father  might  have  made  the  assertion — -as  he  seems  not  to  have  been  above 
doing  in  other  instances  — simply  for  effect.  (Of.  Volkraar,  iim/ciV.,  p.  9.)  Such  a  supposi- 
tion would  be,  at  least,  scarcely  less  probable  than  that  of  Nickes,  that  the  passan-e  cited 
from  Origen  is  an  interpolation;  or  that  of  Scholz  and  Wolf,  that  a  distinction  is  to  be 
made  between  a  "  Chaldaic  "  and  a  "  Hebrew"  text,  and  that  Origen  speaks  simpiv  of  not 
knowing  of  the  existence  of  one  of  the  latter  kind.  But  the  recent  discovery  of  a  Chaldaic 
text  of  Tobit,  which  may  have  been  used  by  Jerome  in  his  translation  of  that  book,  is  in- 
directly corroborative  of  this  father's  assertion,  and  it  will  probably  be  no  longer  disputed. 

Ecclesiastical   Recognition. 

By  virtue  of  its  connection  with  the  other  books  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  translation 
of  the  LXX.,  the  work  before  us,  like  Tobit  and  the  remaining  apocryphal  compositions, 
found  its  way  into  the  Christian  church.  It  seems  to  have  been  held  in  no  little  estimation, 
and  to  have  been  widely  used.  The  fact  that  Josephus  makes  no  reference  to  it  has  been 
improperly  urged  by  some  as  certain  evidence  of  late  origin.  It  is  first  cited  by  Clement  of 
Rome  (i.  55).  Clement  of  Alexandria,  also,  quotes  it  with  respect.  Jerome  and  Oritren, 
however,  as  we  have  seen,  were  too  well  informed  to  concede  to  it  canonicity.  The  unsup- 
ported assertion  of  Jerome,  that  it  was  used  at  the  Nicene  Council  in  numero  Scripturarum, 
must  not  be  taken  for  more  than  it  is  worth.  Melito  of  Sardis  does  not  place  it  in  his  list  of 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  was  that  of  the  Palestinian  LXX. ,  i,  e. ,  the  LXX. 
as  revised  from  the  Hebrew.  The  Apostolic  Canons  have  been  impro|)erly  cited  in  its  favor 
(cf.  art.  "  Apostol.  Can.,"  in  Diet,  of  Christian  Antiq.,  p.  113).  It  was  rejected  by  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  and  Athanasius,  and  Nicephorus  placed  it  among  the  books  ''  disputed,"  in  his 
Slichometry .  Hilary  speaks  of  some  who  sought  to  make  out  twenty-four  books  in  the  Old 
Testament,  corresponding  to  the  number  of  letters  in  the  Greek  Alphabet,  ''by  the  addition 
of  Tobit  and  Judith  "  (t.  e.,  in  place  of  Ruth  and  Lamentations).  This  may  be  taken  as 
plain  evidence  that  the  work  was  sometimes  assigned  to  an  undeserved  place,  simply  through 
the  lack  of  knowledge  and  investigation.  (Cf.  Westcott,  Bib.  in  Ch.,  p.  180).  Rutlinus 
enumerates  it  among  the  books  called  "ecclesiastical,"  in  distinction  from  "canonical." 
That  now,  notwithstanding  so  much  uncertainty,  and  on  the  part  of  some  decided  oi>position, 
the  Book  of  Judith  attained  to  the  rank  of  a  canonical  work  in  the  Western  church,  was 
evidently  due  not  to  the  essential  merit  of  the  composition  itself,  or  a  knowledge  of  its  history, 
but  to  the  want  of  discrimination  and  conscientiousness  on  the  part  of  those  having  to  do  with 
it.  And  that  the  Council  of  Trent  should  finally  set  its  seal,  not  only  on  the  book  as  such, 
but  on  Jerome's  so-called  translation  of  the  same,  as  from  that  time  to  be  and  to  be  treated 
as  of  inspired  authority  throughout  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  did  not  alter  its  essentia. 
character  in  any  respect,  or  reverse  the  true  verdict  of  history  respecting  it. 


JUDITH. 


Chapter  I. 

1  In  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Nabuchodonosor,  who  reigned  over  the  As- 
syrians '  in  Nineve,  the  great  city,  in  the  days  of  Arphaxad,  who  ^  reigned  over  the 

2  Medes  in  Ecbatana,'  and  built  at  Ecbatana  and  round  about  it  walls  of  hewn 
stones  *  three  cubits   broad  and  six  cubits  long,  and  made  the  height  of   the  wall 

3  seventy  cubits,  and  the  breadth  thereof  fifty  cubits,  and  set  the  towers  thereof  upon 
the  gates  of  it,  an  hundred   cubits   /ligk,  and  laid  the   foundation  of   them   to  the 

4  breadth  of  ^  threescore  cubits,  and  made  ^  the  gates  thereof,  eren  gates  that  were 
raised  to  the  height  of  seventy  cubits,  and  the  breadth  of  them  was  forty  cubits,  for 
the  going  forth  of  his  mighty  armies,  and  for  the  setting  in  array  of  his  footmen  ; 

5  even  in  those  days  the  Idng  Nabuchodonosor  made  war  with  king  Arphaxad  in  the 

6  great  plain  that  is  on '  the  borders  of  Ragau.  And  there  allied  themselves  with  * 
him  all  they  that  dwelt  in  the  hill  country,  and  all  that  dwelt  by  the  ^  Euphrates, 
and  the  ^  Tigris,  and  the  ^  Hydaspes,  and  in  '"  the  plain  of  Arioch  the  king  of  the  Ely- 
majans ;  and  many  ^^  nations  assembled  themselves  against  the  sons  of   Cheleud.^'" 

7  And  Nabuchodonosor  the  king  of  the  Assyrians  sent  unto  all  that  dwelt  in  Persia, 
and  to  all  that  dwelt  westward,  and  to  those  that  dwelt  in  Cilicia,  and  Damascus, 

8  Libanus,'^  and  Antilibanus,  and  to  all  that  dwelt  upon  the  sea  coast,  and  to  those 
amongst  the  nations  "  that  were  of  Carmelus,  and  Galaad,  and  the  upper '°  Galilee, 

9  and  the  great  plain  of  Esdrelom,  and  to  all  that  were  in  Samaria  and  the  cities  thereof, 
and  beyond  the  ^''  Jordan  unto  Jerusalem,  and  Betane,  and  Chelus,"  and  Kades,  and 
the  river  of  Egypt,  and  Taphnas,"*  and  Ramesse,  and  the  whole  '^  land  of  Gesem, 

10  until  you  come  above-"  Tanis  and  Memphis,  and  to  all  tlie  inhabitants  of  Egypt, 

11  until  you  come  to  the  borders  of  Etliiopia.     And-^  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole 
earth  -^  made  light  of  the  commandment  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  the  Assyrians, 
neither  went  they  with  him  to  the  battle,  for  they  were  not  afraid  of  him,  but  -^  he  • 
was  before  them  as  one  man  ;  -^  and  they  sent  back  -^  his  ambassadors  from  them 

12  empty,-"  and  with  disgrace.  And  '"  Nabuchodonosor  was  very  angry  with  all  tliis 
country,  and  swore  -*  by  his  throne  and  kingdom,  that  he  would  surely  -"^  be  avenged 
upon  all  the  borders  **  of  Cilicia,  and  Damascus,  and  Syria,  that  he  would  slay  with 
his  sword  also  all  '^  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  iloab,  and  the  cliildren  of  Am- 
mon,  and  all  Judaja,  and  all  that  were  in   Egypt,  till  you  come  to  the  borders  of 

13  the  two  seas.     And  he  put  his  army  '-  in  battle  array  against  king  Arphaxad  in  the 

Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  A.  V. :  omits  over  the  Assyrians  ( ■  Aa-avptoji',  iu  nearly  all  the  authorities,  but  not  in  52.  64.  249.  Co. 
Aid.).  2  which.  3  Ecbatane.  ^  in  Ecbataue  walls  round  about  of  stones  hewn  (c'tt'  'E.  koX  kvkK^^,  etc.  The 
connectiTe  fails  in  HI.  44.  64.  74.  106.  236.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid. ;  19.  108.,  "  built  Ecbatana  and  enclosed  it  with  walls, 
etc.)  5  the  breadth  thereof  in  the  foundation.     Fritzsche  would  emend  the  text.  Tec.  by  substituting  avTuiv  for 

avrijc,  after  irAaro?,  since  the  towers  and  not  the  city  must  be  referred  to.     So,  too,  in  Ter.  4. 

Vers.  4-8.  —  »  A.  V. :  he  made.        '  king  N which  is  the  plain  in.    (III.  X.  62.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Old  Lat.   Co 

Aid.  supply  Trefii'o*'.    The  text.  rec.hiLS  simply  Toi)Ti  eariv.)  ^  came  unto  (Gr.,  ovt^iTTjtrai'  irpo?  avT6fi  see  Com.}. 

8  omits  the.        i^  omits  in.  ^  Elymeans  and  very  many.     We  omit  atfioSpa.  after  jroAAa,  with  II.  III.  X.  Old  Lat. 

^  A.  V.  :  of  the  sons  of  Chelod,  assembled  themselves  to  battle  (see  Com.).  For  the  reading  xe^eoiiS  are  III.  23.  44.  58. 
and  many  others.  The  form  of  the  word  in  the  text.  rec.  {and  II.)  is  ;^€Xeou\.  i3  A.  V.  :  Then  N.  king  ....  and 
Libanus.  III.  19  58.  64.  74.  76.  108.  Co.  Aid.  prefix  (cat.  ^*  Instead  of  Tois  edvein,  which  probably  arose  from  a  mis- 
translation (see  Com.),  raU  TriAeo-tf  should  probably  be  read.        ^^  A.  V. :  Carmel  ....  higher. 

Vers.  9-11.— 10  A.  v.:  oOTi'ls  the.        "  Chellus  (II.  III.  «  a/.,  XeAoiis).         i»  Taphnes.  »  aU  the.  =»  beyond 

(Or.,  iTravui).         21  j5ut.  -~  land  (text,  rec.,  TTatrav  Tr)v  •yrjt' ;  19.  23.  58.  64.  at.  with  Co.  Aid.  omit  TTatraw).        23  yea 

(Gr.,  oAA").  -^  With  Fritzsche,  we  adopt  el?  after  (i?  avrfp,  from  III.  X.  19.  23.  52.  and  others,  instead  of  lo-os  of  the 

texi.  Tec.  (with  II.).        -■^'  A.  V.  :  away.        2fi  w-ithout  effect. 

Vers.  12-16.  —  2^  A.  V. :  Therefore.  26  sware.        20  Fritzsche  receives  for  ei  itrjv  of  the  text,  rec,  ^  /itjV.    He  sus- 

pects, however,  that  the  true  reading  of  the  text.  Tec.  was  el  nj].        30  \.  y.  :  those  coasts.        3i  and  (106.  108.  OO-)  that 

.  .  .  the  sword  all  (108.  Co.).         ^2  Then  he  marched  .  .         with  his  pow-er.    The  Greek  might  also  be  reniered : 


Kis 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


seventeenth  year,  and  he  prevailed  in  his  battle,  and  put  to  flight  the  whole  army  ' 
of  Arphasad,  and  all  his  horsemen,  and  all  liis  chariots,  and  became  lord  of  his 

14  cities  ;   and  he  "  came  unto  Ecbatana,*  and  took  the  towers,  and  spoiled  the  streets 

15  thereof,  and  turned  the  beauty  tliereof  into  its  shame.  He  took  also  Arphaxad  in 
the  mountains  of  Ragau,  and  smote  him  through  with  his  spears,''  and  destroyed  him 

1 6  utterly  that  day.  And  °  he  returned  with  them  *  to  Nineve,  both  he  and  all  his 
mixed  troop,'  behig  a  very  great  multitude  of  men  of  war ;  and  there  he  took  his 
ease,  and  banqueted,  both  he  and  his  army,  an  hundred  and  twenty  days. 

attacked  with  his  army  etc.  [jraperofaTO  kv  Tfl  fiura^ei  avToO  Trpbs  'A.).  1  A.  V. :  for  he  overthrew  all  the  power.  '  omits 
he.  3  Ecbatane.  ^  into  (44.  71.  74.  76.  106.  236.  omit  avrris)  shame  ....  darts  (Gr..  ^t^yi-ais).  ^  So.  ^  after- 
ward. The  words  tier  avriav  —  probably  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  translating  them  —  are  omitted  in  19. 108.  Old 
Lat.  Syr.    Of.  Com.         '  A.  V. :  company  of  sundry  nations  t(nJtJ.fiiKTCK). 


Chapter  I. 


Ver.  1.  This  Terse  is  left  incomplete  on  ac- 
count of  a  long  parenthetic  statement  beginnintj 
with  verse  second,  the  natural  course  of  the  nar- 
rative not  being  resumed  till  verse  fifth.  —  In 
Nitieve.  Rather,  in  Babylon.  Cf.  Introduction, 
under  the  first  heading.  —  Arphaxad.  A  person 
of  this  name  is  mentioned  in  the  canonical  Scrip- 
tures (Gen.  X.  22,  24;  xi.  10)  as  the  son  of  Sliem 
and  .nncestor  of  Elier  ;  and  it  is  an  interesting 
fact  that  Josephus  held  him  to  be  the  ancestor  of 
the  Chaldse.ans  (Aidiq.,  1,  6,  §4).  The  Median 
king  who  is  here  so  called  is  thought  by  some  to 
be  identical  with  Deioces,  by  others  with  his  son, 
Phranrtes;  while  Niebuhr  regards  the  word  as 
but  anotlier  form  of  Astyages  (Aslidahak),  a  com- 
mon title  of  the  rulers  of  Media.  Cf.  Winer, 
Realicorterb. ;  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Vers.  2-4.  Eobatana.  There  were  two  Ec- 
batanas  :  one  in  the  north,  the  other  in  the  south, 
of  Media.  The  latter  is  douhtle.<iS  meant.  Ac- 
cording to  the  text  of  the  Vulgate  Arphaxad 
built  the  entire  city  ;  according  to  the  other  texts, 
only  the  fortifications.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
it  is  not  probable  that  Ecbataua  ever  had  any 
walls  of  the  character  here  described.  Rawlin- 
8on  says  :  "  The  Medes  and  Persians  appear  to 
have  been  in  general  content  to  establish  in  each 
town  a  fortified  citadel  or  stronghold,  round 
which  the  houses  were  clustered,  without  super- 
iddiiig  the  further  defense  of  a  strong  wall. 
[Modern  researches  have  discovered  no  signs  of 
town  walls  at  any  of  the  old  Persian  or  Median 
sites.]  Ecbataua,  accordingly,  seems  never  to 
have  stood  a  siege.  |It  yielded  at  once  to  Cyrus, 
to  Alexander,  and  to  Autiochus  the  Great.]  When 
*iie  nation  which  held  it  was  defeated  in  the  open 
field,  the  city  [unlike  Babylon  or  Nineveh]  sub- 
mitted to  the  conqueror  without  a  struggle.  Thus 
the  marvelous  description  in  the  Book  of  Judith, 
which  is  internally  very  itnprobable,  woidd  ap- 
pear to  be  entirely  destitute  of  atiy,  even  the 
slightest,  foundation  in  fa<'t."  See  Ancient  Mon., 
ii.  268.  The  northern  Ecbatana  or  Gaza,  at  a 
period  considerably  later  in  the  time  of  the  Sas- 
sanians,  was  iiuleed  surrounded  with  a  strong 
wall,  which  was  guarded  by  numerous  bastions, 
and  pierced  by  gateways ;  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence that  this  was  ever  true  of  the  Median 
city. 

Ver.  5.  Kagau  (Rages,  Rlmges).  It  was  the 
city  next  in  importance  to  the  two  Ecbaianas  in 
ancient  Media,  and  was  situate<l  at  the  extreme 
eastern  part  of  the  empire.  It  was  the  name 
also  given  to  a  considerable  district  within  which 
the  city  lay.     If  there  be  any  liisiorical  truth  at 


the  basis  of  the  present  narrative  at  this  point, 
it  may  rest  on  the  fact  that  the  Median  rebel 
Phraortes  fled  to  this  place  after  his  defeat  by 
Darius  Hysta.spis.  Cf.  Rawlinson  in  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.,  art.  "  Rages ; "  and  Ancient  Mon.,  iii. 
412. 

Ver.  6.  Allied  themselves  with  him,  i.  e., 
Nabuchodonosor.  The  Greek  here  is  crvyiii'TriaaD 
trpis  a\n6v.  The  verb  is  used  in  a  friendly  as  well 
as  in  a  hostile  sense  ;  here,  evidently  in  the  for- 
mer. They  responded  to  his  summons  to  act  as 
his  auxiliaries  in  this  war.  —  Hydaspes.  Not 
likely  the  river  in  India  of  this  name,  but  pos- 
sibly the  same  as  the  Choaspes  in  Snsiana.  The 
Romans,  in  fact,  sometimes  gave  the  river  Cho- 
aspes this  name.      See  Winer,  Realwortei  b.,  ad  voc. 

—  Ariooh.  Cf.  Gen.  xiv.  1,  9;  Dan.  ii.  14.— 
Elymeeans,  Cf.  Gen.  xiv.  9.  The  country  which 
to  the  Jews  was  known  as  Elam  was  called  also 
Cissia  or  Susiana,  and  lay  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  Tigris  from  Baliylon.  —  Assembled  them- 
selves against  the  sons  of  Cheleud,  ets  Trapar- 
a^iv  viiiv  XeKeovS.  It  has  been  conjectured  that 
Cheleud  is  a  corruption  for  XaKtiu,  i.  e.,  Ktesi- 
phon.  Ewald,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  that  the 
word  is  a  nickname  for  the  Syrians ;  namely, 
"  sons  of  the  moles,"  that  is,  "  trench  di^'gers  " 
(I'Tr)'  De  Wette  translates,  with  the  A.  V., 
"  from  the  sons  of  Cheleud."  And  Wolf  (  Com.,  ad 
loc.)  .supposes  it  to  be  a  rendering  of  ,'~ll'T''n""'^3, 
and  woidd  translate  "  sons  of  the  army,"  or, 
freely,  "  born  soldiers." 

Ver.  7.  Of  the  lands  to  the  West  which  are 
first  mentioned  in  geueial  terms,  Damascus  and 
Cilicia  are  by  way  of  example  particularly  speci- 
fied. The  writer  seems  to  have  Palestine  all  the 
while  in  view,  and,  when  he  readies  it,  accords  to 
it  a  much  more  detailed  description.  — •  Tlphs  Sutr- 
jua?s.  Lit.,  toward  the  settings,  the  genitive  ijKiov 
being  understood.  —  Cilicia.  This  was  the  ino.-t 
southeasterly  province  of  Asia  Minor  nearest  to 
Syria,   whose    principal    city   is  next   mentioned 

—  Libanus  and  Antilibanus.  Lihanus  is  the 
Greek  form  of  the  wiird  Lebanon.  'I'he  word 
Antilibanus  is  not  elsewhere  found  in  the  Biide 
(cf.  Josh.  xiii.  5).  The  region  indicated  is  usually 
known  as  Ctt'le-Syria,  "  the  hollow  Syria,"  taking 
its  name  from  the  valley,  about  a  hundred  miles 
long,  which  lay  between  Lebanon  and  Anti- 
Lebanon. 

Ver.  8.  Among  the  nations.  Vaihinger  (Her- 
zog's  lieal-Enci/k.,  an.  "Judith")  and  others  dis- 
cover here  a  failure  in  translation;  ''tiV2  having 


JUDITH. 


lt)9 


been  read  instead  of  ^~li?3.  "  among  the  cities." 
Cf.  Textual  Notes.  —  Carmelus.  The  Carmel 
meant  is  doubtless  the  well-known  Mount  Carmel 
so  celebrated  in  Jewish  history  through  its  con- 
nectiou  with  scenes  in  the  life  of  the  prophet  Elijah. 
It  lay  ou  the  Mediterranean.  There  was  anotlier 
Carmel  (cf.  Josh.  xv.  55)  in  the  mountainous 
country  of  Judah.  —  Galaad.  This  is  the  Greek 
form  of  the  word  Gilead.  —  Upper  Galilee,  i.  e., 
the  country  north  of  Carmel  and  west  of  the 
Jordan.  —  And  the  great  plain  of  Bsdrelom. 
This  word  has  different  forms  even  in  the  present 
book.  At  iii.  9,  iv.  6,  it  is  Esdraehn  ;  at  vii.  3, 
Eiidi-aelom,  in  the  "received  text,"  although  some 
good  manuscripts  (X.)  have  an  v  instead  of  /i  as 
the  last  letter.  It  is  the  Greek  form  of  the  He- 
brew word  Jezreel,  and  the  name  is  given  to  the 
plain  in  honor  of  the  old  city  which  occupied  its 
eastern  extremity. 

Ver.  9.  Samaria,  i.  c,  the  district,  and  not  the 
city.  —  And  beyond  the  Jordan.  Here  this 
phrase  me;ms,  not  as  commonly  the  country  east 
of  the  Jordan,  but  that  lying  west  of  the  river.  — 
Betane.  Tliis  place  is  not  easily  identified.  Mo- 
vers, followed  by  Fritzsche,  Buusen's  Bibelicerk, 
and  other  authorities,  think  that  the  Beth-anoth 
of  Josh.  XV.  59  is  meant,  —  a  place  in  the  moun- 
tainous district  of  Judah.  According  to  Rawliu- 
son  {Herod.,  ii.  460)  the  Batansea,  or  Betana,  of 
the  Greeks,  the  Basan  of  the  Jews,  and  ancient 
capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Og,  is  intended  (see 
Num.  xxi.  33).  —  Chelus.  Supposed  by  some  to 
be  the  Halhul  of  Josh.  xv.  58.      Others  would 


identify  it  with  Chalutza  (EInsa).  —  Eadea.  Pos- 
sibly the  Kedesh  (tl'l[;)  of  Josh.  xv.  23.  — 
Taphnas.  A  frontier  fortification  near  Pelusium 
and  the  "  Daphnfe  Pelnsite  "  of  Herod.,  ii.  .30, 107. 

—  Ramesse.  Probably  the  chief  city  of  the  land 
of  Goshen  in  Egypt.  —  Gesem.     Goshen. 

Ver.  1 0.  Tanis.  Thought  to  be  identical  with 
the  ancient  Zoan. 

Ver.  11.  'E(pai\taav,  made  light  of.  See  also 
xi.  2,  22;  and  Xen.,  Mem.,  i.  6,  9.  iavKos  {<p\ad- 
pos)  is  aliin  to  wavpos  (Lat.,  paulus),  evil,  bad,  and 
then  worthless. 

Ver.  12.  Swore  by  his  throne  and  kingdom, 
{.  e.,  that  as  surely  as  he  was  king  he  would  do  it. 

—  Judaea.  Here  meant  to  include  the  whole  of 
Palestine.  —  The  borders  of  the  two  seas.  The 
two  arms  of  the  Nile  are  meant  (Astaboras  and 
Astapus),  called  by  the  Arabs,  respectively,  "the 
white  sea"  and  "  the  blue  sea." 

Ver.  15.  Destroyed  him  utterly  that  day. 
Lit.,  "  to  that  day  "  (ews  ttJs  TjfjLepas  eKei'n??), /.  e., 
from  the  day  of  the  battle  to  the  day  when  he 
pierced  him  through  with  a  spear.  Gaab  would 
read  tjws,  morning,  for  eus,  until;  but  it  is  quite 
unnecessary. 

Ver.  16.  We  have  translated,  with  Fritzsche, 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  otlier  authorities,  /utr' 
avTiiv,  by  "with  them,"  instead  of  by  "after- 
ward," as  the  A.  V.  It  probably  refers  loosely  to 
the  prisoners  and  booty  taken  in  this  series  of 
battles.  A  failure  to  understand  it  may  have 
led  to  its  omission  in  some  manuscripts  (249. 
Co.). 


Chapter  II. 


1  And  in  the  eighteenth  year,  the  two  and  twentieth  day  of  the  first  month,  there 
was  talk  in  the  palace  ^  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  the  Assyrians,  that  he  would  ^ 

2  as  he  said,  avenge  himself  on  all  the  earth.  And  he  called  together  all  his  ser- 
vants,' and  all  his  nobles,  and  communicated  with  them  respecting  his  secret  plan, 

3  and  fully  set  forth  the  entire  wickedness  of  the  earth  with  his  mouth.''  And  they 
decided  on  the  destruction  of  ^  all  flesh,  that  did  not  obey  the  commandment  of  his 

4  mouth.  And  it  came  to  pass  ^  when  he  had  fully  ended  his  plan,'  Nabuchodono- 
sor king  of  the  Assyrians  called  Olophernes  the  chief  general '  of  his  army,  who  ' 
was  next  unto  him,  and  said  unto  him, 

5  Thus  saith  the  great  king,  the  lord  of  the  whole  earth,  Behold,  thou  shalt  go 
forth  from  my  presence,  and  take  with  thee  men  that  trust  in  their  strength,^"  of 
footmen  to  the  number  of  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand,  and  a  multitude ''  of 

6  horses  with  their  riders  twelve  thousand ;   and  thou  shalt  go  against  all  the  west 

7  country,  because  they  disobeyed  the  order  of  my  mouth.^-  And  thou  shalt  bid 
them  make  ready  '^  earth  and  water,  for  I  will  go  forth  in  my  wrath  against 
them,  and  will  cover  the  whole  face  of  the   earth  with  the  feet  of  mine  army,  and 

8  I  will  give  them  for  a  spoil  unto  them  ;  and  their  wounded  "  shall  till  their  valleys 

9  and  brooks,  and  the  overflowing  river  shall  be  filled  with  their  dead  '° ;  and  I  will 

Vers.  1-4.  — ^  A.  V.  :  house.  s  should.  ^  go  ^e  called  unto  him  all  his  officers  (Gr.,  Ka.i  trvvfKoXfae  Travras  tous 
9ipairovrai  auTou).  Fritzsche  thinks  that,  in  giving  this  verb,  the  translator  read  71  .3^  when  he  should  have  read 
n^D^)  ro  reveal,  disclose.  *  A.  V. :  them  his  secret  counsel,  and  concluded  the  afQicting  of  the  whole  earth  out  of 
his  own  mouth  {Gr.,  (rvfereAea-e  rratrav  7r}v  KoKiav  rris  y»)«,  etc.).  °  Then  they  decreed  to  destroy.  ^  omits  it  came 
to  pass  (cytVeTo).        '  counsel.        ^  captain.        «  which. 

Vers.  6-12.  —  ^o  A.  V. :  own  strength.  ii  footmen  an  (so  44.  106.).  .  .  .  the  number.  ^-  my  conunandment  (64. 
243.  248.  Co.  Aid  ,  iv  tiJ  pij/iaTt  (lou).  "  declare  unto  them  that  they  prepare  for  me  (58.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.  add 
iu>4).     ^*  so  that  'heir  slain  (Gr.,  Tpau/iariat ;  see  Com.  at  1  Mace.  i.  18).      >."'  the  river  shall  be  filled  with  their  *Wd  tUlit 


170  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


10  lead  tlieir^  captives  to  the  utmost  parts  of  all  the  earth.  But  go  thou  ^  forth,  and 
take  beforehand  for  me  all  their  frontier ;  '  and  if  they  will  yield  themselves  unto 
thee,  thou  shalt  also  watch  them  closely  ^  for  me  till  the  day  of  their  punishment. 

11  But   concerning  them   that  rebel,  let   not   thine  eye  spare,  to  deliver^  them  to 

12  slaughtei'  and  spoil  in  all  thy  land.     For  as  I  live,  and  by  the  power  of  my  kiug- 

13  dom,  I  have  spoken,  and  I  will  do  these  things''  by  mine  hand.  And  thou  more- 
over "  transgress  none  of  the  commandments  of  thy  lord,  but  accomplish  them  fully, 
as  I  have  commanded  thee,  and  defer  not  to  do  them. 

14  And  ^  Olophernes  went  forth  from  the  presence  of  his  lord,  and  called  all  the  chief 

15  men  ^  and  the  generals,  and  officers '"  of  the  army  of  Assur ;  and  he  mustered 
chosen  '^  men  for  battle,^-  as  his  lord  had  commanded  him,  unto  an  hundred  and 

16  twenty  thousand,  and  twelve  thousand  archers  on  horseback.    And  he  ranged  them 

17  as  a  great  army  is  set  in  battle  array .'^  And  he  took  camels  and  asses  and  mules  ^* 
for   their  baggage,^^  a  very  great  number  ;  and  sheep  and  oxen  and  goats  without 

18  number  for  their  sustenance  ;  '^  and  plenty  of  victuals"  for  every  man  of  the  army, 

19  and  very  much  gold  and  silver  out  of  the  king's  palace.^*  And  he  and  all  his  power 
went  forth  ^'  upon  the  way  to  go  before  king  Nabuchodonosor,^  and  to  cover  all  the 
face  of  the  earth  westward  with  their  chariots,  and  horsemen,  and  their  chosen  foot- 

20  men.     The  great  mixed  troop  also  went  °'  with  them  like  locusts,  and  like  the  sand 

21  of  the  earth,  for  the  multitude  of  them  ^  was  without  number.  And  they  went 
forth  from  "^  Nineve  tliree  days'  journey  toward  the  plain  of  Boectilaeth,'"  and  pitched 
from  B»ctila3th  -*  near  the  mountain  '-*  which  is  at  the  left  hand  of  the  upper  Cilicia. 

22  And  he  took  all  his  army,  the  footmen,  and  the  horsemen,  and  his  chariots,"^  and 

23  went  from  thence  into  the  hill  country.  And  he  put  to  flight  '■"  Phud  and  Lud,  and 
spoiled  all  the  children  of  Rassis,-"  and  the  children  of  Ismael,  who  ^  were  before '" 

24  the  wilderness  at  the  south  of  the  land  of  the  Chella'ans.*'  And  ''  he  went  over  the  "^ 
Euphrates,  and  went  through  ]\Iesopotamia,  and  destroyed  all  the  fortified  ^*  cities 

25  that  were  upon  the  river  Abrona,^^  till  you  come  to  the  sea.  And  he  took  the  borders 
of  Cilicia,  and  put  to  flight  ^°  all  that  resisted  him,  and  came  to  the  borders  of  Ja- 

26  pheth,  which  were  toward  the  south,  over  against  Arabia.  He  compassed  also  all 
the  children  of  Madiam,''  and  burnt  up  their  tents,^*  and  spoiled  their  sheepcotes. 

27  And  ^^  he  went  down  into  the  plain  of  Damascus  in  the  time  of  wheat  harvest,  and 
burnt  up  all  their  crops,'"'  and  destroyed  their  flocks  and  herds,  also  he  spoiled  their 
cities,  and  utterly  wasted  their  flelds,^'  and  smote  all  their  young  men  with  the  edge 

28  of  the  sword.  And  *'  fear  and  dread  of  him  fell  upon  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  sea 
coast,  who  *^  were  in  Sidon  and  Tyrus,  and  on  ^''  them  that  dwelt  in  Sur  and  Ocina, 
and  all  that  dwelt  in  Jemnaan  ;  and  they  that  dwelt  in  Azotus  and  Ascalon  *^  feared 
him  greatly. 

overflow  (Gr.  TrOTOjaog  ejrtKKv^uJV  rots  ceKpois  aiiTuc  7rATjpu)0^<reTai).         ^  them.  -  Thou,  therefore,  Shalt  go  (Gr.,  ijii  Si 

i^ekfiiitv  iTpoKaTaXrj>pri).  3  coasts.  *  ehalt  reserve  them.  ^  them;  but  put  (Gr.,  SoCfai).  o  the  slaughter,  and 
spoil  them  wheresoever  thou  goest  ....  whatsoever  (as  52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.)  I  have  spoken,  that  (ra,  55.  74.  77.  2.36. 
will  I  do. 

Vers.  13-18.  — ^  A.  V. :  take  thou  heed  that  thou  (Gr.,ifat  aii  5e  ;  but  71.  Co.  omit  Kai).  8  Then.  »  governors 

(fiufooras).  ^f  and  captains,  and  the  (19.)  officers.  '^  the  chosen.  ^^  the  battle.    (For  eice'Aevo-ef  X.  III.  19. 

62.  58  have  TrpotTeTa^ev.)  ^  ordered  for  the  war  (Gr.,  6y  rpoiroi'  jroXeVo^  ttA^Aos  trvvTonrafTat).  '*  omtts  and  muiea 
(with  52.  64.  71.  74.  76.  106.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.).        «  carriages.        i«  provision.        "  victual.        ■»  house. 

Vers.  19-22.  —  i**  A.  V.  ;  Then  he  went  forth  and  all  his  power.  20  to  go  before  king  N.  in  the  voyage.  21  ^  gr^at 
multitude  also  of  sundry  countries  came.  ^^  omits  of  them  (avTwi').  ^  of.  ^^  Bectileth,  jSeKreAefl,  is  found  iu 
in.  23.  65.  64.  243.  28.  Co.  Aid.  2=  After  opous,  58.  has 'Ayriou  ;  Old  la.t.,  Agge  [Coi.  Corb.  as  Vulg.,  ^ng-e).  ■"A.  V.  : 
Then  ....  his  footmen,  and  horsemen,  and  chariots. 

Vers.  23-25.  —  2'  A.  V. :  destroyed  (JieKoi/ze,  lit.,  "  cut  through  ").  "  Rasses.  We  find  'Poo-o-ei'i  in  II.  HI.  23.  64. 
Aid.  ;  X.  has  'Poao-o-eis  ;  Old  Lat.,  Tkiras  et  Rasis  (Cod.  Corb.  and  Vulg.,  Tharsis,  t.  e..  Tarsus).  29  a,  v.  :  whicli 

«  toward.  2'  Chellians  (Fritzsche  adopts  from  X.   III.  XeAeniv  ;    II.   108.  58.   19.  Syr.,  XoAJaiui-).  ''-  Then 

w  omits  the.  ^*  high.  ^^  Arbonai.  Thiw  form  is  supported  by  64.  and  some  other  MSS.,  with  Co.  Aid.  The  014 
liat.  has  Eeccon   (Cod.  Corb.  and  Vulg.,  Mambre).        =«  A.  V.;  killed  (Gr.,  KareKoJ/e).     See  ver.  23. 

Vers.  26-28.  —  '^~  A.  V. :  Madian.  This  is  the  form  found  in  the  text,  rec,  but  Fritzsche  properly  adopts  Mojici^  from 
II.  i;l.  X.  23.  58.  71.  =»  A.  V. :  tabernacles  (Gr.,  OTTji/iinaTa).  =»  Then.  •"  Belds  (tovs  iypout ;  right,  but  better 
here  "  crops  ").  *^  countries  (Gr.,  TrcSi'a  ;  cf.  preceding).  *2  Therefore  the.  The  article  is  wanting  before  th« 
words  *'  fear  "  and  "  dread  "  respectively,  in  II.  X.  23.,  while  X.  has  avTov  after  the  former,  instead  of  the  latter  word 
u  In  the  text.  r«e.         "  A.  V. ;  coasts,  which  "  omits  on.         "  After  Ascalon,  X.  68.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  add  "and  ii 


JUDITH. 


171 


Chapter  II. 


Ver.  1.  The  first  month.  The  month  Nisan, 
—  or  Abib,  as  it  was  called  before  the  Exile,  — 
answering  nearly  to  our  April.  Ci.  Beilage  i., 
Schiirer's  Neiilest.  Zeitqeschichte,  p.  669.  As  the 
campaign  was  to  be  carried  on  in  a  mountainous 
region,  it  could  not  have  well  begun  before  this 
time.     See,  however,  verse  27. 

Ver.  2.  His  secret  plan,  {.  e.,  the  resolution 
which  he  had  privately  made. 

Ver.  4.  Olophernes.  The  form  of  the  word 
in  the  Vulfjate  is  Holofernes.  In  the  Old  Latin  it 
is  "  Olofernes,"  which  conforms  better  with  the 
Greek.  Its  meaning  is  uncertain.  It  occurs  also 
in  Cappadocian  liistory  a!x)Ut  B.  c.  350. 

Ver.  7.  Make  ready  earth  and  water.  These 
were  the  symbols  of  a  full  and  unconditional  sur- 
render. VI.  Herod.,  vi.  48,  49;  l.iv.,  xxxv.  17. 
The  speech  of  Nebuchodonosor  is  intentionally 
clothed  in  the  most  boastful  language,  in  order  to 
enhance  the  moie  the  greatness  of  the  delivery 
which  Israel  experienced. 

Ver.  12.  °Oti  (a>v,  for  by  my  life.  An  excep- 
tional .employment  of  the  participle.  Winer  (p. 
354)  calls  it  a  Hellenizing  of  the  Hebrew  infini- 
tive  absolute.  Cf.  Thiersch,  De  Pentateuckl  Ver. 
Alex.,  p.  164ff. 

Vei".  14.  The  word  translated  "governors"  in 
the  A.  v.,  by  us  "  chief  men,"  is  Svud/rras,  and 
refers,  it  would  seem,  to  the  rulers  of  the  differ- 
ent provinces.  The  other  officers  mentioned  are 
of  inferior  rank.  Cf.  ix.  3;  Wisd.  v.  23,  viii.  11  ; 
Ecelus.  iv.  27,  vii.  6,  x.  3,  24,  xi.  6,  xdii.  9,  xxxviii. 
33,  xli.  17  ;  2  Mace.  ix.  25;  3  Mace.  vi.  4. 

Ver.  15.  An  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  infantry  and  twelve  thousand  cavalry 
would  not  seem  to  be  an  extravagantly  large  one, 
but  quite  in  keeping  with  the  circumstances. 

Ver.  16.  Sy  the  twelve  thousand  *'  archers  on 
horseback,"  Wolf  thinks  Scythians  are  referred 
to.  But  the  bow  was  the  usual  Oriental  weapon, 
r<i{ou  fivfxa  being  sometimes  used  symbolically  for 
the  Persians,  in  distinction  from  \6yxv^  lax'^^  for 
the  Greeks.     Cf.  ^sch.,  Pers  ,  147. 

Ver.  19.  With  their  chariots.  Only  persons 
of  rank  fought  in  chariots,  it  being  regarded  the 
most  honorable  form  of  warfare,  as  it  was  also 
the  safest.  For  a  description  of  the  Assyrian 
var  chariot,  see  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  406  S. 

Ver.  20  This  "  mixed  troop  "  may  simply 
nave  been  soldiers  not  fully  or  regularly  armed. 

Ver.  21.  Toward  the  plain  of  JBaectUseth. 
This  word  may  possibly  be  a  corrupted  form  of 
Bekaa,  which  is  the  name  of  a  valley  between  the 
two  chains  of  Lebanon.  The  different  m.anu- 
Bcripts  give  other  forms  of  the  word  :  B€kti(ij,€)- 
K6.(f)B,  also,  IlaKTaAaiO,  and  the  Old  Latin  "  Bithi- 
lat"  and  "  Bethnlia."  Wolf  conjectures  that  a 
part  of  the  Taurus  chain  of  mountains  is  meant, 
from  which  the  Sultan-su  tjikes  its  rise.  He  sa\s : 
"  The  liigh  table-land,  Malatia,  was  the  most 
desirable  starting-point  for  operations  in  the 
direction  of  Asia  Minor,  since  from  here  roads 
into  the  interior  of  all  the  regions  west  and  north 
would  be  open  [?],  while  the  fruitfulness  of  the 
district  would  at  the  same  time  furnish  the  army 
and  its  herds  of  cattle  rich  sustenance."  Com., 
p.  91.  But  this  place  was  at  least  three  hundred 
English  miles  from  Nineveh.  How,  then,  could 
such  an  army  reach  it  in  a  three  days'  march? 
To  meet  this  difficulty,  this  critic  is  obliged  to 
make  other  wholly  groundless  suppositions. 


Ver.  23.  Phud  and  Lud.  The  first  name 
seems  to  refer  to  the  Libyans,  and  the  second  is 
held  by  some  to  designate  the  Lydians  (cf.  Gen. 
x.  6;  i  Chron.  i.  8;  Is.  Ixvi.  19";  Jer.  xlvi.  9; 
Ezek.  XXX.  5).  But  it  is  more  likely,  from  the 
manner  in  which  the  latter  name  is  used  in  the 
Scriptures  in  connection  with  Cush  and  Phut, 
that  it  also  was  some  African  people  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Egypt.  In  one  of  his  prophecies 
(cf.  xxvii.  10;  xxx.  5  ;  xxxviii.  5)  Ezekicl  pre- 
dicts the  overthrow  of  Cush,  Phud,  and  Lud,  aa 
being  the  auxiliaries  of  Egypt,  and  at  the  same 
time  with  it.  With  what  propriety,  then,  are 
these  people  mentioned  here  ?  If  they  are  not 
entirely  out  of  place,  the  least  unreasonable  sup- 
position would  perhaps  be  that  they  are  either 
colonists  or  mercenaries  employed  against  the 
forces  of  Assyria.  Wolf  thinks  Cholcians  are 
meant  by  Phud,  and  by  Lud  the  Lydians  to  the 
west.  —  Children  of  Bassis.  Gesenius  would 
identify  Rosh  (or  'Pwj,  which  is  probably  but  an- 
other form  of  the  present  word,  and  occurs  in 
Ezek.  xxxviii.  2,  3;  xxxix.  1)  with  a  tribe  which 
was  located  to  the  north  of  the  Taurus,  and  was 
the  beginning  of  the  present  Russian  people. 
Wolf  ( Com.,  p.  95  f.),  who,  as  in  the  case  of  Phud 
and  Lud  just  noticed,  is  obliged  to  make  the 
most  violent  conjectures  in  his  attempts  to  har- 
monize the  statements  of  our  book  with  geo- 
graphical and  hi>torical  facts,  accepting  the  read- 
ing of  the  Old  Latin,  regards  Thiras  (Thars)  as 
but  another  name  for  Tarsus  (Cilicia),  while 
Rassis  (Rosos)  is  Rhosus,  situated  on  the  (Julf  of 
Issus  !  It  would  seem  to  be  a  sufficient  objection 
to  this  supposition  that  any  part  of  Cilicia  is 
meant,  that  in  verse  twenty-fifth  it  is  spoken  of  as 
having  been  subsequently  overrun  and  ravaged 
by  the  Assyrian  general.  Cf.  arts.  "  Rasses  "  and 
"Rosh"  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet,,  and  "Ros"  in 
Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.  —  Sons  of  Ismael,  Bedouins 
of  Northern  Arabia,  to  the  south  of  Babylon. — 
Of  the  land  of  the  CheUseans.  —  A  few  MSS. 
only  (including  II.)  read  XaKSaiuv  for  XeWoiW 
[XiWiwv,  XiKiiav).  It  is  doubtless  a  correction. 
And  that  it  restores  the  true  reading  of  the  origi- 
nal is  very  questionable.  The  word  seems  rather 
to  point  back  to  the  Chellus  (Chalutza,  Elusa)  of 
i.  9,  and  the  people  must  be  sought  for  in  the 
vicinity  of  Kades. 

Ver.  24.  Went  over  the  Euphrates.  He 
recrossed  it  to  go  into  Southern  Mesopotamia.  — 
The  river  Abrona.  Possibly  the  river  "  Chabo- 
tas,"  as  Grotius  and  others  suppose.  The  con- 
jecture of  Movers,  that  it  was  not  a  proper  name 
at  all,  but  stands  for  "IHSn  "12V,  bei/ond  the  river, 
i.  e.,  the  Euphrates,  has  little  to  support  it. 

Ver.  25.  Borders  of  Japheth.  Here  still  we 
must  venture  forwards  uncertainly.  Possibiv  the 
borders  which  separated  the  Siuaitic  and  Japhetic 
peoples  are  meant.  Wolf  thinks  that  he  is  able 
to  fix  the  place  exactly,  and  indicates  the  high 
table-land  in  the  vicinity  of  the  mountain  range 
Hauran. 

Ver.  26.     Madiam,  i.  e.,  Midian. 

Ver.  27.  In  the  time  of  wheat  harvest.  Thii 
came  generally  in  the  month  Abib  (April);  but, 
its  Wolf  supposes,  it  may  have  been  somewhat 
later  than  in  Palestine,  but  hardly  so  late  as  June. 
He  thinks  that  Olophernes  set  out  on  his  expedi- 
tion in  April,  and  bad  his  headquarters  in  the 


172 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


plain  of  Malatia  (Bfectilseth)  until  September, 
and  made  the  rest  of  the  campaign  to  Damascns 
between  September  and  June.  But  the  text  gives 
US  no  other  indications  of  the  time  which  had 
elapsed  than  the  22d  day  of  the  first  month  in 
chapter  ii.,  and  the  fact  of  its  being  the  time  of 
wheat  harvest  when  the  victorious  army  reached 
Damascus.  —  Utterly  wasted.  Cf.  Luke  xx.  18 : 
KiKfxT)<rfi  avT6v  :  "  grind  him  to  powder."  Here 
the  still  more  emphatic  ^f\'n{fj.7]a€  is  used. 

Ver.  28.     Sur  and  Ocina.     Siir  is  also  given 
as  Sud  in  some  MSS.     But  the  place  was  prob- 


ably Dor  (~lil),  a  seaport  town  near  Carmel. 
Ocina  was  also  most  likely  a  seaport  town  { Accho;, 
now  better  known  by  the  name  Ptolemais.  — 
Jeninaan.  It  was,  as  it  would  seem,  the  Philis 
tine  city  Jabneh  (n?2^  cf.  2  Chron.  xxv.  6). 
which  lay  on  the  Mediterranean.  —  Azotus  (Aslv 
dod)  and  Ascalon  (Ashkelon).  They  were  like- 
wise cities  of  the  Philistines.  The  former  was 
situated  about  midway  between  Gaza  and  Joppa, 
and  the  latter  further  to  the  south. 


Chapter  III. 


1,  2  And  '  they  sent  ambassadors  unto  him  with  words  of  peace,  saying,  Behold, 
we  the  servants  of  Nabuchodonosor  the  great  king  lie  before  thee  ;  use  us  as  it 

3  is  ^  good  in  thy  sight.  Behold,  our  farm-houses,^  and  every  place  of  ours,*  and 
every  field  ^  of  wheat,  and  the  ^  flocks,  and  the '  herds,  and   all  the  folds '  of  our 

4  tents,  lie  before  thy  face  ;  use  them  as  it  may  please  thee.  Behold,  also  '  our  cities 
and  the  inhabitants  thereof  are  thy  servants  ;  come  and  deal  with  them  as  it  is  good 

5  in  thy  sight."    And  the  men  came  to  Olophernes,  and  reported  unto  him  according  to 

6  these  words. ^'  And  he  came  down  upon  the  sea  coast,  both  he  and  his  army,  and  set 
garrisons  in  the  fortified  '^  cities,  and  took  out  of  them  chosen  men  as  auxiliaries.'^ 

7  And"  they  and  all  their  country  round  about  received  him  with   garlands,  and 

8  dances,  and  '^  timbrels.  And  he  '^  cast  down  all "  their  frontiers,"  and  cut 
down  their  groves  ;  and  his  thought  was  ''  to  destroy  all  the  gods  of  the  land, 
that  all  nations  might  ^  worship  Nabuchodonosor  only,  and  that  all  tongues  and  all 

9  their  tribes  might  ^'  call  upon  him  as  god.  And  ^^  he  came  over  against  Esdraelon 
10  near  uuto  Dotaea,  which  is  over  ■^  against  the  great  saw  of  Judaea.^^   And  he  pitched 

between  Gaebis  ^  and  Scythopolis,  and  there  he  tarried  a  whole  month,  that  he  might 
gather  together  all  the  baggage  ^*  of  his  army. 

Vers.  1-5.  ^^  A.  V. :  So.  *  to  treat  of  peace  ....  shall  be.  *  houses  (Gr.,  al  eVovAet?)  *  all  our  places. 
Fritzsche  receive.s  into  his  test  the  words  koX  n-as  roiros  (ayp6s,  58.  Syr.  Old  Lat.)  rtfiiav  from  III.  19.  23.  52.  64.  74.  al, 
with  Co,  Aid.  Old  Lat.  (Cod.  Corb.),  which  are  wanting  in  the  text.  ree.  6  A.  V.  :  all  our  fields.  f  omits  the. 

'  omits  the.        8  lodges  {Gr.,  ^dv6pac).         ^  pleaseth  {68.  106.)  ....  even  ^o  geemeth  good  unto  thee.  "  So 

....  declared  ....  this  manner. 

Vers.  6,  7.  — ^  A.  V. :  Then  came  he  down  toward  ....  high.  ^  for  aid  {Gr.,  etc  ffviLfiaxiaf].  "  So. 

^  the  country  (Gr.,  Troffa  ^  Treptxwpos  auTwf ;  the  pronoun  is  omitted  by  23.  44.  71.  76.  106.)  ....  them  ....  with 
dances,  and  with. 

Ver.  8.  —  i'5  A.  V. :  Yet  he  did.  "  omits  all.  18  it  is  probable  that  ra  tepo.  should  be  read  for  to.  opta  (see  iv.  1), 
although  it  has  no  MS.  authority.  It  would  seem  that  the  translator  mistook  the  word  in  the  original.  *"  A.  V. : 
for  he  had  decreed.  For  koX  ^v  X.  58.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  (as  A.  V.)  have  ori  V-  The  reading,  Se&ofievoy,  instead  of  SfSoynevov, 
is  also  supported  by  II.  as  well  as  by  III.  X.  19.  58.  71.  al.  with  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  cited  by  Fritzsche.  Either  would  give  a 
good  sense,  but  the  former  might  easily  have  sprung  from  the  latter  through  an  error  of  a  copyist.  2*  A.  V. ;  should. 
21  and  tribes  should.  The  word  iritron.  is  omitted  before  "  their  tribes,"  in  III.  19.  23.  55.  68.  64.  108.  248.,  and  many 
other  Codd.,  with  Co.  Aid.,  and  seems  out  of  place  ;  but  it  was  probably  found  in  the  original  text. 

Vers.  9, 10. —^  A.  V.:  Also.  23  judea,  over  (marg.,  Dotea;    Dothan,  Junius).     The  A.  V.  follows  the  Aldina 

text.  "A.  v.;  strait  (see  Com. )  of  Judea.  2'  Geba.  The  (tas.  rec.  has  Toifiai;  X.  64.,  yo'^oi/ ;  HI.  roi/Sav;  19. 
108.,  ye/SoA  ;  58.  23.,  ya/9oi.        »>  A.  V. :  carriages. 

Chapter  IIL 


Ver.  4.  'AwttvTav,  deal  with.  This  is  a  later 
meaning  of  the  word.  Cf.  2  Mace.  vii.  39 ;  3 
Mace.  iii.  20. 

Ver.  8.  Cut  down  their  groves,  !.  e.,  The 
sacred  proves  in  which  the  idols  of  the  people 
were  to  be  found.  Cf.  1  Kings  xii.  10  ;  xv.  13  ;  2 
Chron.  xiv.  3. 

Ver.  9.  Near  Dotsea  (Dothnn).  See  Gen. 
xxxvii.  17.  'I'his  plMce  still  bears  its  ancient  name. 
It  is  slinated  four  or  five  miles  south  of  Jenim  and 
but  a  short  distance  from  the  plain  of  Esdraelon. 
—  Over  against  the  great  saw  of  Judeea.  The 
word  TT[>iuv,  sair,  is  thought  to  be  a  mistranslation 
iif  "1'ici"'!;,  p/di'n,  for  wliich  the    translator   read 


~I1U?0.  It  was  for  a  long  time  a  great  puzzle  to 
scholars,  both  on  account  of  the  corruption  of 
Dotsea  into  "Judea"  and  the  singular  word 
Ttpioms  found  in  the  text.  It  was  Reland  who 
first  suggested  the  idea  of  a  mistaken  transla- 
tion. 

Ver.  10.  Qsebee  and  Scythopolis.  The  first 
place  has  been  thought  by  some  to  be  Gilboa 
(Fritzsche),  by  others,  "  Geba,"  on  the  road  be- 
tween Samaria  and  Jenim.  Scythopolis.  "city  of 
the  Scythians,"  is  given  as  the  synonym  of  Beth- 
shean  or  Bctbshan  in  the  LXX.,  and  is  the  place 
now  known  as  Beisaii.  It  was  the  largest  of  the 
ten  cities  and  the  only  one  west  of  the  Jordan. 


JUDITH.  173 


Chapter  IV. 

1  And  the  children  of  Israel,  that  dwelt  in  Judaea,  heard  of '  all  that  Olophemes  the 
chief  general  ^  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  the  Assyrians  had  done  to  the  nations, 
and  after  what  manner  he  had  spoiled  all  their  temples,  and  brought  them  to  nought. 

2  And  '  they  were  exceedingly  afraid  before  *  him,  and  were  troubled  for  Jerusalem, 

3  and ybr  the  temple  of  the  Lord  their  God  ;  for  they  had  but  just  come  up  ^  from  the 
Captivity,  and  all  the  people  of  Jud.iea  had  been  ^  lately  gathered  together,  and  the 

4  vessels,  and  the  altar,  and  the  temple  sanctified  from '  the  profanation.  And  *  they 
sent  into  all  the  border  of   Samaria  and  villages,''  and  to  Boethoron,  and  Belmen, 

5  and  Jericho,  and  to  Choba,  and  JEsora,  .ind  to  the  valley  of  Salem,  and  possessed 
themselves  beforehand  of  all  the  tops  of  the  high  mountains,  and  walled  about 
the  villages  on  ^^  them,  and  laid  in  provisions  as   a  preparation  for  ^'   war  ;    for 

6  their  fields  were  of  late  reaped.  And  Joacim,  the  high  priest,  who  '-  was  in  those 
days  in  Jerusalem,  wrote  to  them  that  dwelt  in  Betulua,  and  Betomesthaem,''  which 

7  is  over  against  Esdraelon  before  the  plain  ^*  near  to  Dothaim,  charging  them  to 
occupy  ^^  the  passages  of  the  hill  country,  for  by  them  was  the  entrance  ^^  into 
Judaea ;  and  it  was  easy  to  stop  them  that  were  coming  up,"  because  the  passage 

8  was  strait,  for  two  men  at  the  most.  And  the  children  of  Israel  did  as  Joacim  the 
high  priest  and   the  council  ^'  of  all  the  people  of  Israel,  who  '*  dwelt  at  .Jerusa- 

9  lem  had  commanded  them.     And  '■"  every  man  of   Israel  cried   to   God  with  great 

10  fervency,  and  with  great  fervency  ^"^  did  they  humble  their  souls,  both  they,  and  their 
wives,  and  their  little  ones,-*-'  and  their  cattle ;  and  every  stranger  and  hireling,^ 

1 1  and  their  servants  bought  with  money,  put  sackcloth  upon  their  loins.  And  -*  every 
man  and  woman  of  Israel  '^  and  the  children  that  dwelt  in  "°  Jerusalem  prostrated 
themselves  '■"  before  the  temple,  and  cast  ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  spread  out 

12  their  sackcloth  before  the  Lord,  and  put-*  sackcloth  about  the  altar.  And 
they  ''^  cried  to  the  God  of  Israel  all  with  one  consent  earnestly,  that  he  would  not 
give  their  little  ones  **  for  a  prey,  and  their  wives  for  a  spoil,  and  the  cities  of 
their  inheritance  to  destruction,  and  the  sanctuary  to  profanation  and  reproach, 

13  an  object  of  sport  to  the  nations.'''  And  the  Lord  heard  their  cry,'-  and  looked 
upon  their  atfliction.^     And  "*  the  people  fasted  many  days  in  all  Judaja  and  Je- 

14  rusalem  before  the  sanctuary  ^  of  the  Lord  Almighty.  And  Joacim  the  high  priest 
and  all  the  priests  that  stood  before  the  Lord,  and  they  who  °^  ministered  unto  the 
Lord,  their  loins  being  ^  girt  with  sackcloth,  offered  '*  the  daily  burnt  offerings, 

15  with  the  vows  and  the  free  gifts  of  the  people.  And  they  ^  had  ashes  on  their 
mitres ;  and  they '"'  cried  unto  the  Lord  with  all  their  power,  that  he  would  look 
upon  all  the  house  of  Israel  graciously. 

Vers.  i-4.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Now  ....  heard.  ^  captain.  3  Therefore.  ••  of.  ^  were  newly  returned  {Gr.,  n-pocr- 
^Tws  ^aav  afa^e^TjitoTes).  ^  were.  '  house  sanctifled  after.  *  Therefore.  ^  coasts  ....  the  villages.  Frit«- 
Bche  adopts  Kuiti.a^  {Cexi.  Tec,  Kwi'as,  as  proper  name)  from  111.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid. ;  68.  has  eU  rac  ku^.  ;  II.  44.. 
Kuva  ;  X  KwAa  ;  19. 108.,  icetAa.       ^  X.  V. ;  BethoroD  ....  Esora  ....  and  fortified  the  villages  that  were  in. 

Vers.  5,  6.  — ^^  A.  V. :  up  victuals  for  the  provision  of,  etc.  (Gr.,  eis  Trapao-Kevijf  iroXfVou).  ^-  Also  ....  which. 
13  Bethulia  and  Betomestham.  Uere  II.  has  the  form  ^airovAova,  like  the  other  Codd.,  though  commonly  the  form  in 
this  MS.  is  ^atTvAova  ;  X.,  ^atrovAia.        i^  A.  V.:  toward  the  open  country  (marg.,  p^m). 

Vers.  7,  9.  — ^  .4.  V. ;  keep  (Gr.,  SioxaTatrxet*').  **^  there  was  an  entrance.        ^^  that  would  come  (7^po(7■^al^'ol'Tas), 

"  high  priest  had  commanded  them  with  tbe  ancients  (marg.,  governors).  The  Codd.  44.  71.  oi.  insert  TrpooTji'^aro 
before  ^  ycpoua-i'a.  i*-*  A.  V. :  which.  20  Then.  21  vehemency.  (For  cKTej-t'^,  near  the  close,  19.  58.  Old  Lat., 
oiler  injoTti'o  ;  cf .  Ps.  xxxv.  13.  The  change  was  probably  due,  however,  to  the  fact  that  iKTevi(^  occurs  just  before. 
Cod.  X.  omits  the  whole  phrase.) 

Vers.  10-12.  —  -2  A.  V. :  their  children  (cf .  ver.  12.)  23  instead  of  the  article  before  iLiirBttiTo^  (as  text.  rec. ),  Fritzsche 
Adopts  Kdi,  as  found  in  III.  X.  19.  23.  66.  68.  64.,  etc.,  with  Syr.  Co.  Aid.  «  A.  V.  :  Thus.  25  omits  of  Israel  (so 
£2.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.).  =«  little  children  (Gr.,  n-oi6ia,  but  see  ver.  12,  -ri  vrima.),  and  the  inhabitants  of 

Fritzsche  would  strike  out  the  «oi',  with  II.  58.  74.  108.  248.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  27  a.  V.  :  fell.  ->  the  face  of  thn 

Lord  ;  also  they  put.         29  omits  they.        30  children  (see  preceding  ver.).        3i  and  for  the  nations  to  rejoice  at. 

Vers.  13-15.  —  22  A.  V. :  So  God  (64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  prayers.  »  looked  upon   their  aflUctiona  (II.  has 

«crei3Ei',  with  an  &>  over  the  first  letter,  i.e.,  ws  eiSer).  ^  for.  ^  Cod.  X.  supplies  ^mcrov  before  Kara  Trp6<riaiTov  riav 
iyitov.        36  A.  V. :  which.        ^7  i^^d  their  loins  girt.        ^s  and  offered.        ^n  and  free  ....  and.        *"  omits  they. 

Chapter  IV. 


Ver.  2.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  temple  has 
been  already  restored.  This  took  place  cir.  b.  c. 
520. 


Ver.  3.  To  raak?  the  point  jnst  noticed  still 
more  certain,  we  read  here  that  the  people  had 
just  returned  from   the   Captivity.     See  Introd., 


174 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


nnder  "  Historical  Difficulties."  It  is  said,  more- 
over, that  the  vessels  of  the  altar  of  the  house  had 
beeu  sanctitied  from  the  profanation  (bv  Antio- 
chus  Epiphanes?).     Cf.  Herzfeld,  i.  319.  ' 

Ver.  4.  Sent  into  all  the  border  of  Samaria. 
The  Samaritans  at  this  time  were  a  mi.\ed  people 
whom  the  kiutr  of  Babylon  had  established  in  tlie 
country  after  depopulating  it  of  its  original  inhab- 
itants. They  were  idolaters.  They  had  not  been 
allowed  to  partieipate  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  tem- 
ple, and  were  on  terms  of  the  bitterest  hostility 
with  the  Jews  at  the  time  when  the  supposed 
events  here  recorded  took  place.  Hence  the  state- 
ment before  us  is  not  a  little  surprising,  as  well  as 
suggestive.  Many  hold  it  for  an  unmistakable 
evidence  of  a  late  date  for  onr  work.  —  Baethoron. 
There  were  two  places  of  this  name,  an  upper  and 
a  lower.  They  still  survive  in  what  is  known  as 
Beit'-iir,  a  little  to  the  northwest  of  Jerusalem.  — 
Belxnen.  A  place  apparently  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Dothaim.  Cf.  vii.  3.  —  And  to  Clioba.  Prob- 
ably the  same  as  Chobai  (cf.  xv.  4,  5),  and  may 
be  the  Hobah  (712111)  of  Gen.  xiv.  15,  a  place 
north  of  Damascus.  —  .fflsora.  As  it  would  seem 
for  the  Hebrew  "Tl^n,  Hazor.     The  Svriac  has 

T  " 

the  reading,  Bethchom,  ('.  e.  Bethoron.  —  And  to 
the  valley  of  Salem.  Thought  by  some  to  be 
the  plain  of  Sarou,  the  "  Sharon  "  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. Others  (Smith's  Bib.  Diet.)  refer  it  to 
the  broad  plain  of  the  Mukhna,  which  stretches 
from  Ebal  to  Gerizim. 

Ver.  6.  One  MS.  (58.)  calls  this  high  priest, 
here  and  in  verse  8,  'IXtaKei/j,.  This  name  is  not  to 
be  found  in  the  list  of  the  names  of  the  high  priests 
given  in  1    Chron.  vi.,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  the 


Eliakim  mentioned  in  2  Kings  xviii.  18,  was  ever 
raised  to  this  dignity.  On  the  theory  that  the  nook 
before  us  is  in  the  main  fictitious,  the  title  "  Joa- 
cim,"  i.  e.  "the  Lord  hath  set  up,"  would  be  an 
appropriate  one  for  the  character.  —  Betvilua  and 
Betomesthsem.  The  name  which  designates  the 
scene  of  the  piincipal  events  of  our  book  docs  not 
elsewhere  occur.  Its  deri\-ation  has  been  sought 
in  various   Hebrew  words,  but  most  generally  in 

n^^^n3,  i.  e.,  "  virgin  of  the  Lord."  Possibly 
the  author  changed  the  name  of  some  other  place 
into  Betulua  in  order  to  answer  the  requirements 
of  his  story.  Its  location  would  seeiu  to  be  given 
with  sufficient  detiniteness,  but  all  attempts  to  fix 
its  exact  site  have  hitherto  failed.  The  other 
place  mentioned  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Betulua, 
but  its  actual  position  remains  also  unknown. 

Vers.  9-1 1 .  The  law  of  Moses  provided  for 
only  one  public,  strict  fast  in  a  year  (Lev.  .\vi. 
29  ff. ).  After  the  Exile  the  occasions  for  fasting 
were  greatly  multiplied  and  were  reckoned  at  last, 
with  the  rise  of  the  Pharisaic  spirit,  among  the 
most  meritorious  of  good  works.  Cf.  Keil,  Ar- 
chaol.,  p.  353. 

Ver.  12.  Cities  of  their  inheritance,  i.  e.  the 
cities  of  the  land  which  they  had  inherited.  Cf. 
Ecclus.  xlvi.  8  ;  1  Mace.  xv.  33,  34. 

Vers.  14,15.  Accordingto  the  Vulgate  the  high 
priest  Joacim  went  about  and  admonished  the  peo- 
ple to  continue  their  fasting  and  praying  as  the 
surest  way  of  finding  deliverance.  —  Their  mi- 
tres. Both  the  high  priest  and  the  ordinary 
priests  wore  crowns,  the  latter  being  of  linen  and 
somewhat  simple  in  form  and  ornamentation,  the 
former  highly  ornamented  and  costly. 


Chapter  V. 


And  it  was  reported  to  Olophernes,  chief  general  ^  of  the  army  of  Assur,  that  the 
children  of  Israel  had  prepared  for  war,  and  had  shut  up  the  passages  of  the  hill 
country,  and  walled  about  every  high  mountain  top,'-  and  had  laid  impediments 
in  the  plains.^  And  ^  he  was  very  angrj',  and  called  all  the  princes  of  Moab.  and 
the  generals  ^  of  Ammon,  and  all  governors  of  the  sea  coast,  and  said  ^  unto  them, 
Tell  me  now,  ye  sons  of  Chanaan,'  who  this  people  is,  thatdweUeth  in  the  hill  coun- 
try, and  what  are  the  cities  that  they  inhabit,  and  what  is  the  multitude  of  their 
army,  and  wlierein  is  their  power  and  their  strength,  and  what  king  is  set  over  them. 
as  leader  '  of  their  army  ;  and  why  Iiave  they  contemptuously  refused  ^  to  come  and 
meet  me,  more  than  aU  the  inhabitants  of  the  west  ?  And  '°  Achior,  the  leader  ^' 
of  all  the  sons  of  Ammon,  said  to  bim,'- 

Let  my  lord  now  hear  a  word  from  the  mouth  of  thy  servant,  and  I  will  report 
unto  thee  the  truth  concerning  this  people,"  which  inhabiteth  this  hill  country  near 
thee  ;  "  and  there  shall  no  lie  come  out  of  the  mouth  of  thy  servant.  This  people 
are  descendants  of'°  the  Chalda;ans,  and  sojourned  formerly'^  in  Mesopotamia, 
because  they  would  not  follow  the  gods  of  their  fathers,  which  were  in  the  land 
of  the   Chaldeans."     And  "*  they  left  the  way  of  their  ancestors,  and  worshipped 


Vers.  1-5.  —  *  A.  V. :  Then  was  it  declared  ....  the  chief  captain.  2  i^ad  fortified  all  the  tops  of  the  high  hills 
'  champion  countries.  *  wherewith.  ^  captains.  0  the  (68.  74.  108.  236.  248.  Co.)  governors  ....  he  said 

'  Canaan.  *  and  strength  ....  or  captain  (Or.,  Tjyov^ecos).  ®  determined  not  (lit.,  carried  on  the  back^ 

>»  Then  said.  "  captain.  >=  omits  said  to  him.  "  declare  unto The  Codd.  III.  19.  23.  52.,  and  othen 

with  Co.  Old.  Lat.  supply  toiJtov  after  Aaou,  and  we  let  it  stand,  although  not  found  in  Fritzsche's  text.  1*  A.  V. : 
dwelleth  near  thee  and  inhabiteth  the  hill  countries.  Literally,  the  Greek  would  be  rendered,  "  which  inhabiteth  thk 
hill  country,  inhabiting  near  thee.'" 

Vers.  6-8.  —  ">  A.  V.  :  descended  of.       '•■  they  sojourned  heretofore  (Gr  ,  to  npitTtpov).         ^''  Chaldea.         i**  For. 


JUDITH.  176 


the  God  of  heaven,  a  God '  whom  they  came  to  know.'^  And '  they  cast  them 
out  from  before  *  their  gods,  and  they  fled  into  Mesopotamia,  and  sojourned  there 
9  many  days.  And  ^  their  God  commanded  them  to  depart  from  the  place  where 
they  sojourned,  and  to  go  into  the  land  of  Chanaan.^  And '  they  dwelt  there,' 
lU  and  were  increased  with  gold  and  silver,  and  with  very  many  cattle.  And  because  ' 
a  famine  covered  all  the  land  of  Chanaan,'"  they  went  down  into  Egypt,  and  so- 
journed there,  as  long  as  "  they  found  nourishment ; '-  and  they  became  there  a 

1 1  great  multitude,  and  there  was  no  numbering  of  their  race.'^  And "  the  king  of 
Egypt  rose  up  against  them,  and  they  overreached  them  in  work  and  in  brick  and 

12  brought  them  low,^^  and  made  them  slaves.  And  ^^  they  cried  unto  their  God,  and  he 
smote  all  the  land  of  Egypt  with  incurable  plagues  ;  and '"  the  Egyptians  cast  them 

13,  14  out  from  before  them.'*  And  God  dried  up '^  the  Red  Sea  before  them,  and 
brought  them  on  the  way  to  Sina,  and  Cades-Barne  ;  and  they  cast  forth  -'"  all   that 

15  dwelt  in  the  wilderness.  And  ^'  they  dwelt  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites,  and  they 
destroyed  by  their  strength  all  them  of  Esebon,  and  passing  through  the  Jordan  they 

16  possessed  all  the  hill  country.  And  they  cast  forth  before  them  the  Chanaanite,  and 
the  Pherezite,'''^  and  '■^  the  Jebusite,  and  the  Sychemite,  and  all  the  Gergesites,  and 

17  they  dwelt  in  that  country  many  days.    And  as  long  as  -^  they  sinned  not  before  their 

18  God,  they  prospered,  because  God  who  "^  hateth  iniquity  was  with  them.  But  when 
they  departed  from  the  way  which  he  had  ^^  appointed  them,  they  were  destroyed 
in  many  battles  for  a  very  long  time,^  and  were  led  captives  into  a  land  that  teas 
not  theirs,  and  the  temple  of  their  God  was  cast  to  the  ground,  and  their  cities  were 

19  taken  by  their ^'  enemies.  And  now,  having-''  returned  to  their  God,  they  came'" 
up  from  the  place  where  they  were  scattered,  and  possessed  Jerusalem,  where  their 

20  sanctuary  is,  and  '^  settled  down  "^  in  the  hill  country  ;  for ''  it  w.as  desolate.  And 
now,  7)11/  ^*  lord  and  master,'^  if  there  is  error  in  this  people,  and  they  sin 
against  their  God,  we  will  look  to  it  what  this  offence  among  them  is,  and  will 

21  go  up  and  *"  overcome  them.  But  if  there  is  no  transgression  in  their  nation,  let  my 
lord  now  pass  by,  lest  their  Lord  and  their  God  defend  them,*'  and  we  shall  be 
a  reproach  before  all  the  earth.'* 

22  And  it  came  to  pass  when  '^  Achior  had  finished  these  sayings,  all  the  people 
standing  round  the  tent  and  round  about  murmured.  And  the  chief  men  of  Olo- 
phernes  and  all  that  dwelt  by  the  sea  side,  and  in  Moab,  said  **  that  /le  should  kill  him, 

23  For,  say  they,  we  will  not  be  afraid  before  the  children  of  Israel ;   for  lo,  it  is  a 

24  people  that  have  no  strength  nor  power  for  a  strong  orderly  battle.*'  Now  there- 
fore, lord  Olophernes,  we  wUl  go  up,  and  they  shall  be  food  for  *''  all  thine  army. 

Vers.  8-10.  —>  the  God  (no  article  in  the  Gr.).  '-  knew  (Gr.,  i-irsyxcoo-av).         »  so.         *  the  face  of.  »  Then. 

3  Canaan.  '  Where  ^  om//s  there.  ^  very  much  ....  when  (Gr.,  yap  ;  74.  76.  236  ,  5e'}.  "  Canaan. 

"  while.        "  were  nourished  (seeCom.).        "  and  became  ....  so  that  one  could  not  number  their  nation. 

Vers.  11-14.  —  "  A.  V. :  Therefore.  >»  dealt  subtillr  with  them,  and  broiight  them  low  with  labouring  in  bri'-k 
(Gr.,  Kareo'cxfuiTai'TO  auToiJs  eV  K^vt^  —  X.  58.  thjAw  ;  cf  Ex.  i.  14  —  Ka\  TikivQM,  »cal  kT(nviivtiirra.v  aWTOu?.  A.  V.  read 
KaTeo-oiiVaTO  .  .  ..  eTan-eiWire;' ....  c^ero,  with  III.  X.  19.  at.).  l'' Then.  '^  so.  ^^  of  their  si?ht  (Gr.,  airb  Trpoffti- 
jTouauTuf.  See  ver.  8).  '^  o»iir5  up  (Gr.,  Karef^pafsi/ ;  preposition  is  omitted  by  44.  71. 106).  20  to  mount  (In  54. 
58.  64.  Co.  and  Aid.  opos  is  read  for  656i',  as  well  as  by  .Junius.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin  :  Gr.,  into  the  way  of  the 
wildeme.ss  0/  Sina)  .  .      .  and  cast  forth  (efe'PoAe  52.  64.  248.  Co.  Aid.  at.). 

Vers.  15-18. —21  A.  V. :  So.         -•  over  J Canaanite,  the  P.        -^  ornits  aud.        24  whilst.         *fi  the  God  that 

(the  article  is  found  in  23.  44.  68.  74.  249.  Co.  Aid.).  26  omit::  had.        «  Tery  sore  (Gr.,  e'lr'i  woKii  injioSpa).        »  the. 

The  force  of  the  preceding  possessive  pronoun  is  to  be  brought  along  to  this  point. 

Vers.  19,  20.  —  -^  A.  V.  :  But  now  are  they  (aorist  participle).  3"  and  are  come.  3i  places  where  ....  have 

possessed  ....  is  and  are.  32  are  seated,  33  por  ort  X.  has  ore.  34  Xow  therefore  my  (19.,  ^ou).  3.^  governor. 
3«  be  a/iy  ....  let  us  even  consider  that  this  shall  be  their  ruin,  and  let  us  .  .  .    .  we  shall. 

Veis.  21-24.  —3:  A.  V.  :  be  no  iniquity  ....  Lord  defend  l/iem,  and  their  God  be  for  them  (Gr.,  /i^irore  uirepomr.'in)  6 
■lipios  aiiTwv  Koi  6  6fh<;  avritiv  ij-nkp  ovToic).  38  a.  V. :  become  ....  all  the  world.  39  j^mj  when  (e'ye'ceTO  :  44.  71 

106.  omit).  «  round  about  the  t«nt  murmured  ....  spake.  ■"  afraid  of  the  face  of  ....  a  strong  battle 

The  Greek  is  eis  n-apdToftj'  ttrxvpai*.  See  remarks  in  Com.  at  1  Esd.  ii.  30;  cf.  also  vii.  11,  xvi.  12;  Wisd.  xii  9 
*•  A.  V. :  a  prey  to  be  devoured  of  (Gr.,  ets  xard^pw^). 

Chapter  V. 


Ver.  1.  "XKCLvhaKov.  Tnis  word  referred  o'-igi- 
Tially  to  the  trap-stick  on  which  the  bait  was  fas- 
tened (cf.  LXX.  at  Josh,  xxiii.  13  ;  1  San.,  xviii. 
21) ;  then,  generally,  anything  against  which  one 
strikes  or  stumbles  (cf.  Wisd.  xiv.  11  ;  Ecclus  vii. 
6  ;  xxvii.  23  ;  1  Mace.  v.  4.) 


Ver.  2.  The  princes  (&pxovTas)  of  Moab,  and 
the  generals  [uTparriyovs]  of  Ammon,  and  all 
the  governors  (o'arpaTras)  of  the  sea-coast. 

Ver.  3.  Sons  of  Chanaan,  Really  applicable 
only  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  sea-coast. 

Ver.  5.     Achior  has  a  great  deal  to  say  about 


176 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


his  speaking  the  truth,  probably  because  it  was 
scarcely  to  be  expected  from  him  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, and  possibly,  too,  because  he  would 
be  obliged  to  say  what  might  be  considered  by 
Olophemes  as  offensive. 

Ver.  6.  Of  the  Chaldaeans,  i.  e.,  through  Abra- 
ham. Ur  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  been 
in  Mesopotamia,  where  also  Stephen,  by  impli- 
cation (Acts  vii.  2,  4),  fixes  its  locality.  See,  how- 
ever, a  full  discussion  of  the  matter  in  Smith's 
Bib.  Dirt.,  art.  "Ur;"  and  Wolf,  Com.,  ad  he. 
Josephus  (Antiq.,  i.  6,  §5)  says:  "Now  Terah 
hating  Chald«a  on  account  of  his  mourning  for 
Haran,  they  all  returned  to  Haran,  of  Mesopo- 
tamia." 

Ver.  8.  God  of  Heaven.  An  expression  fre- 
quently found  in  the  later  books  of  Scripture. 
In  Josephus  (I.  c.)  we  are  told  how  Abraham 
came  to  his  peculiar  views  about  God  for  which 
he  was  driven  out  by  the  Chaldfeans. 

Ver.  10.  As  long  as  they  found  nourish- 
ment, fifxpis  ov  Si^rpd(p7jaav.  This  appears  to  be 
the  correct  translation,  although  several  other 
renderings  are  given.  Dereser :  "  till  they  again 
found  sustenance  ;  "  De  Wette  :  "  till  they  re- 
turned." 

Ver.  II.  Overreached  them.  The  same 
word,  KuTiuroipl^oimi,  is  rendered  by  the  A.  V. 
at  Acts  vii.  19  as  here.  But  the  meaning  seems 
to  be  better  expressed   by  overreach,  circumvent. 


See  the  Hebrew  at  Ex.  i.  10 ;  and  cf.  Jud.  x 
19  (A.  v.,  "deceive").  —  ACtous  «<s  iovKovs, 
(made)  them  slaves.  The  preposition  is  used 
tropically  as  denoting  aim  or  end.  Cf.  Winer, 
p.  396. 

Ver.  14.  Cades-Barne.  Also  called  simply 
Kades.     See  above,  i.  9. 

Ver.  15.  Dwelt  in  the  land  of  the  Amorites. 
Cf.  Numb.  xxi.  2.5,  31.  — Esebon.  The  chief 
city  of  the  children  of  Amnion  was  Heshbon. 

Ver.  18.  Here  we  have  the  announcement  o{ 
the  destruction  of  the  temple,  and  of  the  Captivity, 
which  is  worthy  of  notice  as  a  general  indication 
of  the  date  of  the  history. 

Ver.  19.  It  was  desolate,  i.e.,  the  mountaii. 
country,  of  its  inhabitants  ;  and  they  did  not 
need  to  take  pos.scssion  of  it  again. 

Ver.  20.  Ka!  eVi(rKei|.<iu6ea.  Seelntrod.,  p.  164. 
The  sentence  wliich  ]>i'ece(Ies  does  not  contain  the 
leading  idea,  and  the  following  itai  serves  to  give 
a  greater  prominence  to  that  which  it  introduces. 
But  it  is  scarcely  translatable.  It  is  a  species  of 
anacoluthon.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  438,  and,  below, 
verse  22;  vi.  I  ;  x.  2,  7,  14;  xi.  11  ;  xiv.  11. — 
Ruin  (A.  V.),(r(t({i'SoAo>'.  Better  here,  q^ense.  The 
plural  of  the  same  word  is  rendered  by  "impedi- 
ments" in  verse  I.  Cf.  its  use  at  Wisd.  xiv.  11 
(A.  v.,  "stumbling-blocks  "),  and  see  remarks  at 
verse  1,  above. 


Chapter  VI, 


1  And  when  the  tumult  of  the  *  men  that  were  about  the  council  ceased,'^  Olophernes 
the  chief  general  *  of  the  army  of  Assur  said  unto  Achior  before  all  the  foreign 
peoples,  and  to  all  the  sons  of  Moab,^ 

2  And  who  art  thou,  Achior,  and  the  hirelings  of  Ephraim,  that  thou  hast  prophe- 
sied amongst  us  as  to-day.  and  hast  said,  that  we  should  not  make  war  with  the  race 
of  Israel,  because  their  God  will  defend  them  ?     And  who  is  God  but  Nabucho 

3  donosor  ?  He  will  send  his  power,  and  will  destroy  them  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
and  their  God  shall  not  deliver  them ;  but  we  his  servants  will  smite  ^  them  as  one 

4  man  ;  and  they  shall  not  withstand  °  the  power  of  our  horses.  For  with  them  we 
will  overrun  them,'  and  their  mountains  shall  be  drunken  with  their  blood,  and  their 
plains  shall  be  filled  with  their  dead  bodies  ;  and  not  by  one  step  shall  they  with- 
stand '  us,  but '  they  shall  utterly  perish,  saith  king  Nabuchodonosor.  the '"  lord  of 

5  all  the  earth  ;  for  he  said  it ; ''  his  words  shall  not '-  be  in  vain.  But ''  thou,  Achior, 
a  hireling  of  Ammon,  who  "  hast  spoken  these  words  in  the  day  of  thine  iniquity, 
shalt  see  my  face  no  more  from  this  day,  until   I  take  vengeance  on  the  race  '* 

6  that  came  out  of  Egypt.  And  then  shall  the  sword  of  mine  army,  and  the  spear '" 
of  them   that  serve  me,  pass  througli   thy  sides,  and  thou   shalt  fall  among  their 

7  wounded,'"  when  I  return.     And  '*  my  servants  shall  carry  thee  away  ''  into  the 

8  hill  country,  and  shall  set  thee  in  one  of  the  cities  of  the  passages  ;  and  thou  shalt 

Vers.  1-4.  —  1  A.  v.  :  omits  the.        ^  was  ceased.        ^  captain.        ^  A.  and  all  the  Moahite?  before  all  the  company  of 

other  nations.    {We  place  as  in  the  text,  in  conformity  with  the  order  of  the  Greek.)         6  people  of  I destroy. 

0  for  they  are  not  able  to  sustain  ((Jr.,  Ka\  ovx  v-irotrrfitTOvTai  ;  cf.  1  Mace.  V.  40  ;  vii.  25,  and  the  immediate  context  of 
the  present  verse).  '  tread  them  under  foot.  (We  adopt  KaraKKvaoix^v,  with  Fritzsche,  from  19.  55.  74.  108.  236.  in 
place  of  (caTaKautrojuev,  we  will  hum  (them  in  them,  i.  e.,  their  cities)  of  the  text,  ree.  The  Codd.  52.  64.  248.  249.,  with 
Co.  and  Aid.  (as  A.  V.)  liave  Ka.ja.naTrjiTQii.ev.)  ^  fields  ....  their  footsteps  shall  not  be  able  to  stand  before.  (Sea 
Com.)        '  for.         ">  omits  the.        "  said.        "  jjone  of  my  words  (64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  have  fiov). 

Vers.  5-8.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  And  (Or.,  (jv  5e').  '*  which.     Cod.  .X.  offers  here  instead  of  the  relative,  ur.  JO  of  thU 

nation.  "  multitude.     Fritz.^che  adopts  xajjio^  (for  Aao?  of  the  text,  ree.).  Old  Lat.,  lancea.     The  Codd.  give  Aais 

without  exception.  But  it  would  seem  to  have  been  an  early  corruption  of  x<iA«6s.  ^^  A.  V. :  slain  (Gr.,  rpau- 
■LaTiotf.  Cf.  remarks  in  Com.  at  1  Mace.  i.  18).  '^  Now  there/ore.  ^^  bring  thee  back,  etc.  (Gr.,  aTroKaTonm^mvai 
nX 


JUDITH. 


177 


9  not  perish,  till  thou  art'  destroyed  with  them.  And  if  thou  dost  hope  in  thy 
heart  -  that  they  will '  not  be  taken,  let  not  thy  countenance  fall.  I  have  spoken 
it,  and  none  of  my  words  shall  be  in  vain. 

10  And  ■*  Olophernes  commanded  his  servants,  who  stood  around  in  his  tent,  to  take 
Achior,  and  bring  him  to  Betulua,^  and  deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  the  children  of 

11  Israel.  And  ^  his  servants  took  him,  and  brought  him  out  of  the  camp  into  the  plain, 
and  bore  him '  from  the  midst  of  the  plain  into  the  hill  country,  and  came  unto  the 

12  fountains  that  were  under  Betulua.'  And  when  the  men  of  the  city  on  the  top  of 
the  mountain  '  saw  them,  they  took  up  their  weapons,  and  went  out  of  the  city  to 
the  top  of  the  mountain ;  "  and  every  man  that  used  a  sling  took  possession  of  the 

13  place  of  their  ascent  and  hurled  stones  upon  ^^  them.  And  crouching  under  the 
mountain,  they  bound  ^^  Achior,  and  left  him  beliind  cast  down  at  the  foot  of  the 

14  mountain,'^  and  returned  to  their  lord.  But  the  Israelites  descending  from  their 
city,  came  "  unto  him,  and  loosed  him,  and  brought  him  into  Betulua,'^  and  presented 

15  him  to  the  rulers'"  of  their"  city,  who'*  were  in  those  days:  Ozias  "  the  son  of 
Micha,  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon,  and  Chabris  ^  the  son  of  Gothoniel,  and   Charmis  ^' 

16  the  son  of  Melchiel.  And  they  called  together  all  the  elders ^^  of  the  city;  and  all 
their  youth  ran  together,  and  their  women,  to  the  assembly.  And  they  set  Achior  in 
the  midst  of  all  their  people,  and  "'  Ozias  asked  him  of  that  which  had  taken  place.''^ 

17  And  answering,  he  reported  ^  unto  them  the  words  of  the  council  of  Olophernes,  and 
all  the  words  that  he  had  spoken  in  the  midst  of  the  rulers  of  the  sons  of  Assur,'^* 

18  and  how  far  Olophernes  had  spoken  proudly  against  the  house  of  Israel.     And '^^ 

19  the  people  fell  down  and  worshipped  God,  and  cried,'^'  saying,  O  Lord  God  of 
heaven,  behold  their  arrogance,^'  and  pity  the  low  estate  of  our  race,**  and  look 
upon  the  face  of  those  that  are  sanctified  unto  thee  this  day.    And  '"■  they  comforted 

20,  21  Achior,  and  praised  him  greatly.  And  Ozias  took  him  out  of  the  assembly 
into  '^  his  house,  and  made  a  feast  to  the  elders.  And  they  called  on  the  God  of 
Israel  all  that  night  for  help. 

Vers.  8-13.  — ^  A.  V.  :  be.  2  persuade  thyself  in  thy  mind.  3  shall.  *  Then.  '>  that  waited  in  ...  . 

Bethulia.         ^  So.         '  they  went  {Gr.,  awripav  \  44.  106.,  ?iXQov].        ^  Bethulia.        »  omits  on  the  top  of  the  mountain 
(so  58.).  ^0  hill.  ^^  kept  them  from  coming  up  by  casting  of  stones  against  (Gr. ,  iie^tpanio-ai'  Tf)v  avdfiatrii'  ain^v 

Kal  l^oAov  eV  \iQot<;  in).       ^3  Nevertheless  having  gotten  privily  under  the  hill,  they  bound  {tcaX  viToSv<ravTfi  virOKaTiu  rov 
opouc  eSriirav).         *3  and  ca^t  him  down  and  left  him  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  (Gr.,  Kai  a.'t'riKav  eppLfxttevov,  etc.). 

Vers.  14,  Ifi.^i*  A.  V.:  descended  ....  and  came.  i^  Bethulia.  lo  governors  (Or.,  apxc^rat).  ^'  the  (Or., 
avrCii' ;  it  is  omitted  by  44.  71.  74-  76.  106.  236.).  ^^  which.  i^  Cod.  II.  everywhere  spells  this  proper  name  O^eta?. 
30  For  •A^pls  of  the  text,  rec,  Fhtzsche  adopts  from  III.  X.  XaSpei9.  This  is  the  reading  of  II.  also,  and  not  Xap^ecV, 
as  stated  in  Fritzsche's  Grit.  Ap.  21  j*or  Xafiij.ii  of  the  text,  rec,  Fritzsche  adopts  from  n.  X.  Xop^ei's  ;  III.  has  XoA 
ILtii  ;  44.  and  others,  Xapni. 

Vers.  16-21.  —  ^^A.Y.:  anciente.  Here  (as  at  viii.  10)  the  Greek  is  tovs  irpetr^ure'povs,  and  not,  as  at  iv.  8,  if  yepavtria. 
Cf.  also,  X.  6 ;  xiii.  12 ;  1  Esd.  vi.  8.        ^  A.W  :  Then.        24  ^as  done.        25  he  answered  and  declared.        ^  princes 

of  A.        27  whatsoever  0 Then.        28  cried  unto  God.     (The  la^t  two  words  are  not  in  the  Greek  of  the  rez/.  rec, 

but  are  found  in  243.  Co.  Aid.  Jnn. ).  29  prjde  (Gr. ,  uirep7)(^ai'€cas).     In  this  sentence  (*'  behold  their  pride  ")  the 

Codd.X.  19.  108.  use,  instead  of  (cariSe,  the  stronger  en-i^Aei^o^,  1.  e. ,  *'  behold  to  punish. "  3°  A.  V. :  nation. 

»>  Then.        "  „nto. 


Chapter  VI. 


Ver.  1 .  By  the  "  sons  of  Moab  "  are  meant, 
apparently,  the  people  east  of  .the  Jordan,  in  dis- 
tinction from  the  remaining  peoples,  who  were 
gathered  from  the  coast  of  Palestine  and  Syria. 

Ver.  2.  After  the  separation  of  the  ten  tribes, 
the  tribe  of  Ephraim  preponderated  to  such  an 
extent  over  the  others  that  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
was  often  called  Ephraim.  But  in  employing 
this  title  Olophernes  shows  that  he  was  not  so 
ignorant  of  the  history  of  the  country  as  he  pre- 
tends to  be.  —  And  who  is  i  @e6s  1  i.  e.,  here,  "  the 
true  God." 

Ver.  3.  His  power,  i.  e.,  his  army,  as  very 
frequently  in  this  book  and  the  books  of  the  Mac- 
cabees. 

Ver.  4.  Lit.,  and  the  step  of  their  feet  shall 
not  withstand.  Not  by  a  single  footstep  forward 
would  they  be  able  to  with.staud  them. 

Ver.  5.     Race  that  came  out  of  Egypt.      An 
allusion  to  the  fact  of  their  former  enslavement. 
12 


Ver.  7.  Cities  of  the  passages,  i.  e.,  a  city 
that  lies  in  the  way  of  the  ascent  to  the  moun- 
tains, one  of  the  nearest  fortified  cities  of  the 
enemy. 

Ver.  9.  Let  not  thy  countenance  fall.  "  Don't 
be  worried,"  as  we  sometimes  say  ironically. — 

AiatrliTTeiv  (  ^^3),  to  Jail  to  the  earth, come  to  nought. 
Cf.  Gen.  iv.  6.  In  ecclesiastical  Greek  it  means 
"  to  backslide."     Cf.  Euseb.,  H.  E.,  v.  2. 

Ver.  15.  Gothoniel,  cf.  Judg.  i.  13  (Othniel) ; 
Charmis,  cf.  Gen.  xlvi.  9;  Josh.  vii.  1  (Carmi) ; 
Melchiel,  cf.  Gen.  xlvi.  17  (Malchiel). 

Ver.  17.  CouncU,  (TufeSp^as.  The  same  word 
is  used  of  this  assembly  at  verse  1,  and  at  xi.  9. 
The  word  translated  "assembly"  in  verse  16,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  ixxKriaia,  i.  e.,  an  assemblage  of 
the  people.  Cf.  verse  21,  vii.  29.  xiv.  6;  Ecclus. 
XV.  5  et  passim;  1  Mace.  ii.  56  (with  Numb, 
xiii.  31). 


178  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  19.  'Eirl  t4s  uircp7)cf)apeios.  The  plural  is 
emphatic,  great  pride.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  177.  — 
Those  that  are  sanctified.  The  whole  Jewish 
people  are  meaut.  Dereser  would  connect  on  (tV) 
lAis  day  with  4iTi0\e^oy. 


Ver.  21.  Feast,  irdroi/.  IaI.,  a  drinking ;  then, 
a  drinking  in  common,  a /east.  The  unsuspecting 
confidence  which  is  here  accorded  to  this  Gentile 
Achior  —  as  afterwards  on  the  part  of  the  Assyri 
ans  to  Judith  —  is  scarcely  natural. 


Chapter  VII. 

1  The  next  day  Olophernes  commanded  all  his  army,  and  all  his  people  who  had 
come  to  help  him,  that  ihey  should  move  against  Betulua,  and  take  beforehand  the 

2  mountain  passes,^  and  to  make  war  against  the  children  of  Israel.  And  every 
mighty  man  of  them  marched '"  that  day,  and  their  force  of  ^  men  of  war  was  an 
hundred  and  seventy  thousand  footmen,  and  twelve  thousand  horsemen,  beside  the 
baggage,  and   the*  men   that  were  afoot ^  amongst  them,  a  very  great  multitude. 

3  And  they  camped  in  the  valley  near  unto  Betulua,*  by  the  fountain ;  and  they 
spread  '  in  breadth  over  Dothaim  '  as  far  as  Belbaem,^  and  in  length  from  Betulua  '" 

4  unto  Cyamon,  which  is  over  against  Esdraelon.  And  ^^  the  children  of  Israel,  when 
they  saw  the  multitude  of  them,  were  greatly  troubled,  and  said  every  one  to  his 
neighbor,  Now  will  these  mew  lick  up  the  face  of  the  whole  earth ;  ^^  and  ''  neither 

5  the  high  mountains,  nor  the  valleys,  nor  the  hills,  will "  bear  their  weight.  And 
every  man  took  up  his  weapons   of  war,   and  having  ^^  kindled   fires   upon   their 

6  towers,  they  remained  and  watched  all  that  night.  But  on  ^^  the  second  day  Olo- 
phernes brought  forth  all  his  horsemen  in  the  sight  of  the  children  of  Israel  who  " 

7  were  in  Betulua,'*  and  examined  the  passages  up  to  their  city,  and  searched 
out  their  fountains  of  water,  and  took  possession  of  them,-"  and  set  garrisons  of  men 
of  war  over  them ;  and  he  himself  departed  to  -"  his  people. 

8  And  there  -'  came  unto  him  all  the  chief  -^  of  the  children  of  Esau,  and  all  the 
leaders  ^  of  the  people  of  Moab.  and  the  generals  -■*  of  the  sea  coast,  and  said, 

9,  10  Let  our  lord  now  hear  a  word,  that  there  be  no  disaster  ^  in  thy  army.  For 
this  people  of  the  children  of  Israel  do  not  trust  in  their  spears,  but  in  the  height  of 
the  mountains  wherein  they  dwell,  because  it  is  not  easy  to  come  up  to  the  tops  of 

11  their  mountains.    And  now,  our  lord,*^  fight  not  against  them  in  orderly  battle,-"  and 

12  there  shall  not  one  man  of  thy  people  fall.-*  Remain  in  thy  camp  ;  keep  every 
man^  of  thine  army  ;  and  let  thy  servants  get  into  their  hands  the  fountain  of  water, 

13  which  issueth  forth  from  ^  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  for  all  the  inhabitants  of  Betu- 
lua '^  have  their  water  thence  ;  and  thirst  will  consume  ^  them,  and  they  will  ^  give 
up  their  city  ;  and  we  and  our  people  will  '*  go  up  to  the  tops  of  the  mountains  that 

14  are  near,  and  wUl  camp  upon  them,  to  watch  that  none  go  out  of  the  city.  And'' 
they  and  their  wives  and  their  children  will  "'^  be  consumed  with  famine,  and  before 
the  sword  come  against  them,  they  will  be  laid  low "  in  the  streets  where  they 

15  dwell,  and  thou  shalt "  render  them  an  evil  reward,  because  they  rebelled,  and  met 
thee  not  with  peace.*^ 

• 

Vers.  1,  2.  — *  A.  V. ;  which  were  come  to  take  his  part  that  they  should  remove  their  camp  against  Bethulia  to  talte 
aforeband  the  ascents  of  the  hill  country.  ^  Then  their  strong  men  removed  their  camps  in.  3  the  army  of  the. 

*  othfr.  6  For  Tre^oi,  68.  has  jrapf^oBevTai ;  Old  Lat. ,  cum  eis  comitanles.    The  force  of  infantry  is  given  as  8,000  in 

Cod   X. 

Vers.  ;i-7. — "A.V.:  Bethulia.  '  s^re&A  themselves.  *  over  Dothaim  (marg., /rom  i}oiAaim,  Junius  ;  Gr.,e'Trt  A.). 
The  form  of  the  proper  name  [text,  rec,  t^mBatp.)  Ai»9aei>  is  found  in  II.  III.  X.  »  A.  V.  :  even  to  (Fritzsche  omits  «oi 
with  III.  X.a/.)  Bolmnim.  For  ^eA^aiV  are  II.  III.  65.  »  A.  V. :  Bethulia.  "Now.  >=  the  earth  (Gr., -rfis -yil! 
irii(r>)s;  the  last  word  is  omitted  by  44.  71.  74.  76.  106.  2.36.).  "for.  "are  able  to.  (The  verb  is  in  the  future  tense.) 
^  Then  ....  when  they  had.  ^''  in.  >■  which.  "  Bethulia.  '»  viewed  (Gr.,  eireo-iceifiaTo)  the  passiages  up 
to  the  city  (Gr.,  rts  ara^a^eit  ttjs  it.  a\)7!i>v),  and  came  to  (Gr.,  «0ii{fv<re  ;  Junius,  invadens  occupavit)  the  fountains 
of  their  waters  (Cod.  X.  with  II.  44.  71.  74.  76.,  etc.,  omits  the  possessive  pronoun  after  v&artav),  and  took  (Gr.,  n-po- 
icaTcXfi^eTo)  them.        -^  removed  towards  (Gr.,  avi^ev^ev  eis). 

Vers.  8-12.  — 2' A.  v.:  Then.  -  apxoKTK  ;  cf.  vi.  14.  23  A.  V. :  governors.  «  captains.  ^  „ot  an  overthrow 
BpavtTtia  :  lit.,  fragment).  ^  Now  therefore,  my.        27  battle  array  (Gr.,  Ka6m  yiverat  TroKefio-;  Traparafews,  (.  e.,  ai 

•egulur  warfare  is  carried  on.  Cf.  v.  23).  '»  so  much  as  one  .  .  ..perish.  »  and  Iteepall  the  men.  For  aiifieii-of 
Iremain)  iii.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  offer  oAAa  iieZvof.        '»  A.  V.  :  of. 

Vers.  13-15.  —"  A.  V. :  Bethulia.  "^  so  shall  thirst  kill  (Or.,  di-t^ti ;  "  de  siti  aisumente,"  Wahl's  davis,  ad  voc.) 
'■■' shaU.  =<  shall.  ""So.  so  jhall.  37  gdall  be  overthrown  (Or.,  icaTooTpiuSijcroi'T-at.  The  context  is  to  be  cod 
lidered).        **  Thus  ahalt  thou.        3"  not  thy  person  peaceably. 


JUDITH.  179 


16  And  their  '  words  pleased  Olophernes  and  all  his  servants,  and  they  resolved  -  to 

17  do  as  they  had  spoken.  And  a  detachment'  of  the  children  of  Ammon  de- 
parted, and  with  them  five  thousand  children  of  Assur,  and  they  pitched  in  the  val- 
ley, and  took  the  waters,  and  the  fountains  of  the  waters  of  the  children  of  Israel. 

18  And  ■•  children  of  Esau  went  up  with  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  camped  in 
the  hill  country  over  against  Dothaim  ;  and  they  sent  some  of  them  toward  the 
south,  and  toward  the  east,  over  against  Egi-ebel,"  which  is  near  unto  Chus,^  that 
is  upon  the  brook  Mochmur.  And  the  rest  of  the  army  of  the  Assyrians  camped  in 
the  plain,  and  covered  all  the  face  of  the  land  ;  ami  their  tents  and  baggage  made 
an  encampment  with  many  camp  followers ;   and  they  amounted  to '  a  very  great 

1 9  multitude.  And  '  the  chiklren  of  Israel  cried  unto  the  Lord  their  God,  because  their 
spirit  ^  failed  ;  for  all  their  enemies  had  compassed  them  round  about,  and  there  was 

20  no  way  to  escape  from  among  them.  And  the  whole  army  of  Assur  remained  about 
them,  the^"  footmen,  and  the  chariots,  and  their  horsemen,  four  and  thirty  days.  And  '^ 

21  all  their  vessels  of  water  failed  all  the  inhabitants  of  Betulua.-"^  And  the  cisterns 
were  emptied,  and  they  had  not  water  to  drink  their  fill  for  one  day,  for  they  gave 

22  them  to  drink  by  measure.  And  "  their  young  children  lost "  heart,  and  the  ^°  women 
and  the  young  men  fainted  for  thirst,  and  fell  down  in  the  streets  of  the  city,  and 
in  '^  the  passages  of  the  gates,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  strength  in  them. 

23  And  "  all  the  people  assembled  to  Ozias,  and  to  the  chief  of  the  city,  the  young 
men,  and  the  women,  and  the^'  children,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  and  said  be- 

24  fore  all  the  elders,  God  be  judge  between  us  and  you,  for  you  have  done  us  great 
injustice,'^  in  that  you  have  not  spoken  with  the  children  of  Assur  on  behalf  of 

25  peace.^     And  -'  now  we  have  no  helper ;  but  God  hath  sold  us  into  their  hands, 

26  that  ive  shoidd  be  laid  low  before  them  with  thirst  and  great  destruction.  And 
now  -^  call  them  up,-**  and  deliver  the  whole  city  for  a  spoil  to  the  people  of  Olo- 

27  phernes,  and  to  all  his  army.  For  it  is  better  for  us  to  become  **  a  spoil  unto  them:''^ 
for  we  shall™  be  his  servants,  and'"  our  souls  will  -'  live,  and  we  shall  not  see  the 
death  of  our  infants  with  our  eyes,  nor  our  wives  nor  our  children  as  they  pine 

28  away.'^  We  take  to  witness  against  you  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  our  God  and 
Lord  of  our  fathers,  who  **  punisheth  us  according  to  our  sins  and  the  sins  of  our 

29  fathers,  that  he  do  not  according  as  we  have  said  this  day.  And  '^  there  arose  a  great 
lamentation  on  the  part  of  all  at  once  ^^  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly  ;  and  they  cried 

30  unto  the  Lord  God  with  a  loud  voice.  And  Ozias  said  ^^  to  them.  Brethren,  be  of 
good  courage  ;  let  us  endure  yet  five  days,  in  which  ^*  the  Lord  our  God  may  turn  his 

31  mercy  toward  us  ;  for  he  will  not  forsake  us  utterly.       But  if  these  days  pass,  and 

32  there  come  no  help  unto  us,  I  will  do  according  to  your  words.'^  And  he  dispersed 
the  people,  each  to  his  post ;  ^^  and  they  went  upon  *'  the  walls  and  the  towers  of  their 
city  ;  and  he  sent  away  the  women  and  the  children  ^  into  their  houses.  And  they 
were  brought  very  low  ^  in  the  city. 

Vers.  16-19.  — *  A.  V. ;  these  (Gr.,  avruv  ;  III.,  aiirov).  2  ije  appointed  {text,  rec,  followed  by  Fritzache,  (ruver- 

a^av.     Codd.  III.  X.  55.  58.,  with  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Co.  Aid  ,  hare  the  verb  in  the  singular).  ^  go  the  camp  {n■ape^^oA^, 

but  cf. Com.).        <  of  the  Assyrians  .  .      .  Then  the.        =  Ekrebel (II.  X.  23. ,  E-ype|3^A,  and  are  followed  by  Fritzsche). 
6  Chusi  (text,  rec,  XoOs,  but  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.  as  A.  V.).  '  the  face  of  the  whole  ....  carriages  were 

pitched  to  ;  52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  omit  cv  o^Aw  Kat  t]<xom  (see  Com.).        8  A.  V. :  Then.        »  heart  {Gr.,  to  TTTciifia). 

Vers.  20-26.  —  '"  A.  V  :  escape  out  ....  Thus  aU  the  company  (crui-a-yioy^,  23.  44.  64.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  .  .  .  both  their  (so 
58.).  1'  chariots  (58.  omits  rd)  and  horsemen  ....  so  that.  12  Bethulia.  13  them  drink  ....  Therefore.  "  were 
ont  of  (Or.,  ijW)ii|o-6i').  '=  their.  (After  yvvolm  the  pronoun  is  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche,  following  II.  III.  X.  19. 
55.68.)  "SanUyoung  .  .  .  .  by  (Gr.jei-Tars.etc.).  "Then,  w  4oIA  young  men  and  women  and  children.  "injury 
(Gr.,  dStKi'oi').  20  required  peace  of  the  children  of  A.  21  Por.  22  thrown  down  ....  Now  therefore. 

2^  unto  you.,  etc.  (Gr.,  e'TrtKaAeVac^e  auTOu's.)  « 

Vers.  2V-30.  —  2<  A.  V. ;  be  made.  2£  adtis,  than  to  die  for  thirst.  Alter  {lapn-n-yiji-,  52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  insert  : 
i\  a.-n(>QQ.vtiv  eV  fii'i/zi].  2(1  ,^_  y. :  will.  -'  that.  2S  may.  29  and  not  see  ...  .  before  otix  eyes  ....  children  to 
die  (Gr.,  eKAeiTTOuo-as  ras  '^vxa.'i  avTwv).  »"  which.  ^'  Then.  ^2  ^^s  great  weeping  with  one  consent.  ss  Then 
<(aid  0.        ^  yet  endure  ....  the  which  space. 

Vers  31,32.-35^  V.;  And  ....  word.  ^o  jt.jry  one  to  their  own  charge  (Gr.,  eU  ■nji'  tairroi  irapeji^oA^i-) 

'^  unto  (Gr.,  irri).  ^®  and  towers  (58.)  ....  and  sent  (Fritzsche  adopts  aweorctAei' —  text,  rec,  ^fajretrreiAe  —  from 

II.  X.  65. 19. 108. ;  111.  23.  44  ajritnetXtw)  the  women  and  children.        ss  yery  low  brought. 

Chapteb  VII. 

Ver.  2.  The  army  had  been  increased  then,  I  fifty  thousand  infantry.  Cf.  ii.  15.  The  Syriac 
over  and  above  all  its  losses  since  its  start,  by  [and  Codex  Ger.  15  of  the  Old  Latin  has  one  hnn- 


180 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


dred  and  seventy-two  thousand ;  another  Codex 
of  the  Old  Latin  (Corh.)  and  the  Vulgate,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand.  And  for  twelve 
thousand  horsemen,  the  Syriac,  Old  Latin,  and 
Vulgate  have  twenty-two  thousand.  —  Amongst 
them.  Some  would  make  this  refer  to  the  bag- 
gage, which  is  meutioued  just  before.  It  can, 
however,  with  equal  propriety  refer  to  the  array  ; 
these  persons  being  the  unarmed,  mi.\ed  multi- 
tude of  which  we  read  in  ii.  20. 

Ver.  .■?.  Belbaem.  Cf.  Belmaen,  iv.  4,  with 
note.  —  Cyamon.  Possibly  the  place  now  known 
as  Tell  Kaimon,  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  Carinel. 
This  would  answer  the  description,  if  Esdraelon 
be  regarded  as  Jezreel.  Eusebius  knew  the  place 
under  the  name  of  Ka/jL/juDya,  and  Jerome  as  Ci- 
mana.  Cf.  .Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  ad  voc.  The  A.  V. 
has  in  the  margin  "Beanficld,"  which  is  the 
nieauing  of  the  word. 

Ver.  4.  Lick  up,  iKXel^ovirtv  (Lat.,  flingo). 
Cf.  Bar.  vi.  20,  where  it  is  also  employed  ;  and 
Numb.  xxii.  4,  where  it  is  used  in  the  LXX.  of 
cattle,  for  T[n'^.  —  Bear  their  weight.  Their 
wants  with  respect  to  sustenance  would  be  too 
great  for  the  country  to  supply  them. 

Ver.  7.  Garrisons,  Trapfij.0o\is.  It  is  other- 
wise rendered  at  verse  17.     Cf.  note  there. 

Ver.  8.  The  children  of  Esau,  i.  e.,  the  Edom- 
ites,  inhabiting  the  country  to  the  southeast  of 
Palestine. 

Ver.  1 0.  IlewotBav,  trust  in.  Cf .  on  this  word, 
■with  the  dative  after  eVf,  Winer,  p.  214. — 
"Wherein  they  dwell,  4v  oh  auTol  fvoiKovcriy  4v 
avrois.  This  redundancy  in  the  Greek  is  caused 
by  au  effort  to  conform  to  the  Hebrew  idiom. 
Cf.  Winer,  p.  148 ;  also,  v.  19,  x.  2,  xvi.  4,  of  the 
present  book,  for  further  examples  of  the  same 
usage. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Kadws  7(V erai  tt6K€^os  wapaT^etos,  i.  e,, 
as  regular  "warfare  is  carried  on.  The  last  word 
was  Used  of  a«  annij  in  arrai/,  a  line  of  battle.  It 
was  employed  also  for  the  battle  itself,  as  in  1 
Esd.  i.  30,  where  Josias  was  cai'ried  back  from  the 
line  of  combatants  to  the  rear.  Cf.  also  1  Mace. 
iii.  26,  iv.  21  ;  2  Mace.  viii.  20;  Diod.  Sic,  iii.  70. 

Ver.  12.  Eichhorn  remarks  on  the  conduct  of 
Olophernes  at  this  point  {Einleit.  in  d.  Apok. 
Schrifi.,  |).  .306)  :  "  He  comes  at  last  to  Bethulia, 
an  insignificant  place,  and  lies  for  months  inactive, 
just  as  though  it  were  the  most  unconquerable 
lortress,  for  whose  siege  one  should  make  im- 
measurable preparations.  And  what  prepara- 
tions does  he  make  '.  After  lung  inactivity,  he 
seeks  at  last  to  do  what  among  the  ancients  was 
always  the  tirst  thing  in  surrounding  a  city, — 
cuts  off  its  water  supply And  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  city  do  not  hinder  it !  "  And  we 
may  add  :  This  victorious  general  docs  not  seem 
to  know  enough  to  imdertake  this  simple  matter 
of  himself,  but  must  be  advised  to  it  by  some  of 
the  least  estremed  of  his  allies.  - 

Ver.  15.  Met  thee  not  with  peace.  They 
did  not  come  to  liim  witli  ])roposals  for  peace,  in- 
stead of  resisting  as  they  were  then  doing. 

Ver.  16.  They  resolved.  The  verb  is  plural 
(see  Text.  Notes),  and  probably  refers  to  Olo- 
phernes and  his  officers.  They  concluded,  resolved, 
to  do  as  the  Edomites  had  advi.sed. 

Ver.  17.     Detachment  ....  departed.     The 


word  translated  "  detachment "  is  TtapefiffoKii  It 
means:  1,  an  insertion  beside  or  among  others 
2,  a  distribution  of  men  in  an  army  ;  3,  the  body 
of  men  so  distributed ;  4,  like  o-TpaTciireSov,  a 
camp.  In  this  sense  it  is  Macedonian.  A  still 
further  meaning  is  a  fortified  place.  It  has  here 
the  tiiird  meaning,  and  refers  to  the  body,  detach- 
ment of  Edomites.  In  verse  12  it  has  the  fourth 
of  these  meanings.  Cf.  Grimm  at  1  Mace.  iii.  3, 
in  which  book  the  word  occurs  with  great  fre- 
quency. 

Ver.  18.  And  the  children  of  Ammon,  t.  e.^ 
those  who  remained.  A  part  had  already  gone  in 
another  direction.  See  previous  verse.  It  is  not 
needful  to  say  that  the  word  rendered  "  children  " 
here  and  elsewhere,  so  frequently,  is  vioi.  We 
have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  give  it  its  literal 
meaning  of  "  sons,"  as  the  expression  has  become, 
in  connection  with  the  A.  V.,  in  a  certain  sense 
technical.  —  Egrebel.  The  Peshito  version  has- 
Ecrabatj  which  seems  to  indicate  Acrabbein,  — 
a  place  mentioned  by  Eusebius.  It  is  the  pres- 
ent Akrabih,  lying  about  six  miles  southeast 
from  Shechem.  —  Chus.  By  some  identified  with 
the  present  IJshurish.  —  The  brook  Mochmur. 
Probably  the  Wady  Makfuriyeh.  —  Made  an 
encampment  with  many  camp  followers,  kot€- 
(TTpaToirfSevaaf  iv  ox^V  TfoWtfi,  etc.  We  have 
so  translated,  making  6x^<>^  refer  to  camp- 
followers  in  distinction  from  the  regular  army. 
Bunscn's  Bibelwerk  renders  ;  "  was  extended  with 
many  people."  De  Wette  :  "  was  extended  in 
great  masses."  The  following  clause  seems  to 
favor  our  rendering,  in  which  the  entire  army 
appears  to  be  referred  to  :  "  and  they  amounted 
to  a  very  great  multitude." 

Ver.  20.  It  might  well  be  asked  how  this  re- 
nowned and  successful  Assyrian  general,  with  his 
immense  army,  can  spend  so  much  time  before 
this  insignificant  place,  of  which  neither  sacred 
or  profane  history  has  a  word  to  s.ay.  And  it 
would  also  be  interesting  to  know  how,  without 
opposition,  the  army  of  Olophernes  came  into 
such  close  proximity  toBetulua  as  to  po.ssess  itself 
of  all  their  water-supply?  Had  not  the  command* 
of  the  high-priest,  Joacim  (iv.  6),  that  the  different 
avenues  of  approach  to  the  city  be  occupied,  been 
complied  with?  Cf.  above,  verse  12. —  The  cis- 
terns.    They  were  for  rain-water. 

Ver.  21.  Drink  by  measure.  Grotius:  "  Con- 
venit  cum  aliarum  gentium  historiis,  apud  quas 
in  obsessis  oppidis  aqua  ad  dimensum  distributa 
est." 

Ver.  22.  Fainted,  i^iKmov.  It  is  a  somewhat 
free  but  allowable  rendering.  Cf.  xi.  12  ("fail");. 
Luke  xvi.  9  (^(tAiVp,  "fail");  Wisd.  v.  13  ("dis- 
appeared ")  ;  Ecclu's.  xl.  14  ("  come  to  nought  "). 

Ver.  25.  Hath  sold.  The  figure  is  taken 
from  the  treatment  of  slaves.  They  would  say  : 
"  It  is  God's  purpose  that  we  should  become  the 
slaves  of  the  Assyrians,  and  it  were  better  so  than 
that  we  should  liere  perish  from  thirst." 

Ver.  27.  For  a  spoil.  Here  ei's  Siapira-pir 
[i.e.,  "plunder").  In  ver.  26,  however,  eis  npo- 
voiJii\v  (i.  e.,  "  to  forage  upon  "). 

Vers.  .'iO,  31.  Ozias  hoped,  it  would  seem,  for 
rain  during  this  time.  Cf.  viii.  31.  The  rainy 
season,  in  Palestine,  lasts  from  October  to  March 
In  April  and  May  there  are  rarely  any  showere. 


JUDITH.  181 


Chapter  VIII. 

1  Ann '  at  that  time  Judith  heard  thereof,  daughter "  of  Merari,  son  of  Ox,  son  of 
Joseph,  son  of  Oziel,  son  of  Elcia,  son  of  Ananias,  son  of  Gedeon,  son  of  Raphain, 
son  of  Achitob,'  son  of  Elias,  son  of  Chelcias,  son  of  Eliab,*  son  of  Nathanael,  son  of 

2  Salamiel,^  son  of  Sarasadai,^  son  of  Israel.    And  Manasses,  her  husband,  was  of  her 

3  tribe  and  her  kindred ;  and  he  had '  died  in  the  barley  harvest.  For  while  he  had 
the  oversight  of  them  that  bound  the  *  sheaves  in  the  field,  the  hot  wind  ^  came  upon 
his  head,  and  he  took  to  his  '"  bed,  and  died  in  his  city  of  Betulua ;  '^  and  they  buried 

4  him  with  his  fathers  in  the  field  between  Dothaim  and  Balamon.''^     And  Judith  was 

5  a  widow  in  her  house  three  years  and  four  months.  And  she  made  her  a  tent  upon  tlift 
roof  ^'  of  her  house,  and  put "  sackcloth  upon  her  loins,  and  wore  ^^  her  widow's  ap- 

6  parel.  And  she  fasted  all  the  days  of  her  widowhood,  save  on  eves  of  sabbaths," 
and  sabbaths,"  and  eves  of  new  ^*  moons,  and  new  ^^  moons,  and  feasts,-"  and  festival 

7  days  ^'  of  the  house  of  Israel.  She  was  also  of  a  goodly  figure,"  and  very  beautiful 
to  behold.     And  her  husband  Manasses  had  left  her  gold,  and  silver,  and  menser- 

8  vants,  and  maidservants,  and  cattle,  and  lands  ;  and  she  remained  upon  them.     And 

9  there  was  none  that  gave  her  an  ill  word,  for  she  feared  God  greatly.  And  she 
heard  of  '^  the  evil  words  of  the  people  against  the  ruler  ^''  because  ^^  they  fainted 
for  lack  of  water  ;  and  ^^  Judith  heard  of  all  ^  the  words  that  Ozias  had  spoken  unto 
them,  and  that  he  had  sworn  to  them  '^  to  deliver  the  city  unto  the  Assyrians  after 

10  five  days.     And-''  she  sent  her  waiting-woman,  that  had  the  oversight*"  of  all  her 

11  affairs,'^  and  called  Ozias  and  Chabris  and  Gharmis,  the  elders  °^  of  her  *'  city.  And 
they  came  unto  her,  and  she  said  unto  them. 

Hear  me  now,  O  ye  rulers  of  the  inhabitants  of  Betulua,'^  for  your  words  that 
you  have  spoken  before  the  people  this  day  are  not  right ;  and  you  have  established 
the  oath  which  you  have  uttered  between  God  and  you,*"  and  have  promised  to  de- 
liver the  city  to  our  enemies,  unless  within  these  days  the  Lord  turn  to  help  you.^*" 

12  And  now  who  are  you  that  have  tempted  God  this  day,  and  set  yourselves  above'' 

13  God  amongst  the   children  of  men?     And  now  search  out"  the  Lord  Almighty, 

14  and  ^  you  shall  never  find  out "  any  thing.  For  you  cannot  find  the  depth  of  the 
heart  of  man,  neither  can  you  grasp  *^  the  thoughts  of  his  mind  ;  and  ■*-  how  can 
you  search  out  God,  that  hath  made  all  these  things,  and  know  his  mind,  and  ^^  com- 
prehend his  purpose  ?     Nay  my  brethren,  provoke  not  the  Lord  our  God  to  anger. 

15  For  if  he  choose  not  to  help  us  within  these  five  days,  he  hath  the  power  to  defend  in 

16  what  days  he  will,  or  also  ■"  to  destroy  us  before  our  enemies.  But  do  not  you  force  *^ 
the  counsels  of  the  Lord  our  God,  for  God  is  not  as  man,  that  he  may  be  threatened, 

17  neither  is  he  as  the  son  of  man,  that  he  should  be  wavering.*"    Therefore  let  us  wait 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  v. :  Now.  ^  uihich  was  the  daughter.       There  is  no  article  in  the  Greek,  as  is  the  case  also  before 

"  flon  "  in  each  instance  in  the  present  verse,  although  the  A.  V.  has  "  the.'"  *  Fritzsche  adds  here,  "  son  of  Ananias, 
son  of  Qedeon,  son  of  Kaphain,  son  of  Achitob  ''  from  III.  X.  23.  52.  Old  Lat.,  Syr.  They  are  found  in  the  A.  V.  al- 
ready (with  Junius)  except  that  the  last  two  words  are  spelled  as  I{aphaim,  Acithoh.  *  A.  V.  :  Kliu,  son  of  Eliab 
6  Bamael  (so  Aid.  ;  marg.,  Samaliel,  with  248.  Co.).        *  Salasadai. 

Vers.  2,  3.  — '  A.  V. :  And  M.  was  her  husband,  of  her  tribe  and  {19.  71.  108.  omit  aiiTTJc)  kindred,  who.  ^  aa  he 

stood  overseeing  them  that  bound.  For  ^n-i  tou  Seerfteuorros,  III.  X.  19.  44.  65.  64.  put  the  last  two  words  in  the  plural 
and  III.  X.  19.  63.  64.  the  following  words  (to  fipdy^ia).  "  A.  V. :  heat  (Gr.,  6  Kau<r(Di').  i"  fgn  on  (it  is  literal  (eireo-ei' 
ini)  but  perhaps  better  rendered  by  our  expression  "  took  to  ■')  his ;  III.  23.  55.  68.  71.  108.  al.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  have  aitrov 
"  A.  V. :  the  (Aid.)  city  of  Bethulia.         12  Balamo.    The  form,  ^oiAo/iiii-,  is  supported  by  II.  111.  X.  23.  65. 

Vers.  4-9.  — '=  A.  V.  :  So  ....  top  "  put  on  (Gr.,  Jire»T|icei' ;  iecKef,  44.  71.  74.  76.106.  236.  ;  UiBeTo,  68.).  "  ware. 
'8  save  the  eves  of  the  sabbath  (Gr.,  irpoirafifidTaty,  without  the  article).  ^^  the  sabbaths.  18  the  eves  of  the  new 
19  the  new.  20  the  feasts.  2X  solemn  days  (Gr.,  ;^apjLL0i7vi'a>i').  22  countenance  (Gr.,  TcjJ  eiSei).  "•*  Now 

when  she  heard.         ^  goveraoT  {Qv.,  tov  apxovTa).  2.',  that.  -"  for.        27  had  heard  all.  ^a  had  sworn.     Cod 

II.  has  OS  for  d,s.     The  A.  V.  puts  all  between  "  for  Judith  "  .  .  .  .  *'  five  days,"  inclusive,  in  a  parenthesis. 

Vers.  10,  11.  — 2"  A.  V. ;  then.  ="  government.  =' (/iing.s  that  she  had.  =2  to  call  ....  ancients.  *'the(Gr., 
OVTTJ5).  ^  governors  ....  Bethulia.  '^^  touching  this  (III.  19.  23.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  oath  which  ye  made  and  pronounced 
((coWoTTja-aTe  Tov  opKovov i\a\TiijaT€)  between  God  and  you.  ^"^  Instead  of  t]fj.iv  of  the  text.  rec.  II.  III.  X.  249.,  with 

Aid.,  give  vfiiv,  and  the  A.  V.  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  correct.    According  to  Holmes  and  Parsons,  II.  has  rjfiiv. 

Vers.  12-16.  —  B7  a.  V. ;  stand  instead  of  (Gr.,  larofffle  vnep  tov  6.).  Fritzsche,  following  Holmes  and  Parsons,  cites 
II.  as  supporting  (with  III.  X.  65.  et  al.)  the  reading  i'o-TttTe,  but  II.  has  iiTTOTai.  3»  A.  V. :  try  (Gr.,  i^eTo^ert}. 

IB  but.  **>  know  (Gr.,  iniyyJiiTeiT^e).  *i  ye  perceive  (Gr.,  SiaA^i/zeo-ee  ;  so  Fritzsche,  with  III.  19.  44.  55.  64.  ai.). 

fi  things  tiiat  he  thinketh  :  then.  «  qj..        a  will  not  help  .  ...  us  when  he  will,  even  every  day,  or.    52.  64.  74 

76..  etc.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.,  have  for  ijiieaai^,  Kai  jTd<Tai^  ijixepat^. 

Vers.  16-17.  —  *''A.  V.  ;  Do  not  bind  (marg.,  engage  ;  ivexvpi^^are).  *i  Fritzsche  adopts,  with  Biel  and  others 

nopni^vai  (text,  rec,  with  II.,  SiairriSriyan)  from  19.  23.  44.  66.    Cf .  Numb,  xxiii.  19,  and  the  Cotji.  below,  ad  toe. 


182  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


for  salvation  from  ^  him,  and  call  upon   him   to  help  us,  and  he  will  heed   our  cry,' 

18  if  it  please  him.  For  there  arose  none  in  our  generations,'  neither  is  there  any  now 
at  this  time,*  neither  tribe,  nor  family,  nor  people,  nor  city,  among  us,  which  wor- 

19  ship  gods  made  with  hands,  as  it  was  in  earlier  times.^  For  which  '  cause  our 
fathers  were  given  to  the  sword,  and  for  a  spoil,  and   had  a  great  fall   before  our ' 

20  enemies.     But  we  know  none  other  God  save  him,'  therefore  we  hope '  that  he 

21  will  not  overlook  ^^  us,  nor  any  of  our  race.  For  if  we  be  taken,  so  will  all  .Ju- 
daea ^^  lie  waste,  and   our   sanctuary  be  ^'^  spoiled  ;  and  he  will  require  the  profana- 

22  tion  thereof  from  our  mouth.'^  And  the  slaughter  "  of  our  brethren,  and  the  captivity 
of  the  country,  and  the  desolation  of  our  inheritance,  will  he  turn  upon  our  heads 
among  the  Gentiles,  wheresoever  we  shall  be  in  bondage  ;  and  we  shall  be  an  offence 

23  and  a  reproach  before  them  ^^  that  possess  us.   For  our  servitude  will  ^^  not  be  directed 

24  to  favor ;  but  the  Lord  our  God  will "  turn  it  to  dishonor.  And  now,'*  O  brethren, 
let  us  shew  '^  to  our  brethren,  that  their  life  depends  '*  upon  us,  and  the   sanctuary, 

25  and  the  temple,  and  the  alt.ar,  rest  upon  us.     Besides  all  this  ^'  let  us  give  thanks 

26  to  the  Lord  our  God,  who  trieth  us.  even  as  also  our  fathers.  Remember  what 
things  he  did  with  Abraham,'^  and  how  he  tried  Isaac,  and  what  happened  to  Jacob 
in   Mesopotamia   of   Syria,  when  he  kept  the  sheep  of  Laban  his  mother's  brotlier. 

27  For  he  hath  not  tried  us  in  the  lire,  as  he  did  them,  for  the  examination  of  their 
hearts,  neither  hath  he  punished  *'  us  ;  but  the  Lord  doth  chastise  ^  them  that  come 
neai-  unto  him,  for  admonition,"^ 

28  And  Ozias  said^°  to  her.  All  that  thou  hast  spoken  hast  thou  spoken  with  a  gooc 

29  heart,  and  there  is  none  who  will  -'  gainsay  thy  words.  For  this  is  not  the  first  day 
wherein  thy  wisdom  is  manifest ;  '*  but  from  the  beginning  of  thy  days  all  the  peo- 
ple have  known  thy  understanding,  and  tliiit'-^  the  disposition  of  thine  heart  is  good 

30  But  the  people  were  very  tliirsty,  and  compelled  us  to  do  as  we  have  spoken  unto 

31  them,'"  and  to  brinn;  an  oath  upon  ourselves,  which  we  will  not  break.  And*'  now 
pray  thou  for  us,  because  thou  art  a  godly  woman,  and  the  Lord  will  send  us  rain 

32  to  fill  our  cisterns,  and  we  shall  faint  no  more.  And  .Judith  said  unto  them.  Hear 
me,  and  I  will  do  a  thing,  which  shall  go  from  generation  to  generation  to  the 

33  children  of  our  race.*-  You  shall  stand  this  night  in  the  gate,  and  I  will  go  forth 
with  my  waiting-woman  ;  and  within  the  days  that  you   have  promised  to  deliver 

34  the  city  to  our  enemies  the  Lord  will  visit  Israel  by  mine  hand.  But  inquire  not 
you  of  mine  act,  for  I  wOl  not  tell  ^  it  unto  you,  till  the  things  be  finished  thai 

85  I  do.     And  Ozias  and  the  princes  said  '^  unto  her.  Go  in  peace,  and  the  Lord  God 
36  go  ^  before  thee,  to  take  vengeance  on  our  enemies.     And  ^^  they  returned  from  tbs 
tent,  and  went  to  their  posts," 

Vers.  17-19.  —  ^  of.  ^  hear  our  voice.  ^  age.  4  in  these  days.  ^  hath  been  aforetime.  ^  the  which 
'  Codd.  44.  74.  76.  106.  236.,  with  the  Old  Lat.  and  Syr.,  reads  aurwi',  instead  of  ruimv.  It  would  make  a  smoother  sen- 
tence, but  is  probably  a  correction. 

Vers.  20-23.  —  ^  A.  V. :  god  (Gr.,  eVepoc  dfov  ovk  eyrwfier  ttAtji*  avTOu,  the  last  two  words  being  omitted  by  52.  64.  Co 
Aid.).  »  trust.         i»  despi.se.  "  nation  ....  so  all  Judea  shaU.     For  noS^o-eTai  of  the  (fit.  wc,  Fritzsche 

adopts  icAtfl^CT-eTai  from  19.  23.  44.  64.  Thilo  i^Acta  Thomas,  p.  16)  conjectures  that  the  word  should  be  iravBYjirfTai.  but 
.he  first  named  critic  would  prefer  KavdriaeTai,  if  one  may  depend  on  conjecture.  ^-  A.  V. ;  shall  be.  '^  at  our 

nouth.  Instead  of  irTo/iaTos,  II.  III.  X.  65.  19.  108.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  offer  aVfiaros,  but,  although  so  well  supported,  it 
must  be  looked  upon  as  a  probable  correction.  ^*  In  the  margin  "  fear,*'  which  would  be  to  adopt  the  reading  of 

52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.,  •t'O^ov,  for  idi'Oi'.         "  A.  V.  :  to  all  them.         '"  shall.         i"  shall. 

Vers.  25-27.  — '8  a  V. :  Now  therefore.  "  shew  an  example  {Gr.,  iwiSet^toiiiBa).  20  because  their  hearts  depend 
iGr.,  oTi  .  .  .  .  KpenaTai  Tj  tpvxrj  aiiTutv).  =1  house  ....  Moreover.  --  which  .  ,  .  .  as  he  did  ....  to  Abraham 
•3  taken  vengeance  on.        ^*  scourge.        25  to  admonish  them. 

Vers.  28-38. —  !»  A.  v.:  Then  said  0.  27  that  may.  =«  is  manifested  (Gr.,  >rp46»iA(ls  ^oth-).  »  because.  (This  seems 
not  to  be  just  the  force  of  KoJd6Tt  here.)  ^o  do  unto  them  as  we  have  spoken.  The  position  of  ovTot?  after  MaA^o-aftev 
Is  against  such  a  construction.  3i  A.  V.  :  Therefore.  ^2  xhen  said  .ludith  ....  throughout  all  generations  .... 
oation.  33  declare.  (The  Codd.  III.  X.  19.  52.  read  ii'ayyeAi  (for  epi  of  the  text,  rrc),  62.  243.  Co.  Aid.,  airayyfAil) 
'»  Then  said  0.  and  the  princes.         23  t^,      it  jg  better  to  retain  the  force  of  the  preceding  verb,  Tropei'ov.  3«  go 

•'  wards. 

Chapter   VIII. 


Ver.  1.  Only  the  most  inijiortaut  of  tlie  an- 
cesioi's  of  Judith  are  iiieutiunvd,  as  is  evident 
from  the  fact  tliat  an  interval  of  six  hundred  years 
lies  hetween  Sara^adai  and  Jacob.  Other  MSS. 
increase   the  number  of   ancestors  to  seventeen 


VuTf;ate ;  wfaiie  ulov  lu/ieti:'  is  added,  probably 
with  reference  to  the  statement  of  verse  2  and  ix. 
2.  Even  the  principal  personage  of  Betulua  is  said 
to  have  been  deseemled  from  Simeon.  Cf.  vi.  15 
Ver.  2.     It  was    regardid  as  praiseworthy    t« 


Sarasadai    fails    in    the    Syriac,    Old    Latin,    and  I  in:irr.\  among'  one's  own  kindred.       Cf.  Toh, 


JUDITH. 


ISJ 


Ver.  3.  Solomon  had  a  vineyard  at  Baal- 
hamon,  which  may  possibly  be  the  same  place  :is 
the  one  here  mentioned.  The  fact  that  Manasses 
was  buried  "  with  his  fathers,"  in  a  special  place 
outside  of  the  city,  is  evidence  of  the  importance 
of  his  family. 

Ver.  4.  The  law  of  Moses  laid  no  restriction 
on  the  marriiij^'e  of  a  widow,  e.xcept  in  case  she 
was  left  cliildless,  when  the  brother  of  the  deceased 
husband  had  the  right  to  marry  her. 

Vers.  5,  6.  The  usual  ]>eriod  of  special  mourn- 
ing was  for  a  widow  one  month.  The  fact  that 
Judith  is  represented  as  intermittiuc;  her  fasting 
on  the  day  before  the  Sabbath  and  the  new  moon, 
is  regarded  by  Herzfeld  as  evidence  of  a  late 
period  for  onr  book  (i.  319  ;  cf.  also  Bertholdt, 
Einh'it.,  p.  2563;  iahn,  Einleit,  p.  921).  Wolf 
thinks  that  what  is  here  said  of  the  "  eves  of 
sabbaths,"  etc.,  is  an  interpolation  of  the  Greek 
text  (Com.,  p.  25).  It  is  not,  however,  at  all 
likely,  although  the  words  are  omitted  in  the 
Syriac  and  58.,  while  the  Old  Latin  gives  for  it 
pneter  cirmim  puram,  and  leaves  out  (e.xcept  the 
Codex  Germ.  15.)  the  w'ord  Trpoyou/xTit/twi/.  Cf. 
Mark  xv.  42  :  '6  cVti  irpocra^BaToy. 

Ver.  7.  After  the  word  "  Manasses,"  the  Old 
Latin  gives  a  table  of  his  progenitors  ;  but  it  is 
obviously  taken  from  verse  1. 

Ver.  10.  Her  waiting  woman,  rh"  affpav  ainris, 
Cf.  remarks,  Add.  to  Eslh.,  v.  2. 

Ver.  14.  Cf.  Job  xi.  7  ;  Jer.  xvii.  9 ;  Rom.  xi. 
33,  .34. 

Ver.  16.  'Ei/exupaC".  This  word  means  liter- 
ally to  take  si'curity  from  ant/  one.  Cf.  Job  xxiv. 
3,  in  LXX.  Here  the  meaning  is  "  to  use  force," 
that  is,  attempt  to  compel  God  to  adopt  a  certain 


conrse  of  action.  We  have  accepted,  n  ith  Fritzsche, 
the  reading  SiaprTjA^rai,  to  be  deceived,  or  in  sus- 
pense. Probably  the  author  had  the  LXX  trans- 
lation of  Numb,  xxiii.  19,  in  his  mind.  Some 
critics,  retaining  SiaiTijflS'"".  would  derive  it  from 
Siaireu  {i.e.,  Sia  aiVe'ai)  with  the  meaning  "  to  he 
entreated."  Others  derive  it  from  Siairaw,  with 
the  signification  "  to  be  judged,"  or  "called  to 
account."  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  "  be  waver- 
ing," is  based  on  the  re:i(ling5iapT7i65vai,  this  being 
one  of  its  metaphorical  mi*aniugs. 

Vers.  18,  19.  The  statement  made  is  irrecon- 
cilable with  any  theory  that  assiiins  the  author- 
ship of  our  book  to  a  perind  previous  to  the 
Babylonian  cajjtivity. 

Ver.  23.     Directed  to  favor.    Asunder  Cyrus? 

Ver.  27.  That  come  near.  The  Orientals 
speak  of  one  as  being  near  the  king  when  he  has 
his  confidence,  and  stands  in  somewhat  intimate 
relations  with  him. 

Ver.  28.  With  a  good  heart.  The  meaning 
is  ;  t/iou  hast  meant  well. 

Ver.  29.  KoflciTi.  Lit.,  ('n  wAut  manner;  but  the 
context  seems  to  require  the  meaning  given 
above. 

Ver.  30.  We  will  not  break.  Even  the  un- 
necessary oath  could  not  be  broken.  Cf.  Josh.  ix. 
19,  20. 

Ver.  32.  This  language  of  Judith  has  a  cer- 
tain undlsguisable  post  facto  coloring,  and  the 
whole  transaction  lacks  the  ordinary  marks  of 
probability. 

Ver.  33.  Waiting  woman,  a/3pos.  Cf.  verse  1(X 
It  is  used  for  naS  at  Ex.  ii.  5,  and  for  mVS 
at  Gen.  xxiv.  61,  by  the  LXX. 


Chapter  IX. 


1  But '  Judith  fell  upon  her  face,  and  put  ashes  upon  her  head,"  and  uncovered  the 
sackcloth  which  she  was  wearing  ;  ^  and  it  was  just  when  *  the  incense  of  that  even- 
ing was  offered  in  .Jerusalem  in  the  house  of  God.^     And  "^  .Judith  cried  with  a  loud 

2  voice  to  the  Lord,'  and  said,  O  Lord  God  of  my  father  Simeon,  into  whose  hand* 
thou  gavest  a  sword  to  take  vengeance  on  ^  the  strangers,  who  deflowered  a 
maid  to  her  defilement,^"  and  uncovered  ^^  the  tliigh  to  her  shame,  and  polluted 
her  womb  ^"  to  her  reproach;  for  thou  saidst.  It  shall   not  be  so,  and  yet  they  did  so  ; 

3  wherefore  thou  gavest  their  rulers  to  be  slain,  and  their  bed,  which  was  ashamed 
of  their  deception,  to   be  bathed  in  blood,^*  and  smotest  servants  with  their  lords, 

4  and  lords  "  upon  their  thrones  ;  and  thou  gavest  ^^  their  wives  for  a  prey,  and  their 
daughters  to  be  captives,  and  all  the  booty  to  be  the  spoil  of  '^  thy  dear  children, 
who  also  "  were  moved  with   thy  zeal,  and  abhorred  the  pollution  of  their  blood, 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  V. :  Then.  2  After  these  words  Cod.  58.,  with  the  Old  Lat.  and  Syr,,  have  the  addition  Kol  Siepfnj^e 
rbv  \tTliiya  avTfi^  which  was  doubtless  meant  as  an  explanation  of  what  immediately  follows.  ^  A.\.:  wherewith  she 
was  clothed.  *  about  the  time  that  (Gr.,  apn).  ^  the  Lord  (so  III.  55.  68.  64.  Co.  Aid.).  °  omits  And.  ^  omits 
to  the  Lord,  Trpbs  Kupiof  (so  52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.}. 

Ver.  2.  — »  A.  V. :  to  whom  (agreeing  with  52.  64.  243.  ai8.  Co.  .41d.).  »  of.  '»  loosened  the  girdle  of  ...  .  (Or., 
iA.ua-ai'  /iiiTpav  irapdevov)  to  deiile  iter.  For  eKvaav,  19.  lOS.  read  IKvp-^vavTO  ("  maltreated ;  "  cf.  Am.  i.  11  ;  4  Maco. 
vviii.  8).        n  A.  V. :  discovered.        ^-  her  virgiuity  (Gr., /i^rpai' ;  24S.  Co.  napflefiai'). 

Ver.  3.  — ^3  A.  V. :  so  that  they  dyed  their  bed  in  blood,  being  deceived.  The  pronoun  after  oTptDjui^r  is  omitted  by 
III.  X.  44.  (U.  Cod.  248.  with  Co.  reads  ijpSeiiVaTo  (dpSe™,  to  water),  23.  64.  243.  Aid.,  i/SeviraTo  (to  wet,  soak),  instead 
of  aSetraTO  of  the  text.  rec.  Fritzsche  conjectures  that  the  word  may  originally  have  been  TjSvvaTO  (sweetened).  His  text 
cads  :  Kal  ttji*  tnptuiJLinjv  ainOiv  ij  TjSufaTO  Tqv  anaTriv  avTujv  eis  at^ia.  For  awaTriv  avTtiiv,  the  Codd.  III.  52  (34.  and  others 
uave  aTTa-n)dtl(ra.v ,  while  II-  X.  19.  23.  44.  55.  and  others  read  the  latter  without  omitting  the  former,  except  that  X 
leaves  out  tihe  pronoun.         ^*  A.  V.  :  the  servants  ....  the  lords. 

Ver.  4. —  ^  A.  V.  :  and  hast  given.  "■  their  (so  19.)  daughters  ....  their  [avTtiiv,  19.  64  74.  oi.  Co.  Aid.)  spoils 
to  be  divided  amongst.        >'  which. 


184 


THE   APOCRYI'HA. 


5  and  called  upon  thee  for  aid.  0  God,  O  my  God,  hear  me  also,  the '  widow.  For, 
thou  hast  wrought  the  former  things,  and  these,  and  those  that  followed  and  present 
things  ;  and  what  will  be  thou  hast  thought  of,^  and  what  thou  hast  thought  of  has 

6  come  to  pass  ; '  and  ■*  what  things  thou  didst  determine  were  ready  at  hand,  and  said, 
Lo,  we  are  here.     For  all  thy  ways  are  prepared,  and  thy  judgment  is   in  ^  fore- 

7  knowledge.  For  behold,  the  Assyrians  are  multiplied  in  their  power;  they  are  ex- 
alted with  horse  and  rider ;  ^  they  glory  in  the  strength  of  footmen  ;  they  hope  ^ 
in  shield,  and  spear,  and  bow,  and  sling,  and  know  not  that  thou  art  Lord,  deciding ' 

8  battles.  Lord  ^  is  thy  name.  Throw  down  their  strength  in  thy  power,  and  bring 
low  '"  their  force  in  thy  wrath,  for  they  have  purposed  to  defile  thy  sanctuary,  and  " 
to  pollute  the  tabernacle  where  thy  glorious  name  resteth,  to  strike  off  with  the  '^ 

9  sword  the  horns  '^  of  thy  altar.     Behold  their  pride  ;  send  down  "  thy  wrath  upon 

10  their  heads  ;  give  into  mine  hand,  the  '^  widow's,  the  power  that  I  have  conceived  ; 
smite  by  the  deceit  of  my  lips  servant  ^*  with  prince,  and  prince  with  his  servant ; 

11  break  down  their  stateliuess  by  the  hand  of  a  woman.  For  thy  power  standeth  not 
in  a '"  multitude,  nor  thy  miglit  in  strong  men  ;  but  '*  thou  art  a  God  of  the  lowly,^' 
a  helper  of  the  oppressed,  an  upholder  of  the  weak,  a  i)rotector  of  the  forlorn,  a 

12  saviour  of  them  that  are  without  hope.  Verily,  verily,-"  O  God  of  my  father,  and 
God  of  the  inheritance  of  Israel,  Lord  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth.  Creator  of  the 

13  waters.  King  of  aU  thy  creatures,*^  hear  thou  my  prayer,  and  make  my  speech  and 
deceit  to  be  their  wound  and  stripe,  who  have  purposed  cruel  things  against  thy 
covenant,  and  thy  hallowed  house,  and  against  the  top  of  Sion,  and  against  the 

14  house  of  the  possession  of  thy  children.  And  make  thy  whole  nation  and  every 
tribe  fully  recognize  and  know  that  ^'"  thou  art  the  God  of  all  power  and  might,  and 
that  there  is  none  other  that  protecteth  the  race  ^  of  Israel  but  thou. 

Vers.  4-6.  —  '  A.  V. :  a.  2  for  thou  hast  wrought  not  only  those  things,  but  also  the  things  which  fell  out  before, 
and  which  ensued  after  ;  thou  hast  thought  upon  the  things  which  are  now,  and  which  are  to  come.  3  xhe  clause, 
and  what  thou  hast  thought  of,  etc.  («at  iyfvriejiaav  a  ivtvoridri^),  is  omitted  bj  52.  243.  2i8.  Co.  Aid.  *  A.  V. :  Yea. 
6  judgments  are  in  thy.     Tor  ij  KpiViy,  III.  64.  248.  Co.  Aid.  read  cd  icptVeis  ;  58.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  ai  KritrtK. 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  ♦^  A.  V. :  man  (Gr.,  avafiarri).  '•  their  footmen  ....  trust.  8  the  Lord  that  breakest  the  (Gr., 

wvrpi^tiiv,  but  here  better  rendered  by  "  deciding  ;  "  cf .  xvi.  3).        ^  the  Lord.  '^  down  ^'  and  (Fritzsche 

receive.^  a  koli  from  X.  19.  44.).  12  and  to  cast  down  with.  {The  Kai  here  the  same  critic  rejects  as  not  appearing  in 
II.  III.  X.  44.  55.  58.  "  Strike  off  "  would  seem  to  be  a  better  rendering  for  Kora^aX^iv  than  that  given  in  the  A.  V.,  if 
the  context  is  considered.)        '3  horn.    It  should  be  rendered  as  plural.    Cf.  Com. 

Vers.  9-14.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  and  send.  ^^  which  am  a  widow.  i^  the  serrant.  (The  A.  V.  has  the  article  also  before 
each  of  the  three  following  substantives,  although  not  found  in  the  Greek.)  "  omits  a.  ^^  for  (Gr.,  oAAd) 

19  affiicted  (Gr.,  rutriivuiv).  20  i  pray  thee,  I  pray  thee  (Gr.,  va^t.  vox).  21  and  earth  ....  every  creature  (Gr.,  n-aoiff 
KTiVedjf  aov.    The  pronoun  is  omitted  by  44.  58.  74.  76.  106.  236.).  22  gyery  nation  and  every  tribe  to  acknowledg* 

that.  The  Gr.  of  Fritzsche's  text  is  TroiTjaof  in\  wafTOs  eflvous  o-ov  koX  Tratnj?  ^vKr^s-  The  text.  rec.  (with  X.)  has  ^m  n-ai- 
rb  idvoi.  The  Codd.  III.  58.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.  write  the  first  clause  as  in  the  former  instance,  excepting  o-ov, 
Which  they  omit  — aU  but  64.  243.        ■^  people  (Ifltout,  52.  68.  64.  aJ3.  248.  Co.  Aid.) 


Chapter   IX. 


Ver.  1 .  Uncovered  the  sackcloth.  She  wore  it 
tmder  her  mouming  garments.  See  viii.  5.  — 
Incense  of  that  evening.     Cf.  Ex.  xxx.  7,  8. 

Ver.  2.  She  prays  to  the  God  of  her  f;ither 
Simeon.  See  viii.  1.  This  invocation  would 
seem  to  be  scarcely  in  place  when  we  consider 
.hat  Jacob  highly  disapproved  of  the  conduct  of 
jis  sons  which  is  here  applauded.  Cf.  Gen.  xxxiv. 
30,  and  xlix.  5-7.  It  is,  in  fact,  but  another  evi- 
dence of  the  later  origin  of  our  book,  when  alone 
one  would  have  ventured  so  to  reverse  the  verdict 
of  this  patriarch.  An  intense  hatred  of  "the 
leathen,"  as  at  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  might 
.veil  be  the  immediate  cause  of  this  change  of 
sentiment.  Denser  (Com.,  p.  166)  rem.trks  :  "If 
Judith,  who  sprang  from  Simeon,  looked  upon  that 
event  from  another  point  of  view,  one  is  not  per- 
mitted to  hold  her  private  opinion  for  a  declara- 
tion of  the  Holy  Scriptures."  (!)  —  'Who  de- 
flowered, etc.     The  word  iiiirpav  Grotius  would 


change  to  filrpav.  But  the  former  has  the  support 
of  nearly  all  the  MSS. 

Ver.  4.  Pollution  of  their  [the  Israelites'] 
blood,  i.  e.,  through  the  shameful  act  of  the  She- 
chemites. 

Ver.  7.  Multiplied  in  their  power.  They  have 
an  immense  military  force. 

Ver.  8.  Kepas.  It  is  used  doubtless  in  a  col- 
lective sense.     Cf.  Kx.  xxvii.  2. 

Ver.  10.  The  Old  Latin  has  ex  labiis  s!/a.*»'>"/« 
7ne(E.  Codex  Corb.  reads  cfiaritatis  for  suasionia. 
They  are  evident  corrections.  —  StateUness,  ayatr- 
TTfiia.  The  same  word  is  used  of  Israel  at  .\ii.  8, 
"  raising  up,"  /.  e.,  elevation.  It  is  the  earlier 
form  of  avatTTfixa  (from  cit'tVTTj^ui)- 

Ver.  13.  My  word  and  deceit,  i.  e.,  my  deceit- 
ful, misleading  words.  The  following  words  are 
added  as  a  justification  of  this  petition.  —  The  top 
{Kopv<pTis)  of  Zion,  i.  e.,  Mount  Zion,  by  which 
here  Jerusalem  is  meant. 


JUDITH.  186 


Chapter  X. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass  when  ^  she  had  ceased  to  cry  unto  the  God  of  Israel,  and 

2  had  made  an  end  of  all  these  words,  she  rose  from  her  prostration,-  and  called  her 
maid,  and  went  down  into  the  house  in  which  she  passed  '  the  sabbath  days,  and 

3  her  *  feast  days,  and  took  ^  oflE  the  sackcloth  which  she  had  on,  and  laid  off '  the 
garments  of  her  widowhood,  and  washed  her  body  all  over  with  water,  and  anointed 
herself  with  precious  ointment,  and  arranged '  the  hair  of  her  head,  and  put  on  a 
turban,*  and  put  on  her  garments  of  gladness,  wherewith  she  was  clad  during  the 

4  life  of  Manasses  her  husband.  And  she  put '  sandals  upon  her  feet,  and  put  on  the 
anklets  and  the  bracelets  and  the  rings  and  the  ear-rings  and  all  her  ornamentation  ; 
and  she  adorned  herself  very  much,'"  to  allure  '^  the  eyes  of  whatsoever  men  might  ^^ 

5  see  her.  And  '^  she  gave  her  maid  a  canteen  •'''  of  wine,  and  a  cruse  of  oil,  and 
filled  a  bag  with  barley  bread,'^  and  cakes  '^  of  figs,  and  with  pure  "  bread  ;  and  she 

6  wrapped  up  all  her  vessels  '*  together,  and  laid  them  upon  her.  And  '^  they  went 
forth  to  the  gate  of  the  city  of  Betulua,'"'  and  found  standing  by  it  Ozias,  and  the 

7  elders  ''  of  the  city,  Chabris  and  Charmis.  And  when  they  saw  her  —  her  --  counte- 
nance was  altered,  and  her  apparel  changed  ^  —  they  wondered  at  her  beauty  very 

8  greatly,  and  said  unto  her.  The  God  -*  of  our  fathers  give  thee  favor,  and  accom- 
plish thine  enterprises  '^  to  the  pride  -^  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  to  the  exalta- 

9  tion  of  Jerusalem.  And  she  ^  worshipped  God.  And  she  said  unto  them,  Com- 
mand the  gate  of  the  city  to  be  opened  unto  me,  and  I  will  -'  go  forth  to  accomplish 
the  things  whereof  you  have  spoken  with  me.     And  ■^  they  commanded  the  young 

10  men  to  open  unto  her,  as  they'"'  had  spoken.  And  they  did  so.  And  ^'  Judith 
went  out,  she,  and  her  maid  with  her.  And  the  men  of  the  city  looked  after  her, 
until  she  had'^  gone  down  the  mountain,  and^  till  she  had  passed  the  valley,  and 
they  '^  could  see  her  no  more. 

11  And  ^  they  went  straight  forward  '^  in  the  valley  ;  and  an  outpost  ^'  of  the  As- 

12  Syrians  met  her,  and  laid  hold  of*  her,  and  asked  her,  Of  what  people  art  thou? 
and  whence  comest  thou  and  whither  goest  thou?  And  she  said,  I  am  a  daughter'' 
of  the  Hebrews,  and  am  fleeing  *"  from  them  because*'  they  shall  be  given  you  to 

13  be  consumed  ;  and  I  am  going  *"  before  Olophernes  the  chief  general  *^  of  your  army, 
to  make  a  trutliful  report ; "  and  I  will  shew  him  a  way,  whereby  he  shall  ''^  go,  and 
win  all  the  hill  country,  and  of  his  men  shall  not  one  man,  not  one  living  soul  perish.''" 

14  And  "when  the  men  heard  her  words,  and  beheld  her  countenance,  they  wondered 

15  greatly  at  her  beauty,  and  said  unto  her.  Thou  hast  saved  thy  life,  in  that  thou  hast 

Vers.  1-3. —1  A.  v.:  Now  after  that  (^ycVero  ia  omitted  by  44.  106.).  -  where  she  bad  fallen  down.    See  Com. 

*  A.  v. :  in  the  which  8he  abode  in  (Greek,  5t€■Tpt^e^',  etc.).  *  in  her.  "pulled.  «  put  off  (Or.,  ifefiviraTo,  and 
in  the  preceding  line  TTCptctXaTo).        ^  braided  (Or.,  SieVafe).        8  a  tire  upon  it.     See  Com. 

Ver.  4.  — ''  A.  V. :  took  (Gr.,  fAa/3e  .  .  .  .  eis).  '"  about  her  her  bracelet.s  and  her  chains  {i/reXta,  see  Com.),  and  her 
tings  (SoxTvAi'ov?  ;  cf.  Is.  iii.  20.  where  this  word  (in  the  L-\X.)  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  ear-rings  "  being  followed  by 
trepi5e'^ta,  "  rings '')  and  her  ear-rings  (^rajria,  at  Is.  iii.  20,  ''  nose  jewels  "}  and  all  her  ornaments  (t'ov  K6afjLov),  and 
decked  herself  bravely  (^KoAAuiri'imTO  irttoSpa).  "  For  iirinjo-ii'  of  the  lexl.  rec.  II.  (with  III.  X.  cited  by  Fritzsche) 

has  an-oi'n7(7ii',  which  might  therefore  well  be  adopted,  although  the  idea  of  meeting  to  charm,  attract,  is  not  excluded 
^*  A.  V. :  aU  men  that  should. 

Ver.  5.  —  '3  A..  V. ;  Then.  "  bottle.  (For  aa-KoirvTivrjv,  which  was  a  leather-covered  canteen,  X.  ha«  simply  ia-Kov, 
"  wine-skin.")  «  parched  corn  (Gr.,  iXcfiiriay).  >»  lumps  (cf.  1  Sam.  xxv.  18  ;  xxx.  12,  where  the  same  word  in 

the  LXX.  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  cakes  ■').  "  fine  (Gr.,  KaBapdv).  It  was  pure  in  a  ceremonial  sense.  This  word 
is  omitted  by  44.  71.  74.  76.  106.  236.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  but  it  is  doubtless  genuine.  "  A.  V.  :  so  she  folded  all  these 

things  (marg.,  wrapped  or  packed).    The  Greek  is  n-epieSiVXaxre  iravra  Ta  ayyeta.    Cf .  Com. 

Vers.  6-9.  — "A.  V. :  Thus.  »  Bethulia.  =' there  ....  ancients.  ==  A.  V. :  that  (itiiO  her  (see  Com.). 

*  was  changed.  ^i  repeats  the  God.  (The  second  6  Om  is  not  found  in  II.  III.  X.  44.  55.  58.  71.  74.  76.  106.  236.  249 
old  Lat.)  25  enterprises  (Gr.,  ^TrtTrjSeu/AoTa  ;  cf.  si.  6,  where  it  is  rendered  '*  purposes,"  and  xiii.  5,  where  it  is  trans- 
lated as  here).        20  glory.        ='  Then  they  (23.  44.  52.  55.,  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.  have  the  plural).        -'  gates that 

I  may.        »  So.        »  she  (sing,  found  in  III.  X.  64.  74.  Co.  Aid.,  and  with  the  addition  avrois  in  19.  108.  ;  cf.  viii.  35). 

Vers.  10-12.  —  81  A.  V. :  when  they  had  done  so,  Judith  »•  was.        ^3  and  (Co.).         ^  omits  they.         3^  Thus, 

'o  forth.  "  the  first  watch,  etc.  (Gr.,  aiivrivrriaev  ....  n-pocJuAasij.  Cod.  58.,  with  the  Old  I<at.  and  Syr.  have,  "  and 
«he  met  the  first  watch,"  etc.    At  xiv.  2  we  find  the  same  word  with  the  article,  eis  ttj*'  iTftoj>vKaK-rjv).  ^  took  (Gr., 

(Tvre'Aapoi/).         ^9  woman  (Gr.,  fluyarrip).         *o  am  fled.         *^  for. 

Ver.  13.  —  '-  A.  V. :  coming.  "  captain.  «  declare  words  of  truth.  «  can.  (The  verb  is  future,  and  might  b« 
better  so  rendered  in  this  place.)  '«  without  losing  the  body  or  life  of  any  one  of  hia  men.  The  translation  Is  not 
absolutely  incorrect,  but  lacks  the  force  of  the  original  (trdpf  txia.  ov5i  nvevp-a  t'uiTJy,  etc.). 

Vers.  14   —"A    V.:  Now. 


186 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


hasted  to  come  down  to  the  presence  of  our  lord.   And  now  ^  come  to  his  tent,  and 

16  some  of  us  will  -  conduct  thee,  until  the}'  have  delivered  thee  to  his  hands.  And  if  so 
be  '  thou  standest  before  him,  be  not  afraid  in  thy  heart,  but  report  that  which  thou 

17  hast  spoken,*  and  he  will  treat  ^  thee  well.  And^  they  chose  out  from  them- 
selves '  an  hundred  men,  and  they  accompanied  '   her  and  her  maid  and  brought " 

18  her  to  the  tent  of  Olophernes.  And  there  was  a  concourse  in  all  the  camp,  for  her 
coming  was  noised  among  the  tents  ;  and  they  came  and  encircled  '"  her,  as  she  stood 

19  without  the  tent  of  Olophernes,  till  they  told  him  of  her.  And  they  wondered  at  her 
beauty,  and  admired  the  children  of  Israel  because  of  her,  and  every  one  said  to  his 
neighbor,  Wlio  will  ^'  despise  this  people,  that  have  among  them  such  women  ?  It  '* 
is  not  good  that  one  man  of  them  be  left,  who  being  let  go  could  '^  deceive  the  whole 

20  earth.    And  they  that  kept  guard  by  "  Olophernes  went  out,  and  all  his  servants,  and 

21  they  brought  her  into  the  tent.  And  Olophernes  rested  npon  his  bed  under  the  mos- 
quito net,  which  was  woven  with  purple,  and  gold,  and  emerald,'^  and  precious  stones. 

22  And  '^  they  told  ^^  him  of  her ;  and  he  came  out  into  the  front  part  of  "  his  tent, 

23  and  silver  lamps  were  borne ''  before  him.  And  when  Judith  came  ^''  before  him 
and  his  servants,  they  all  marvelled  at  the  beauty  of  her  countenance.  And  she 
fell  down  upon  her  face,  and  did  reverence  unto  him.  And  his  servants  took  her 
up. 

Vers  15-17.  — A.  V. ;  i  now  therefore  ^  shall.  ^  when  (Gr.,  idv).  *  shew  unto  him  according  to  thj 

word.  ''entreat,  6  Then.  '  of  them.  8  to  accompany  {muTg.,  and  they  prepared  a.  cha.not /or  her\.    The 

Greek  is  koI  rrapd^ev^av  aiiTj).  At  XT.  11  we  find  e^ev^e  Tas  afia^a^  aiiTTj^^  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  "  made  ready  her 
carts."  At  1  Kings  xviii.  44,  we  have  in  the  LXX.  ^ev^ov  to  apfia  o-ou  ( A.  V. ;  Prepare  thy  chariot),  as  rendering  for  a 
Hebrew  word  meaning  "  to  bind."  But  here  the  .'orce  of  the  preposition  is  to  be  noted.  Literally,  the  verb  means  to 
yoke  beside,  to  couple,  i.  e.,  they  joined  themselves  to  her  as  an  escort.        *  A.  V. :  they  brought. 

Vers.  18-23.  —  lo  A.  V. :  Then  was  there throughout  ....  about.        "  would.        ^2  surely  it.    (See  Com.} 

13  might.  "  lay  near.  ^^  Now  ....  a  canopy  (see  Com.)  .      .  .  emeralds  (68.)  w  go,  ^t  shewed  (Or., 

iv^yytiKai').  18  before  (Gr.,  eis  to  wpocrKrivtov.  The  A.  V.  gives  the  impression  that  he  went  outside  of  his  tent,  but 
It  was  into  what  was  called  in  Latin  the  proscenium  =  \oyflov  of  Polyb.  xxx.  13,  4).  ^*  with  silver  lamps  going, 

w  And  when  J.  was  come. 


Chapter  X. 


Ver,  2,  Kal  o^eVr?).  Cf.  on  the  force  of  the 
connective  the  note  at  v.  20.  —  'Airb  tTjs  TrTciafois. 
Tills  word  means  simply  "fall,"  and  refers  only  to 
Judith's  prostrate  position,  and  not  at  all  (as  im- 
plied in  the  A.  V.)  to  the  place  where  slie  was. 
See  ix.  1.  —  Precious  ointment.  Different  kinds 
of  oil  were  used  for  ihis  purpose  :  olive  oil,  oil  of 
myrrh,  and  of  the  castor  bean.  Here  it  is  called 
uvpof,  and  its  valuable  quality  indicated  by  de- 
Bcribing  it  as  thick,  nix"^-  —  li  which  she  passed. 
Cf.  viii.  .5,  6. 

Ver.  3.  A  turban,  fjiWpav.  The  A.  V.  has  in 
the  margin,  "  Gr.  mitre;"  but  it  is  a  different 
word  which  is  so  remlered  at  iv.  15  (K(5apis).  Cf. 
xvi.  8,  where  also  we  find  the  present  word  ren- 
dered "  tire  "  in  the  A.  V.  It  seems  better  to 
render  by  "turban,"  as  the  word  "  mitre  "  has  a 
technical  meaning  in  connection  with  the  dress  of 
the  priests. 

Ver.  4.  Sandals  were  not  worn  in  the  house. 
Great  attention  was  bestowed  on  them  by  the 
female  sex,  the  thongs  with  which  they  were  bound 
on  being  often  richly  embroidered.  —  XXtSiufat, 
anklets.  This  word  is  used  by  the  LXX.  to  trans- 
late n"T^!i.  It  means  a  going,  marching,  and  in 
the  plural  step-chains.  They  were  short  chains 
attariied  by  females  to  the  ankle-band  of  each 
foot,  so  as  to  compel  them  to  take  short  steps,  go 
"  mincingly."  See  Is.  iii.  30.  It  may  mean  here 
"  bracelet  "  or  "  anklet ;  "  but  probably  has  the 
latter  significiiiion,  as  another  word  for  "  bracelet,'' 
^(\ia,  immediately  follows. 

Ver.  5.  In  this  scrupulosity  of  Judith  with 
resjiect  to  what  she  ate  there  is  evidence  of  a  late 
authorbhip  for  our  book.     She  would  not  eat  even 


the  ordinary  bread  of  her  own  people,  she  says. 
It  must  be  Ka8ap6s.  This  word,  however,  is  prob- 
alily  meant  simply  to  distinguish  the  Jewish  prep- 
aration from  that  of  the  heathen.  Cf.  >:ii.  1,2. — 
The  word  n€piSttr\6oi,  fold  together,  wrap  up,  !.•» 
said  to  be  found  only  here.  Judith  was  afraid 
these  vessels,  to  be  used  in  cooking,  might  ccme 
in  contact  with  something  ceremonially  unclean. 

Ver.  7.  On  Koi  in  a  secondary  clause  after  a 
Ijarticle  of  time,  cf.  Winer,  p.  438.  The  clause 
liegiuning  "  and  her  countenance  was  altered," 
with  the  one  next  f(d]owing,  are  parenthetic,  be- 
ing the  ground  of  the  following  assertion. 

Ver.  8.  She  worshipped  God.  This  prob- 
ably refers  to  a  siiuple  bowing  or  kneeling.  Some 
susjiect,  however,  a  failure  in  tritiislation,  and 
think  that  Judith  bowed  herself  before  the  elders. 

Ver.  10.  'AmcrK6tTetjov,  looked  after  her.  The 
word  contains  the  idea  of  looking  down  from 
above.  The  ending  euu  for  eai  is  of  late  origin. 
Cf,  Winer,  p,  92, 

Ver.  13,  J^ta^iavioj.  It  means,  first,  to  sound 
apart,  to  he  out  of  harmony.  At  a  later  period, 
however,  it  received  other  derived  meanings :  ( 1 ) 
to  be  trantinp,  to  be  missed;  (2)  to  perish.  Kither 
of  the  l.i.st  two  meanings  would  be  proper  in  the 
])resi'nt  case. 

Ver.  14.  For  the  construotion  where  xal  intro- 
ducing the  principal  clause  is  left  untranslated, 
cf.  verse  7,  above,  and  v.  20, 

Ver.  1.'5.  "Will  conduct,  TrpoTreVi^oufTi.  The  first 
meaning  of  the  verb  is  to  dismiss,  send  forth.  Seft 
Wisd.  xix.  2.  ;  Xen.,  Cf/r.,  ii.  4,  8.  A  secondary 
meaning,  as  here  (cf.  Acts  xv.  3),  is  to  accompany 
Cf.  1  Ksd.  iv.  47  ;  1  Mace.  xii.  4. 


JUDITH. 


187 


Ver.  17.  The  number  of  men  sent  as  escort  to 
Judith  and  her  maid  to  the  tent  of  Olopherues 
seems,  from  our  point  of  liew,  somewhat  hirge. 

Ver.  19.  "Oti,  rendered  "surely"  in  the  A. 
v.,  appcirs  designed  to  introduce  the  remark  of 
some  oilier  person,  and  may  be  omitted  in  the 
translation. 

Ver.  21 .  KuyaiTveToi'.  It  was  a  couch  with  cur- 
tains used  to  jirotect  one  from  mosquitoes,  and 
the  name  was  derived  from  Ktivutfi,  a  gnat  (Lat. 
culex).     Cf.  Herod.,  ii.  95.     Here  the  reference 


seems  to  be  simply  to  the  curtains:  iv  T(f  xoivot- 
TTfiS.  Cf.  xiii.  15";  xvi.  19.  Other  forms  of  the 
word  in  use  in  ecclesiastical  Greek  were  KOifoh- 
irecliv  and  Kuvwiriwv. 

Ver.  22.  The  lights  were  necessary,  inasmuch 
as  it  was  still  night  (xi.  3).  She  had  gone  forth 
in  the  night,  probably  in  order  to  make  it  seeni 
more  likely  that  she  wasafugitive  (viii.  33).  But 
the  sentinels  and  the  men  of  the  camp  —  how 
could  tliey  have  discovered,  then,  that  she  was  so 
extraordinarily  beautiful  ?     See  verses  14,  19. 


Chapter  XI. 

And  Olophernes  said  unto  her,  Woman,  be  of  good  comfort,  fear  not  in  thine 
heart,  for  I  never  hurt  any  that  was  willing  to  serve  Nabuchodonosor,  king '  of 
all  the  earth.  And  now  -  if  thy  people  that  dwelleth  in  the  mountains  had  not  set 
light  by  me,  I  would  not  have  lifted  up  my  spear  against  them  ;  but  they  have  done 
these  things  to  themselves.  And '  now  tell  me  wherefore  thou  didst  flee  *  from 
them,  and  didst  ^  come  unto  us  ;  for  thou  dost  ^  come  for  safety.'  Be  of  good  com- 
fort, thou  shalt  live  *  this  night,  and  hereafter  ;  for  none  shall  hurt  thee,  but  treat  * 
thee  well,  as  they  do  the  servants  of  king  Nabuchodonosor  my  lord.  And  "  Judith 
said  unto  him. 

Receive  the  words  of  thy  servant,  and  suffer  thy  handmaid  to  speak  in  thy  pres- 
ence, and  I  will  report  '^  no  lie  to  my  lord  this  night.  And  if  thou  wilt  follow  the 
words  of  thine  handmaid,  God  will  bring  the  thing  perfectly  to  pass  by  thee  ;  and  my 
lord  shall  not  fail  of  his  purposes.  For  as  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  all  the  earth 
liveth,  and  as '-  his  power  liveth,  who  hath  sent  thee  to  put  in  order  '^  every  living 
thing,  not  "  only  do  men  serve  '^  him  by  thee,  but  also  the  beasts  of  the  field,  and 
the  cattle,  and  the  fowls  of  the  air,  shall  live  by  thy  power  under  Nabuchodonosor 
and  all  his  house.  For  we  have  heard  of  thy  wisdom  and  the  subtle  devices  of  thy 
spirit ;  ^'^  and  it  is  reported  in  all  the  earth,  that  thou  only  art  clever  "  in  all  the 
kingdom,  and  mighty  in  insight,  and  admirable  as  army  leader.^"  And  now  ^"  as 
concerning  that  which  Achior  said-"  in  thy  council,  we  have  heard  his  words  ;  for 
the  men  of  Betulua  "'  saved  him,  and  he  informed  them  of  "^^  all  that  he  had  spoken 
unto  thee.  Therefore,  O  lord  and  governor,  disregard'^  not  his  word  ;  but  lay  it 
up  in  thine  heart,  for  it  is  true.     For  our  race  is  not  punished,^*  neither  does  the 

11  sword  prevail-'^  against  them,  except  they  sin  against  their  God.  And  now,  that 
my  lord  be  not  driven  out  '•'^  and  so  become  unsuccessful,-"  and  that  death  may 
fall  -*  upon  them,  sin  -^  hath  overtaken  them,  wherewith   they  will  provoke  their 

12  God  to  anger,  when  they  do  '"  that  which  is  not  allowed  ^^  to  be  done.  For  since 
victuals  failed  ^■^  them,  and  water  of  every  kind  was  scant,  they  have  determined 
to  fall  ^'  upon  their  cattle,  and  purposed  to  consume  all  those  things,  that  God  by  his 

13  laws  hath  forbidden  them  to  eat."^  And  they  have  ^*  resolved  to  consume  '"^  the  first- 
fruits  of  the  grain,  and  the  tenths  of  the  "  wine  and  the  ^^  oil,  which  they  had  reserved 


10 


5  art. 
«  As 


Vera.  1-7. —1  A.  v.:  Then  said  Olofernes  ....  the  king.         ^  Now  therefore.  =  But.         <  art  fled. 

•  art.  '  safeguard.         •  For  iri<rji,  X.  offers  fyi^  fijoT).         =  A.  V. :  entreat.  m  Then.  "  declare. 

....at.       13  for  the  upholding  of  (Gr.,  el!«aT6p9u)iTii').        "  for  not.        m  only  men  shall  serve. 

Vers.  8-10.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  thy  policies  (Gr.,  to.  iracovpyeiifiaTa  ttjs  i/n^xTJs  o-ov).  ^~  excellent  (Gr.,  ayoflis,  but  its  mean- 
ing is  determined  by  the  contest ;  marg.  of  A.  V.,  in  favour).  ^^  knowledge  (Gr.,  67ri(rni/iTj)  and  wonderful  in  feats  of 
war  (Gr.,  kv  (rrpaTev/xoo-i  7roAe>ou).  ^^  Now.  20  the  matter,  which  Achior  did  speak.  -'  Bethulia.  23  declared 
unto  them.        ^  reject  (Gr.,  n-ape'A^s).        24  nation  shall  not  be  punished  (Gr.,  ou  ....  «5i«aTai)  25  can  .  . 

prevail  (ouSe  Ko.Tt<Txv€i) 

Vers.  11, 12.  —  -■'  A.  V.  :  defeated  ,e»cPo\o?).  2:  and  frustrate  of  his  purpose.  28  gyen  death  is  nov^  fallen  (Gr.,  koI 
en-iireo-eiTai  Sai-aTOs  ejri,  the  force  of  Iva  being  continued  from  the  preceding  clause).  29  and  their  sin.     There  is  a 

«ai,  but  seeCom.        so  a.  V.  :  whensoever  they  shall  do  »■  fit.     (SeeCoin.)        »  (or  their  (HI.  23.  44.  al.  Co.  Aid.) 

victuals  fail.     The  partiele  yii:  is  omitted  in  III.  X.  19.  44.  52.  65.  at.  Co.  and  Aid.,  and  the  verb  changed  from  e^e'A- 
tnev  to  ffapefe'Aiffev  (in.  2.S6.,  Trape^eAetirei'),  i.  f .,  the  yap  appears  as  n-op  in  these  authorities  by  mistake.     Cod.  II.  haa 
ifeAecTrev.      ^  A.  V. :  all  their  water  is  scant,  and  ....  lay  hands  (Gr.,  irav  vSup  ....  e^^l^aAe^^'). 
bidden  them  to  eat  by  his  laws. 

V«r.  13.  —  *s  A.  V. :  and  are.        ^  upend.        s:  corn  ....  of .        ^s  omits  the. 


M  God  hath  toi- 


188 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


as  sacred  to  '  the  priests  that  serve  in  Jerusalem  before  the  face  of  our  God,  which  ' 
things  it  is  not  lawful  for  any  of  the  people  so  much  as  to  touch  with  their  hands. 

14  And  they  have  sent  messengers  ^  to  Jerusalem,  because  they  also  that  dwell  there 

15  have  done  the  like,  to  bring  them  the  permission  from  the  council.^  And  it  shall 
be  when  it  announces  it  to  them  and  they  do  it,^  they  shall  be  given  thee  to  be  de- 

16  stroyed  the  same  day.  Wherefore  I  thy  servant,  having  learned  of  ^  all  this, 
fled '  from  their  presence ;  and  God  sent '  me  to  work  things  with  thee,  whereat 

17  all  the  earth  shall  be  astonished,  whosoever^  shall  hear  it.  For  thy  servant 
is  GoJ-fearing,^°  and  serveth  the  God  of  heaven  night  and  day.  ^'  And  now  ^' 
my  lord,  I  will  remain  with  thee,  and  thy  servant  will  go  out  by  night  ^'  into 
the  valley,  and  I  will  pray  unto  God,  and  he  will  announce  to  "  me  when  they  have 

18  committed  their  sins  ;  and  I  will  come  and  shew  it  unto  thee  ;  and  ^'  thou  shalt  go 
forth   with  aU   thine  army,   and   there  is    none   of   them    that  will  '^  resist  thee. 

19  And  I  will  lead  thee  through  the  midst  of  Judsea,  until  thoti  come  before  Jerusalem  ; 
and  I  will  set  thy  throne  in  the  midst  thereof  ;  and  thou  shalt  drive  them  as  sheep 
that  have  no  shepherd,  and  a  dog  shall  not  growl "  at  thee  ;  for  these  things  were 
told  me  ^'  according  to  my  foreknowledge,  and  they  were  announced  unto  me,  and  I 
was  sent  '^  to  tell  thee. 

20  And  -"  her  words  pleased  Olophernes  and  all  his  servants  ;  and  they  marvelled  at 

21  her  wisdom,  and  said.  There  is  not  such  a  woman  from  one  end  of  the  earth  to  the 

22  other,  for  beauty  of  face,  and  intelligent  speech.'^  And  ^  Olophernes  said  unto  her, 
God  hath  done  well  to  send  thee  before  the  people,  that  strength  might  be  in  our 

23  hands,  but  '^  destruction  upon  them  that  lightly  regard  my  lord.  And  now  thou 
art  beautiful  ^  in  thy  form,-'^  and  sagacious  in  thy  speech ;  *^  surely  if  thou  do  as 
thou  hast  spoken,  thy  God  shall  be  my  God,  and  thou  shalt  dwell  in  the  palace  " 
of  king  Nabuchodonosor,  and  shalt  be  renowned  through  the  whole  earth. 

Vera.  13-15.  —  *  A.  V. :  sanctified  and  reserved  for  (Gr.,  fitc^uXafac  oytao-oi^es).  ^  the  which.  ^  Vot  .  .  .  .some. 
There  is  no  word  for  messengers  in  the  Greek,  but  it  is  contained  in  the  Terb  and  the  following  roiis  iieTaxotiicrovTai. 
*  A.  V. :  a  license  from  the  senate  (Gr.,  ttji-  a^etriv  ....  ycpouaias.  Cf.  iv.  8).  ^  Now  when  they  shall  bring  them 
word  (for  cffrot  .  .  .  .  m  av  oi/oyyctAp  —  62.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  have  the  fut.  plur.),  they  will /ortAitriM  do  i/,  and. 

Vers.  16-19.  —  ^  A.  V. :  thine  handmaid  (cf .  vers-  5, 17)  knowing  (€7riyt'ou<7'a).  ^  am  fled.  ^  hath  gent.  ^  and 
whosoever.  ">  religious.  "  day  and  night  (as  19.  44. 106.  108.  236.).  "  now  therefore.  'a  by  night  (Gr.,  «aTa 
vitKTa,  i.  «.,  night  by  night).  i*  teU.  (Fritzsche  adopts  avayy^Kel  from  III.  19.  62.  58.  64.  Old  Lat.  instead  of  epet  of  the 
text,  ree.)  "  then.  Fritzsche  adopts  Kai  here  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  58.  71.  74.  76.  Co.  Aid.  It  is  wanting  in  the  text. 
Tec.  ^^  A.  V :  shall  be  ...  .  shall.         ^'  so  viuch  as  open  his  mouth.    Literally,  it  would  be,  *'  mutterwith  his 

tongue."  "  A.  V. :  were  told   me  (marg.,  have  I  spoken,  iKaXrf^  y.0K  ;    cf.  Luke  i.  45  ;  .\cts.  il.  6  ;  ileb.  is.  19). 

13  declared  ....  am  sent  (Gr.,  aireerroATjv). 

Vers.  20-23.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Then.  ^^  both  for  .  wisdom  of  words.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading  ef  icaAA»  n-potrwirov 
from  19. 44.  52.  64.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  But  II.,  with  III.,  has  kv  koAw  n-poo-wini*.  The  text.  rec.  agrees  with  the  latter,  excepting 
the  preposition.  22  _a,.  v. :  Likewise.  23  and.  ^  both  he&atiful.  ^a  countenance  (Or.,  eifiei).  =6  witty  in 
thy  words.  The  word  rendered  "  witty  "  is  ayad6s,  whose  generic  meaning  is  "  good."  But  it  means  good  in  its  kindf 
and  hence  may  be  used  as  an  epithet  for  all  sorts  of  nouns  as  opposed  to  koxos,  bad  in  its  hind.  See  Liddell  and  Scott'i 
Lex.f  ad  voc.    The  context  here  determines,  as  at  ver.  8,  the  particular  meaning  to  be  attached  to  it.        ^^  house. 

Chapter  XI. 


Ver.  2.  Set  light  by  me,  (<pai\i(rdv  fie.  Cf. 
vei-se  22,  and  remarks  in  Co7n.  at  i.  11. 

Ver.  7.      For  as  N liveth.     Here  we 

have  Q,  and  not,  as  at  ii.  12,  the  nnusual  parti- 
ciple. Cf.  remarks  in  Com.  at  that  place.  —  The 
beasts  of  the  field.  Cf.  for  a  similar  thought 
Bar.  iii.  16,  and  Ps.  viii.  7  ;  but  especially  Jer. 
xxvii.  6,  where  it  is  said  by  the  prophet  th.it  God 
had  given  the  beasts  of  the  tield  to  serve  Nebu- 
chadnezzar. —  *Ejrl  N.  Kal  Ttavrhs  tov  oIkov  aurov. 
We  adopt  this  emendation  of  Fi'itz.<che,  in  which 
the  genitive  U  substituted  for  the  accusative, 
the  latter  being  in  such  a  connection  apparently 
inadmissible. 

Ver.  8.  As  army  leader.  Lit.,  in  armies  of 
war.  But  Wahl  would  render  o-Tporeu/ia  here  by 
camp. 

Ver.  9.  Saved  him  (marg.  of  A.  V.,  qat  him), 
vepietroirtaavTo.  Cf.  1  Mace.  vi.  44,  to  ffct  [wepitroi- 
TJaai)  him,  etc.  The  literal  meaning  is  to  make 
remain  over  and  above ;  hence,  to  keep  safe,  save  ; 


in  the  middle  voice,  to  get,  save  for  one's  self;  get 
possession  qf.  The  active  is  also  sometimes  so 
used.  The  LXX.  uses  this  word  at  Gen.  xii.  12  : 
but  they  will  save  thee  alive  (o-e  Se  TipntovrtaovTui). 

Ver.  11.  We  have  translated  the  words  eK$o\os 
and  SirpoKTos  in  their  usual  signification  ;  the  first 
by  driven  oi/(,  and  the  second  by  unsuccessfid.  Cf. 
Fritzsche,  Com.,  ad  toe.  —  Not  allowed  to  be 
done,  aTotriav.  Lit.,  that  which  is  out  qf  place.  Here 
in  the  sense  of  anything  sinful.  The  word  in  this 
form  docs  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the  LXX.  or 
N.  T.  —  For  the  force  of  /tai  before  (caTeAojSero, 
see  V.  20. 

Vei-.  12.  All  the  water  (A.  V.).  Better,  wa- 
ter of  every  kind  Itrav  iiSup),  including  rain-water, 
s])ring  water,  etc.  —  'EtTL$a\i7y  is  used  intransi 
tively  in  the  sense  of  fall  upon.  The  Old  Latin 
adds  ;  et  bibere  sanguinem  eorum. 

Ver.  13.  Which.  We  might  have  expected 
as  instead  of  the  neuter  3.  —  The  word  trirt 
means  "  wheat,"  and  also  "  grain  "  in  general. 


JUDITH. 


189 


Ver.  16.  The  old  question  here  comes  up: 
whether  deception  is  ever  justifiable,  —  whether 
especially,  however,  this  deception  of  Judith  can 
be  justified.  There  are  two  classes  of  apologists 
for  her  :  (1)  those  who  would  find  in  her  words  a 
double  sense,  one  of  which  was  true;  (2)  those 
who  declare  her  actions  right  on  the  ground  of 
necessity.  Does,  then,  necessity  know  no  law, 
not   even  a  moral   one  ?      Or   can   anything    be 


necessary  which  is  opposed  to  the  moral  law  1 
It  is  certainly  a  remarkable  circumstance  that 
Judith  is  so  exceedingly  particular  not  to  break 
the  ceremonial  law  with  respect  to  eating  anything 
forbidden  ;  while  she  seems  to  regard  it  as  a  mark 
of  special  virtue  to  practice  this  deception  on  Olo- 
phernes,  and  even  asks  God's  blessing  on  her  acted 
and  spoken  falsehoods. 


Chapter  XTT. 


1  And  '  he  commanded  to  bring  her  in  where  his  silver  vessels  were  set  out,''  and 
bade  that  they  sliould  spread  a  mat  for  her  that  she  miffht  eat  of  his  food,  and  drink 

2  of  his  wine.'     And  Judith  said,  I  will  not  eat  thereof,  lest  there  be  an  offence  ;  but 

3  provision  shall  be  made  for  me  of  the  things  that  have  been  brought  along.''  And  * 
Olophernes  said  unto  her,  But  if  what  tliou  hast  fail,  whence  could  we  get  to  give 

4  thee  like  them  ?  "  for  there  are '  none  with  us  of  thy  nation."  And  Judith  said  ^  unto 
him.  As  thy  soul  liveth,  my  lord,  thy  servant  will  not  consume '"  those  things  that 
I  have,  before  the  Lord  work  by  mine  hand  the  things  that  he  hath  determined. 

5  And  ^^  the  servants  of  Olophernes  brought  her  into  the  tent,  and  she  slept  till  mid- 

6  night ;  and  she  arose  towards  ^"  the  morning  watch,  and  sent  to  Olophernes,  saying, 

7  Let  my  lord  now  bid  that  thy  servant  be  suffered  to  go  forth  unto  prayer.  And  ^' 
Olophernes  commanded  the  body  guard  "  that  they  should  not  prevent '°  her.  And  '* 
she  abode  in  the  camp  three  days,  and  went  out  every  "  night  into  the  valley  of 

8  Betulua,^*  and  washed  herself  at  the  "  foimtain  of  water  in  -"  the  camp.  And  when 
she  came  out,  she  besought  the  Lord  God  of  Israel  to  direct  her  way  to  the  raising 

9  up  of  the  children  of  her  people.    And  ^'  she  came  in  clean,  and  remained  so  '■'-  in  the 

10  tent,  until  she  ate  her  food  towards^  evening.  And  it  came  to  pass  on  -''  the  fourth 
day  that  '^  Olophernes  made  a  feast  to  his  servants  only,  and  included  none  of  the 

11  officers  among  the  invited.-^  And  he  said  -''  to  Bagoas  the  eunuch,  who  had  charge 
over  all  that  he  had,  Go  now,  and  persuade  the  '-*  Hebrew  woman  who  '^  is  with  thee, 

12  to  ™  come  unto  us,  and  eat  and  di-ink  with  us.  For  lo,  it  were  '^  a  shame  for  our  per- 
son, if  we  should  ^-  let  such  a  woman  go,  without  having  had  intercom'se  with  her ;  ^ 

13  for  if  we  win  her  not,  she  will  laugh  at  us."^  And  Bagoas  went  out  '^  from  the 
presence  of  Olophernes,  and  came  in  to  her,  and  said,^''  Let  not,  I  pray,^'  this  fair 
damsel  scruple  to  come  to  my  lord,  to  be  '*  honored  in  his  presence,  and  drink 
wine  for  merriment  with  us,  and  become  this  day  as  one  of  the  daughters  of  the 

14  Assyrians,  who  ^  serve  in  the  palace  of  Nabucliodonosor.  And  Judith  said  unto 
him,  And  who  am  I,**  that  I  should  gainsay  my  lord  ?  for  everything  that  *^  pleas- 
eth  him  I  wiU  do  speedily,  and  it^  shall  be  my  joy  unto  the  day  of  my  death. 

Vers.  1-3.  —  i  A.  V.  :  Then.  ^  plate  was  set  (cf.  Com.).  3  they  should  prepare  for  her  of  his  own  meats,  and  that 
(Ac  should  ....  own  wine  (Gr.,  JCaTaoTpoKTai  auTjJ  ajrb  Ttt»f  oipOTTOiTj/iaTwi' auTOu,  etc.).  *  Jbr  me,  of  ....  that  I 

haTB  brought  (Gr.,  ex  tuic  ^)co\ou9tjk6twi',  etc.).  ^  Then.  ^  If  thy  provision  should  fail  how  should  we  give  thee 

the  like  {Gr.,  ffodef  efoiVofjiei'  —  e$Ofiev.  III.    19.    23.    52.    58.    Co.    Aid.  —  <roi  SoOi-at,  o^oia  avrois).  '  be.  ^  For 

SOvovi  we  find  ye>'ou?  in  III.  19.  44.  55.,  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.,  and  \aov  in  58.  The  first  word,  however,  would  have  been 
quite  proper  in  the  mouth  of  Olophernes. 

Vera.  4-7.  —  **A.  V-:  Then  said  Judith.  ">  thine  handmaid  shall  not  spend.  "Then.  ^  when  il  was  towards. 
13  command  that  thine  handmaid  may  .  .  .    Then.  i*  kis  guard  (Gr.,  rot?  <Tw^aTo(f>i'Aa^i).  '"  stay.  ^^  thus. 

*'  in  the.  For  Kara  vvKra,  19.  23.  44.  55.  and  others  read  ttjc  iniKTa  (Jun.,  nof/»),  but  it  does  not  agree  so  well  with  the 
context.     Cf.  xi.  17.  ^^  A.  V.  :  BethuUa.  i^  in  a.  20  by_     xhe  words  iv  TJj  n-ape^poAjJ  are  omitted  in  58. 

Old  Lat.  Syr.,  but  obviously  with  design,  in  order  to  spare  Judith. 

Vers.  9,  10. —  2'  A.  V. ;  So.  ^^  omits  so  {which  seems  necessary  to  complete  the  sense).  -^  did  eat  her  meat  at. 
2*  And  in  (Gr.,  ryeVero  ev  ;  the  verb  is  omitted  by  44.  71.  106.).  25  omits  that.  ^6  own  servants  ....  called  none 
of  the  officers  to  the  banquet.  See  Com.  For  xprftri-v  (roy  ttotou  being  understood)  of  the  text,  re.c,  III.  19.  23.  44.  62. 
58.  and  others,  with  Co.  Aid.,  have  kA^o'i*',  which  is  probably  correct,  and  we  have  rendered  accordingly. 

Vers.  11-13. —  -' A.  V.  :  Then  said  he.  ^  this.  '»  which.  s»  that  jAe.  ^' it  will  be.  The  copula  is  wanting, 
and  what  we  have  substituted  seems  more  suitable.  **  A.  V. :  shall  (future  with  the  force  of  the  subjunctive). 

3*  her  company  (Gr.,  o^iA^o-ai'Tes  ayTJj,  here  used  technically  of  sexual  intercourse).  ^  draw  (Gr.,  ^jrt<rjracrui/ic6a ; 

fleeCom.)  her  not  unto  us  ....  us  to  scorn.  s6  Then  went  Bagoas.  36  came  to  ....  he  said.  37  ornit.'i  I  pray  [Sij) 
with  64.  248.  Co.  Aid.        38  a_  v_  ;  fg^r  to  ...  .  and  to  be.        3a  and  be  merry  ....  be  made  ....  which. 

Ver.  14.  —  *^  A.  V. :  house  of  Nabuchodonosor.  Then  said  Judith,  Who  am  I  now.  "  surely  whatsoever  (Gr.,  or* 
iroi').  *-  The  pronoun  tovto  has  fiot.  either  before  or  after  it  in  11.  Ill,  23.  44.  62.  56.  58.  64.,  etc.,  with  Co.  Aid.  I' 
does  not  appear  in  the  text  rec,  or  in  that  of  Fritzsche. 


190 


THK   APOCIlYrHA. 


15  And '  she  arose,  and  decked  herself  with  her  apparel  and  all  her  woman's  ornamen- 
tation.- And  her  maid  came  up  and  spread  the  mats  *  on  the  ground  for  her  in 
front  of  *  Olophernes,  which  she  had  received  of  Bagoas  for  her  daily  use,  that  she 

16  might  recline^  and  eat  upon  them.  And'  Judith  came  in  and  reclined;'  and 
Olophernes'  ^  heart  was  ravished  with  her,  and  his  soul  ^  was  moved,  and  he  desired 
greatly  intercourse  with  her  ;  and  he  had  sought  opportunity  to  seduce  '°  her,  from 

17  the  day  that  he  had  seen  her.      And  Olophernes   said  ^'  unto  her.  Drink  now, 

18  and  be  merry  with  us.  And  Judith  said,  I  will  indeed '-  drink,  my  lord,  because 
my  life  "  is  magnified  in  me  this  day  more  than  all  the  days  since  I  was  born. 

19  And  "    she  took  and   ate   and    drank    before  him  what   her  maid  had   prepared. 

20  And  Olophernes  took  great  delight  in  her,  and  drank  much  more  wine  than  he  had 
drunk  at  any  time  before  "  in  one  day  since  he  was  born. 

Ver.  15.  —  ^  A.  V  :  So.  ^  attire  (Gr.,  iraviX  tcII  Koa-fxta  t^  yvvaiKeiw).    The  Codd.  III.  19.  108.  omit  these  words, 

excepting  the  last  two,  which  it  would  thus  connect  directly  with  i^iaTt(r/iw.  ^  A.  V. :  went  and  laid  soft  skins. 
•  over  against.        s  gjt. 

Vers.  16-20.  —  ^  A.  \. :  Now  when.        '  sat  down.        *  Olofemes  his.        *  mind.  *"  her  company,  for  he  waited 

a  time  to  deceive  (Gr.,  teal  er^pet  Koxpov  roi)  airarrj<Tiu).  The  Old  Lat.  and  Syr.,  with  58.,  read  with  obTious  color- 
ing, e^iJTet  Katpov  airavjijircu  airp.  "  A.  V. :  Then  said  0.  ^  So  J.  said  I  will  drink  now  (5^).  i^  foj  ^^  ^^^ 
19.108.  give  i}  xjwx^,  probably  because  of  the  supposed  impropriety  of  the  expression:  "my  life  is  magnified*') 
"  A.  V. :  Then.        ^  omits  be/ore  (which  is  necessary  to  save  the  expression  from  a  contradiction). 

Chaptek  XII. 


Ver.  1 .  Silver  vessels,  apyvpdnaTa.  We  pre- 
fer this  rendering  to  that  of  the  A.  V.,  plate  (cf. 
XV.  11).  If  the  word  plate  were  used,  it  should  at 
least  be  limited  by  silver.  —  Spread  a  mat,  /caro- 
OTfiuaai  auTp.  The  bed  and  sitting  furniture  are 
much  the  same  among  the  Orientals.  The  mean- 
ing here  is  that  a  mat  was  to  be  spread  for  Judith, 
in  order  that  she  might  recline  and  eat. 

Ver.  2.  An  offense,  ;'.  e.  to  God  :  a  sin.  The 
special  stress  which  in  this  book  is  laid  on  this 
matter  of  eating  nothing  unclean  is  noticeable. 
See  Hitzig's  and  Keil's  Com.,  respectively,  at  Dan. 
i.  8  ;  and  cf.  Tob.  i.  10 ;  1  Mace.  i.  62  f. ;  2  Mace. 
V.  27. 

Ver.  5.  The  tent  especially  designed  for  Judith 
leems  to  be  meant.  That  it  was  adjoining  that 
of  Olophernes  seema  probable.  Cf.  verses  9  and 
11;  also,  X.  20;  xiv.  17.  —  TUl  midnight.  This 
is  but  the  first  night.  One  might  suppose  it 
hardly  probable  that  all  that  has  been  described 
tould  have  happened  between  early  evening  and  a 
ime  much  before  midnight.  Cf.  viii.  33  ;  x.  20, 
22 ;  xi.  3. 

Ver.  7.  In  the  camp,  h  rp  irape/tfioXp.  Gut- 
mann  suspects  a  mistranslation.  It  is  said,  just 
before,  that  Judith  went  out  {of  the  camp)  into  the 
valley  of  Betulua,  and  yet  that  she  "  bathed  at  the 
fountain  in  the  camp,"  which  is  a  contradiction. 
He  thinks  that  in  here  is  nsed  to  translate  the 
Hebrew  2  ;  which  may  mean  as  well  "  near,"  or 
in  the  vicinity  of.  Others  conjecture  that  the 
Greek  translator  read  n3n^3  for  TT^ari^,  "from 
the  uncleanness."     But  cf.  vi.  II  ;  vii.  3. 

Ver.  10.  The  word  rendered  banquet  is  XP^""' 
in  the  common  Greek  text,  which  we  have 
changed,  however,  to  kA^iti*',  on  the  authority  of 


the  above-mentioned  MSS.  Its  ordinary  meaning 
is  "invitation"  (Xen.,  Symp.,  i.  7);  but  here, 
evidently,  it  points  to  the  "  invited."  Fritzsche 
thinks  the  word  in  the  original  may  have  been 
K"'r^,  a   convocation.      None  of   the    officers, 

T    '  .  '  ' 

ouSfva  rcav  Ttpbs  To7s  xp^fafs,  i.  e.,  no  one  intrusted 
with  the  manat/ement  of  affairs,  none  of  the  higher 
officials.  Participation  in  the  feast  was  confined 
to  a  small  number,  because  the  object  was  simply 
to  make  an  occasion  for  inviting  Judith. 

Ver.  11.  Bagoas.  A  frequently  recurring 
name  among  Persian  eunuchs,  and  meaning  much 
the  same  as  eunuch  in  that  language. 

Ver.  12.  Win  her  not,  /xt)  ewitr-raa-dfifSa. 
Xenophon  uses  this  verb  with  reference  to  the 
seduction  of  a  woman.  Cf.  Cyrop.,  v.  5,  10- 
The  idea  of  employing  force,  if  necessary,  is  not 
excluded.  The  word  was  also  the  one  used  to  sig- 
nify the  making  of  a  prepuce  by  art.  Cf.  1  Cor. 
vii.'  18. 

Ver.  13.  Lit.,  Thou  wilt  drink  (irieaat)  wine. 
For  this  form  of  the  verb,  see  Luke  xvii.  8,  and 
cf.  Winer,  p.  88.  — Who  serve,  at  irap«rTi]Kaaiv. 
So  xiii.  1,  "waiters." 

Ver.  16.  'Was  ravished,  cJcVtt).  hit.,  put  out 
of  its  place,  changed,  and,  metaphorically,  driven 
crazy.     Cf.  Matt.  v.  28. 

Ver.  20.  Hl/(!>pav8ri,  for  eucppafBr},  occurs  a  few 
times  in  the  LXX.  Cf.  Lam.  ii.  17.  —  In  her, 
iir'  ouTTJr.  Cf.  LXX.  at  2  Chron.  xx.  27.  The 
l)re])Osition  ex  is  also  used  with  the  genitive  in 
this  sense.  See  the  LXX.  at  Prov.  v.  18.  Some 
cursives  read  €V  aurp.  Cf.  vii.  12  ;  xiv  18.  The 
preposition  is  probably  used  to  render  the  Heb. 

]'::,  and  indicates  the  source  from  which  his  joy 
proceeded. 


JUDITH.  191 


Chapter  XIII. 

1  Now  when  the  evening  came  on,^  his  servants  made  haste  to  depart.  And  Bagoas 
shut  his  tent  from  -  without,  and  shut  out  ^  the  waiters  from  the  presence  of  his 
lord  ;  and  they  went  to  their  beds,  for  they  were  all  weary,  because  the  feast  had 

2  lasted  quite  long.*    And  Judith  was  left  alone  in  the  tent,  with  °  Olophernes  who  had 

3  fallen  forward  ^  upon  his  bed,  for  he  was  filled  with  wine.  And  '  .Judith  had  bid- 
den '  her  maid  stand  outside '  her  bedchamber,  and  wait '°  for  her  coming  forth,  as 
on  every  day,  for  she  said  she  would  go  forth  to  her  prayer."    And  she  spake  to  Ba- 

4  goas  to  '"  the  same  purpose.  And  '^  all  went  forth  from  her  presence,^''  and  no  one  '^ 
was  left  in  the  bedchamber,  little  or  ^^  great.  And  "  Judith,  standing  by  his  bed, 
said  in  her  heart,  0  Lord  God  of  all  power,  look  at  this  time '"  upon  the  works  of 

5  mine  hands  for  the  exaltation  of  .Jerusalem.  For  now  is  the  time  to  help  thine  in- 
heritance, and  to  execute  my  purpose  to  the  destruction  of  enemies  who  rose  '* 

6  against  us.  And  she  went''"  to  the  pillar--'  of  the  bed,  which  was  at  Olophernes'  head, 

7  and  took  down  his  sword  ^  from  thence ;  and  approaching  the  bed,  she  ^  took  hold 

8  of  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  said.  Strengthen  me,  O  God  '•'*  of  Israel,  this  day.  And 
she  smote  twice  upon  his  neck  with  all  her  might,  and  she  took  away  his  head  from 

9  him,  and  rolled  his  body  -^  from  the  bed,  and  removed  the  mosquito  net  ^*  from  the 
pillars ;  and  shortly  '"  after  she  went  forth,  and  gave  Olophernes'  '•^^  head  to  her  maid  ; 

10  and  she  put  it  in  her  provision-sack.^  And  they  two  went  out  *"  together,  accord- 
ing to  their  custom,  unto  prayer,  and  having  passed  through  the  camp,  they  compassed 
that  valley,  and  went  up  the  mountain  of  Betulua,'*'  and  came  to  the  gates  thereof. 

11  And  Judith  cried  from  far*'^  to  the  watchmen  upon  the  gates,^^  Open,  open  now 
the  gate ;  God,  our  ^*  God,  is  with   us,  to   shew  his  power  yet  in   Israel,**  and  his 

12  might '"  against  the  enemy,  as  he  hath  also  *'  done  this  day.  And  it  came  to  pass "' 
when  the  men  of  her  city  heard  her  voice,  they  made  haste  to  go  down  to  the  gate 

13  of  their  city  ;  and  they  called  the  elders  of  the  city.  And  they  ^  ran  all  together, 
small  *"  and  great,  for  her  coming  was  unexpected  to  them  ;  and  *^  they  opened  the 
gate,  and  received  them  ;  and  they  *"  made  a  fire  for  a  light,  and  stood  rouud  about 

14  them.  But  *^  she  said  to  them  with  a  loud  voice.  Praise  God,  praise  ;  praise  God, 
who'"  hath  not  taken  away  his  mercy  from  the  house  of  Israel,  but  hath  destroyed 

15  our  enemies  by  mine  hands  this  night.  And '"'  she  took  the  head  out  of  the  bag, 
and  shewed  it,  and  said  uuto  them.  Behold  the  head  of  Olophernes,  chief  general  *'' 
of  the  army  of  Assur,  and  behold  the  mosquito  net,"  wherein  he  lay  ■"  in  his  drunk- 

16  enness  ;  and  the  Lord  hath  smitten  him  by  the  hand  of  a  woman.  And  as''  the 
Lord  liveth,  who  hath  kept  me  in  my  way  that  I  went,  my  countenance  hath  de- 
ceived him  to  his  destruction,  and  he  committed  not  ^°  sin  with  me,  to  defilement 

Vera.  1-3.  — '  A.  v. :  was  come  (Gr.,  iyivno).  ^  omits  from  (Gr.,  cfu^fv).  s  digmisseil.  The  Codd.  23.  44.  64. 
aX.  Co.,  read  arreXvo-e ;  Aid.,  aneKvtrav  \  Old  Lat.,  dimisii.  But  they  are  all  doubtless  corrections,  and  weaken  the 
force  of  the  original,  aTreKAeio-e.  *  A.  V. :  had  been  long  (Gr.,  Sia  to  inX  iT\etov  yeyovdvat),  ^  and  (icai,  but  here 

better  rendered  by  "  with  '').        ^  lying  along  (Gr.,  TrpoTreTrrtDKuis).         '  Now.        8  ^ad  commanded  (the  tense  is  aorllt, 
but  with  a  pluperfect  sense).  "  to  stand  without.  lo  to  wait.  ^^  she  did  dnily  {Qt.,  KoddtrffucoB' rjfiepav)  ...  . 

prayers.        12  spake  to  ...  .  according  to. 

Vera.  4,  5.  —  '^  A.  V. :  So.  "  omits  from  her  presence.  After  TrpotTwffov,  III.  23.  62.  71.  and  others,  with  Co.  Aid. 
(Fritzsche),  read  (lvttis  ;  58.,  'OAoi^epfou  :  44.  and  others,  ai^roii  ;  text,  rec.y  the  word  alone.  ^^  A.  V.  :  none.  ^'^  neither 
little  nor  (lit.,  "  from  little  to,"  cf.  Jer.  vi.  13).  1'  Then.  '^  present  (Gr.,  wp<f ).  ^^  mine  enterprises  (plur.  64.  243. 
248.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  the  enemies  which  are  risen.     The  substantive  is  without  the  article,  and  the  verb  is  in  the  aorist. 

Vers.  6,  7.  —  20  i,  \\  ;  Then  she  came.  21  Badwell  suggested  the  reading  Kiovt  (pillar)  for  Kavovi,  but  the  authorities 
»re  unanimous  for  the  latter,  and  it  makes  no  special  difficulty.  Cod.  68.  (with  the  Syr.)  omits  the  allusion  to  the 
6ed  of  olophernes  in  this  place,  and  avoids  it  at  ver.  4.  22  a.  V.  :  fauchin  (cf .  xvi.  9).         23  approached  to  Ms  bed, 

and.  24  Q  Lord  God.     The  authorities  for  Kvpie  here  are  III.  44.  58.  243.,  etc.,  with  Old  Lat.  Co.  Aid. 

Vers.  9,  10.  —  25  A.  V. :  tumbled  (Gr.,  an€Kv\ttT€)  his  body  down.  26  pulled  down  the  canopy  (seeCo7H.).  27  j^  y. ; 
anon.  28  olophernes  his.  (At  ver.  6  we  found  "  Olophernes' '■  in  the  A.  V.)  29  bag  of  meat.  ^o  ho  they  twain  went 
'1  when  they  passed  the  camp  they  compassed  the  (71.)  valley.  3i  Bethulia.  The  words  "  unto  prayer,"  eVl  ttji/  n-poo- 
n/XTji',  are  supported  by  III.  X.  19.  23.  52.  68.  al.  Co.  Aid.,  and  we  hare  not  thought  it  befit  to  omit  them,  although  not 
found  in  the  text.  ree.  or  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 

Vers.  11-13.  — •*2  X.  V. :  Then  said  Judith  afar  off.  '^  at  the  gate  (plur.  in  Gr.,  except  in  74.).  **  even  our 

'^s  in  Jerusalem  (so  Aid.  and  Greek  Bible  of  1697  —  Frankfort).       36  forces  (Gr.,  «pdTo«).       ^' even  (Gr.,  ««';.       «  Now 
(44.  71.  106.  omitiytveio).  ^e  (^en  they.  "  both  small.         "  it  was  strange  imto  them  that  she  was  come:  so. 

"  omits  they. 

Ver.  14-16. —"  A.  V. :  Then.         "  Praise,  praise  God  ....  /jay,  for  he  (Gr.,  5?).         «  So.        ««  the  chief  cantain 
"  canopy  *«  did  lie.         •*■  As  (Gr.,  Koij.        ta  yft  hath  he  not  committed  (verb  in  aorist). 


192  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


17  and  shame.'  And '  all  the  people  were  greatly '  astonished,  and  bowed  them- 
selves,*  and  worshipped  God,  and   said  with   one   accord,  Blessed  be  thou,  O  our 

18  God,  who  ^  hast  this  day  brought  to  nought  the  enemies  of  thy  people.  And  Ozias 
said  ^  unto  her,  O  daughter,  blessed  art  thou  of  the  most  high  God  above  all  the 
women  upon  the  earth  ;  and  blessed  be  the  Lord  God,  Creator  of  '  the  heavens  and 
the  earth,  who '  directed  thee  to  the  cutting  off  of  the  head  of  the  chief  of  our  enemies. 

19  For  thy'  confidence  shall  not  depart  from  the  heart  of  men,  who"  remember  the 

20  power  of  God,  for  ever.  And  God  make  "  these  things  to  thee  an  eternal  exalta- 
tion,'- lo  visit  thee  in  good  things,  because  thou  didst  not  spare  thy  life  on  account 
of  the  humiliation  of  our  race,'^  but  didst  help  us  up  from  our  fall,'''  walking  a  straight 
path  '^  before  our  God.     And  all  the  people  said,  So  be  it,  so  be  it. 

Vers.  16-20.  — ^  to  defile  and  phame  me  (Gr.,  eiy  niatTfiay  etc.).  ^  A.Y.:  Then.  °  wonderfully  (tnfidSpa).  *  thtm- 
telves.  s  which.  ^  Then  said  Ozias.  '  which  hath  created  (lit.,  "  who  created  ;  "  but  better  rendered  as  above, 
on  account  of  what  follows),        ^  which  hath.        ^  this  thj.         ^^  which.  "  turn  (Gr.,  irot^o-at).         ^-  for  a  per- 

petual praise  (Gr.,  eis  ui/zos  alutviov).  ^^  hast  not  spared  ....  for  the  affliction  ....  nation.  "  hast  revenged 

our  ruin  (Gr.,  eVe^ijAfles  —  here  used  in  a  friendly  sense — t<3  wrolfiaTt  ^^iv).  ^  tpay.    The  substantive  is  involved 

In  the  verb  and  adjective,  and  need  not  be  italicized. 

Chapter  XIII. 


Ver.  2.  Filled  with  wine.  Lit.,  "  The  wine 
was  poured  out  round  about  him."  Dereser : 
"  He  swam  in  wine." 

Ver.  3.  It  is  not  explained  how  Jadith  was  able 
to  escape  from  the  tent,  although  it  was  fastened 
from  without. 

Ver.  4.  Said  in  her  heart.  The  Vulgate 
adds  characteristically  ;  "  cum  lacrymis  et  labiorum 
motu  in  silentio." 

Ver.  6.  Sword,  amviK-nv.  It  was  a  Persian 
sword,  somewhat  shorter  than  that  of  the  Greeks 
and  Kom.ius,  and  a  little  bent  at  the  point.  Of. 
Herod.,  vii.  54. 

Ver.  9.  Dereser  thinks  that  the  reason  why 
Judith  rolled  the  body  of  Olophernes  from  the  bed 
was  in  order  to  sever  the  head  more  completely 
from  it,  and  that  she  took  the  mosquito  net  in 
order  to  wrap  the  head  up  in  it.  It  must  have 
made  a  very  large  and  suspicious-looking  package  ! 


Didn't  the  maid  wonder  at  all,  or  Judith  tremble 
while  it  was  being  put  into  the  "  provision -sack  "  ? 
We  might  reasonably  expect  a  word  or  two  on 
these  points  here.  —  From  the  pillars.  The 
word  used  here  for  "  pillars  "  (ariKav)  is  a  differ- 
ent one  (as  it  will  be  observed)  from  that  used  in 
verse  6.  It  means  properly  a  "  column,"  and  is 
elsewhere  used  in  the  Apocrypha  at  Wisd.  xviii. 
3  ;  Ep.  of  Jer.  ver.  59  ;  1  Mace.  xiii.  29.  —  Anon 
(A.  v.),  ^er'  o\iyov.  Ci.  Matt.  xiii.  20,  where  this 
English  word  is  also  found  with  the  same  general 
signification,  but  as  the  rendering  of  eufltis,  and 
Mark  i.  30  for  eufle'iu!. 

Ver.  15.  In  his  drunkenness,  iv  Tats  /le'floij 
atiTov.  The  plural  is  used  for  emphasis.  Cf .  re- 
marks vi.  19. 

Ver.  19.  Thy  confidence.  It  refers  to  the 
good  effects  which  her  trust  in  God  has  accom- 
plished. 


Chapter  XIV. 

1  And  Judith  said '  unto  them.  Hear  me  now,  my  brethren,  and  take  this  head, 

2  and  hang  it  upon  the  battlement  of  your  wall.'-^  And  as '  soon  as  the  morning 
shall  appear,  and  the  sun  shall  come  forth  upon  the  earth,  take  you  every  one  his 
weapons,  and  go  forth  every  mighty  *  man  out  of  the  city  ;  and  give  them  a  leader,' 
as  though  you  would  go  down  into  the  plain  ^  toward  the  outpost '  of  the  Assyrians  ; 

3  and  *  go  not  down.  And  '  they  will '"  take  their  weapons  of  war,"  and  wUl  go  into 
their  camp,  and  rouse  '^  the  generals  '^  of  the  army  of  Assur,  and  they  will  run  to- 
gether '*  to  the  tent  of  Olophernes,  and  will  not  find  him  ;  and  '^  fear  will  fall  upon 

4  them,  and  they  will  flee  before  your  face.    And  you,  and  all  that  inhabit  every  bor- 

5  der  ''  of  Israel,  shall  pursue  them,  and  overthrow  them  as  they  go.  But  before  you 
do  these  things,  call  "  me  Achior  the  Ammanite,'*  that  he  may  see  and  recognize  '' 
him  that  despised  the  house  of  Israel,  and  that  sent  him  to  us,  as  it  were  to  death.-'' 

6  And  '■"  they  called  Achior  out  of  the  house  of  Ozias  ;  and  when  he  came,"  and  saw 
the  head  of  Olophernes  in  a  man's  hand  in  the  assembly  of  the  people,  he  fell  down 

Vers.  1-3.  —  *  A.  V. ;  Then  said  Judith.  2  the  highest  place  (Gr.,  in\  t^s  en-oA^ews  ;  as  sing.,  the  line  of  battle- 

nents,  the  parapet)  ....  walls.  ^  go.  i  valiant.  ^  set  you  a  captain  (here,  apxfrtov)  over  them.  *  field. 

'  watch  (cf.  X.  11).  8  but  (Gr.,  (tat,  and  the  context  agrees  well  with  it).  »  Then.  '"  shall  (and  in  the  five 

following  verbs).  "  armour  (Or.,  n-ai'oirAia?).  ^2  raise  up.  ^3  captains  (Gr.,  here,  ffTpanryou?).  ^*  omrU 

together  (as  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.).        '»  but  shall  not  ... .  then. 

Vers.  4-6.  —  ^^  A   V.  .  So  .  .  .  the  coast.  '^  Instead  of  ieaAeVaTe,  23.  44.  71.  76.  and  others  offer  eveyxare,  which 

makes  the  language  of  Judith  even  more  dictatorial  than  the  other.  "  A.  V.  ;  Ammonite.  I  give  the  form  according 
to  the  Greek ;  but  cf.  V.  6.  •*  A.  V.  :  know  (Gr.,  en-iyfy).  ^^  A/.s  death.  21  Then.  22  ^vas  couie.  The  singular 
•f  the  first  verb  ("  one  called '')  is  found  in  X.  23.  74.  76. 


JUDITH.  193 


7  on  his  face,  and  liis  spirit  failed.  But  when  they  had  lifted  him  up,'  he  fell  at 
Judith's  feet,  and  did  homage  before  ^  her,  and  said.  Blessed  art  thou  in  every  ^  taber- 
nacle of  Juda,  and   among  *  all  nations,  which   hearing  thy  name   shall  be  afraid.^ 

8  And  now  ^  tell  me  all  the  things  that  thou  hast  done  in  these  days.  And  Judith 
reported  '   unto  him  in  the  midst  of  the  people  all  that  she  had  done,  from  the  day 

9  that  she  went  forth  until  the  time  she  was  speaking '  unto  them.  And  when  she 
left "  off  speaking,  the  people  shouted  with   a  loud  voice,  and  made  a  joyful  noise 

10  in  their  city.  And  Achior  on  seeing'"  all  that  the  God  of  Israel  had  done,  be- 
lieved in  God  earnestly,"  and  circumcised  the  flesh  of  his  foreskin,  and  was  joined 
unto  the  house  of  Israel  unto  this  day. 

11  And  when  '^  the  morning  arose,  they  hanged  the  head  of  Olophernes  from'^  the 
wall,  and  every  man  "  took  his  weapons,  and  they  went  forth  by  bands  upon  the 

12  passes  '^  of  the  mountain.  And  '^  when  the  Assyrians  saw  them,  they  sent  to  their 
leaders.     And   they  went  to  their  generals  "  and  chiliarchs,'*  and  to  every  one  of 

13  their  rulers  ;  and'^  they  came  to  Olophernes'  tent,  and  said  to  him  that  had  the 
charge  of  all  his  affairs,'^"  Waken  now  our  lord,  for  the  slaves  have  made  bold  ^'  to 

14  come  down  against  us  to  battle,  that  they  may  be  utterly  destroyed.  And  Bagoas 
went  in,-^  and  knocked  on  the  curtain  ^  of  the  tent,  for  he  supposed  -*  that  he  was 

15  sleeping''^  with  Judith.  But  when  '■"'  none  answered,  he  opened  it,  and  went  into  the 
bedchamber,  and  found  him  cast  upon  the  footstool  "  dead,  and  his  head  was  taken 

16  from  him.     And'-'*  he  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  with  weeping,  and  groaning,^  and  a 

17  mighty  cry,  and  rent  his  garments.     And,*"   he  went   into  the  tent  where  Judith 

18  lodged,  and  found  her  not.  And  he  ran  out  among  ^'  the  people,  and  cried.  The  '^ 
slaves  have  dealt  treacherously  ;  one  woman  of  the  Hebrews  hath  brought  shame 
upon  the  house  of  king  Nabuchodonosor,  for  behold,  Olophernes  upon  the  ground 

19  without  a  head.  ^^  And  when  the  chief  officers^''  of  the  Assyrians'  army  heard 
these  words,  they  rent  their  garments,^^  and  their  soul  was  in  terrible  fear  ;  *''  and 
their  cry  and  a  very  great  noise  arose  ^'  in  the  midst  of  ^*  the  camp. 

Vers.  7-9.  —  i  A.  V. :  recovered  him  (Gr.,  afe'Aapof ).  Here,  too,  the  first  verb  is  found  in  the  singular  in  III.  19.  2.3. 
56.  108.  Old  Lat-,  and  its  subject  might  in  that  case  be  Achior,  i.  c,  "  he  revived,"  recovered  himself  (auroi'). 
'  A.  V.  :  reverenced.  ^  all  the  (Gr.,  simply  Travri).  *  in.  ^  astonished  (Gr.,  rapax^ija-oi/Tai,  shall  be  in  con- 

sternation).       ^  Now  therefore.        ^  Then  J.  declared.        ^  that  hour  she  spake  (Or.,  ctus  o5  eAoAet).        ^  had  left. 

Vers.  10-12.  —  ^^  _i_  \  ■  ^nj  when  A.  had  seen.  ^^  he  believed  ....  greatly.  i-  as  soon  as.    The  «ai  before 

iKpifiatTav  is  omitted  in  III.  44.  74.  76.  Co. ;  but  see  remarks  in  Com.  at  v.  20.  '3  x.  V. :  upon  (nearly  all  authorities, 
«  ;  others,  an6  ;  71.,  ei/).  "  Fritzsche  has  stricken  out  the  word  'lo-pa^X  after  avi^p,  as  not  appearing  in  III.  X.  2^3.  55. 
68.64.  It  was  also  omitted  by  the  A.  V,  with  Co.  Aid.  ^i*  A.  V. :  unto  the  straits  (cf.  iv.  7).  !'"■  But.  '^  which  came 
to  their  captains  (Gr.,  irrparr}yoii<;).  is  tribunes  (Gr.,  xcAiap;(Ovs).     The  same  word  is  so  rendered  at  I  Mace.  xvi.  19. 

Vers.  13-14. — ^^A.V.  :  So.  -^  things.  ^i  been  bold  (cToAiiTjcraf.     I  have  changed  the  rendering  simply  on  ac- 

count of  the  idiom).  22  Then  went  in  Bagoas.  23  at  the  door  (Gr.,  ttjc  av\aiav  rrj?  o-jcjiois).    The  auAei'a  (Lat., 

autteum)  was  the  curtain,  and  i.s  derived  from  auArj,  (in  Homer)  the  open  court  before  a  house,  tke  court-yard.  After- 
wards it  was  used  to  designate  the  quadrangle  around  which  the  house  was  built.        -^  A.  V . .  thought.       23  t^^d  slept. 

Vers.  15-IS.  — 26  j^_  y.  :  because  (Gr.,  u)9  Se).  For  eTnjxouo'e  III.  58.  64.  Co.  Aid.  give  the  somewhat  more  usual 
word  in  this  sense,  vrrrtKOvue.  27  ^^  v.  :  floor  (Gr.,  i-n\  -His  xektjivi&o<i ;  cf.  Coin.).  28  Therefore  (marg..  Then). 

29  sighing  (Gr.,  arer'ayMoO.  The  context  requires  the  change).  ^o  After.  ^i  when  he  found  ....  he  leaped  out  to 
(Fritzsche  points  the  text  thus  :  koI  ovx  evpev  avrrfv.  Ka.\  i^ewTj^i]trev  eis,  etc.).  ^-  These.  The  change  from  the  article 
to  the  pronoun  weakens  the  force  of  the  original.  ^a  a.  V.  ;  Ueth  upon  (the  word  in  italics  here  also  detracts  from 

the  vividness  of  the  thought)  ....  without  a  head  [tit.^  and  his  head  is  not  upon  him). 

Ver.  19.  — 34  A.  V. :  When  (Gr.,  u;  3e)  the  captains  (Gr,,  oi  apxoi'Tes).  35  coats  (Gr.,  xiT<I»i'a?,  but  not  to  be  ren 

dered  literally).  The  XLTt^v  was  (1)  an  under  garment, /rock  (Lat.,  tunica).  But  (2)  the  word  was  also  used  for  a  sol 
dier"s  coat  of  mail,  cuirass  (which  could  not  be  its  meaning  here) ;  or  (3)  for  any  coat  or  covering.     The  word  is  oriental, 

ftnd  appears  in  the  Hebrew   npHB.     Cf.  Lev.  xvi.  4 :  Song  of  Sol.  v.  3 ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  18,  and  Jos.,  Antig.,  iii,  7,  §  2. 

w  A.  V. ;  minds  were  wonderfully  troubled  (cf.  ver.  7).        ^7  there  was  a,  etc.  (Gr.,  koX  eyeVero).        ^8  throughout. 

Chapter  XIV. 


Verses  1-4.  The  role  of  principal  adviser  to 
the  authorities  of  Betulua,  which  Judith  i.s  made 
'.n  these  and  the  followin*^  verses  to  assume,  seems 
to  us  to  be  very  much  out  of  place.  It  w.as  not 
yet  time  for  a  Joan  of  Arc  to  appear  in  history  ; 
and  no  woman  would  have  acted  thi.s  part  of 
ludith,  except  in  a  romance.  The  posin;?  of  the 
different   parties,    too,  —  .Tndith,    the    rulor.s.    th 


arranged  for  the  highest  theatrical  effect.  How 
differently  reads  the  history  of  a  Jael  and  a  Mir- 
iam ! 

Ver.  5.  Call  me  Achior,  the  Ammonite. 
Her  success  has  made  .Judith,  to  s.ay  the  least,  a 
little  dictatorial.  One  mi^ht  liave  supposed  that 
Achior  would  have  been  one  cif  the  fir.st  to  ap)iear 
on  the  i;round  when  "  they  ran  all  together,  small 


people,  Acliioi',  —  and    the   s|i>'eches   which   tliey  I  and  great,"  to  meet  the  returning  heroine.     Nona 
make    to  one   another,   all    secnis    to    have;    been    could   have  been   more   interested    in    the    matte" 
13 


194 


THE  APOCUYPHA. 


than  he.  But  to  have  him  called  in  this  way 
makes  the  scene  more  dramatic. 

Ver.  6.  Is  this  the  Achior  who  is  elsewhere 
called  "  the  leader  of  all  the  sous  of  Ammon  " 
(v.  5),  and  who  dared  to  tell  the  dreadful  Olo- 
phernes  to  his  face  the  truth  about  Israel,  who 
now  swoons  at  the  sight  of  Olophernes'  head  ■? 

Ver.  7.  Achior  seems  somewhat  too  forward 
with  his  commendations  of  Judith,  before  he  has 
even  heard  a  word  of  explanation  as  to  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  people  have  come  into  possession 
of  the  bloody  trophy,  which  one  of  them  holds. 

Ver.  10.  Through  circumcision  Achior  be- 
came a  full  proselyte,  in  distinction  from  a  "  pros- 
elyte of  the  gate,"  who  simply  bound  himself 
to  adhere  to  certain  outward  regulations.  Cf. 
Schiirer,  pp.  646  f.  ;  Winer,  Realii-orterh.,  art. 
"  Proselyt. '  —  Unto  this  day.  Wolf  insists 
{Co7n.,  ad  loc.)  that  this  must  refer  to  the  time 
when  the  present  book  was  written,  which  with 
his  theory  that  Achior  himself  is  its  author  would 
be  a  very  simple  matter.  But  it  does  not  by  any 
means  follow  from  this  expression  that  Achior 
was  alive  at  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the 
book.  It  might  refer  to  his  Jewish  descendants. 
Grotiussays:  '^  Hebr(ei  posteritatem  omnem  nomine 
primi  parentis  comprehendunt,  quasi  {parens  poster- 
ique  ejus)  una  persona  essent.'*  And  the  Vulgate  : 
"  Appositus  est  ad  popidum  Israel  et  omnis  successio 
generis  ejus  usque  in  hodiemum  diem.  " 


Ver.  13.  For  the  slaves.  Some  have  though! 
that  the  Greek  translator  read  ClDiTt,  the  slaves, 
when  he  should  have  read  C'~'2i'n.  the  Hebreu-s 
But  the  close  connection  of  the  two  words  in  verse 
18  is  against  it. 

Ver.  14.  "Went  in.  The  tent  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  had  several  compartments.  Cf.  x.  22. 

Ver.  15.  'EttI  ttJs  ;^€Aa3;'i5oy.  This  word,  from 
XfAwi'TI,  tortoise,  has  several  derived  meanings. 
'I'he  most  common  interpretation  given  it  here  is 
door-sill.  But  this  is  hardly  allowed  by  the  cir- 
cumstances. It  probably  means  /boistoo/.  Schleus- 
ner  says  {Lex.,  ad  woe.)  :  "  Alii  xeAoii'/So  intelligunt 
de  scabello,  quo  in  ledum  ascenderat.  Certe  apiid 
Hesychium  xeAt"'''?  erponitur  t6  inrow6Sioy."  This 
meaning  is  also  given  to  the  word  by  Sextus 
(a.  d.  205).  See  Sophocles,  Lex.,  sub  voce.  Cf. 
also  Fritzsche,  Com.,  ad  loc. 

Ver.  18.  Dealt  treacherously, -fiae'TTjo-oc.  The 
word  from  its  etymology  would  mean  to  set  aside, 
disregard,  as  a  treaty  or  oath.  It  is  followed  in 
Polyb.  by  irla-ny  (viii.  2,  5).  It  has  this  meaning 
at  2  Mace.  xiii.  25.  In  the  present  case  the  ren- 
dering is  suflBciently  exact.  Something  like 
"  what  they  promised  "  is  to  be  understood,  i.  e., 
they  "  have  acted  perfidiously."  Cf.  the  LXX. 
at  Judg.  ix.  23 ;  Jer.  iii.  20.  —  House  of  king 
N.,  i.  e.,  the  people  of  N.  (cf.  Gen.  1.  4) ;  or,  the 
royal  name,  prestige. 


Chapter   XV. 


1  And  when  they  that  were  in  the  tents  heard  it  ^  they  were  astonished  at  that 

2  which  had  taken  place  ;  ^  and  fear  and  trembling  fell  upon  them,  and '  there  was 
no  man  that  remained  longer  *  in  the  sight  of  his  neighbor,  but  rushing  ^  out  all  to- 

3  gether,  they  fled  upon  every  ^  way  of  the  plain,  and  of  the  hill  country.  And  they ' 
also  that  had  camped  in  the  mountains  round  about  Betulua  *  fled  away.  And  ' 
then  the  children  of  Israel,  every  warrior  among  them,  rushed  out  upon  them. 

4  And  Ozias  sent  to  Bfetomastha'm, '"  and  to  Bebai,'^  and  Chobai,  and  Chola,  and 
to  every  border  ^'^  of  Israel,  such  as  should  tell  the  things  that  had  been  '^  done,  and 

5  to  command  "  that  all  should  rush  forth  upon  the  enemy  to  destroy  them.  Now 
when  the  children  of  Israel  heard  it,  they  all  fell  upon  them  with  one  consent,  and 
smote"  them  unto  Choba.  Likewise  also  they  t/iat  came  from  Jerusalem,^'*  and  from 
all  the  hill  country,  —  for  tiien  had  told  them  what  had  taken  place  "  in  the  camp 
of  their  enemies,  —  and  they  that  were  in  Galaad,  and  in  Galilee,  outflanked  '*  them 

6  in  a  great  defeat,"  until  they  were  past  Damascus  and  the  borders  thereof.  And 
the  residue,  that  dwelt  at  Betulua,^"  fell  upon  the  camp  of  Assur,  and  spoiled  them, 

7  and  were  greatly  enriched.  But  ^^  the  children  of  Israel  thai  returned  from  the 
slaughter  took  possession  of  '^-  that  which  remained  ;  and  the  villages  and  hamlets,''^ 
in  the  mountains  and  in  the  plain,  got  many  spoils,  for  there  was  a  very  great 
qu.antity.^'' 

Vers.  1,2.  —  ^  A.  V. :  omits  it.  2  the  thing  that  was  done  (Or.,  ejrl  to  yej'oi'd?).  3  go  that.  *  there  was  no  man 
that  durst  abide  (Or.,  Ka'i  oiiK  t/w  ii'Spaiirm  (leVcui-  ....  In.  The  particle  In  is  omitted  In  68).  ^  For  Uxveimet  19.  52. 
64.  108.  Aid.  gives  the  less  picturesque  and  forcible  €K\vdevTes.        ^  A.  V  :  into  (Gr.,  ctti)  every. 

Ver.  3.  —  '  A.  V. :  They.  «  Bethulia.  »  omits  And.    This  connective  is  omitted  in  III.  X.  23.  58.  64.  71.  243. 

248.  Co.  Aid.     But  the  text.  rec.  is  probably  genuine.    The  Codd.  19.  44.  74.  108.  have  •caX  olvtoC,  etc. 

Ver.  4.  — '»  A.  V. :  Then  sent  0.  to  Betomasthem.  "  Fritzsche  adopts  | from  III.  243.  with  Co.  and  Ald.)»ai  firifiai, 
which  is  not  found  in  the  text.  rec.  12  A.  V. :  Cola,  and  to  all  the  coasts.  "  were.  '•  omits  to  command. 

Vers.  5,  6.  — 1*  A.  V.  :  their  enemies  ....  slew.  i'*  Instead  of  "  from  («f)  Jerusalem,"  X.  68.  Old  Lat.  have  e**  'I., 
making  the  phrase  limit  the  subject  rather  than  the  predicate.  *'  \.  V. :  things  were  done.  "  chased  (marg., 

tvercame  ;  cf.  Com.,  arf/otf.).         i»  with  a  great  slaughter  (Or.,  ttAt^  ^ryoAij.     See  Com.)        2*^  Bethulia. 

Ver.    7.  —  21  A.  V.  ;   And  (Or.,  Se).  2=  had  (Or.,  «itvpirv(rai').  -'  the  cities  that  were  (Or.,  iiravMi^).     Cod.  Ill 

ha«  oi  jr6\eit,  while  X.  19.  23.  58.  64.  243.  Old  Lat.  .Svr.  Co.  Aid.  agree,  except  in  oSering  an  additional  oi  alter  th* 
atter  word.        ^  A.'V.:  gat  ....  the  multitude  was  very  great. 


JUDITH. 


195 


8  And '  Joacim  the  high  priest,  and  the  council "  of  the  children  of  Israel  that  dwelt 
in  Jerusalem,  came  to  behold  the  good  things  that  the  Lord  had  done  for  '  Israel, 

9  and  to  see  Judith,  and  to  speak  approvingly  to  *  her.  And  when  they  came  unto 
her,  they  all  blessed  her  ^  with  one  accord,  and  said  mito  her,  Thou  art  the  exaltation 
of  Jerusalem,  thou  nrt  the  great  glory  of  Israel,  thou  art  the  great  rejoicing  of  our 

10  race.^  Thou  hast  done  all  these  things  by  thine  hand;  thou  hast  done  good'  to 
Israel,   and  may  God  be  pleased '  therewith.     Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Almighty 

11  Lord  for  evermore.  And  all  the  people  said.  So  be  it.  And  alP  the  people 
spoiled  the  camp  for  '"  the  space  of  thirty  days  ;  and  they  gave  unto  Judith  Olo- 
phernes'  "  tent,  and  all  the  silver  vessels,'-  and  the  beds,'**  and  the  drinking  "  ves- 
sels, and  all  his  stuff.     And  she  took  it,  and  laid  it  on  her  mule,  and   put  animals 

12  to  '^  her  carts,  and  packed  it ''  thereon.  And  "  all  the  women  of  Israel  ran  to- 
gether to  see  her,  and  blessed  her,  and  made  a  dance  among  them  for  her ;  and  she 

13  took  branches  in  her  hands,"  and  gave  "  to  the  women  that  were  with  her ;  and  she 
and  those  that  were  with  her  crowned  themselves  with  the  olive.""  And  she  went 
before  all  the  people  in  the  dance,  leading  all  the  women  ;  and  every  man  of  Israel 
followed  with  weapons,'''  with  garlands,  and  with  songs  in  their  mouths. 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  i  A  V. :  Then.  *  ancients  (Gr.,  ^  -yepouo-itt).  3  God  (343.  248.  Co.  Aid. )  had  shewed  to  (Gr.,  eiroiirtre). 
♦to  salute.  (See  Com.)  6  they  blessed  (as  68.  64.  243.  248.  249.  Co.  Aid.  |.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading 'lepoviraA^ia 
(text.  rec.  'Icrpoi^A)  from  II.  in.  X.  23.  44.  68. 108.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  and  it  is  undoubtedly  correct.  «  A.  V. :  na- 
tion. 

Vers.  10, 11.  — '  A.  v.:  much  good  (Gr.,  ri  iyoSi  (leri,  and  might  be  rendered  "excellently  for'").  »  God  is 

pleased  (Gr.,evSoioi(rai  ....  i  Seos  ;  evSciioicrcv.etc.,  III.  19  23.52.55.  64.  Old  Lat.  Co.  Aid.).  »  omiM  all.  It  is  omitted 
bylll.X.  55.  58.  64.  108.  248.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  >"  A.  V- omi"(j  for.  "  Olof ernes  his.  u  Ais  plate.  "  <,miij 
the.        "  omtts  the  drinking  (Gr.,T«  o\«io).        «  made  ready  (Or.,  Ifevfe  Tisi)i<>^«5).        '«  laid  them  (to-iiprvo-ji' avri). 

Vers.  12, 13.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Then.  »»  hand.  '»  gave  also  (64.  106.  248.  Co.  Aid.,  <al  yvmi^i).  »  they  put  a  garland 
of  olive  upon  her  and  her  maid  that  was  with  her  (auni  —  44.  103.  236.  248.  Co.,  ain^  —  *cai  q.1  ficr"  aur^«  ;  248.  Co.,  riJ 
/ler'  auT^s).        2'  all  the  men  ....  In  their  armour  (Gr.,  efun-Atcr/AeVoi). 

Chapter  XV. 


Vers.  1-3.  What  were  the  "  leaders,"  the 
"  geuerals,"  and  "  chiliarchs,"  of  whom  we  read 
in  xiv.  12,  doing  that  they  did  not  pat  a  stop  to 
this  disgraceful  flight  ?  How  was  it  possible,  in- 
deed, that  the  simple  announcement  of  the  mur- 
der of  Olophernes  could  have  produced  such  a 
panic  among  the  nearly  two  hundred  thousand 
veterans  of  Assyria,  and  that  this  panic  could 
have  continued  so  long  that  Ozias  had  time  to 
notify  the  neighborins  places  of  it,  that  their  in- 
habitants might  join  in  the  pursuit? 

Ver.  4.  Bsetomasthsem.  Cf.  Com.  at  iv.  6.  — 
Chobai.  Cf.  iv.  4.  —  Chola.  Unknown,  but 
possibly  Holon,  I'n'n.     Cf.  Josh.  xv.  51  ;  xxi.  15. 

Ver.  5.  tJnto  Choba.  The  word  in  the  Greek  is 
without  the  iota :  XwjSa.  It  suggests  the  place 
n^in,  which  is  also  the  reading  of  the  Syriac. 
Lieutenant  Conder,  however  {Palestine  Explor. 
Fund,  Qnarterli)  Statement  for  April,  1876,  p.  71), 
says:  "Twelve  English  miles  south  of  Beisan 
<Scythopolis)  will  be  found  on  the  Survey  a  pl.^ce 
called  El  Mekhobbi,  —  a  ruin,  with  a  cliff  beside 
it  called  'Arrak  Khobbi.  This  is  more  probably 
the  Coabis  of  the  tables,  and  the  name  is  philo- 
logically  nearer  to  Choba  than  the  other  idec;iti- 
cation."  —  Outflanked.  The  verb  is  InrepKipaa, 
the  meaning  of  which  is  obvious;  namely,  to  bring 


the  wings  of  an  array  around  those  of  the  one 
opposed.  The  same  word  is  found  at  1  Mace, 
vii.  46,  and  is  rendered  "  closed  them  in."  It 
was  also  used  by  Polybius  (xi.  23,  5). 

Ver.  8.  Speak  approvmgly.  Something  more 
seems  to  be  implied  than  merely  a  formal  saluta- 
tion (cf.  LXX.  at  Judg.  xviii.  15,  ripum\ffav  aurhv 
eis  flpT]vi\v)  in  the  words  XoATjerai  pur'  aurfjs  elp-qyTjy. 
Bunsen's  Bihelwerk  renders  :  "  init  ihr frtnndlich  zu 
reden,'*  talk  with  her  in  a  friendly  n^ay. 

Ver.  9.  Does  not  Judith  feel  her  personal 
importance  quite  too  much,  that  she  allows  the 
high  priest  and  elders  to  come  to  her,  instead  of 
going  lo  them  ? 

Ver.  11.  And  all  his  stuff  (t4  (XKivitriiaTa). 
The  furniture  of  his  tent  is  meant.  Cf.  to  aKiir) 
avTou  {"  his  stuff"),  at  Luke  xvii.  31. 

Ver.  12.  Made  a  dance  among  them  for  her, 
eiroiTjtro*'  ainrj  x'^pov  4^  airruiv.  More  properly, 
a  choral  dance  from  their  number  for  her.  The 
Xopis  was  ( 1 )  a  dance  in  a  ring.  kvkKos  ;  and  (2), 
as  here,  a  dance  accompanied  with  song.  Then, 
further,  a  band  of  dancers  and  sin(fers ;  and,  final- 
ly, simply  a  troop,  band.     Cf.  3  Mace.  vi.  32,  35. 

Ver.  13.  The  olive  was  a  symbol  of  joy  and 
peace.  Cf.  for  a  similar  scene  iii.  7  ;  also,  th« 
song  of  Miriam  at  Ex.  xv.  20,  ff.,  on  which  tha 
present  one  seems  to  have  been  modeled. 


196  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  XVI. 

1  And  '  Judith  began  this "  thanksgiving  in  all  Israel,  and  all  the  people  sang  very 

2  loud  '  this  song  of  praise.     And  Judith  said, 

Begin  unto  my  God  with  timbrels, 
Sing  imto  my  *  Lord  with  cymbals. 
Adapt  ^  unto  him  a  new  psalm  ;  * 
Exalt  Mm,  and  call  upon  his  name. 

3  For  a  God  who  decideth  battles  is  the  Lord  ; ' 

For  into  his  *  camps  in  the  midst  of  the  people  he  hath  deliyered  me  out  of  the 
hands  of  my  persecutors.' 

4  Assur  came  out  of  the  mountains  from  the  north, 
He  came  with  ten  thousands  of  his  army  ; 

The  multitude  whereof  stopped  torrents,'" 
And  their  horsemen  covered  hills.'' 

5  He  threatened  to  "^  burn  up  my  borders. 
And  kill  my  young  men  with  the  sword. 

And  dash  my  sucking  "  children  against  the  ground, 
And  give  '*  mine  infants  as  a  prey, 
And  my  virgins  as  a  spoil. 

6  The  Almighty  Lord  disappointed  '^  them  by  the  hand  of  a  woman. 

7  For  their  mighty  one  did  not  fall  by  "  young  men. 
Neither  did  sons  ''  of  Titans '"  smite  him. 

Nor  tall  '^  giants  set  upon  him ; 

But  Judith  daughter  ^"  of  Merari  weakened  him  with  the  beauty  of  her  coaate 
nance. 

8  For  she  put  off  the  garment  of  her  widowhood  for  the  exaltation  of  the  ^  op- 

pressed in  Israel ; 
She  ~  anointed  her  face  with  ointment, 
And  bound  her  hair  in  a  turban, 
And  took  a  linen  garment  to  deceive  him. 

9  Her  sandal  ravished  his  eye,^ 

And  her  -'  beauty  took  his  soul  ^  prisoner  — 
The  sword  "^  passed  thi-ough  his  neck. 

10  The  Persians  quaked  at  her  boldness, 

And  the  JNIedes  were  rent  asunder  -'  at  her  hardihood.'^ 

11  Then  my  humbled  ones'-^  shouted  for  joy. 

And  my  weak  ones  cried  aloud  ;  and  ^^  they  were  in  dismay,*^ 
They  ''^  lifted  up  their  voice,  and  took  to  flight.^' 

12  Sons  of  damsels  '*  pierced  them  through, 
And  wounded  them  as  fugitives'  children  ; 

Vers.  1,  2.  — '  A.  V. :  Then.  '  lo  sing  this.    For  rav-niv  58.  Old  Lat.  and  Syr.  give  oiriit.  »  A.  V. :  aft«r  her. 

Fritzsche  receives  vTTepe<i}u>y€t  from  11.  III.  X.  19.  64.  for  i'n-e</)wi'et  of  the  text.  rec.  *  The  fiov  after  Kupt'u  is  omitt«d 

b.7  II.  23.  44.  65.  58.  =  A.  V. :  Tune.  «  marg.,p5o/m  andpraue.  The  Codd.  II.  X.  19.  66.  68.  248  Co.  Aid.  haTO 
for  Kalfof,  KaX  all'Ol'. 

Ver.  3  —  ^  A.  V. ;  For  God  breaketh  the  battles  (Or.,  ori  BetK  uvvrpi^v  ito\4p.avi  icvptos  ;  cf.  ix.  7).  It  might  also  be 
rendered  "  a  God  who  endeth,"  etc.  The  Codd.  52.  243.  248.  with  Co.  Aid.  omit  itijpto?.  ^  k.\.:  amongst  the  (Gr.,  ei« 
TTafieiL^oKa<;  avrou;  248.  Co.  omit  auTov).  Codd.  19.  108. :  "  because  he  hath  sent  hip  hosts  into  the  midst  of  the  camps 
of  the  sons  of  Israel  to  deliver  me."  8  A.  V. :  them  that  persecuted  me.  The  article  is  wanting  before  kotoSiiixcoi/tui* 
In  II.  ni   X.  74.  al.,  and  can  scarcely  be  genuine.     Cod.  X.,  e^eXeVflai  tLe  ews  x^'-P^  KaraSiMitoi'Tbiv  /*€. 

Vers.  4-7.  —  !'>  A.  V.  :  the  torrents.  "  have  covered  the  hill-s.  •-  bragged  that  he  would.  ^  the  sucking  (as 
64.  243.  Co.  Aid.).  »  make  (Gr.,  Siiaeiv).  "'  But  («a.',  58.  248.  Co.)  the  ....  hath  disappointed.  >«  the  (as  64.  243 
248.  249.  Co.  Aid.)  mighty  ....  fall  by  the,        "  the  sons.        "  the  Titans.        "  high.        '»  the  daughter. 

Vers.  8-10.  —^'  A.  V  ;  those  that  were.  -  And.  -^  tire  ....  sandals  ....  eyes.  '*  Her  (icaiis  omitted  by  71.). 
3f  mind.  ^  And  the  fauchin  (cf.  xiii.  6).  37  daunted,  marg.,  ronfounded.      The  reading  tpfid\9T]i7av  of  the 

text.  rec.  is  supported  by  II.  and  56. ;  III.  19.  23.  52.  have  iTapix^<r<^>' ;  'he  same,  with  «oi  prefixed,  44.  The  word 
word  is  omitted  in  58.  Old  Lat.  ami  Vulg.  The  text.  ret.  is  probably  genuine.  Cf .  x.  8.  The  variations  appear  to  have 
been  caused  by  the  fact  that  the  word  found  in  the  text  did  not  seem  to  be  quite  suitable,  while  the  other  was  a  natural 
substitute.        ^  A.  V.  :  hardiness  (Gr.,  flpao-os) 

Vers.  11,  12. —=»  A.  v.:  afflicted.  ■'»  hut.  ■"  a.stnnished.     The  Greek  is  here  JirTi)ij9>i(rai'.     Codd.  X.  248.  hav 

•trrdriiray ;  19.  23.  66.  108.,  j)rTi9r|<Tal'  (r|TT<io^at.  tn  be  worsted).  ^'  A.V. :  T/iese.  =3  voices,  but  they  were  ovei 

Jirown  (0.,  itai  iptrpiTnicaii).        *■  The  sons  of  the  damsels  (19.  108.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  "  sons  who  a-e  as  damsels  ")  have. 


JUDITH.  197 


They  perished  before  the  embattled  host  of  my  ^  Lord. 

13  I  will  sing  unto  my  God  a  new  song.^ 
O  Lord,  thou  art  great  and  glorious, 
Wonderful  in  strength,  invincible.' 

14  Let  all  thy  "■  creatures  serve  thee. 

For  thou  spakest,  and  they  came  into  being,^ 

Thou  didst  send  forth  thy  breath,  and  it  fashioned  them,' 

And  there  is  none  that  can  resist  thy  voice. 

15  For  mountains '  shall  be  moved  from  their  foundations  with  the  waters, 
And  rocks  °  shall  melt  as  wax  at  tliy  presence ; 

But '  thou  art  merciful  to  them  that  fear  thee. 

16  For  every  sacrifice  is  little  for  a  sweet  savour,^" 

And  all  fat "  very  little  for  a  ^'  burnt  offering  unto  thee ;  " 
But  he  that  feareth  the  Lord  is  great  at  all  times. 

17  Woe  to  the  nations  that  rise  up  against  my  race !  '* 

The  Lord  Almighty  will  punish  '^  them  in  the  day  of  judgment, 
Putting  fire  and  worms  into  their  flesh  ;  '^ 
And  they  shall  wail  with  pain  "  for  ever. 

18  Now  when  '*  they  entered  into  Jerusalem,  they  worshipped  God  ;  and  when 
the  people  were  purified,  they  offered  their  burnt  offerings,  and  their  free  offerings, 

19  and  gifts.''  Judith  also  dedicated  all  the  stuff  of  Olophernes,  which  the  people 
had  given  her,  and  gave  the  mosquito  net,  which  she  had  taken  for  herself  ^  out  of 

20  his  bed-chamber,  as  an  offering  ''■^  unto  the  Lord.  And  ''^  the  people  kept  a  festi- 
val '^  in  Jerusalem  before  the  sanctuary  for  the  space  of  three  months,  and  Judith 

21  remained  with  them.  But  '-^  after  this  time  every  one  returned  to  his  inheritance, 
and  Judith  went  away  to  Betulua,-^  and  remained  on  her  '^^  possession,  and  was  in 

22  her  time  honored '''  in  all  the  country.  And  many  desired  her;  and  no  man-' 
knew  her  all  the  days  of  her  life,  after  that  Manasses  her  husband  died,^^  and  was 

23  gathered  to  his  people.  And  she  lived  very  long,^"  and  grew''  old  in  her  husband's 
house,  an  hundred  and  five  years,  and  made  her  maid  free  ;  and  she ''  died  in  Betu- 

24  lua,*'  and  they  buried  her  in  the  sepulchre  '*  of  her  husband  Manasses.  And  the 
house  of  Israel  lamented  her  seven  days ;  and  before  she  died,  she  distributed  '^  her 
goods  to  all  them  that  were  nearest  of  kindred  to   Manasses  her  husband,  and  to 

25  them  that  were  the  nearest  of  her  race."'  And  there  was  none  that  made  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  afraid  any  more  in  the  days  of  Judith,  nor  for  ^  a  long  time  after  her 
death.'' 

Vers.  12,  13.—  ■  A.  V. ;  by  the  battle  (Gr.,  U  n-oparo^eiM  ;  see  Com.)  o£  the  (44.  106.  omit  (lou).  '  the  Lord  (so  64 
£48.  Co.  Aid.)  a  new  song  (marg.,  a  song  o/praise,  vtiyoy  koX  alvov  ;  cf.  ver.  2).         *  and  inyincible  (so  58.  Co.). 

Vers.  14-16.  — *  A.  V  :  omits  thy  {aov)  with  58.  74.  76.  235.  ^  were  made  (Gr.,  iyevridriiTav  ;   X.,  <fKoSo[iri9T^ar). 

«  spirit ....  created  them  (Gr.,  olxoSo^tijo-e).        '  the  mountains.       »  xhe  rocks  (Se  is  omitted  by  44.  71.  106.).  «  Yet 

(for  €iri  6e  of  the  text.  Tec.  19.  108.  have  iv  64  ;  II.  III.  X.,  en  ie).  ^'^  all  sacrifice  is  too  little  ....  savour  unto  thee 
(248.  Co.).  "  the  fat.  »2  jj  not  sufficient  for  thy  (o-ou  is  found  in  23.  44.  74.  106.  236.  248.  Co.  Aid.  for  o-oi). 

13  ojnits  unto  thee  (see  preceding  note). 

Vers.  17-19.  —  "A.  V.:  my  kindred  (Gr.,  t^  yeVet  ^ou).  For  en-oviffTa/ieVats,  HI.  X.  74.  76.  106.  have  eiravKTravo-. 
lt.«voi^,  i.  e.,  prefer  the  form  tcrravw  for  the  verb.  Cf.  Rom.  iii.  31 ;  2  Cor.  iii.  1 ;  Gal.  ii.  18  ^^  A.  V. :  take  vengeance 
of.  ^'^  In  putting  fire  and  worms  in  theirflesh.  '^  feeUftcjnand  weep  (Gr,  KXaiitroi^rai  li/aitrfl^o-ei).  '^  assoon  a.s(to>s). 
>»  the  Lord  (so  44.  71.  T4.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  as  soon  as  ...  .  their  gifts  (so  III.  55.  71.  76.  2.36.  249.)  «»  canopy 

which  she  had  taken  (Gr.,  o  eKa^ev  €a.vTjj,  the  Codd.  II.  III.  X.  all  writing  the  last  word  in  this  form  ;  text,  rec,  aunj. 
Fritzsche  would  prefer  av-rq).  21  x.  V.  :  for  a  gift  (cf.  2  Mace.  ix.  16  ;  Luke  xxi.  5 :  in  both  oases,  as  here,  ii/a^Tj^ia, 

|nd  rendered  *'  gift  ■ '). 

Vers.  20-25-  — -^  A.  V. :  So.  ^  continued  feasting  (lit.,  were  joyful ;  ^v  .  ,  .  ,  ev(bpat.v6ti.evQ%).  24  omits  But  (5c). 
**  own  inheritance  ....  went  to  Bethulia.  28  ju  jj^r  own.  ^  honourable.  ^  but  none.  -^  was  dead  (Gr., 

offe'floz'e).  ^  But  she  increased  more  and  more  in  honour  (Gr.,,}»'  T^po^oll'ov(^a  [ttji'  rjKt,KLav'\  fi€ya\rj  <T<^65pa).  ^^  waxed. 
"  being  an  hundred  and  five  years  old  ....  so  she.         33  Bethulia.  34  cave.        35  ^jd  distribute.         30  of  kindred 

....  kindred.        37  omits  for.         38  xhe  book  closes  with  a^L^v,  in  II.  19.  108. 

Chapter  XVI. 


Ver.  1.  In  his  commentary  on  this  book,  pub- 
lished in  1853,  Fritzsche  accepts  the  reading  liire- 
^ti)V€i,  which  is  that  of  tlie  common  Greek  text ; 
but  in  the  later  text  published  in  1871,  {fives  the 
preference  to  lmepf(p(it>ei.  See  Textual  Notes. 
The  latter  word  means  literally  to  ontcn/,  i.  e.,  to 
?ry  80  loud  as  to  drown  the  cry  of  some  one  else. 
Here  we  have  rendered  :  "tu  aiug  very  loud." 


Ver.  2.  Naturally  some  word  is  to  be  supplied 
after  "  Begin,"  like  "to  sing,"  "  to  praise."  The 
timbrel  here  mentioned  was  a  kind  of  tambourine, 
the  Hebrew  H^-  ^^  read  of  its  use  in  very 
early  times  (Gen.  xxxi.  27,  "  tabret  ").  It  was. 
played  chiefly  by  women,  as  an  accompaniment 
to  the  song  and  dance.     The  "  cymbal  "  among 


198 


THE   APOCKYPHA. 


the  Hebrews  was  of  the  same  general  charaeter  as 
that  employed  in  modern  orchestras.  —  'Evapii.6(eiv 
means  to  adapts  to  suit.  The  passage  rendered 
literally  would  be  :  "  adapt  unto  him  a  new  song." 
The  Vulgate  and  Old  Latin  have  modulamini, 
which  the  A.  V.  seems  to  have  followed. 

Ver.  3.  The  camp  of  Jehovah  is  here  poeti- 
cally given  for  his  power  and  watchfulness.  This 
camp  is  everywhere  where  his  people  are  to  be 
found,  and  in  it  they  are  safe.  Cf.  Ps.  xxxiv.  7  : 
"  'J  he  angel  of  the  Lord  encampeih  round  about 
them  that  fear  him,  and  delivereth  them." 

Ver.  4.  Out  of  the  mountaiiis  from  the 
north,  i.  f .,  the  mountains  of  northern  Palestine. 
—  Ten  thousands,  fivpiain.  De  Weite  (Einleit., 
p.  99)  thinks  he  discovers  here  a  failure  in  trans- 
lation ;  supposing  that  HI,  multitude,  was  the  orig- 
inal word,  for  which  the  translator  read  1^1, 
ten  thousand.  But  the  latter  word  may  also  be 
taken  in  an  indefinite  sense  as  meaning  a  great 
number.  —  Stopped  torrents.  Wolf  would  refer 
this  to  the  fact  that  the  Assyrians  took  possession 
of  the  water  supply  of  Betuhia ! 

Ver.  5.  Dash  sucking  children  to  the  ground. 
Such  cruelty  is  not  infrequently  mentioned  in  the 
Old  Testament.  Cf.  Ps-  cxxxvii.  9  ;  Hos.  xiii.  16; 
Nah.  iii.  10. 

Ver.  7.  Sons  of  the  Titans  ....  tall  giants. 
Some  see  simply  a  reference  to  Greek  mythohigy, 
and  an  evidence  that  our  book  was  originally 
composed  in   Greek.      The  LXX.,  however,  has 

once  rendered  the  Hebrew  word  CS2"^,  by  Ti- 
tans, TiTaves  (cf.  2  Sam.  v.  18,  22),  although 
usually  by  r^yoyrts.  That  the  rendering  adopted 
by  the  LXX.  had  some  reference  to  the  mythol- 
ogy of  the  Greeks  is  indeed  evident.  —  Daughter 
of  Merari.     Cf.  viii.  1. 

Ver.  9.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  how  condensed 
and  artistically  composed  this  song  of  Judith  is. 
The  temptation  to  diffuseness  and  high  coloring 
which  the  subject  naturally  brought  with  itself 
Was  properly  resisted. 

Ver.  10.  The  Persians  quaked.  The  repre- 
icntation  would  seem  to  be  that  Persians  and 
Medes  were  serving  as  auxiliaries  in  the  army  of 
Olophemes.  The  order  in  which  these  words  occur 
is  noticeable.  The  Persian  revolt  which  ended  in 
the  overthrow  of  the  Median  kingdom  took  place 
in  B.  c.  558.  And  Nebuchadnezzar  had  died  in 
B.  c.  561,  three  years'  previous.  Phraortes,  on 
the  other  hand,  whom  most  identify  with  the 
Arphaxad  of  our  book,  fell  in  a  battle  with  the 


Assyrians  B.  c.  633.  May  not  the  order  in  which 
the  names  of  the,»-e  two  great  peoples  of  antiquity 
consequently  are  used  be  a  strong  incidental  evi- 
dence of  the  late  origin  of  our  book  ?  Cf.  Hitzig, 
Gescliic/ite,  i.  277. 

Ver.  11.  They  were  astonished,  i.  e.,  the  As- 
syrians. The  subject  is  suddenly  changed  in  con- 
sequence of  the  rapid  transition  of  the  thought. 

Ver.  12.  Sons  of  damsels,  /.  ».,  very  young 
men.  It  is  meant  to  indicate  the  comparative 
weakness  of  the  Israelites  —  Fugitives'  children. 
It  is  not  clear  what  is  meant.  The  idea  that  as 
"  children  "  it  was  not  difficult  to  put  them  to 
death  is  plain.  Possibly  the  remaining  tliuught 
is,  that  as  one  spared  not  even  the  children  of 
fugitives,  so  much  less  could  they  be  spared. 
Gaab  {Com.,  ad  loc.)  thinks  the  reference  is  to 
the  children  of  deserters  to  the  enemy,  which 
were  out  of  revenge  put  to  death.  Bunsen's 
Bihelwerk  rendere  by  "  fleeing  servants."  —  'Eie 
irapaTo|€ws.  To  translate  t'x  in  the  sense  of  vTr6 
here,  as  in  the  Authorized  Version,  would  be 
scarcely  allowable.  They  had  placed  themselves 
before  the  "  embattled  host  "  of  the  Lord,  and  in 
consequence  perished.  Tbii  phrase  was,  in  fact, 
used  in  the  classics  (Thucyd.,  v.  11)  as  meaning 
in  regular  battle. 

Ver.  16.  Every  sacrifice.  An  evident  rem- 
iniscence from  Is.  xl.  16,  but  falling  far  short  of 
it  in  beauty  and  power. 

Ver.  17.  Fire  and  worms  into  their  flesh.  Cf. 
Is.  Ixvi.  24;  Ecclus.  vii.  17.  To  leave  the  body 
unburied,  or  to  burn  it,  was  regarded  as  the  height 
of  disgrace  among  Orientals.  Fritzsche  says  of 
the  words  ewt  alSivos  that  they  are  to  be  under- 
stood rhetorically,  and  not  literally,  since  to  take 
them  literally  thoroughly  contradicts  the  Hebrew 
mode  of  thought  at  that  time.  But  cf.  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  and  an  article  of 
mine  on  the  Eschatology  of  the  O.  T.  Apocrypha, 
in  the  Bibliolheca  Sacra  for  April,  1879 

Ver.  18.  People  were  purified.  The  neces- 
sity for  purilication  arose  from  their  recent  deeds 
of  blood. 

Ver.  20.  For  the  space  of  three  months. 
The  Syriac  says  "  one  month." 

Ver.  24.  Seven  days.  This  was  the  custom- 
ary period.  The  Vulgate  adds  that  a  festival  in 
honor  of  this  victory  over  the  Assyrians  was  added 
to  the  holidays  of  the  Jews,  and  that  the  Jews 
celebrated  it  "  to  the  present  day."  The  Old 
Latin  and  Syriac  do  not  contain  the  addition.  It 
cannot  be  genuine.  Wolf  thinks  that  the  book 
originally  ended  with  verse  twenty-second. 


ADDITIONS  TO  ESTHER.^ 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Book  of  Esther,  as  found  in  the  LXX.,  contains,  as  is  well  known,  a  considerable 
amount  of  matter  which  does  not  appear  in  the  Hebrew.  This  supplementary  matter,  however, 
has  been  so  skillfully  interpolated  as  to  make  no  interruption  in  the  history.  It  seems,  in 
fact,  to  have  been  designed  to  supply  certain  of  its  supposed  deficiencies  and  to  make  the 
■work  complete.  The  first  addition,  which  was  meant  to  serve  as  a  sort  of  introduction  for  the 
book,  is  an  account  of  an  alleged  dream  of  Mardoch^us  (Mordecai).  It  foreshadows  the 
principal  points  of  the  entire  history.  The  second  interpolation,  shrewdly  inserted  between 
the  13th  and  1 4th  verses  of  the  third  chapter,  is  the  decree  of  Haman  respecting  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Jews  and  the  confiscation  of  their  property.  The  third  interpolation,  which 
immediately  follows  the  fourth  chapter  of  the  Hebrew  text,  is  made  up  of  the  prayers  of 
Esther  and  Mordecai  for  the  prevention  of  the  proposed  massacre.  The  fourth  and  fifth  are 
a  continuation  of  the  third,  and,  further,  describe  in  detail  how  it  was  that  Esther  succeeded 
in  the  dangerous  experiment  of  appearing  unbidden  in  the  presence  of  the  Persian  king. 
The  sixth  addition  is  the  edict  which  the  king  sent  forth  through  Mordecai,  recalling  that  of 
Haman,  and  is  naturally  placed  directly  after  verse  13  of  the  eighth  chapter,  where  such 
an  edict  is  mentioned.  The  seventh,  apparently  designed  to  form  a  proper  conclusion  for  the 
narrative,  contains  an  earlier  dream  of  Mordecai,  the  announcement  of  the  establishment  of 
the  feast  of  Purim,  and  a  statement  (deemed  by  some  of  much  importance)  respecting  the 
time  when  a  translation  of  the  book  was  brought  to  Egypt. 

The  absurd  order  in  which  the  Additions  to  Esther  appear  in  the  version  of  1611  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  latter  blindly  adopted,  without  alteration,  the  arrangement  of  the  later 
editions  of  the  Latin  Vulgate.  As  originally  inserted  in  the  Vulgate  by  Jerome,  these 
interpolated  portions  had  a  distinct  place  assigned  them  immediately  after  the  translation  of 
the  Hebrew  book,  but  with  preliminary  remarks  stating  to  what  parts  of  the  main  work  they 
were  to  be  assigned.  They  began,  however,  not  with  the  dream  of  Mordecai,  but  with  its 
interpretation,  which  in  the  LXX.  follows  the  last  chapter  of  the  Book  of  Esther,  and  ends 
with  the  statement  concerning  Dositheus.  This  part  Jerome  had  suffered  to  remain  In  its 
original  position,  and,  as  though  it  formed  the  conclusion  of  the  real  Book  of  Esther,  pro- 
ceeded from  it  to  give  the  other  additions,  uiiturally  beginning  with  what  in  our  English 
Bible  is  the  second  verse  of  chapter  .xi.  In  process  of  time  the  whole  of  Jerome's  ex- 
planatory matter  disappeared;  and  this  collection  of  fragments  came  to  be  looked  upon  as 
so  many  additional  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Esther,  and  were  so  numbered.  The  confusion 
thereby  occasioned  could  scarcely  have  been  greater.  The  order  of  introduction  and  con- 
clusion is  exactly  reversed.  And  the  first  verse  of  the  so-called  chapter  xi.  is  placed  where 
it  is  with  no  more  propriety  than  there  would  be,  'or  instance,  in  inserting  the  subscription 
to  1  Corinthians  at  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  chapter  of  that  epistle. 

Extant   Text. 

The  Greek  te.\t  of  the  Additions,  like  that  of  the  book  itself,  is  extant  in  two  distinct 
recensions.  The  first,  named  A.  by  Fritsche,  is  the  well-known  text  of  the  Hexapla  of 
Origen,  and  is  the  one  usually  followed.  The  other,  named  B.  by  the  same  critic,  is  repre- 
eented  by  only  a  few  MSS.     It  was  first  published  by  Usher,  in  the  seventeenth  century, 

1  1  haTe  adopted  this  title,  rather  than  "  The  Rest  of  the  Chapters  of  Esther,"  etc.  (of  the  A.  V.),  which  might  Tnislaad. 


;:00  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


from  MSS.  93a.  936.,  and,  iiore  recently,  with  a  full  critical  apparatus  containing  the  read- 
ings of  93a.  19.  and  108i.  by  Fritzsche. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  opinion  entertained  b_v  the  latter,  with  the  majority  of 
critics,  that  the  second  te.xt  is  a  somewhat  later  altered  form  of  A.,  is  correct.  Tlie  general 
scope  of  the  narrative  in  both  is  the  same,  and  not  infrequently  there  is  literal  agreement.  The 
principal  differences  seem  to  have  been  caused,  either  by  a  misunderstanding  of  the  meaning 
of  the  text,  or  a  desire  for  greater  conciseness,  clearness,  and  precision.  Sometimes  the 
original  form  is  contracted;  and  sometimes,  especially  for  the  sake  of  e.\planation,  enlarged. 
But  the  changes  are  always  clearly  recognizable  as  such,  and,  by  a  careful  comjjarison,  the 
reasons  which  might  have  suggested  them  generally  discoverable.  It  is  impossible  to  say 
how  much  younger  the  second  text  is  than  the  first.  The  opinion  of  De  Rossi '  and  some 
others,  that  it  is  the  work  of  Theodotion,  is  quite  untenable.  It  was,  however,  used  by  the 
translators  of  the  Old  Latin  version.  But  it  would  be  incorrect  to  assume  that  it  did  not 
originate  much  before  that  version.  Langen  ^  even  attempts  to  show  that  Josephus  in  some 
instances  followed  it  rather  than  A.,  and  thinks  that  the  style  furnishes  some  evidence  that 
it  originated  in  the  Macedonian  period.  His  reasoning,  however,  is  far  from  conclusive. 
Josephus  seems  to  have  been  acquainted  with  other  enlargements  of  the  Book  of  Esther  than 
those  contained  in  either  of  our  two  texts,  while  the  Macedonian  coloring  is  a  common  feature 
of  both  of  them. 

With  respect  to  the  text  A.,  it  cannot  now  be  determined  with  certainty  whether  it  is  in 
its  original  form,  or  is  a  more  or  less  perfect  reproduction  of  the  same,  at  the  hands  of  some 
reader.'  The  style  is  ornate,  and  even  stilted;  but,  while  naturally  varying  with  the  char- 
acter of  the  matter,  is  essentially  uniform.  There  is  in  the  former  respect  a  marked  differ- 
ence between  it  and  that  of  B.;  the  same  being  much  simpler,  and  written  more  in  conformity 
with  the  principles  of  the  Greek  language. 

From  the  LXX.  the  Additions  passed  over  into  the  various  translations  that  were  made 
from  it ;  namely,  the  Latin,  Coptic,  jEthiopic,  Syriac,  Armenian,  Georgian,  Arabic,  and 
Slavonic,  and  held  in  them  the  same  relative  position.  The  translation  of  the  Additions  as 
found  in  the  Vulgate  seems  not  to  have  been  made  by  Jerome,^  but  by  an  earlier  hand.  It 
is  so  free  as  to  appear  less  like  a  translation  than  an  original.  Tlie  text  of  the  Old  Latin  we 
have  only  in  an  incomplete  and  badly  corrupted  form.  It  was  derived  mostly  from  A.,  but  con- 
tains also  unmistakable  marks  of  having  been  influenced  by  B.  The  form  of  the  original  is  some- 
times recast,  while  matter  is  both  added  and  omitted.  The  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions  of 
the  Additions  have  been  published  in  connection  with  the  London  Polyglot.  Of  a  Chaldaic 
version,  on  the  basis  of  which  a  startling  theory  concerning  the  origin  of  the  Book  of  Esther, 
inclusive  of  the  Additions,  has  been  founded,  we  shall  speak  particularly  below.  An  old 
Italian  translation  mentioned  by  Fritzsche,  made  from  the  Vulgate,^  contains  but  a  single 
chapter  of  the  Additions,  and  concludes  with  the  following  somewhat  unexpected  remark: 
"Immediately  after  what  here  apjjears  comes  other  matter  concerning  Mardochaeus,  which, 
in  effect,  amounts  to  much  the  same  thing.  They  are  recorded  by  the  [Greek]  translator 
of  the  book,  for  he  found  them  already  existing  in  the  Greek  language.  It  is  not  in  harmony 
with  my  plan  to  repeat  them  :  it  would  be  both  superfluous  and  useless. ' ' 

Origin  of  the  Additions. 

With  respect  to  the  origin  of  the  Additions,  critics  range  themselves  in  two  distinct  classes: 
(1)  those  who  hold  that  they  were  composed  as  Additions,  in  the  Greek  language,  at  a  time 
considerably  subsequent  to  the  composition  of  the  Hebrew  work ;  and  (2)  those  who  maintain 
that  they  are  a  translation  from  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  original,  which  antedated  the  canon- 
'cal  Esther  itself.  Unfortunately  for  the  latter  theory,  it  is  supported,  with  scarcely  an 
!xception,  by  Roman  Catholic  writers  alone,  and  that  by  no  means  with  unanimity.  Indeed, 
.he  suspicion  is  scarcely  to  be  resisted,  that  the  decision  of  the  Council  of  Trent  declaring 
the  Additions  canonical  has  had  far  too  much  influence,  both  in  the  matter  of  the  origination 
of  this  theory  by  Bellarmin,'  and  its  subsecjuent  support,  without  special  variation  of  opinion, 
by  De  Rossi,  Scholz,  Welte,  Scheiner,  Langen,  Reusch,  and  others.     In  fact,  Fritzsche  doe» 

1   Specimen  Variorum  Leelionum  Sacri  TeTtus,  ad  he.  2    Tiib.  Quartalschri/i ,  1860,  262  t 

I  flee  Reins  In  Schenkel's  Bib.  LtT.,  art.  "  Esther."  4  Cf.  Jalin,  Einleil.,  iv.  889. 

(  Libri  di  Tobia,  di  Giuditla,  t  di  Esler,  elx.     Venezia,  1844.  «  Dc  Vtrbo  Dei,  I.  7,  J  10. 


ADDITIONS   TO   ESTHER  201 


not  hesitate  to  say:*  "  Since  that  time  [the  Council  of  Trent]  it  has  been  the  disagreeable 
duty  of  [Roman]  Catholic  theologians  to  justify,  as  far  as  possible,  this  decision  against  the 
fundamental  principles  of  criticism,  both  external  and  internal." 

It  is  but  just  to  mention,  however,  as  an  exception  to  this  mortifying  ecclesiastical  division, 
although  almost  a  solitary  one  on  this  side,  that  Julius  Fiirst  ^  was  also  of  the  opinion  that 
the  Additions  formed  a  part  of  the  original  Book  of  Esther.  On  the  other  hand,  following 
the  decided  course  of  Jerome,  together  with  Cardinal  Hugo,  Nicolaus  Lyrensis,  Dionysius 
Carthusianus,  and  others,  the  famous  Roman  Catholic  writer,  Sixtus  of  Siena  (a.  d.  1520- 
1569),  under  the  patronage  of  Pope  Pius  V.,  wrote  a  work  '  for  which  subsequently  another 
pope,  Benedict  XIV.,  became  sponsor,  —  the  same  bemg  dedicated  to  him  without  objection, 
—  in  which  be  maintained  the  apocryphal  character  of  the  Additions,  even  imputing  their 
authorship  to  Josephus.  Sixtus  maintained  that  the  Tridentine  Council  did  not  intend  to 
give  canonical  authority  to  the  Additions,  but  only  to  the  work  as  it  appears  in  the  Pales- 
tinian canon.  The  added  matter,  however,  he  included,  with  1  and  2  Esdras  and  3  and  4 
Maccabees,  among  apocryphal  writings  of  the  better  class,  concerning  which  the  Fathers 
had  not  ventured  to  decide  positively,  and  which  therefore,  while  worthy  of  being  read, 
ought  not  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  any  doctrine.  Jahn  seems  to  have  regarded  this  fact 
concerning  Sixtus  as  evidence  that  the  Tridentine  check  on  free  opinion  had  been  at  least 
partially  removed;  for,  while  venturing  no  decided  judgment  himself  on  the  subject  of  the 
Additions,  he  vigorously  contests  that  of  his  ecclesiastical  brethren,  and  declares  that  any 
one  is  at  liberty  to  think  what  he  pleases  about  it:  "  Jeder  mag  hieriiher  denken,  wie  er  esjxir 
gutjindel."* 

Since,  now,  these  two  conflicting  opinions  concerning  the  origin  of  the  Additions  are,  as 
over  against  each  other,  so  sharply  defined,  and  the  matter,  moreover,  is  one  of  so  great  import- 
ance, it  will  perhaps  reward  our  effort  to  look  more  in  detail  into  the  history  of  that  which 
we  have  just  been  considering.  The  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  after  giving  a  list  of  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  including  Esther,  had  declared:  "  If,  however,  any  one  does 
not  receive  the  enlire  books,  with  all  their  parts,  as  they  are  accustomed  to  be  read  in  the  Catholic 
church  and  in  the  old  Lalin  Vulgate  edition,  as  sacred  and  canonical,  and  knowingly  and  wit- 
tingly despises  the  aforesaid  traditions,  let  him  be  anathema."  It  will  be  noticed  that,  with 
respect  to  the  book  before  us,  the  troublesome  clause  is  that  which  declares  that  it  is  to  be 
received  in  all  its  parts  as  read  in  the  Catholic  church  and  in  the  old  Latin  Vulgate  edition. 
That  is,  the  Additions  to  Esther  to  be  found  in  the  Vulgate,  in  the  confused  condition  which 
we  have  above  described,  were  to  be  held  in  equal  estimation  with  the  remainder  of  the  book. 
No  other  inference  could  be  justly  drawn  from  the  language.  So  Scheiner:  ^  "  The  canon- 
icity  of  these  additions  is  through  the  judgment  of  the  Catholic  church  (Cone.  Trident.,  Sess. 
iv.,  De  Canonicis  Scripturis)  guaranteeil,  which  properly  supports  itself  on  the  united  testi- 
mony of  Christian  antiquity  [?],  that  recognized  the  canonical  rank  of  the  Book  of  Esther, 
with  all  its  Additions  as  they  had  come  over  into  the  church  through  the  text  of  the  LXX." 

But  it  was  not  long  before  it  was  discovered  that  something  more  than  a  conciliar  enactment 
was  needed  to  give  to  the  Additions  to  Esther  universal  canonical  acceptance.  Jerome,  who 
had  placed  them  in  the  Vulgate,  had,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner, 
both  by  the  position  he  had  assigned  them  and  his  own  unmistakable  language,  distinguished 
them  from  the  remainder  of  the  book:  '' Librum  Esther  variis  translatoribus  constat  esse 
vitiatum:  quern  ego  de  archivis  Hebrceorum  relevans,  verbum  e  verba  expressius  transtuli.  Quern 
librum  editio  vulgata  laciniosis  hinc  inde  verborum  sinibus  [al.,  funibus]  trahit,  addens  ea  quae 
extempore  did  poterant  et  audiri ;  sicut  solitum  est  scholaribus  disciplinis  sumpto  Ihemate  excoqi- 
tare,  quibus  verbis  uti  potuit,  qui  injuriam  passus  est,  vel  qui  injuriam  fecit."  *  Hence  we  find 
Bellarmin  (f  1605)  resorting,  in  his  work  De  Verba  Dei  (lib.  i.  7,  §  10),  to  the  theory  of  two 
Hebrew  originals  for  Esther,  which  were  the  sources  respectively  of  the  two  recensions,  — 
the  one  with  and  the  other  without  the  Additions.  But  it  was  this  same  Bellarmin  to  whose 
well-known  diplomacy  must  be  imputed  the  device  by  which  the  gross  errors  of  the  edition 
of  the  Vulgate,  made  under  the  patronage  of  Pope  SLxtus  V.,  were  characterized  as  simple 
"printers'  blunders,"  and  who  designated,  on  a  second  title-page,  the  following  corrected 
and  improved  edition  of  Clement  VIII.  as  ''jussu  Sixti  V.  recognita  atque  edita."  ' 

i  EiiUeit.,  p.  74.  »  Der  Kan.  d.  A.  T,  p.  140.  8  Bibllotkeca  Sancta,  etc. 

4  EiiUcil.,  iv.,  890.  6  Kucken-Ux.,  art.  "  Esther."  6  Prxf.  in  L.  Esttur. 

7  Cf.  Hefele  in  Kirchen-Lex.,  art.  "  Bellarmin,"  who  saja  that  it  was  this  fiut  that  prevented  this  scholar  from  being 
made  a  saint. 


202  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

To  the  distinguished  critic  De  Rossi,  however,  is  due  the  credit  of  the  full  development  of 
'his  theory,  although  in  a  somewhat  altered  form,  and  of  attempting  to  support  it  by  manu- 
script authority.  According  to  him,  the  Book  of  Esther  was  originally  written  liy  Mordecai, 
in  the  Chaldaic  language,  and  in  the  general  form  in  which  it  now  appears  in  the  LXX. ; 
while  what  is  known  as  the  ''  Hebrew  Book  of  Esther  "  is  only  an  extract  from  the  principal, 
original  work.  This  opinion  he  sought  to  support  by  maintaining,  first,  that  the  work  in  its 
present  Hebrew  form  is  incomplete;  second,  by  that  passage  (ix.  32)  of  the  book  where  it  is 
said:  "  And  the  decree  of  Esther  confirmed  these  matters  of  Purim,  and  it  was  written  in 
the  book;"  and,  third,  he  appeals  to  certain  Hebrew  MSS.  in  which  a  part  of  the  Additions 
to  Esther  appear  in  Chaldaic,  and  in  the  same  order  in  which  they  are  found  in  the  LXX.  ; 
leading,  as  he  supposes,  to  the  conclusion  that  the  original  Chaldaic  text  was  still  extant 
when  these  MSS.  were  copied.  On  so  precarious  a  foundation  rests  the  bold  hypothesis  of 
this  scholar;  and  yet  it  is  accepted,  with  but  minor  differences  of  view,  by  Welte,  Scholz, 
Langen,  Reusch,  and  others  of  the  more  liberal  and  unprejudiced  class  of  Roman  Catholic 
scholars. 

Let  us  now  examine  more  closely  the  grounds  on  which  the  theory  rests.  (1.)  With  respect 
to  the  passage  chap.  ix.  32:  It  should  by  no  means  be  assumed,  on  the  basis  of  this  verse, 
that  the  matter  contained  in  the  present  Hebrew  text  of  the  Book  of  Esther  might  be  expected 
to  be  found  in  a  fuller  form  elsewhere.  The  author  may  have  meant  simply  to  refer  to  his 
own  book,  where,  in  fact,  the  whole  matter,  for  substance,  was  to  be  found.*  Or  if  it  were 
to  be  conceded  that  some  other  book  is  meant,  and  some  particular  book,  as  the  Hebrew  word 
~)~3n  might  be  thought  to  imply,  still  the  theory  of  De  Rossi  is  the  last  one  to  be  resorted 
to.  It  micht,  in  that  case,  have  been  a  special  decree  on  the  subject  of  the  Purim  feast,  as 
Bertheau  and  KeiP  suppose;  or,  still  more  hkely,  it  might  have  been  the  "Book  of  the 
Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Media  and  Persia,"  so  often  referred  to  by  the  author  of  Esther 
(ii.  23;  vi.  1;  x.  2). 

(2.)  With  regard  to  a  fancied  lack  of  completeness  in  the  Book  of  Esther  without  the 
Additions,  it  might  justly  be  replied,  that  the  Book  of  Esther  is  not  alone  in  this  respect. 
It  is  just  as  true  of  many  other  Old  Testament  books.  And,  in  the  case  before  us,  it  is  an 
argument  which  proves  too  much.  If  the  form  of  our  book,  as  it  appears  in  the  LXX.,  is 
the  original,  in  which  nothing  is  suppressed,  why  are  the  two  proclamations  of  Mordecai  and 
Esther,  respectively  (ix.  20,  29),  relating  to  the  most  important  of  all  matters  referred  to  in 
the  work,  — the  establishment  of  the  feast  of  Purim,  — entirely  omitted?  And,  further,  how 
is  it  that  we  do  not  find  the  royal  edict  concerning  the  degradation  of  Queen  Vashti  (i.  19, 
22),  or  the  so-called  "  second  letter  of  Purim  "  (ix.  29),  or,  as  we  might  certainly  have  had 
reason  to  expect,  something  more  definite  with  reference  to  the  manner  of  celebrating  the 
feast? 

(3.)  But  what  are  the  facts  respecting  the  present  existence  of  some  part  of  the  Additions 
in  the  Chaldaic  language  in  connection  with  Hebrew  MSS.?  These  Chaldaic  fragments 
were  first  published  by  Stephan  Evodius  Assemani,  who  at  one  time,  as  successor  to  his 
uncle  of  the  same  name,  was  librarian  at  the  Vatican.'  It  was  not,  however,  until  forty 
years  afterwards  that  their  presumed  importance  as  witness  for  the  eriginal  text  of  the 
Book  of  Esther  was  discovered  by  De  Rossi.  The  Hebrew  MSS.  in  which  they  are  found 
are  clearly  of  late  origin.*  The  Additions  found  in  them  according  to  their  titles  are:  "  the 
Prayer  of  Mordecai,"  "  the  Prayer  of  Esther,"  and  "  the  Dream  of  Mordecai."  In  "  the 
Pr;tyer  of  Esther"  a  peculiar  epithet  is  applied  to  the  Roman  empire.  It  is  called  "  Edom." 
According  to  Michaelis,^  who  finds  also  other  traces  of  a  comparatively  recent  origin  in  these 
Chaldaic  fragments,  this  word  was  never  so  used  until  after  Rome  became  the  chief  city  of 
the  Christian  church.  Further,  it  is  maintained  by  Zunz  that  these  Chaldaic  fragments  are 
products  of  the  Gaonian  period  (a.  d.  600-1000);  and  there  would  seem  to  be  but  little, 
if  any,  room  for  doubt  that  they  are  a  translation,  made  with  extreme  literalness,  from  the 
arst  three  chapters  of  the  second  book  of  a  work  ascribed  to  Jusipon  ben  Gorion,  or  that 
they  were  taken  by  him,  together  with  some  other  additions  to  Esther,  directly  from  the 
LXX.  itself.* 

1  So  Bertholdt,  EinUil.,  p.  2461.  2  See  their  commentaries  on  this  book,  ad  lor.     Cf.  Bertholdt.  (.  c. 

»  Catalogiu  Codicum  MSS.  Bibliotluca  Valicana.  Befele  says  that  he  assisted  his  uncle  in  the  work.  Kirchen-l** 
md  «oe. 

i  Cf.  Zonz,  p.  121.  6   Orimtatischt  Bib.,  Th.  21,  p.  104,  f. 

«  Ot  BertbeMi,  CVml  zum  B.  Bittr ;  also,  Sohuls,  in  LAnge'i  Bibetwak,  Introd.  to  this  book,  ii.  687. 


ADDITIONS   TO   ESTHER.  203 


But,  again,  tlie  subscription  to  the  book  as  found  in  the  LXX.  is  urged,  especially  by 
Scholz,'  as  weighty  evidence  of  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  origin.  It  reads:  "  In  the  fourth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  Dositheus,  who  said  he  was  a  priest  and  a  Levite, 
and  Ptolemy,  his  son,  brought  the  present  epistle  of  Phurim,  which  they  said  was  the  same 
["  of  which  they  said  it  was  extant,"  Michaelis  ;  "  which  they  gave  out  for  it,"  De  Wette]  ; 
and  that  Lysimachus,  the  son  of  Ptolemy,  that  was  in  Jerusalem,  had  interpreted  it." 
Scholz  thus  reasons:  "  According  to  this  evidence,  the  epistle  concerning  Purim  was  a  trans- 
lation. Now,  as  it  is  allowable  in  this  case  to  infer  of  the  whole  what  is  said  of  a  part,  the 
remaining  additions  may  also  be  regarded  as  a  translation."  But  allowing  to  this  subscrip- 
tion all  the  weight  that  is  here  claimed  for  it,  although  it  does  not  appear  in  the  Old  Latin  or 
in  text  B.,  still  the  word  iwtaToKri  would  be  quite  inapplicable  to  a  part  of  the  Additions.  If, 
then,  it  relates  to  but  a  portion  of  the  entire  work,  that  is  probably  to  chapter  ix.  of  the 
Hebrew  text.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  rather  to  be  maintained  that  it  does  relate  to 
the  Greek  translation  of  the  main  composition  as  it  appears  in  the  Hebrew.  Whether  it ' 
can  be  interpreted  so  as  to  include  the  Additions  also  is  not  clear.  Fritzsche  answers  in  the 
negative.  Still,  it  would  seem  that  the  entire  production  as  it  appears  in  the  LXX.  mitrht 
have  been  loosely  —  though  incorrectly  —  characterized  as  a  translation,  since  by  far  the 
greater  part  was  actually  such.^ 

It  is  also  contended  by  Scholz  that  the  language  of  the  Additions  shows  that  they  are  a 
translation.  He  does  not  attempt,  however,  to  prove  any  instance  of  a  false  rendering,  noi 
is  he  able  to  point  out  many  examples  of  marked  Hebraisms  ;  still,  as  he  thinks,  the  lattet 
are  sufficiently  numerous  to  justify  the  conclusion  he  draws.  He  calls  attention,  for  instance 
to  the  fact  that  alveTv  is  used  both  with  the  dative  and  the  accusative,  like  the  Hebrew  bbn 
or  ^^i^  l  that  the  same  is  also  true  of  TrpoaKwfiv.  Moreover,  the  expression,  pmai  iv  xf'Pl 
aov,  is  found,  and  an  exceedingly  frequent  use  of  the  conjunction  koI.  But,  as  Fritzsche  has 
remarked,*  these  examples  of  a  Hebraizing  tendency  only  serve  to  show  that  the  author  of 
the  Additions  was  a  Jew,  by  no  manner  of  means  that  he  translated  from  the  Hebrew.  Not 
only  do  the  Additions  show  no  signs  of  being  a  translation,  but  they  are  so  written  that  in 
many  passages  it  would  be  exceedingly  difficult  to  clothe  the  thought  in  a  tolerably  literal 
Hebrew  version. 

Still  further:  it  would  seem  to  be  decisive  against  the  theory  of  a  common  Hebrew  or 
Chaldaic  original  for  both  the  Hebrew  book  and  the  LXX.,  with  its  Additions,  as  well  as 
proof  of  the  unauthentic  character  of  the  latter,  that  these  Additions  abound  in  contradictions 
of  the  history  as  contained  in  the  Hebrew ;  have  an  entirely  different  religious  tone ;  %nd 
betray,  both  in  spirit  and  style,  the  characteristics  of  the  Alexandrian  Jews.  The  contra- 
dictions are  such  as  these:  According  to  the  Additions,  Mordecai  became  a  great  man  at 
court  in  the  second  year  of  the  king,  but  according  to  the  Hebrew  not  till  after  the  seventh 
year ;  in  the  Additions  it  is  said  that  Mordecai  himself,  in  the  Hebrew  that  his  ancestor 
Kish,  was  one  of  the  prisoners  that  Nebuchadnezzar  carried  away  with  Jechoniah  from 
Jerusalem ;  in  the  former  the  cause  of  Haman's  dislike  of  the  Jews  is  said  to  have  been 
Mordecai's  discovery  of  the  conspiracy  against  the  king,  in  the  latter  it  is  the  refusal  of 
Mordecai  to  do  reverence  to  Haman.  Other  discrepancies  relate  to  the  time  of  the  elevation 
of  Haman  to  power;  his  nationality,  where  the  Greek  Additions  are  also  in  disagreement 
with  themselves;  the  time  when  his  sons  were  put  to  death  ;  the  date  fixed  for  the  massacre 
of  the  Jews;  the  fact  that  an  edict  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  is  said  to  have  been  recalled,  etc. 
As  it  respects  the  religious  tone  of  the  Additions,  there  is  the  most  marked  contrast  with  the 
Hebrew  book.  It  has  even  been  made  a  ground  of  objection  to  the  latter  that  the  name 
of  God  does  not  once  occur  in  it.  But  in  the  Additions  it  is  freely  used,  and  the  Jewish 
ideas  of  religion  are  emphasized  even  to  bigotry.  And,  finally,  the  whole  form  and  spirit  of 
the  fragments  proves  their  later,  Alexandrian  origin.  Their  style  is  bombastic,  and  the 
Greek  in  which  they  are  written  cannot  date  back  to  the  time  of  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew 
book.  There  are  not  a  few  expressions,  scattered  here  and  there,  which  are  quite  out  of 
harmony  with  their  surroundings.  In  both  of  the  letters  of  Ahasuerus,  "  the  month  Adar  " 
is  mentioned;  Haman  is  made  a  Macedonian,  and  his  object  is  said  to  be  to  transfer  the 
kingdom  to  his  own  people;  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  were  to  "descend  by  violence  into 
Hades;  "  Esther  declares  that  she  has  never  eaten  "  at  the  table  of  Haman,"  nor  drunk 

I  MimUU.,  U.  687.  3  See  Bbhl,  p.  41.  »  Einleit.,  p.  71 ;  of.  KeU,  Einieit.,  p.  731. 


204  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


"  the  wine  of  libations;"  Ahasuerus,  on  the  other  hand,  is  represented  as  calling  himself 
her  "brother,"  and  as  speaking  of  the  Jews  as  the  "elect  nation."  Indeed,  a  thorough 
comparison  of  the  Greek  Additions  with  the  Hebrew  original  must  serve  to  enhance  one's 
sense  of  the  immense  superiority  of  the  latter  in  every  respect.  With  Baumgarten:  "One 
learns,  through  the  legendary  design  and  wordiness  of  these  Additions,  properly  to  recognize 
and  appreciate  the  modesty  and  objectivity  of  the  canonical  representation,  which  is  as  noble 
and  pure  as  it  well  could  be."  ' 

The  theory  of  the  origin  of  these  fragments,  then,  which  has  most  to  commend  it  is  this: 
They  are  a  later  enlargement,  in  the  Greek  language,  but  by  the  hand  of  a  Jew,  of  the 
canonical  Esther.  They  were  occasioned,  in  addition  to  the  living  interest  taken  by  this 
everywhere  oppressed  people  in  the  facts  of  their  own  history,  and  their  acknowledged 
readiness,  particularly  at  Alexandria,  for  work  of  this  sort,  especially  by  a  desire  to  stamp 
the  present  book  with  a  character  more  decidedly  national  and  religious.  In  fact,  there  is 
sufficient  evidence  extant  to  prove  that  the  compositions  before  us  are  but  single  examples, 
though  perhaps  the  earliest,  of  many  attempts  of  the  same  kind.  In  Josephus,  for  instance, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  we  meet  with  variations  in  the  history  which  suggest  textual 
sources  not  now  at  hand ;  while  the  same  is  true  of  the  Old  Latin  Version,  the  two  Targums, 
and  the  Midrash  of  Esther,  and  of  several  MSS.'' 

Dale  and  Author. 
The  text  named  A.  must  have  had,  as  we  have  shown,  a  different  author  from  B.  The 
question  whether  the  former  is  the  work  of  the  translator  of  the  original  book  is  somewhat 
discussed.  While  there  may  not  be  enough  difference  in  the  mere  style  of  the  two,  in  view 
of  the  circumstance  that  one  is  to  be  considered  as  a  translation,  while  the  other  is  an  original 
work,  to  prove  that  they  had  different  authors,  still  the  fact  of  numerous  and  obvious  contra- 
dictions between  them,  and  the  total  lack  of  evidence  of  the  supervision  of  one  mind  through- 
out, seems  decisive  on  the  point.  That  Josephus  used  the  Additions  after  the  recension  A. 
is  universally  acknowledged.  How  much  previous  to  his  time  did  they  originate  ?  In  seek- 
ing to  answer  this  question,  the  subscription  appended  to  the  book  by  a  later  hand  should  be 
allowed  some  weight,  although  there  is  danger  of  attaching  too  much  importance  to  it.  The 
possibility  that  it  was  written  subsequent  to  the  Additions,  and  with  the  intention  of  forming 
a  sort  of  credential  for  the  work  in  this  form,  together  with  its  own  extremely  indefinite 
character,  must  detract  not  a  little  from  its  value  as  a  witness.  Keil  does  not  hesitate  to 
declare  that  it  lacks  genuineness.  Dositheus  "gave  himself  out  "  for  a  priest.  He  and  his 
son  brought  to  Egypt  this  epistle  (?)  of  Phurim,  "  which  they  said  was  the  same  "  (It  iipaaav 
(Ivai),  and  [which  they  said]  Lysimachus  of  Jerusalem  had  translated.  Dositheus  was  a 
common  name  in  the  history  of  this  period.  The  one  here  mentioned  can  scarely  be  identi- 
fied with  the  person  of  the  same  name  spoken  of  by  Josephus  (^Contra  Ap.,  ii.  5),  as  has  been 
attempted  by  Scholz '  and  others.  The  Ptolemy  meant  is  generally  held  to  be  Ptolemy 
Philometor,  whose  government  (it  is  well  known)  was  friendly  to  the  Jews,  and  during 
whose  reign  (b.  c.  181-145)  a  translation  of  the  Book  of  Esther  may  indeed  have  been 
brought  to  Egypt.  By  far  the  most  common  opinion,  in  short,  among  those  who  maintain 
the  apocryphal  character  of  the  Additions,  is  that  they  are  the  production  of  an  Egyptian 
Jew  skillful  in  the  Greek  language,  and  that  he  wrote  about  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  or 
not  long  after. 

Canonical  Estimation. 

In  addition  to  what  has  been  already  said,  little  need  to  be  added  concerning  the  history  of 
the  Additions  in  the  Christian  church.  They  naturally  obtained  early  and  general  circulation 
through  the  LXX.,  and  such  translations  as  were  founded  upon  it,  including  (notwithstanding 
Jerome's  well-meant  efforts  to  resist  it)  the  Vulgate  itself.  And  they  seem,  as  a  general 
rule,  to  have  been  held  in  equal  estimation  with  the  rest  of  the  book.*  With  respect  to 
Origen,  it  has  been  maintained  by  not  a  few  critics,  in  addition  to  Sixtus  of  Siena,  that  in 
his  well-known  letter  to  Africanus  he  meant  to  dispute  the  full  canonical  authority  of  our 
Additions,  together  with  those  found  in  the  LXX.  in  connection  with  Daniel.  And  it  would 
seem  to  give  color  to  this  view  that  Bellarmin  thought  it  necessary  to  give  a  false  rendering 
to  this   letter,  in  order  to  make  it  yield  a  meaning  supposed  to  be  more  favorable  to  the 

1   Uerzog'8  ReaUEncyk.,  art.  "Esther."  2  Cf.  Herzfeld,  Geschichit,  i.  365  f.;  and  Fritzsche,  Einieil.,  ad  tec 

«  Einlei:.,  ii.  540.  4  Cf.  Clement  of  Rome,  Ad  Cor.,  i.  65  ;  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Strom.,  It.  19. 


ADDITIONS   TO   ESTHER.  205 


decision  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  There  seems  to  be  little  doubt,  in  fact,  that  theoretically 
this  was  the  position  of  Origan,  although  as  a  matter  of  quotation  and  general  use  he  acted 
usually  out  of  harmony  with  it.^  Further,  it  has  been  suggested  as  probable  that  the  failure 
of  Melito  of  Sardis  and  Athanaeius  to  admit  the  Book  of  Esther  into  their  catalogues  of  the 
books  of  Scripture  was  due,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  to  the  presence  of  these  Alexandrian 
accretions.  At  least,  Jerome's  protest  did  not  remain  wholly  inoperatire.  Considering  the 
comparatively  low  estimation  in  which  the  book  as  a  whole  was  held,  and  its  little  use  in  the 
church,  the  objections  to  the  Additions  specifically  were  quite  as  numerous  as  could  have  been 
expected.  The  decree  of  the  Council  of  Trent  on  the  matter  of  the  canon  of  Scripture, 
which  was  ratified  by  fifty-three  prelates,  of  whom  Westcott '  says  that  "  among  them  was  not 
one  German,  not  one  scholar  distinguished  for  historical  learning,  not  one  who  was  fitted  by 
special  study  for  the  examination  of  a  subject  in  which  the  truth  could  only  be  determined 
by  the  voice  of  antiquity,"  has  naturally  had  its  influence  in  increasing  the  estimation  in 
which  the  Additions  are  held,  but  an  influence  which  has  been  far  from  universal  even  in  its 
own  ecclesiastical  circle,  and  happily  is  not  increasing. 

Luther  spoke  with  mildness,  but  decision,  of  the  Additions  to  Daniel  and  Esther  as  "  corn- 
flowers," which  he  had  taken  out  of  the  books  in  which  they  stood  in  the  Latin  text,  but  had 
afterwards  placed  in  a  separate  bed  that  they  might  not  wither,  because  there  was  much  good 
in  them.  In  the  Reformed  churches  generally,  including  that  of  England,  the  Additions 
to  Esther  shared  the  fortunes  of  the  other  books  usually  reckoned  among  the  Apocrypha. 

1  I«iig«i,  DnOcrolcan.  Stiick;  •!«.,  p.  1.  1  BA.  in  C&.,  p.  3B}. 


ADDITIONS   TO  THE 

BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


Addition   I.  (in  the  Greek  introducing  the  hook).* 

1  In  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  the  great,  on  ^  the  first  dai/  of 

2  Nisan,^  Mardochjeus  *  the  son  of  Jairus,  the  son  of  Semeias,  the  son  of  Kisaeas,  of 

3  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  a  Jew,  saw  a  vision  ;  he  dwelt'  in   the  city  of  Susa,  a 

4  great  man,  being  a  servitor  in  the  king's  palace.'     He  was  also '  of  the  captivity,^ 
which  Nabuchodonosor  king '  of  Babylon  carried  from  Jerusalem  with  Jechonias 

5  the  king  of  Judtea.'"     And  this  icas  his  vision  :  ^'  and  behold  voices  and  uproar,  thun- 

6  derings  and  earthquake  and  confusion  on  the  earth.^-   And  behold,  two  great  dragons 

7  came  forth  both  ready  to  fight.    And  their  mighty  cry  arose  ;  "  and  at  their  cry  every 

8  nation  prepared  itself  to  battle,  that  they  might  fight  the  nation  of  righteous  ones.'* 
And  lo,  a  day  of  darkness  and  obscurity,  tribulation  and  anguish,  aflfliction  and  great 

9  confusion,-'^  upon  the  earth.     And  the  whole  righteous  nation  was  troubled,  fearing 
their  own  evils,  and  prepared  themselves  for  destruction  ; ''  and  "  they  cried  unto 

10  God.     And  from  their  weeping,'^  as  it  were  from  a  little  fountain,  sprang  a  great 

1 1  river,"  ei^en  much  water.     And  light  and  the  sun  ^^  rose  up,  and  the  lowly  were  ex- 

12  alted,  and  devoured  the  glorious.    And  ^'  Mardochajus,  who  had  seen  this  vision,^-  and 
what  God  had  determined  to  do,  awaking  kept  it  in  his  heart,  and  untU  night  was 

13  desirous  to  comprehend  it  in  every  particular.^     And  Mardochaeus  slept  in  the  pal- 
ace with  Gabatha  and  Tharra,  the  two  eunuchs  of  the  king,  who  watched  in  -*  the 

14  palace.     And  he  heard  their  devices,  and  searched  out  their  anxieties,-'  and  learned 
that  they  were  making  ready  ^'  to  lay  hands  upon  Artaxerxes  the  king.    And  he  in- 

15  formed  -'  the  king  of  them.    And  -^  the  king  examined  the  two  eunuchs,  and  having  ® 

16  confessed  they  were  punished.^"     And  the  king  wrote  a  memorial  of  these  things; 

17  MardocliEeus  also  '^  wrote  thereof.    And  the  king  commanded  Mardochaeus  to  serve 

>  I  have  adopted,  exceptionally,  in  view  of  the  exceedingly  confuped  arrangement  of  the  Additions  as  found  in  the 
A.  v.,  the  order  of  chapters  and  verses  aa  given  in  the  Greek  text  edited  by  Fritzsche.  At  the  beginning  of  each 
chapter  of  the  Commentary,  however,  will  be  found  a  citation  of  the  chapters  and  verses  of  the  A.  V.  included  in  it. 

Vers.  1,  2.  — 2  ^,  y. :  in.  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  pacnKfta^  after  iJLeydXov,  as  wanting  in  most  MSS.,  including  ni.  X. 
XI.  It  is  found,  however,  in  II.)  '  the  month  Nisan  (so  19.  —  Adar  N.  — and  Old  Lat.  by  Cod.  Corb.).  *  Mardo- 
cheus.    (Hereafter  I  shall  write  as  above,  without  further  notice  in  the  notes.) 

Vers.  3,  4.—  =  A.  v.:  Semei  ....  Cisai  ....  had  a  dream;  wko  ««.<  a  Jew,  and  dwelt.  «  court  (Gr.,  avKfj.  See 
Com.j.  "also  one.  ^  captives.  »  the  king.  w  J.  King  of  Judea.  It  does  not  seem  needful  to  indicate  further 
that  I  adopt  throughout  in  the  text  the  spellLng  Judiea,  as  above.  The  article  is  omitted  before  powriXe'ojs  by  44.  52. 
248.  Co.  Aid. 

Vers.  6-8.  —  ^  A.  V. :  his  dream  (Gr.,  ivvTrviov,  as  in  ver.  2).  "  behold  a  noise  of  a  tumult,  with  thunder,  and 

earthquakes,  and  uproar  in  the  land.  (The  Km'  at  the  beginning  is  omitted  by  19.  For  the  following  teal  Sopi/jSot,  III 
52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  have  Bopv^ov,  which  is  thus  made  to  limit  ifiaji-a;.  Before  ripaxo?  a  icoi  is  found  in  III.  X.  (by 
a  corrector)  and  many  other  MSS.  with  the  Old  Lat.  and  Vulg.  Co.  Aid.,  and  it  is  received  into  his  text  by  Fritzsche). 
"  their  cry  was  great  (Gr  ,  itai  eyeVfro  avTui/  i()iu>T)  /iryiA,;).  "  cry  all  nations  were  prepared  (Gr.,  TJj  ijiaifji  avro»  17x01- 
fia(r^  wav  eSvo^)  ....  against  the  righteous  people.        i"  uproar. 

Vers.  9, 10.  —  "■'  A.  V. :  were  ready  to  perish  (Gr.,  ^JTOifiitreijiroii'  iiroXeirfliii)  "  Then.  "  and  upon  their  cry  (Or. 
ano  &i  riii  fiofi^  avToiv.    The  context  requires  this  rendering).        >^  was  made  (Gr.,  cye'vero)  ....  flood. 

Vers.  11, 12.  —  »  A.  V. :  The  light  and  the  sun.  (The  itai  found  in  the  text.  rcc.  befoie  it>m  is  omitted  in  II.  as  v*ll  as 
in  X.  19.  93b.  249.  Vulg.,  and  it  might  well  be  dropped.)  21  Now  when.  ^-  dream.  ^  was  awake,  he  bare  his 
dream  in  mind,  and  until  night  by  all  means  was  desirous  to  know  it  (Gr.,  itai  iv  vavrX  AiSyw  ffifktv  H^yvuiva.L  airb  eu? 
T^  n;«TOT).  Cod.  II.,  with  55.  93  6.  omits  o  before  «u.po«M.  The  Codd.  111.  52.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid.  have  for  aJri 
ftfter  eTx***!  ^°  iyvTTVtoy  touto,  and  are  followed,  as  will  be  noticed,  by  the  A.  V. 

Vers.  13-15.  —  "  A.  V. :  took  his  rest  in  the  court  ....  and  keepers  of.  "  purposes  (see  Com.).  '"  about  (Or 
tmiiaiovai).        "  so  he  certified.        "  Then.        "  after  that  they  had.        so  strangled  (see  Com.). 

V.r.  16.  — s*  A.  y. ;  made  a  record  ....  and  M.  also. 


ADDITIONS  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


207 


18  in  the  palace  ; '  and  for  this  -  he  rewarded  him.  And  Aman  son  '  of  Amadathus, 
a  Bugaean,*  was  in  great  honor  with  the  king,  and^  sought  to  injure'  Mardochaeus 
and  his  people  because  of  the  two  eunuchs  of  the  king. 

Vers.  17, 18.  — '  So  ...  .  court.  '  Codd.  XI.  44.  64.  al.  Co.  Aid.  have  tovtou  for  toutui'  (Vulg.,  pro  delatione).  The 
change  may  have  heen  made  in  the  interest  of  definiteness,  the  latter  word  having  a  possible  reference  to  the  eunuchs  ; 
bat  it  probably  refers  to  the  report  {K6yot).  ^  Howbeit  Aman  the  son.  *  the  Agagite  (see  Com.)^  who.  ^  omits 
and.       ^  molest  (Gr.^  KaKonoiijcrat). 


Addition   I.     (Chap.  xi.  2-12,  in  the  A.  V.) 


Ver.  1.  In  the  second  year.  There  is  a  discrep 
ancy  of  five  years  between  this  date  and  that  of 
the  Hebrew,  as  we  have  already  shown  in  our 
introduction  to  the  present  book.  —  Artaxerxes 
The  te.xt  B.  h.as  'Ao-utjpos,  which  is  also  the  form 
of  the  word  in  the  Hebrew.  While  there  is  a 
difference  of  opinion  respecting  the  person  in- 
tended, he  is  generally  supposed  to  be  Xerxes. 
See  Eichhorn's  Repertorium,  1784,  xv.  1-38. — 
Tp  fiia.  A  Hebraistic  use  of  a  cardinal  for  an 
ordinal.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  248.  —  Mardochaeus. 
The  word  is  of  Persian  origin  (see  ii.  5,  in  the 
Greek),  and  means  "  worshipper  of  Merodach." 
Cf.  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  134.  That  Mor- 
decai  had  access  to  the  harem  .shows  that  he  was 
a  eunuch.  In  2  Mace.  xv.  36,  the  14th  of  Adar, 
when  the  Feast  of  Purira  was  celebrated,  is  called 
"  M:irdochseus'  Daj'."  If  this  Mardochaeus  be 
really  one  of  the  captives  whom  Nebuchadnezzar 
carried  away  from  Jerusalem  at  the  time  stated 
in  verse  4,  he  is  much  out  of  place  here.  It  would 
make  him,  at  least,  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
years  old.  Cf.  Esth.  ii.  2;  2  Kings  x.\iv.  12; 
Neh.  vii.  7.  Fritzsche  suggests  that  in  verse  4 
only  the  family  of  Mardochaeus  is  meant.  In 
anv  case  the  genealogy  as  here  given  is  imper- 
fect. 

Ver.  3.  Susa  [Shushan].  It  was  the  capital  of 
the  country  known  in  Scripture  as  Elam,  and  one 
of  the  most  important  cities  of  the  East.  It  was 
long  the  residence  of  the  Persian  kings,  and 
maintained  its  grandeur  up  to  the  time  of  the 
Macedonian  conquest,  when  Alexander  is  said  to 
have  carried  away  from  it  in  treasures  what  would 
be  equal  to  twelve  million  pounds  sterling,  besides 
the  royal  regalia.  See  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon., 
ii.  209,  474;  iii.  270,  317,  437.  — A  great  man. 
This  has  reference  simply  to  the  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held  at  court.  —  Servitor.  The 
Bame  word  is  used  in  the  A.  V.  at  2  Kings  iv.  43. 
—  Court.  (A.  V.)  This  was  one  of  the  mean- 
ings given  to  the  Greek  word  av\i]  in  the  later 
times  {ol  irepl  r^v  avKriv,  the  courtiers)  ;  but  here 
the  palace  seems  to  be  clearly  referred  to. 

Ver.  6.  Dragon.  According  to  Scripture  usage, 
this  term  is  applied  to  any  great  monster,  whether 
belonging  to  the  sea  or  land.  Cf.  Dent,  .xxxii. 
33;  Ps.  xci.  13;  Is.  xxvii.  1. 

Ver.  7.  AiKaiwv  efli/os.  The  Jews  are  meant,  as 
also  in  the  9th  verse.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  arti- 
cle is  omitted  before  the  latter  word.  Cf.  Winer, 
119  ff. ;  and  for  other  examples  of  such  epithets 
as  applied  to  the  Jews,  Wisd.  ix.  4,  7 ;  x.  15; 
xi.  1  ;  xii.  19;  xv.  2,  14. 

Ver.  8.  The  similarity  of  sentiment  to  that  of 
Joel  ii.  2  will  be  observed.  Cf.  also  the  Greek. 
.—  Tribulation  and  anguish.  The  same  Greek 
as  at  Rom.  ii.  9  ;  viii.  35. 

Ver.  II.  Iiight  and  the  sun.  The  return  of 
happy  days  is  thus  symbolically  set  forth. 

Ver.  12.     The  Chaldaic  fragment  published  by 


Assemani  and  De  Rossi  (.see  Introd.)  adds  to  this 
verse  that  Mordecai  told  his  dream  only  to  Esther, 
to  whom  he  also  said  :  "  Now  is  the  dream  come  to 
fulfillment  which  I  related  to  thee  in  thy  youth  [?]. 
This  is  the  trouble  concerning  which  I  spoke  to 
thee.  Pray  now  to  Jehovah,  the  God  of  our 
fathers,"  etc.  Chap.  xi.  of  the  A.  V.  ends  with 
this  verse. 

Ver.  13.  In  the  palace  (ouAp).  Probably  the 
harem  is  meant,  where  also  the  king  was.  Cf. 
Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  216.  According  to 
Esther  ii.  21-23,  it  was  Bigthan  and  Teresh  who 
made  the  conspiracy.  It  is  likely  that  these  are 
only  different  forms  of  the  same  names  that  occur 
in  the  Additions.  This  is  the  first  verse  of  chap, 
xii.  in  the  A.  V. 

Ver:  14.  MepiV^as,  anxieties.  Their  anxiety 
was  with  reference  to  the  success  of  their  plans. 

Ver.  15.  'ATriixSriaai',  were  punished.  This 
word  was  used  as  a  law  term  in  Attic  Greek,  and 
meant  to  bring  before  a  magistrate  and  accnse,  and 
then,  as  a  result  of  the  process,  to  lead  away  to 
]mnishment.  The  A.  V.  seems  to  have  read  with 
Co.  awTiyxOri'^'"''  Cf.  the  Hebrew  text,  ii.  23. 
On  the  possible  punishments  inflicted  by  the  Per- 
sians, see  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  246  f. 

Ver.  1 6.  The  custom  which  prevailed  among 
the  Persians  of  recording  matters  of  this  sort  in 
the  annals  of  the  kingdom,  is  noticed  by  Thucyd- 
ides  (i.  129,  3):  "So  says  the  King  Xerxes"  to 
Pausanias,  — '  the  sending  back  of  the  men  whom 
thou  hast  saved  for  me  from  beyond  the  sea  in 
Byzantium  will  be  reckoned  in  thy  favor  as  a 
good  deed  in  our  house,  for  ever.'  " 

Ver.  17.  Tlepl  tovtchh.  The  neuter  is  used, 
referring  to  the  whole  matter  of  Mardochaeus' 
conduct.  Text  B.  makes  no  reference  to  the 
presents  received  by  Mardochaeus,  but  speaks 
more  particularly  of  the  service  assigned  to  him. 

Ver.  18.  Aman  ....  a  Bugsean.  Cf.  I  Sam. 
XV.  According  to  tradition,  at  the  celebration 
of  Purim  the  passages  of  Scripture  relating  to 
the  Amalekites  were  read.  See  Ex.  xvii.  14  ff. ; 
Dent.  XXV.  17  ff.  The  Greek  word  here,  however, 
is  Povyaloi.  Is  it  to  be  regarded  as  meaning  the 
same  as  the  Hebrew  "'-DSn  of  the  Book  of  Es- 
ther (iii.  1)1  So  the  A.  V.  seems  to  have  thought. 
But  Michaelis  says  that  he  is  unable  to  explain 
the  word,  (irotius  :  "  proprie  ila  dicti  eunuchi ;  " 
and  Ills  opinion  is  accepted  by  Schleusner  {Lex., 
ad  voc).  In  text  B.  the  name  is  changed  to 
yiaKeS6va,  and  at  iii.  1  to  ruiyatov.  It  is  on  the 
whole  most  probable,  as  Fritzsche  supposes,  that 
the  word  arose  from  a  careless  rendering  of  the 
Hebrew.  No  corresponding  name  of  a  family 
occurs  to  help  us  out  of  the  difficulty  ;  while  to 
render,  with  Dereser  (and  Scholz)  the  word  as 
an  adjective,  "  the  braggart,"  would  scarcely  be 
justified  by  the  facts  relating  to  Haman  made 
known  in  the  canonical  Scriptures. 


208  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Addition  II.  (In  the  Greek  after  chap.  iii.  13  of  the  Hebrew). 

1  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letter :  ^  The  great  king  Artaxerxes  writeth  these 
things  to  the  princes  and  toparchs  '^  that  are  under  him  from  India  unto  Ethiopia, 

2  in  an  hundred  seven '  and  twenty  provinces.  After  that  I  became  lord  over  many 
nations,  and  had  dominion  over  the  whole  world,  not  lifted  up  with  presumption  of 
my  authority,  but  carrying  myself  always  *  with  equity  and  mildness,  I  purposed  to 
establish  for  my  subjects  continually  a  quiet  life,^  and  making  my  kingdom  habit- 
able,^ and  open  for  passage  to  the  utmost  borders,  to  renew  the '  peace,  which  is  de- 

3  sired  of  all  men.  But  on  my  asking  the '  counsellors  how  this  might  be  brought  to 
pass,  Aman,  that  excelled  in  prudence  among  us,  and  was  approved  by^  his  constant 
good  will  and  steadfast  fidelity,  and  had  obtained  ^^  the  lionor  of  the  second  place 

4  in  the  kingdom,  shewed  us,  that  among  all  the  races  '^  throughout  the  world  there 
was  scattered  a  certain  malevolent  '•'  people,  that  had  laws  contrary  to  every 
nation,^^  and  continually  despised  the  commandments  of  kings,  so  that  our  worthy 

5  aim  to  secure  a  stable  government  for  the  united  kingdom  was  impossible."  Seeing 
then  we  understand  that  this  nation  quite  alone  '^  is  continually  in  opposition  unto 
all  men,  differing  in  the  strange  manner  of  their  \a.vis,  and  evil  disposed  towards  our 
affairs,  bringing  to  pass  the  most  shameful  things,  indeed,  so  that  the  kingdom  can- 

6  not  be  firmly  established  :  ^^  therefore  have  we  commanded,  that  they  that  are  indi- 
cated through  letters  unto  you  by  Aman,  who  is  appointed  over  affairs,"  and  is 
next  unto  us,  shall  all,  with  wives  "and children,  be  utterly  destroyed  by  the  swords  ^' 
of  their  enemies,  without  any  ^°  mercy  and  pity,  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  twelfth 

7  month  Adar  of  the  '"■  present  year  ;  that,  they  who  of  old  and  now  also  are  malev- 
olent,^^ may  in  one  day  with  violence  go  into  Hades,  to  the  end  that  perpetually, 
in  the  future,  our  affairs  may  go  on  securely  and  peacefuDy.'-*" 

Ter,  I.  —  1  A.  v. :  The  copy  ....  letters  was  this.  '  goTemors  ((rarpaTrtug  19.  93a.  1086. ;  satrapis.  Cod.  Corb.). 

'  and  SBTen  (III.  936.,  one  hundred  twenty  and  seven  ;  93a.,  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  ;  or,  seven  and  twenty). 

Vers.  2,  3.  —  *  A.  V. :  alway.  ^  to  settle  (Gr.,  KaTatnTJo-at  ^iov$,  etc. ;  71.  76.  248.  Co.,  fiiov) ....  in  a  quiet  life. 

•  peaceable  (see  Com.).  '  coasts,  to  renew.  8  Now  when  I  asked  [nvBofiivov  Be  iiov  ;  Codd.  III.  X.  (from  a  corr.) 

936.  read  iTvv6avofA€vov  Se  fiov)  my.  »  wisdom  among  ui  .  .  .  .  for.  i"  omits  obtained  (Gr.,  inevriveyiMfVo^  j 

antweyKi^tvot,  III.  X.  19.  93.  1086.). 

Ver.  4.  — *i  A.  V. :  declared  unto  ....  in  all  nations.  ^  malicious.  i^  contrary  to  all  nations  (Gr.,  avriteiov  — 
III.  X.  936.,  avrtTvirov  —  irp'oi  irav  edvos).  "  80  as  the  uniting  of  our  kingdoms,  honourably  intended  by  us,  cannot 

go  forward.    See  Com. 

Ver.  6.  — ^  k.  V. :  people  alone  (Gr.,  fiokwroTOc),  etc.  "  affected  to  our  state  (Gr.,  toi?  ^juerepotc  irpdy^iuri),  work- 
ing all  the  mischief  they  can  (Gr.,  ra  xeipicTa  awitkovv  —  oria-eAovKTaK,  71.  74.  76. — xojca,  etc.),  that  {koX)  out  king- 
dom may  not  be  firmly  stablished.    See  Com. 

Ver.  6. —  "  A.  V. :  all  they  ....  signified  in  writing  unto  you  ....  ordained  over  the  affairs.  >*  tktir  wives. 

1»  sword  (plur.  in  the  Gr.).        ^o  all  (Or.,  ,rairr<«).        21  n,-,. 

Ver.  7.  —  23  X.  V.  :  malicious  (see  ver.  4).  2*  the  grave  (Gr.,  etj  rbr  f 5t)v),  and  io  ever  hereafter  cause  our  affiiira 

to  be  well  settled,  and  without  trouble  (Gr.,  eit  rbv  ^eTc'ireira  xpovov  €vara0TJ  koX  drapaxa  irapexutriv  ^^if  fitcl  tc'Aovv 
r&  irpdiy/jiara}. 

Additiok  II.     (Chap.  xiii.  1-7  of  the  A.  V.) 

Ver.  1.  The  occasion  of  this  addition  seems  to  I  Ver.  2.  'EirieiKeVrepoi'.  On  the  force  of  the 
have  been  the  mention  made  of  an  edict  by  King  comparative  in  such  a  connection,  see  Winer, 
Ahasuerus  in  Esth.  iii.  14.  The  Persian  method  p.  242  f.  It  is  not  infrequently  used  when  the 
of  carrying  letters  is  described  by  Herodotus  (viii.  object  with  which  the  comparison  is  made  is  to 
98).  Cf.  also  Kawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  426  f.  be  understood.  See  John  xix.  1 1  ;  Acts  xviii.  20 ; 
—  In  Dan.  vi.  1,  one  hundred  and  twenty  satrap-  2  Cor.  viii.  17.  Here  it  is  meant  that  the  Iting 
ies  are  spoken  of.  Mithaelis  thinks  that  here,  at  ruled  with  more  mildness  than  it  was  natural  or 
least,  one  too  many  is  given  ;  Egypt  having  fallen  usual  to  expect.  The  A.  V.  seems  to  have  read 
aw.ay  from  the  government  of  Artaxerxes  in  the  (as  III.  XI.  52.  5.5.  and  others),  with  Co.  Aid., 
fifth  year  of  his  reign,  while  it  is  evident  that  ^peiuoc,  "peaceable,"  instead  of  iiyuepoc,  "civilized," 
the  kingdom  did  not  extend  as  far  as  Ethiopia,  i  "  habitable."  Cf.  Greek  at  1  Tim.  ii.  2.  Text 
But,  according  to  the  style  of  ancient  edicts,  even  !  B.  has  SxP'  for  fiixp'-  —  The  lordship  over  all 
lost  provinces  were  reckoned  as  belonging  to  a  |  nations  here  claimed    by  the  Persian  monarchs 

,_•-  I fe        il_. 1_     ._      -  -   e       ... ?_...       ..1 , 1 _£       : ..  I......!.^-.  C!.-ril         r^n        *\^  r.      l.m.t.. 


kingdom,  if  there  was  hope  of  recovering  them 
again.  And,  in  this  large  number,  prohalily  sub- 
■atrapics  are  included.  Cf.  Bil>.  Com.  at  Esth.  i. 
1,  and  Rawlinson,  Anrient  Mon.,  iii.  417  f.  —  The 
^eat  king.  A  common  title  of  the  Persian  mon- 
archs, given  them  even  by  the  Greeks. 


was  only  one  of  imagination.  Still,  on  the  basis 
of  it  they  laid  their  commands  on  the  peoples 
which  owed  them  no  allegiance.  For  instance, 
they  forbade  the  Carthaginians  to  eat  the  flesh 
of  dogs. 

Ver.  3.     The  second  place  in  the  Idngdon^ 


ADDITIONS  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


209 


£.,  he  was  prime  minister.  The  plural  riiy  $a(T- 
kXcioii'  is  used  for  the  singular,  the  idea  of  tlie  con- 
Btituent  parts  of  the  kingdom  beiug  so  expressed. 

Vel*.  4.  Xlphi  Tb  /u.^  KararlQeaSai  t^v  u(p'  fffiuy 
KaTivQvvofxivov  a/if'/xTTTaJs  (Tvvapx^o-V'  De  Wette 
translates:  "  .So  that  the  government  blamelessly 
managed  by  us  cannot  exist."  Michaelis  ;  "  And 
do  not  submit  themselves  to  the  common  govern- 
ment and  constitution  proposed  by  us."  Bunsen's 
Bibelioerk  :  "  So  that  the  government  blamelessly 
managed  by  us  cannot  attain  to  peace."  We 
have  adopted  a  somewhat  free  rendering  above. 
Cf.  Gr.  at  vi.  14. 

Ver.  5.  "Efvi^ovtrav  napaWdtj-ffov.  Codd.  X. 
(from  the  first  hand)  IIL  936.  read  TrapaWa^i:' 
(alternation).  Fritzsche  supposes  that  in  place 
of  this  word  there  originally  stood  Trapa<pv\d<rGoy, 
but  still  thinks  that  this  would  not  be  in  har- 
mony with  the  context.  The  difficulty  would 
then  be  with  the  former  word.  It  would  be  no 
longer  needed.  But  on  the  basis  of  this  change 
might  we  not  translate  :  "  keeping  guard  over 
(i.  e.,  maintaining)  a  manner  of  life  alien  to  the 
laws."  See  Wahl's  Clavis,  ad  voc.  As  the  te.xt 
now  stands,  it  might  be  rendered  :  "  changing 
their  rules  of  living,  making  them  strange."     Or, 


taking  ^evl^ovaav  as  intransitive  (Polyb.,  iii.  114, 
4):  "changing  the  customs  of  life  [so  as]  to  be- 
come stranse."  De  Wette  renders:  "live  in  ac- 
cordance with  strange  laws."  Michaelis:  "have 
quite  other  and  strange  customs."  Bunsen'l 
Bibfdwerk :  "observe  a  strange  mode  of  life." 

Ver.  6.  Next  unto  us.  lAt.,  our  second  father. 
See  Add.  vi.  10  ;  Judith  ii.  4  ;  1  Mace.  xi.  32. — 
The  fourteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month, 
Adar.  In  the  Hebrew  text  (Esth.  iii.  13;  viii. 
12;  ix.  1),  as  also  elsewhere  in  the  Additions 
(vi.  16)  the  thirteenth  day  of  this  month  is  given 
as.  the  day  appointed  for  the  slaughter  of  the 
Jews.  It  is  likely  that  the  discrepancy  arose 
from  the  fact  that,  while  the  thirteenth  was  com- 
monly mentioned,  the  fourteenth  and  fifteeuth 
were  the  days  actually  celebrated.  And  in  later 
times  the  former  date  was  often  confounded  with 
the  latter.  Josephus  agrees  with  the  date  of  the 
Additions. 

Ver.  7.  Into  Hades,  ei5  rbi' oSt)!'.  On  the  use 
of  this  Greek  word  in  the  LXX.,  cf.  Girdlestone, 
0.  T.  St/n.,  p.  443  ;  Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc. ;  art. 
"  Hades,"  by  Glider  in  Herzog's  Real-Encijk. ;  and 
a  discussion  of  this  and  connected  words  in  the 
Stud.  u.  Kritik.,  1858,  pp.  248-298. 


Addition  III.  (in  the  Greek  found  between  chapters  iv.  17  and  v.  of  the  Hebrew). 

1  And  he  thinking  *  upon  all  the  works  of  the  Lord,  made  ^  his  prayer  unto  him,  and 

2  said,'  0  Lord,  Lord,  Kiijg  Almighty,  for  the  universe  ^  is  in  thy  power,  and  if  thou 

3  wilt  ^  save  Israel,  there  is  no  man  that  can  gainsay  thee,  for  thou  madest  the  heaven 

4  and  the  earth,   and  every   wonderftd  thing*  under  the  heaven.'      And  thou  art 

5  Lord  of  all,'  and  there  is  no  man  that  can  resist  thee,  the  Lord.'  Thou  knowest 
all  things  ;  thou  knowest,"   Lord,  that  it  icas  neither  in  insolence  nor  pride,  nor 

6  through  "  desire  of  glory,  that  I  did  not  bow  down   to  proud  Aman  ;  for   I  could 

7  have  been  content  for  ^'^  the  salvation  of  Israel  to  kiss  the  soles  of  his  feet.  But  I 
did  this,  that  I  might  not  set  '^  the  glory  of  man  above  the  glory  of  God.     And  I 

8  will  not"  worship  any  but  thee,  my  Lord,'^  and  I  will  not"  do  it  in  pride.  And 
now,  0  Lord  God  and  King,'^  the  God  of  Abraham,"  spare  thy  people,  for  their  eyes 
are  upon  us  to  bring  us  to  nought ;  and ''  they  desire  to  destroy  the  inheritance, 

9  that  hath  been  thine  from  the  beginning.     Overlook  not  thy  portion,"  which  thou 

10  hast  redeemed  out  of  Egypt  for  thyself.'"'     Hear  my  prayer,  and  be  merciful  unto 
thine  inheritance,  and  •''  turn  our   sorrow  into  joy,  that  we  may  live,  O  Lord,  and 

1 1  praise  thy  name  ;  and  destroy  ^'^  not  the  mouths  of   them  that  praise  thee.''*     And 
all  Israel  cried  with  all  their  strength,-*  because  their  death  was  before  their  eyes. 

Vera.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V. :  Then  Mardocheus  thought.  (The  reading  Mapiox.  before  iSe^fti)  is  supported  by  III.  X.  (from  a 
corr.)  and  Cod.  Corb.  of  the  Old  Lat.  See  Com.)  2  and  made.  3  Saying.  *  the  Ijing  ....  for  the  whole  world 
(Or.,  TO  vav).  c  haat  appointed  to  (Gr.,  iv  ri  Qtktiv  o-e).  «  haBt  made  heaven  and  earth  and  all  the  wondrous 

things.  T  See  Com. 

\eis.  4-6.  —  8  A.  V. :  Thou  art  Lord  of  all  things.  »  which  art  the  1..  i»  and  thou  knowest  (Cod.  249.  has  Kai). 
u  contempt ....  for  any  (Gr.,  iv).  12  content  with  good  will  for  (Gr.,  7ji'56icou»',  etc. ;  Jun.,  grato  animo  vellem ; 
see  Com.). 

Vers.  7-11.  —"  A.  V. :  prefer  (Gr.,  Si  ;  Ii-a  iitiiiva  irporifiu  rijs  Sofijt,  etc.,  19.  93a.).         "  neither  will  1.  '=  but 

thee,  0  God  (Co.  and  Jun  omit  jiiov  ,  Old  Lat.  MS.  Corb.,  nisi  te  Domine  Deus).  w  God  atid  King  (these  words  are 

omitted  by  X.— from  the  first  hand— XI.  19.  44.55. 106.;  III.  934.  add  goo-iAev,  as  also  X.  by  a  corrector).  "  omits 
the  God  of  Abraham  (is  omitted  by  62.  64.  248.  Co.  Aid.  Jun.).  "  yea.  '»  Despise  not  the  portion  {Noli  avertere  ea 
parte.  Old  Lat.,  by  MS.  Corb.  ;   Ne  despicias  partem  tuam,  Jun.).  20  delivered  ....  thine  own  self  (see   Com.). 

21  omits  and  (so  52. 64.  243.  Aid.).  22  (gge  Com.)        ^  thee,  0  Lord  (the  text.  rec.  adds  nupie,  but  it  is  not  found  in 

II.  X.  XI.  44.  62.  64.  74.  76.  93.  106.  108a.  120.  236.  249.,  and  Old  Lat.  by  Cod.  Corb.).  24  All  Israel  in  like  manner 
cried  most  earnestly  (marg.,  mightily)  unto  the  Lord.  For  iKiKpa-itv  Codd.  II.  55.  74.  106.  120.  243.  248.  with  Co.  haye 
the  plural;  108a.,  i^iKpaiev  ;  Upa^tv,  X.  ;  cf.  Matt.  viii.  29.  The  form  icenpafofiat  (?  icpa^u,  Luke  xix.  40),  for  the 
future,  is  found  everywhere  in  the  LXX.    See  Winer,  pp.  87,  274,  and  279,  note ;  Buttmann,  p.  61. 

Addition  III.     (Ch.  xiii.  8-18  of  the  A.  V.) 

Ver.  1.  The  word  "  Mardochaeus  "  occurs  in  wliich  immediately  precedes,  but  is  not  found  in 
•he  last  verse  of  the  fourth  chapter  of   Esther,  1  the  Greek  of  the  present  verse.    The  Commentary 


210 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


of  Dereser  and  Scholz  gives  a  translation  of  the 
praTei  of  Mordecai  as  it  is  fonnd  in  the  Chaldaic 
mgments. 

Ver.  2.  The  word  "  Lord  "  is  repeated  on  ac- 
eonnt  of  the  deep  earnestness  of  the  petition. 

Ver.  .3.  The  rea.'^on  is  now  given  for  the  strong 
language  of  the  jireceding  verse.  The  whole 
world  Is  in  thy  power,  etc.,  because.  —  'Ev  rp 
vir'  ol/fiaf  6i'.  Some  such  word  as  yfi  or  x'^P?  '*  to 
be  supplied  after  rp.  Cf.  Luke  xvii.  24  ;  the 
LXX.  at  Job  xviii.  4 ;  Prov.  viii.  28  ;  and  Winer, 
p.  591. 

Ver.  5.  The  reasoning  of  this  and  the  two  next 
following  verses  does  not  appear  to  be  sound.  It 
was  a  Jevvisli,  as  well  as  a  Persian,  custom  to  bow 
the  knee  before  superiors,  aud  more  than  a  hun- 
dred instances  of  the  kind  may  be  found  in  the 
Bible.  See  Michaelis,  Anmerk.,  p.  107.  Grotius 
says  of  the  writer  ;  "  Ad  GrcEcum  potius  ?noreni 
gnam  ad  Irtdaicitm  respexere" — Tb  ^^  TTpoaKweiv. 
The  infiniiive  is  epcxegetical.  See  Winer,  pp. 
318  f.,  326. 

Ver.  6.  The  custom  of  kissing  the  feet  as  a 
sign  of  submission  was  common  in  Persia.  Cf. 
Xen.,  Ci/rop.,  vii.  5,  32,  and  art.  "  Kuss,"  in 
Schenkel's  Bih.  Ltx.  For  the  sake  of  emphasis, 
the  soles  of  the  feet  are  here  mentioned.  Cf.  Is. 
xlix.  23.  For  the  nse  of  the  imperfect  tense  here, 
compare  Rom.  ix.  3,  and  see  Winer,  p.  283.  Paul 
says  :  "  Hux^l^V^  y^P  aurhs  4yw  avaBffjLa  elvai  anh 
Toll  XpitTToi*."  Here  the  Greek  is  Srt  tjuSokovv 
pl\e7v  ire'A^aTa  noScvy  avTov,  etc. 

Ver.  8.    "Z-ni^K^iTovaiv  ij/uv  eis  Karacpdopdv.    The 


verb  is  followed  by  the  dative,  indicating  tha 
direction  of  the  idea  contained  in  the  verb  and  its 
preposition.  Cf.  Mark  vii.  32  ;  Luke  xxiii.  26. 
The  verb  has  a  hostile  sen.se  here.  Schleusner  • 
"  respicere  animo  malit^no,  mala  cupere."  See  also 
Ecclus.  xi.  30.  For  the  force  of  t/t,  cf.  note  at 
Judith  V.  11. 

Ver.  9.  Lit.,  Out  of  the  land  ofE.  (aeaxn^)  for 
thyself.     Cf.  remarks  at  Tobit  iv.  9;  v.  3. 

Ver.  10.  'WaaBriTi,  be  propitious.  Even  in 
Homer  the  middle  voice  of  this  verb  is  used  to  de- 
note a  religious  act :  to  make  (the  gods)  propitious^ 
cause  to  be  reconciled.  Cf.  Cremer's  Lex.,  p.  290. 
—  Euuxiay.  Lit.,  banqueting.  ^y  Polybius,  it 
is  used  for  a  supply  of  provisions  for  the  army. 
Cf.  3  Mace,  vi,  30.  Text  B.  has  fvcppoirvvriv.  — 
^Sfia.  The  singular  is  used  for  the  plural.  Cf. 
"1  Cor.  vi.  19.  It  expresses  the  object  which  be- 
longs to  each  of  the  indiriduals  addressed.  De- 
stroy not  the  mouths  (marg.  of  A.  V.,  shut  or 
stop  not).  The  Greek  is,  /xii  a<pafi(rTis  UTdfia.  The 
verb  means  to  make  unseen,  hide  from  sight,  or,  in 
general,  to  hide,  conceal ;  and  hence,  secondly,  to 
make  away  with.  In  the  following  Addition, 
verse  7,  we  have  in  the  A.  V.  the  same  rendering 
given  to  fpuppi^ai  ari/ia  as  in  the  margin  here, 
and  with  more  propriety,  that  verb  meaning  to 
bar  a  passage,  stop  up,  block  up. 

Ver.  11.  'Ev  6(pBa\/io7s.  This  preposition  in 
Biblical  Greek  is  not  infrequently  used  in  the 
sense  of  "  before."  Cf.  1  Cor.  ii.  6  ;  vi.  2.  This 
usage  was  also  not  uncommon  with  the  classic 
orators.     See  Winer,  p.  385. 


Addition  IV.  (in  the  Greek  follows  Add.  m.). 


1  Queen  Esther  also,  mortal  extremity  having  befallen  her,  fled*  unto  the  Lord, 

2  and  laid  a.side  ^  her  glorious  apparel,  and  put  on  the  garments  of  anguish  and 
mourning ;  and  instead  of  precious  ointments,  she  covered  her  head  with  ashes  and 
dung.     And  she  humbled  her  body  greatly,  and  every  spot  of  her  joyous  orna- 

3  mentation  she  filled  with  her  dishevelled  hair.'  And  she  prayed  unto  the  Lord  God 
of  Israel,  saying, 

O  my  Lord,  thou  only  art  our  King  ;  help  me,  who  am  alone,  and  *  have  no 


5  helper   but   thee;    for  my  life  ^  w  in  mine  hand.     From  my  birth  up  ^  I  have 

6  heard  in  the  tribe  of  my  family,  that  thou,  O  Lord,  tookest  Israel  from  all  the 
nations,  and  our  fathers  from  all  their  progenitors,'  for  a  perpetual  inheritance,  and 

7  thou  hast  performed  whatsoever  thou  didst  promise  them.  And  now  we  have 
sinned  before  thee,  and  thou  hast '  given  us  into  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  because 
we  worshipped  their  gods ;  O  Lord,  thou  art  righteous.  And  now '  it  satisfieth 
them  not,  that  we  are  in  bitter  captivity,  but  they  have  stricken  hands  with  their 
idols,  to '"  abolish  the  thing  that  thou  with  thy  mouth  hast  ordained,  and  destroy 
thine  inheritance,  and  stop  the  mouths  of  them  that  praise  thee,  and  quench  the 
glory  of  thy  house,  and  thine  altar,''  and  open  the  mouths  of  the  heathen  respect- 

8  ing  the  virtues  of  idols,'''  and  to  magnify  a  fleshly  king  for  ever.  O  Lord,  give 
not  thy  sceptre  unto  them  that  are  not,''  and  let  them  not  laugh  at  our  fall ;  but 
turn  their  device  upon  themselves,  and  make  him  an  example,  that  hath  begun  (his 


.  .  iv  ayS}Vi  —  see  Com,  —  OavaTOV  KaTttXijft, 
Frilzsche  adopts  from  II.  X.  XI.  19.  52.  9& 


Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  A.  V. :  being  in  fear  of  death  resorted  (Or.,  KaTi<l>vyfv  .  . 
ite'iTj).  ^  away.  ^  all  tile  places  of  iier  joy  .  .  .  torn  ilair  {see  Com.). 
and  others  eirXijo-e  for  ivin^ijae. 

Vers.  4-6.  — *  A.  V. :  desolate  woman,  which  (Or.,  TJj  fi6vxi  Kal).        ^  danger  (literal,  but  it  lacks  clearness  ;  seeCom.) 
8  from  my  youth  up  (Or.,  e(c  yefcTTJs  ^ou).        '  among  all  people  ....  predecessors  (Gr.,  npoyofuv). 

Vers.  7,3.  —  '  A.  V. :  therefore  hast  thou.  "  Nevertheless  (t^y  is  omitted  by  44. 106.).  '">  that  thiy  will 

u  mouth  ....  of  thine  altar.    (Fritzsche  has  received  0v(ria.trrriptov,  in  place  of  the  genitive  of  the  same,  from  II.  Ill 
X.  62.  64.  984.)        "  to  ut  forth  the  praises  of  the  idols  (see  Com.).        "  be  nothing  (Or.,  (xi)  o5o-i ;  Jun.,  nihU  sunt). 


ADDITIONS   TO   THE   BOOK  OF   ESTHER. 


211 


9  against  us.     Remember,  O  Lord,  make  thyself  known  in  time  of  our  affliction,  and 

10  give  me  boldness,  O  King  of  the  gods,  and  Ruler  of  every  government.'  Put'' 
eloquent  speech  in  my  mouth  before  the  lion,  and  '  turn  his  heart  to  hate  him  that 
fighteth  against  us,  that  there  may  be  an  end  of  him,  and  of  them  ■*  that  are  like- 

11  minded  with  ^  him.     But  deliver  us  with  thine  hand,  and  help  me  who  am  alone  and 

12  have  no  other,  O  Lord,^  but  thee.  Thou  knowest  all  things,  and  knowest'  that  I 
hate  the  glory  of  the  unrighteous,  and  abhor  the  bed  of  the  uncircumcised,  and  of 

13  every  alien.'  Thou  knowest  my  necessity,  that  °  1  abhor  the  sign  of  my  high  es- 
tate, which  is  upon  mine  head  in  the  days  wherein  I  shew  myself  ;  I  abhor '"  it  as 

1 4  a  menstruous  rag,  and  I  wear ''  it  not  in  the  days  of  my  rest.'*^  And  thy  ser- 
vant "  hath  not  eaten  at  Aman's  table ;  and  I  '^  have  not  lauded ''  the  king's  feast, 

15  nor  drunk  the  wine  of  drink  offerings.''  Neither  has"  thy  servant  taken'*  joy 
since  the  day  that  I  was  brought  hither  to  this  present,  but  in  thee,  O  Lord  God  of 

16  Abraham.  O  God  who  art  the  Mighty  One  above  all,'^  hear  the  voice  of  the  for- 
lorn, and  deliver  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  evil  doers,^  and  deliver  me  out  of 
my  fear. 

Vers.  9,  10.  —  •  A.  V. :  of  the  nations  (eo  74.  76.  120.  236.  243.  248.  Co.  Jun.),  and  Lord  of  all  power  (Gr.,  irixnfi  apx>is 
wucfM-T^v).         2  Qiyg  ^^c  (tho  coDtoxt  seomB  to  require  the  rendering  "  Put,"  for  5os  here).  3  omits  and.         *  alt. 

»  to. 

Vers.  11-13.  —  ^  A.  V. :  that  am  desolate  (see  ver.  4),  and  which  have  no  other  helper.  Kvpte  is  connected  with 
what  follows  (as  in  the  A.  V.)  by  XI.  52.  76.  934. 106. 108a.  120.  236.  248.  249.  Co.  Cod.  II.  has  a  fuU  stop  after  <re, 
which  is  at  the  end  of  a  line,  eo  that  ciipie  seems  to  begin  a  new  verse.  But  after  icupte  there  is  considerable  space, 
hence  it  would  appear  that  the  first  hand  connected  it  with  what  goes  before,  and  that  the  period  was  placed  where  it 
Is  by  a  second  hand.  '  0  Lord,  thou  knowest  (see  preceding  note).  ^  all  the  heathen  (Gr.,  vavrhfi  oAAorpiov  ;  19. 
93a.,  ff.  oAAoyecous).  ^  f or.  ^^  and  thai  \B^\yax.  ^i  rAa(  I  wear.  "  when  I  am  private  by  myself  (marg.,  5U«<, 
orpnVa/c). 

Vers.  14-16.  — '3  A.  V. :  <Aa<  thine  handmaid.  »  lAa<  I.  "i  greatly  esteemed.  >«  the  drink  off eringi. 

iJ  had.        18  thine  handmaid  any.        ^  0  thou  mighty  God  above  all.        20  hands  of  the  mischievous. 


Addition  IV.     (Chap.  xiv.  1-19  of  the  A.  V.; 


Ver.  1.  'El/  a-yufi  9ava.Tov.  The  version  of 
Aquila  has:  Iv  aywvlf  (so  71.  74.  76.  93a.  106. 
120.  236.)  eavdrou.     C'f.  2  Mace.  iii.   14,  16;  xv. 

19.  The  former  word  is  found  in  Polyb.,  iv.  56, 
4  ;  Iren.,  i.  2,  2. 

Ver.  2.  Glorious  apparel,  i.  e.,  her  royal  robes. 
—  Humbled  her  body  greatly.  This  seems  to 
refer  to  what  had  just  been  said.  She  deprived 
her  body  of  its  usual  ornamentation.  —  llivTa 
tSxov  K6(rtiou  ayaWid/jjiTos  aiT^i.  The  second 
genitive  may  be  used  adjectively.  C£.  2  Cor.  iv. 
4;  Winer,  p.  190;  and  Buttmann,  p.  161.  In 
what  follows,  the  luxuriance  of  Esther's  hair,  as 
well  as  the  evidence  of  her  self-humiliation,  is 
skillfully  indicated.  The  text  of  B.  gives  better 
sense :  •'  And  every  sign  of  her  ornamentation 
and  joy  on  her  braided  hair  she  filled  with  humili- 
ation." It  seems  to  be  in  closer  harmony  with 
the  context  to  suppose  that  in  text  A.,  also,  the 
words  Trii'Ta  t6wov  refer  to  the  head  of  Esther, 
and  the  upper  part  of  her  body,  where  she  ordi- 
narily wore  ornaments.  I  have  translated  ac- 
cordingly. 

Ver.  4.  In  mine  hand.  "  In  manibus  dicitur 
esse  id  quod  facile  elabi  potest."  Grotius.  Cf.  Ps. 
cxix.  109.  By  metonymy,  "danger"  (A.  V.)  is 
used  for  "  life." 

Ver.  5.  Heard  in  the  tribe  of  my  family. 
Instead  of  this,  text  B.  has  the  remarkable  expres- 
sion :  iyii  St  ifiKov<ra  irarpi/c^s  /noi»  0l0\ov. 

Ver.  7.  Ayd'  wv  ^=  olvtX  tovtuv  3ti,  because 
of  these  things  that,  or  because.     Cf.  Luke  i. 

20,  xix.  44 ;  Xen.,  Anab.,  v.  5,  14  Winer,  p. 
3''4.  —  Elf  hperhs  liaraluv-  The  preposition  is 
used  tropically  to  indicate  the  direction  of  the 
feelings:  with  respect  to,  in  behalf  of.  Cf.  iii.  8, 
and  Judith  v.  11.  The  word  hptras  may  here] 
perhaps,  be  nsed  in  its  primary  sense,  in  aJlusion 


to  the  victory  which  they  would  achieve  in  the 
circumstances  supposed.  Cf.  1  Pet.  ii.  9,  where 
the  same  word  is  translated  "praises."  The 
A.  V.  rendei's  the  last  word  by  "  idols,"  as  the 
word  eiSiiKwv  in  the  same  verse,  just  before. 
Doubtless  idols  are  meant;  but  a  distinction  which 
exists  in  the  original  would  in  that  case  be  over- 
looked. The  margin  of  the  A.  V.  has,  "  Gr., 
vain  things." 

Vei-.  8.  Make  him  an  example.  Cf.  the 
LXX.  at  Numh.  xxv.  4  ;  Jer.  xiii  22.  The  Greek 
here  is  ;  {rhf  Se  ap^dfievov  ({p'  ^/xa?)  TrapaStiyixdri 
aov.  See  also  Matt.  i.  19  ( irapaSei-y/mTi'o-ai ;  or, 
according  to  another  readini,',  SeiY^ariVai).  At 
Heb.  vi.  6,  the  same  word  (irapaSeiy/iar/foj'Tas)  is 

rendered  in  the  A.  V.  put  to  an  open  shame. 

According  to  Michaelis,  the  word  a-Kij-TTpov  might 
be  a  false  translation  from  the  Hebrew  {i.  e.,  for 
t^^Ci") :  thy  people  to  them  who  are  nothing.  The 
thought,  however,  is  correct  enough  as  it  is. 

Ver.  10.  Before  the  lion.  So  at  2  Tim.  iv. 
17:  "Aiid  I  was  delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of 
the  lion."  The  expression  seems  to  have  been 
proverbial.  Cf.  Prov.  xix.  12;  Jer.  xlix.  19; 
Rev.  v.  5. 

Ver.  12.  The  plural  is  used,  although  the 
king  only  is  meant,  because  the  fact  is  of  wider 
application.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  175.  At  the  time  of 
Christ,  marriages  between  heathen  and  Jews  were 
not  infrequent.  Cf.  Acts  xvi.  3  ;  2  Tim.  i.  5 ; 
and  art.  "  Ehe,"  in  Winer's  Realwdrterb. 

Ver.  13.  "Wherein  I  shew  myself.  Lit., 
of  my  appearance,  oitTaaias.  The  word  is  used  of 
the  appearance  of  the  sun  in  Ecdus.  xliii.  2,  but 
generally  relates  to  visions. 

Ver.  14.  The  fact  mentioned  is  not  noticed  in 
the  canonical  Scriptures. 


212 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  1 5.  Since  the  day  that  I  was  brought 
hither,  lUTa^oKris  fiov.  Lit.,  my  change,  transfer, 
i.  e.,  to  the  Persian  conrt.  If  one  might  para- 
phrase, "  day  of  my  exaltation  "  might  be  bet- 
ter. 


Ver.  16.  Above  all,  M  TrivTat,  Cf.  Jo3.,  Arh 
tig.,  xii.  2,  §  1  ;  Rev.  xiii.  7  :  4S6eri  axnif  iloviria 
4TtX  iraaav  ipv\-nv.  —  'A-jnjKiri(Tfj.evQiv,  the  forlorn. 
This  word  is  seldom  used  in  the  active.  Cf.,  how 
ever,  the  LXX.  at  Is.  xxix.  19  ;  Judith  ix.  11. 


9 
11 


Addition  V  (in  the  Greek  follows  Add.  iv.). 

And  it  came  to  pass  on  ^  the  third  day,  when  she  had  ended  her  prayer,  she  laid 
aside  the  garments  in  which  she  had  worshipped,^  and  put  on  her  glorious  apparel. 
And  being  splendidly  *  adorned,  after  she  had  called  upon  God,  who  is  the  beholder 
and  saviour  of  aU,^  she  called  up  the  two  maids  of  honor ;  ^  and  upon  the  one  she 
leaned,  like  a  delicate  person  ;  but^  the  other  followed,  bearing  up  her  train.  And 
she  herself  blushed  In '  the  perfection  of  her  beauty,  and  her  countenance  was  joy- 
ous as  one  that  awakens  love  ;  *  but  her  heart  was  in  anguish  from  °  fear.  And  " 
having  passed  through  all  the  doors,  she  stood  before  the  king,  who  sat  upon  his 
royal  thi'one,  and  was  clothed  with  all  his  splendid  robes,  covered  over  '^  with  gold 
and  precious  stones  ;  and  he  was  very  dreadful.  And  '■  lifting  up  his  countenance 
blazing  with  glory,''  he  looked  in  the  height  of  anger  ^*  upon  her.  And  the  queen 
fell  down,  and  became  pale  through  f aintness.'^  And  she  bowed  herself '°  upon 
the  head  of  the  maid  that  went  before  her.  And  "  God  changed  the  spirit  of  the 
king  into  mUdness  ;  and  in  fear  he  '*  leaped  from  his  throne,  and  took  her  in  his  arms 
till  she  came  to  herself  again.  And  he  "  comforted  her  with  loving  words,  and  said 
10  unto  her,  Esther,  what  is  the  matter  ?  I  am  thy  brother,  be  of  good  cheer ;  thou 
shalt  not  die,  for  our  commandment  is  mutual ;  ^  come  near.     And  he  lifted  up 


the  golden  scepter,  and  laid  it  upon  her  neck,  and  embraced  her,  and  said,  Tell  it  to 

12  me.     And  she  said'''  unto  him,  I  saw  thee,  my  lord,  as  an  angel  of  God,  and  my 
heart  was  troubled  from  ^'^  fear  of  thy  majesty.     For  wonderful  art  thou,  lord,  and 

13  thy  countenance  is  full  of  grace.     But  "^  as  she  was  speaking,  she  fell  from  ^  faint- 

14  ness.     And  ^  the  king  was  troubled,  and  all  his  servants  comforted  her. 

Vera.  1-3.  — ^  A.  V. :  And  upon.  ^  away  her  mourning  garments  (text,  rec,  ra  IfiaTia  t^s  SepaTreias  ;  108a.  .... 

rrjt  oTTopiac  ;  248.  Co tov  nevBovt).         *  gloriously.  *  all  things.  ^  took  two  maide  with  her  (lit.,  took  to  her. 

The  article  IH  wanting  before  6uo  oBptK  in  X.  19.  93b.  1086. ;  19.  1086.  have  ^e9'  iauriis).  ^  aa  carrying  herself  daintily 
(Gr    lui  TpvipepevotMeyri]  \  and.  •  ehe  waj  ruddy  through.  ^  u'a5  cheerful  and  very  amiable  (Or.,  tAopbc  wy  n-poa- 

^tXe^l  ■    tor  (Ul ..  oir6t. 

Vers.  6-lu  —  i^'  A  V. :  Then.  *i  robes  of  majesty,  all  flittering  (Or.,  <rToKTtv  tVJs  iiri<iiav€ia<;  ....  o\os.  etc. ;  52.  936., 
oAujf  J.  ^  Tben.  ^  that  shone  with  majesty.  *«  very  fiercely  upon  her  (Or.,  iv  axu^  &vti.ov  efiKetjjev).  »6  waj 
pale  and  fainted  (lit.,  changed  her  color  through  faintness).  ""  and  bowed  herself  (see  Q>m.}.  i'  Then.  "  who 
in  a  fear.        **  07nils  he.        ^o  though  our     .  .  .  general. 

Vers.  11-14. —  =' A.  V. :  »o  he  held  up  hie  ....  Speak  unto  me  (Gr.,XaA7|(7-6i/)iot).  Then  said  she.  •'for.  ••  Aad. 
**  down  for  (Fritzsche  receives  avrijt  after  ^kAvo-cw;  from  X.  XI.  52.  56.  and  many  others,  with  Co.  and  Aid.,  but  it  ifl 
■carcely  translatable).        ^  Then. 

Addition  V.     (Chap.  xv.  of  the  A.  V.) 


Ver.  1.  T^s  Bepairelas.  The  word  Bfpairda 
means  :  ( 1 )  such  service  as  is  paid  by  the  servants 
of  a  king;  or  refers  (2)  to  the  nurture  of  soul  or 
body;  or  (3),  as  here,  to  anything  done  to  gain 
the  "favor  of  God  or  man.  Cf.  Thucyd.,  i.  55  ;  or 
(4)  to  the  care  of  the  sick.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Gen. 
xlv.  16;  2  Kings  x.  20;  and  see  Matt.  xxiv.  45, 
Luke  ix.  11,  for  illu,stratiuus  of  the  diffeient  uses 
of  the  word.  —  Put  on.  The  reading  repie- 
piXfTO  (tej-l.  rrc,  irepie3o\A(To)  is  supported,  not 
only  by  52.  108a.  249.  74.  (cited  in  Fritzsche's 
Ap/iaratus),  but  by  II.  III.  X.  93a.  106.  120.  Co. 
Aid.,  and  hence  has  the  better  claim  to  recogni- 
tion. 

Ver.  2.  T4s  Siio  Sj3par.  The  article  is  used, 
perhaps  to  distinguish  these  two  attendants  from 
the  remaining  five  of  the  seven  that  had  been 
■aiifiied  to  the  queen.      See  Esth.  ii.  9.     The 


word  a.$pa,  —  Lat.,  delicata, — a  favorite  slave,  ia 
usually  derived  from  a$p6s,  delicate,  gentle ;  but 
there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  respecting  it.  It 
was  a  common  epithet  with  the  Asiatics. 

Ver.  6.  Eiae\Oov(Ta  ndiras  tos  6vpa^.  Thia 
verb,  in  Greek  prose,  is  usually  construed  with  the 
preposition  els,  when  used  in  a  local  signification; 
and  with  riyd  rtvl,  with  reference  to  desires, 
thoughts.  As  here  used  it  is  seldom  found,  ex- 
cept in  tlie  poets.  See  Winer,  p.  427,  note.  — 
Before  the  King,  eyiimov  tov  $a(ri\eas.  Cod.  X., 
by  a  corrector,  has  the  stronger  KaTfyuirioy  (right 
opposite);  so  also  936.  —  Ath  xp^^°^-  ^  some- 
what loose  employment  of  this  preposition.  The 
idea  would  have  been  more  accurately  expressed 
by  ix.     But  cf.  1  Esd.  vi.  9. 

Ver.  7.  Very  fiercely.  Text  B.  has  ii  ravpos, 
which  is  more  striking  than  elegant.    Micbaeli* 


ADDITIONS  TO  THK  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


213 


remarks  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  why  the  king 
should  put  on  such  a  look  of  rage  ;  but  that  pretty 
much  all  that  is  done  by  this  Ahasuerus  or  Arta- 
xerxes,  whatever  he  may  be  called,  is  wanting  in 
common  sense.  —  KaTeTr(Kv\pev,  —  compounded  of 
Kari  and  iiriKvirTw,  —  bowed  herself.  The  word 
is  said  to  be  found  nowhere  else. 

Ver.  8.  In  fear,  iyaviicra?  (marg.  of  A.  V., 
in  an  agony).  The  meaning  of  the  verb  is  (1)  (o 
be  in  an  aywf  (==  aywyi^ofiat) ;  (2)  to  be  distressed, 
anxious.  Cf.  Add.  ir.  1 ;  Polyb.,  v.  34,  9.  — 
' AyeTT'^SrjtTev  iirh  Tov  dp6vov  avTou.  Cf.  Tob.  vi.  2, 
for  a  similar  construction.  Verbs  compounded 
with  avi,  in  a  local  sense,  are  usually  construed 
with  €15,  npSs,  or  ewl.  See  Winer,  p.  428.  After 
the  grandiloquence  of  the  preceding  verses,  the 
present  one  seems  almost  like  an  anii-climax. 
The  Vulgate  translates  :  Quid  habes?  Michaelis, 
De  Wette,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk :  "  Was  ist  dir, 
Esther?"  —  Thy  brother.  "  Quasi  fraler.  Ilate 
amo  quasi  sanguine  essem  proximus."  Grotius.  Cf. 
Songa  of  Sol.  viii.  1. 

Ver.  10.  For  our  commandment  is  mutual 
(A.  V.  marg.,  as  well  mine  as  thine).  Michaelis 
thinks  that  something  has  been  lost  from  the 
text  like  :    "  Still,  it  does  not  concern  thee  I  " 


Josephus  so  renders  or  par.tphrases  the  passage. 
The  Vulgate  and  Luther  similarljf :  "  Non  enim 
pro  te,  sed  pro  omnibus  lex  hccc  constUuta  est."  Gro- 
tius paraphrases  thus :  "  Omnia  nobis  sunt  com- 
muiiia  etiam  dicta  quae  facio,  quasi  tua  kabenda 
sunt,  non  ut  in  te  scripta."  Bunsen*3  Bibelwerk: 
"  For  from  both  of  us  goes  forth  our  command." 
Text  B.  has  :  "  For  our  matter  is  a  common  one 
and  the  threatening  is  not  against  thee." 

Ver.  12.  As  an  angel  of  the  Lord.  This  is 
not  so  extravagant  an  e.xpression  as  it  might  seem 
to  our  Western  ears.  It  is  used  with  reference  to 
the  quality  of  goodness  at  1  Sam.  xxix.  9 ;  of 
wisdom,  at  2  Sam.  xiv.  17  ;  of  power,  2  Sam.  xix. 
27  ;  and  here,  of  majesty.  Text  B.  has  omitted 
this  flattery,  and  for  the  phrase,  "  for  the  fear  of 
thy  majesty,"  has  awh  t^i  d6^ris  tov  Bv^ov. 

Ver.  13.  The  text  B.  has  :  "  and  upon  her  coun- 
tenance was  ixfTpov  Ihpwros,"  much  perspiration^ 
fiCTpov  seeming  to  be  used  figtiratively,  like  reXos 
in  similar  cases.  Cf.  Horn.,  //.,  xi.  255,  fiirpov 
i)/37)5,  i.  e.,  prime,  fullness  of  youth.  —  Fell  from 
faintneas.  Lit.,  her faintness,  iirb  iKKiiafui  aurfls. 
At  ver.  7  we  have  :  Hal  /xeTcjSaXf  rh  xp^f^a  abrris  4p 
iKhiaei.  Lit.,  and  changed  her  color  through  faint- 
ness. 


Addition  VI.  (in  the  Greek  placed  after  chap.  viii.  12  of  the  Hebrew). 


1  The  great  king  Artaxerxes  unto  the  governors  of  an  hundred  and  twenty-seven 
provinces  from  India  unto  Ethiopia,  unto  the  other  rulers  of  the  lands  and  to  all  who 

2  attend  to  our  affairs,'  greeting.  Many,  the  more  often  ^  they  are  honored  with 
the  too  '  great  bounty  of  their  benefactors,  the  more  ambitious  have  they  become,* 

3  and  endeavor  not  alone  to  hurt  our  subjects: — also,  because  they  are  not  able' 
to  bear  abundance,  they  even  undertake  to  conspire  against  their  own  benefactors.* 

4  And  not  only  do  they  take  thankfulness '  away  from  among  men,  but  also  lifted  up 
with  the  glorying  of  persons  unacquainted  with  goodness,'  they  think  to  escape  the 

h  justice  of  a  sin-hating  God,  who  always  seeth  all  things.^  And  '"  oftentimes  also 
fair  speech  of  those,  that  have  been  ''  put  in  trust  to  manage  their  friends'  affairs, 
hath  caused  many  that  are  in  authority  to  be  partakers  of  innocent  blood,  and  haib 

6  enwrapped  them  in  remediless  calamities,  beguiling  with  the  falsehood  and  deceit  of 

7  their  wicked  disposition  the  innocence  and  indulgence  '^  of  princes.  And  one  '* 
may  see  this,  as  we  have  declared,'^  not  so  much  by  ancient  histories,  as  by  taking 
note  of  '^  what  hath  been  wickedly  done  right  here  '^  through  the  unworthy  behav- 

8  iour  of  them  that  are  placed  in  authority."  And  we  must  take  care  for  the  time 
to  come,  so  "  that  our  kingdom  may  be  quiet  and  peaceable  for  all  men,  by  making 
use  of  changes  and  by  always  judging  things  that  are  before  our  eyes  with  more 
suitableness  of  response." 

Vera.  1-3. — i  A.  V. :  the  princes  and  governors  (Fritzsche,  ruTpan-ais  (f«zf.  ree.  II,  X. — by  a  corrector  —  93i>.,  aoTpa- 
irei'ots)  with  X.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.)  ....  hundred  and  seTen  and  twenty  provinces  ....  Ethiopia,  and  unto  all  our  faith- 
ful subjects  {see  Com.).  2  often  (see  Com.).  3  omifj  too.  *  gracious  princes  (Gr.,  ei'«pY«Tov'iTi#i')  the  more  proud 
they  are  waxen  (Gr. ,  ftei^.  t^fmvritjav  ;  Old  Lat.  —  Cod.  Corb.  —  male  speranles).  5  to  hurt  not  our  subjects  only,  but 
not  being  able  (see  Com.).        ^  do  take  in  hand  to  practice  (see  Cojti.)  also  against  those  that  do  them  good. 

Vers.  4-7.  — '  A.  V.  :  take  not  only  thankfulness.  ^  glorious  words  of  lewd  persons  that  were  never  good.  ■  of 
God  that  seeth  all  things  and  hateth  evil.  ^o  omits  And.  ^i  (are  see  Com.}.  i3  (^ei>  lewd  di.'tposition  (see  Com.) 
the  innocency  and  goodness  (evyvw^ooaiiojK).  '■  Now  ye.  "  See  Com.  ^^  A.  V. :  ye  may,  if  ye  search  '*  of 
late  (Gr.,  iropd  miSas).  i"  pestilent  behaviour  of  them  that  are  unworthily  placed  in  authority  (Jan.,  "  eorum  qui 
indigni  dominatum  obtinent  pestUentia  ;  '■  cf.  Com.). 

Ver.  8.  —  **  A.  v. :  omits  so  (Fritzsche  has  received  ifrre  for  cIs  to  of  the  text.  ret.  from  62.  64.  243.  248.  Co.  Aid., 
•ince  otherwise  there  would  be  required  for  the  form  of  the  following  verb  irapexetv  (as  936.)  or  napi^eiv  (108a.)  instead 
of  irape{6fx<0a).  ^^  both  by  changing  our  purpose  and  always  judging  things  that  are  evident  with  more  equal  pro- 

ceeding. A  corrector  in  X.  has  placed  ov  before  xpwM«»'oi,  which  would  so  far  bring  it  into  agreement  with  III.  19.  936. 
lOSo  249     Codd  19.  93.  108a.  substitute  for  roit  ii.tra^o\aU,  raU  Jm^oAois.    See  Com. 


214  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


9       For  so*  Aman,  a  Macedonian,  son  of  Amadathus,  truly  an  alien ^  from  the  Per- 
sian blood,  and  widely  removed  '  from  our  goodness,  having  been  hospitably  re- 

10  ceived  by  *  us,  had  so  far  forth  obtained  the  favor  that  we  shew  toward  every  nation, 
as  that  he  was  called  our  father,  and  was  continually  honored  of  all  men,  as  the  next 

11  person  unto  the  king.     But  he,  not  bearing  his  elevation,^  went  about  to  deprive 

12  us  of  OMr  kingdom  and  life,  having  by  manifold  and  cunning  artifices'  sought' 
the  destruction,  as  well  of  Mardochteus,  our  rescuer  and  continual  benefactor,  as  of 

13  the  blameless*  Esther,  sharer  of  our'  kingdom,  with  their  whole  nation.  For  by 
these  means  he  thought,  taking  us  in  our  destitution,  to  have  transferred  *"  the  king- 

14  dom  of  the  Persians  to  the  Macedonians.  But  we  find  that  the  Jews,  whom  the 
threefold  wicked  wretch  had  "  delivered  to  utter  destruction,  are  no  evil-doers,  but 
live  by  most  just  laws  ;  and  that  they  are  children  of  the  most  high  and  greatest " 
living  God,  who  hath  arranged  the  kingdom  both  for  us  and  our  progenitors  in  the 

15  most  excellent  order.'''  Wherefore  ye  will  do  well  to  make  no  further  use  of  '^  the 
letters  sent  utito  you  by  Aman,  the  son  of  Amadathus.  For  he,  that  was  the  worker 
of  these  things,  has  been  crucified ''  at  the  gates  of  Susa  with  all  his  family ;  the  God,'' 
who  ruleth  all  things,  speedily  rendering  retribution  "  to  him  according  to  his  deserts. 

16  And  ye  '*  shall  publish  the  copy  of  this  letter  boldly  in  every  place,  to  the  effect  that 
the  Jews  are  to  be  permitted  to  *'  live  after  their  own  usages  ;  ^  and  that  they  be 
aided  that  ^'  the  same  day,  beiK<j  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month  Adar,  they 

17  may  ward  off  --  them,  who  in  tiu>e  of  affliction  set  upon  them.  For  the  Almighty  "' 
God  hath  turned  to  joy  unto  ttem  this  day,  wherein  the  chosen  race  were  to  -* 

18  have  perished.  And  ye  shall  therefore  among  your  solemn  feasts  keep  it  as  a  ^' 
high  day  with  every  festivity,^^  that  both  now  and  hereafter  there  may  be  safety 
to  you,'^  and  the  well  disposed  ^'  Persians,  but  to  those  who  ^  conspire  against  us 

19  a  memorial  of  destruction.  But  every  city  or  country  as  a  whole,*"  which  shall  not 
do  according  to  these  things,  shall  be  destroyed  wrathfully  *'  with  fire  and  sword, 
and  shall  be  made  not  only  impassable  '■'  for  men,  but  also  most  hateful  "^  to  wild 
beasts  and  fowls  in  all  time  to  come.'*  And  let  these  copies  be  posted  up  before 
all  eyes  in  the  entire  realm,  and  all  the  Jews  be  ready  on  the  said  day  to  fight 
against  their  enemies.'* 

Vera.  9-11.  — '  For  (19.  93a.  1086.  omit  cut).         2  the  son  of  Amadatha,  being  indeed  a  Etranger.  '  far  distant. 

*  and  aa  a  stranger  received  of.  ^  hijt  great  dignity  (Jan.,  tantam  prtzstantiam). 

Vera.  12-14. — "^  A.  V. :  deceits  (see  Com..).  '  souglit  of  its.  *  who  saved  our  life  and  continually  procured 

our  good  as  aiso  of  blameless.  ^  partaker  of  out.  ^^  finding  us  destitute  of  friends  to  have  translated  (instead 

of  \afiuiv,  Cod.  X.  —  from  a  corrector  —  has  Aa^eti',  and  supplies  re  after  ttji'  {ratv  Uepiruv)  which  is  also  supported  by 
m.  936.)              "  Ihis  wicked  wretch  (Gr.,  Tpio-aAtTTjpIou)  hath.  "  they  be  ...  .  and  most  mighty  (Or.,firyirrov). 

w  ordered  the  k unto  us  .  .  .     to  our  ....  manner  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  16-16.  — i*  A.  V. :  shall  do  well  not  to  put  in  execution.  "  Amadatha  ....  is  hanged.  ^^  God.  i^  ven- 
geance. 1*  Therefore  ye.  i*  letter  (see  Com.)  in  all  places  that  the  Jews  may  freely  (Jun.,  Uberi  ;  the  words  fifxi 
wapfiT)<Tia%  are  to  be  joined  with  iKOivre^  ;  they  are  omitted  by  19.  93a.  and  the  Old  Lat.  by  MS.  Corb.).  20  laws  (so 

III.  X.  52.  64.  93*.  243.  243.  Co.  Aid.).  "  ye  shaU  aid  them,  that  even.  "  be  avenged  on  (Gr.,  aiiiviainai.).  »  the 
time  of  their  affliction  shall  set  ...  .  For  Almighty. 

Vers.  17-19.  —  "  A.  V. :  the  day  ....  people  should.  «  You  shall  ....  keep  it  a.  -'  all  feasting.  "  to  us  (J  is 
wanting  before  vtiiv  in  II.  X.  249.  62. ;  for  the  latter  word  is  written  ^^ti'  in  III.  X.  (by  the  first  hand)  74.  and  the  sam* 
is  adopted  by  Fritzsche).  ^  affected.  ^9  which  do.  ^  Therefore  every  city  and  (Gr.,  i^)  country  whatsoever 

Gr.,  TO  avvoKov  ;  but  these  words  are  omitt«d  by  19.  249.,  the  former  having  in  place  of  them  iJTtc).  ^^  without  mercy 
(Gr.,  p€T-  opyijs).  82  unpassable.  ^  Codd.  III.  X.  (from  a  corrector)  936.  read  ecrxitrro?  (t.  e.,  dx<r\iirro^),  instead 

of  fx^icTTot  of  the  lext.rte.  "  A.V.:  ionver  {Or.,  tit  rhr  iwarra  xpoyoy).  "  This  entire  sentence,  from  "And  let," 
etc.,  is  omitted  in  the  A.  V.  as  in  19.  93a.,  the  Old  Lat.  Vulg.  and  Junius. 

Addition  VI.     (Chap.  xvi.  of  the  A.  V.,  except  the  conclusion  ("And  let,"  etc.),  which  is  not 

found  in  it.) 


Ver.  1.  Michaelis  calls  attention  to  the  peculiar 
Greek  of  this  section.  He  savi,  moreover,  that 
the  edict  is  more  like  such  a  iiroduction  as  we 
might  expect  from  Mordeciii  than  from  the  king 


sche    and    Bunsen's    Bibelwerk,    too    much.      Cf. 
ii.  2. 

Ver.  3.     The  A.  V.  does  not  follow  the  gram- 
matical  construction   of   the    Greek.      No  "  but 


of  I'tTsitt.  {See  Anmerk.,  p.  117.)  It  is  instruc- j  also  "  really  follows  the  "not  only." — MrixayatySat, 
live  to  compare  the  present  edict  witli  that  issued  10  consjurc.  In  Homer  especially,  as  htre,  it  is 
under  Raman's  advice,  in  the  si'coml  of  the  Addi- 1  used  in  a  bad  sense.  Od.,  iii.  207 ;  xvii.  499 ;  xxii. 
tions.  —  To7$    t4    rjfiiTipa    tppofov(n.      This    was  :  432. 

meant  to  include  all  who  were  not  implicated  in  !      Ver.    5.      Fritzsche   would    change    (piXtev    to 

the  conspiracy  of  Hainan.  (piKoTifios,  or  better,  ipi\o<l)p6i'oi!,  believing  from  ita 

Ver.  2.     HvKvdTepov.     Lit.,  thicker  and  so  more  1  jjositiou  that  the  word  was  originally  au  adverb  . 

J^en.      It  might  also  be  rendered,  as   by  Fritz-  \"  0/ientiines,  also,  fair  speech  0/ those  put  in  trust  U 


ADDITIONS   TO   THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


215 


manage  affairs  kindly,"  i.  e.,  in  a  friendly  spirit. 
Groti'us  renders  like  the  A.  V. :  "  Qiiibns  creditn 
stmt  amicorum  negotia."  So  also  De  Wette  :  "  Die 
Angelegenheiten  ihrer  Freunde  zu  hesorgen,"  "  to 
look  after  the  affairs  of  their  friends."  Michaelis : 
"  Oftentimes,  also,  flattery  and  persuasion  of  the 
friends  of  kings  who  are  in  high  office,  and  to 
whom  business  is  intrusted,"  etc. 

Ver.  6.  'Wicked  (A.  V.,  lewd)  disposition. 
Cf.  Rom.  i.  29,  where  the  same  Greek  word,  kmo- 
^fleia,  is  found,  and  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  "  malig- 
nity." See  also  3  Mace.  iii.  22,  vii.  3 ;  Jos., 
Antiq.,  xvi.  3,  1  ;  Polyb.,  v.  50,  5  ;  Xen.,  Ven., 
xiii.  16.  The  etymological  \i\ea.\a,  something  evil 
in  manners  {^6os). 

Ver.  7.  The  text  appears  to  be  corrupt.  If 
as  (XI.,  ap)  TrapfSiixafifV  is  to  stand,  the  A.  V. 
("  as  we  have  declared  ")  is  correct.  Fritzsche 
conjectures  that  the  reading  originally  was  uv 
irapiSaKav.  Grotius  renders  :  "  Id  scire  licet  tion 
modo  ex  veteribus  historiis  tjuas  Iradilas  accep- 
imus  ;  "  and  adds  :  "  Solent  enim  Grctci  formare 
passiva  etiam  eo  sensn  qtiem  actwa  cum  dotn-o  ha- 
bent."  Further,  we  should  expect  to  find  oaov  to 
correspond  to  the  previous  oh  rotrovroj/.  This 
was  probably  the  original  form  of  the  text.  In 
his  Commentary  Fritzsche  adopts  '6itov  to  irapd 
for  Sffo  tarl  Tropa,  but  does  not  receive  it  into  his 
more  recent  edition  of  the  text.  Cod.  X.  ruads 
(from  the  first  hand)  :  oaov  etTTiv  napa  fjiepos  v/xiv 
tK^TiTow  ;  but  a  corrector  has  changed  all  cxcejjt 
the  first  word.  — TjJ  Tuif  dra|/ij  Bvvatmv6ifTQjp  Aoi- 
li6TTiTk.  Unless  ava^ttis  is  to  be  substituted  for 
ava^la  (X.  936.,  &^uf),  for  which  there  is  but  little 
support  in  the  MSS.  (248.),  the  latter  word  should 
have  a  different  position  either  before  twv  or  after 
SucaiTT  euiif Tdjy,  and  the  translation  of  the  A.  V. 
be  changed  to  read:  through  the  umvorthy  plague 
of  those  in  authoriti/,  or  as  above.  The  word  \oi- 
li.6rT\s  is  found  nowhere  else  in  Biblical  Greek ; 
but  cf.  Sophocles's  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  S.  Fritzsche  would  insert  ov  before  xP'^' 
liimt,  which  is  the  reading  of  text  B.,  which  also 
adds  Tait  SiafioAois.  Cf.  Text.  Notes.  So  also 
Michaelis :  "  Give  no  attention  to  slanders."  And 
Josephus  :  "  So  that  it  is  not  fit  to  attend  any 
longer  to  calumnies  and  accusations."  The  Old 
Latin  has  :  Nan  lUentes  varietatibus. 

Ver.  9.  Tair  a\i)9eiois.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iii.  9,  vii. 
6  ;  iv  iKriBeltf,  Matt.  xxii.  16,  2  Cor.  vii.  U  ;  ^ir' 
aA7)9«/as,  Mark  xii.  14,  32,  Lnke  xx.  21.  —  Alfxa. 
Like  Lat.  sanguis,  blood  relationship,  kin.  Cf. 
Hom.,  Od.,  viii.  583  f. ;  Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  10.  Sitting  next  to  any  one  was  equiva- 
lent to  sitting  with  him. 

Ver.  II.  And  life,  irveviia.  The  word  is  often 
used  in  the  classics  in  a  physiological,  but  not  in 
a  psychological  sense.  Cf.  2  Mace.  vii.  22,  23  ; 
Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc. ;  and  Trench,  N.  T.  Syn., 
Ft.  2,  p.  116  ff. 

Ver.  12.  Me9(iSay.  As  plural,  rfeceiYs,  arty?ces. 
Cf.  2  Mace.  xiii.  18;  Epb.  iv.  14,  vi.  11. 

Ver.  13.  'H>t5j  epVifioui.  Naturally  some  such 
word  as  iplKwv  is  to  be  supplied.  Fritzsche  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  at  the  time  when  this 
Dook  pnrpoTts  to  hare  been  written   the  Mace- 


donian kingdom  was  of  little  significance,  and 
that  consequently  the  writer  is  guilty  of  an  an- 
achronism. Indeed,  the  passage  seems  to  show 
that  the  author  of  the  Additions  lived  at  a  period 
subsequent  to  the  transfer  of  the  Persian  king- 
dom to  the  Macedonians.  The  explanation  that 
nothing  more  is  here  meant  than  a  change  of 
dynasty,  is  excluded  by  the  words,  eiy  Touy  Mafce- 
S6vm.  Cf.  Rawlinson,.4«C('c/i(  Mon.,  iii.,  chap,  vii 
Ver.  14.  Ou  KaKovpyov^,  no  eTil-doers.  For 
remarks  on  the  force  of  this  negative  with  parti- 
ciples and  adjectives,  see  Winer,  p.  485.  It  nega- 
tives without  qualification,  ,ind  hence  is  especially 
found  with  predicates  relating  to  definite  persons. 

—  Children  ....  of  God.  See  Wisd.  ii.  18. 
In  text  B.  God  is  called  the  "  alone  "  and  "  true  " 
God.  —  Arranged  the  kingdom.  The  Greek  is 
TOO  Kurtudwoi'Tos  TifJiiy  ....  T^v  $a(Tt\eiaf.  In 
the  margin,  the  A.  V.  renders  the  participle  by 
"  prospered."  At  Add.  ii.  4,  we  have  the  same 
verb  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  by  "  go  forward " 
(niarg.,  "  be  settled  ").  It  mean.s,  as  the  etymol- 
ogy shows  (1),  to  make  straight,  set  right;  then 
(2),  as  intransitive,  to  go  straight  for,  or,  meta- 
phorically, to  go  right. 

Ver.  15.  Here,  also,  is  an  evident  anachronism. 
Cf-  the  following  verse,  and  Estb.  iv.  19.  The 
word  navotKta  is  somewhat  rare,  though  used  once 
by  Philo.  The  dative,  employed  adverbially,  is 
more  frequent.  Josephus  Juis  /ieri  rns  yeveas. 
Cf.  Herod.,  vii.  39,  viii.  106  ;  and  tlie  LXX.  at 
Gen.  1.  22.  It  was  a  Persian  custom  to  visit,  not 
only  the  gnilty  person,  but  also  his  whole  family, 
with  punishments.     Cf.  Dan.  vi.  24. 

Ver.  16.  The  connection  of  thought  is  made 
very  loose  by  the  employment  of  eV^e^rcy.  Text 
B.  substitutes  iKTee-ffro.  —  The  thirteenth  day. 
Cf.,  above,  ii.  6. 

Ver.  18.  'Ev  rais  fTTuvvfiois  v/xwif  iopTois.  Au- 
thorities differ  with  respect  to  the  meaning  of 
this  phrase.  Grotius,  with  whom  Fritzsche  agrees, 
says  :  "  Puto  scriptum  fuisse  olim  ev  rais  i-nrnvvfiois 
KKiipav  ioprais,  id  est,  in  festo  quod  a  fortibus  Purim 
nomi/mtur."  So  also  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk :  "At 
your  Purim  feast." — If,  with  Fritzsche,  v^7v  be 
read  instead  of  viiiy,  which  should  scarcely  be  the 
case  (see  authorities),  it  would  follow  that  the 
edict  was  not  meant  for  the  whole  Persian  em- 
pire. But,  even  with  such  a  concession,  the  entire 
production  shows  the  hand  of  a  .Jewish  writer 
who  was  not  sagacious  enough  to  conform  his 
work  to  the  natural  requirements  of  subject  and 
circumstances.  —  There  may  be  safety.  While 
the  common  rule  —  "  The  subject  of  a  proposi- 
tion may  be  known  from  its  having  the  article  " 

—  is  not  always  safe  to  follow,  stiU  the  corre- 
spondence apparently  required  in  the  two  parts  of 
the  present  verse  would  seem  to  leave  but  little 
room  for  doubt  in  this  case.  Hence  the  transla- 
tion given  above. 

Ver.  19.  'O<p0a\iu><l>ayus.  This  word  as  ad- 
verb appears  for  the  most  part  only  in  the  LXX. 
and  other  Greek  translations  of  the  Scriptures. 
See  the  LXX.  at  Esth.  viii.  13,  and  the  version  of 
Symmachus  at  Is.  Iii.  8.  Of.,  also,  Sophocles' 
Lex.  ad  voc. 


216 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Addition  "VTI.  (found  in  the  Greek  as  conclusion  for  the  entire  book). 

1,  2  And  '  Mardochasus  said  :  God  hath  done  these  things.  For  I  recalled  the  vis- 
ion ^  which  I  saw  concerning  these  matters.    For  '  nothing  thereof  hath  failed.    The  * 

3  little  fountain  which  ^  became  a  river,  and  there  was  light  and  sun  and  much  water : 

4  the  °  river  is  Esther,  whom  the  king  married,  and  made  queen  ;  and  the  two  dragons 

5  are  I  and  Aman.     And  the  nations  :   those '  that  were  assembled  to  destroy  the 

6  name  of  the  Jews.  And  my  nation,  —  that  is  Israel,*  which  cried  to  God  and 
were  saved.  And  '  the  Lord  saved  ^^  his  people  ;  and  the  Lord  delivered  "  us  from 
all  these  '^   evils.     And  God  wrought  the  signs  ^^  and  the  great "  wonders  which 

7  had  not  taken  place  before  among  the  nations.     Therefore  he  made  two  lots,  one 

8  for  the  people  of  God,  and  another  for  all  the  nations.^^  And  these  two  lots  came 
at  [or.  And  the  two  came  at  the  lot  and  at]  the  hour,  and  time  and  day  of  judg- 

9  ment,  before  God  among  all  nations.^*  And  ^'  God  remembered  his  people,  and 
10  justified  his  inheritance.     And  '*  those  days  shall  be  unto  them  in  the  month  Adar, 

the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  ^'  of  the  same  ™  month,  with  an  assembly  and  joy  and 
with  gladness  before  God  from  generation  to  generation  '■''  forever,  among  his  peo- 
ple Israel. ^^ 

In  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemseus  ^  and  Cleopatra,  Dositheus,  who 
said  he  was  a  priest  and  Levite,  and  Ptolemaeus  '*  his  son,  brought  the  present  ^  epis- 
tle of  Phrurae,  which  they  said  it  was,'''  and  that  Lysimachus,  son  of  Ptolemaeus,^ 
that  was  in  [or,  who  were  of  ^']  Jerusalem,  had  translated  ■^  it. 

Vers.  1-B.  — i  A.  V. :  Then.  ^  remember  a  dream  (lit.,  concemiDg  the  vision,  irepi  toO  iivirviov  ;  see  Com.  ;  irepi  is 
omitted  by  19.  93a. ;  19.  68.  93a.,  read  ejii^rte).  "and.  *  A.  '  omiJs  which.  °  thesim  . .  .  .  (Au.  'were 
those. 

Vers.  6-8.  — »  A.  V. :  is  this  Israel  (the  last  word  has  the  article  in  III.  52.  64.  68.  248.  Co.  Aid.).  "  for.  '»  hath 
Baved.  "  hath  delivered.  ^^  those  (Qr.,  roi^Tiui').  i^  hath  wrought  signs.  i*  and  great.  ii*  have  not  been 
done  among  the  Gentiles.    Therefore  hath  ....  Gentiles.  '"  This  verse  is  not  in  the  text  of  II.,  but  supplied  in  the 

margin.    For  itA-rjpot  o^tos  ei?  II.  III.  X.  934. 108a.  read  koX  K\i}pov  koX  ei?  (cf.  alternative  rendering).    See  Com. 

Vers.  9, 10.  — i^  A.  V. :  So.  ^^  Therefore.  ^^  fifteenth  day.    (These  words  are  added  by  another  hand  in  X.) 

»  Fritzsche  receives  avrov  before  ii-qvos  from  X.  XI.  19.  44.  64.  68.  71.  936.  lOSa.  249.  and  others  with  Co.  and  Aid.  This 
is  also  the  reading  of  11.  -'  according  to  the  generations.       "  omits  Israel  (so  62.  64.  68.  243.  Co.  Aid.)         ^  Ptole- 

meus.         24  ptolemeus.  25  this.        26  phurim  ....  was  tlu  same.  2t  ptolemeus.  28  For  rov  iv  'lep.  III.  X. 

XI.  and  others  (viz.  64.  68.  71.  243.  Aid.)  according  to  Frizsohe  read  Tii/  cv  'Itp.    So  also  II.       29  a.  v.  :  interpreted. 

Addition  VII.  (in  the  A.  V.  vers.  4-13  of  chap,  x.,  and  ver.  1  of  chap.  xi.). 

5,  .560,  563  ;   and  Fritzsche,  Ad  Rom.  Epist.,  iii. 
270  f. 

Ver.  7.  The  explanation  given  goes  beyond 
the  substance  of  the  vision  as  recorded  in  Addi- 
tion i. 

Ver.  8.  The  xal  before  iraai  roTs  (Ofein  is  ep- 
exegetical.  Fritzsche  conjectures,  however,  that 
Tij)  \a(f  aiiTov  may  have  originally  stood  before  it. 
The  preposition  els.  as  referring  to  time,  marks  a 
term  or  limit.  It  is  omitted  by  44.  106.  Co.  be- 
fore fi/ifpay.  Cf.  Acts  xiii.  42  ;  Pliil.  i.  10,  ii.  16  ; 
2Pet.iii.  7.  Codd.44.55. 108a. andothers,  with  Co. 
Aid.,  supply  eV  before  irSiri ;  243.  249.  omit  Kal. 

Ver.  9.  Justified,  iSiKataae.  The  principal 
meaning  of  tliis  word  is  to  sittle,  adjudge  the  right. 
In  ecclesiastical  Greek  it  was  often  used  of  the 
decrees  of  councils.  Cf.  Cremer's  and  Sopliocles' 
Lexicons,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  10.  Cf.  2  Mace.  xv.  36.  —  Tuv  <ppavpat. 
This  is  incorrectly  given  for  C'l^E.  Te.\t  B. 
has  (povpSla  (X.,  (ppovplp.),  and  Josephus  (ppovpaluvs. 
The  epithet  "  epistle "  seems  to  be  used  as  a 
designation  for  the  entire  book  (cf.  Esth.  ix.  20) 
i.e.,  the  translation  of  the  Book  of  Esther,  with 
or  without  the  Additions.  See  remarks  in  Intro- 
duction. 


Ver.  2.  'Ejuf^o-flTji'  yap  ir«pi,  etc.  This  verb,  in 
the  sense  here  used,  is  usually  followed  by  the 
genitive  or  accusative  directly.  Fritzsche  thinks 
that  irept  is  employed  in  such  a  case  only  here, 
and  that  possibly  it  is  a  corruption.  Aii^os,  like 
pTJfia,  is  sometimes  used  for  the  thing  spoken  of, 
the  subject  of  the  \6yos. 

Ver.  3.  The  Vulgate  translates  :  "  Et  in  lucem 
solemque  conversus  est,  et  in  aquas  plurimas  re- 
dundavit." 

Ver.  5.  The  thought  is  naturally  compressed 
and  abrupt ;  and  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to 
Bupplv  anything,  as  suggested  by  Michaelis,  and 
as  is  done  in  the  A.  V.  Moreover,  this  unneces- 
sary commentary  of  Mardochieus  on  his  foolish 
dream,  characterizes  the  low  literary  as  well  as 
moral  plane  on  which  the  whole  composition 
moves. 

Ver.  6.  Ta  ffij/ueia,  Kol  Tck  repara.  These  two 
substantives  are  often  found  in  connection  in  the 
New  Testament  (cf.  John  iv.  48  ;  Acts  ii.  22,  iv. 
30;  2  Cor.  xii.  12),  and  still  more  frequently  in 
the  LXX.  The  latter  word  indicates  the  mira- 
cle as  a  startling  prodigy,  much  like  the  Latin 
monstrum,  while  in  the  former  the  ethical  pur- 
pose comes  more  into  view.  Cf.  Trench,  A'.  T. 
Sj/n.,   Pt.  ii.,  p.   189  0".;    Stud.  u.  Kritilc,   1846, 


ADDITIONS  TO  ESTHER. 


Addition  I. 

1  In  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  Asuerus  the  Great,  on  the  first  day  of  the  month 

2  Adar-Nisan,   that   is  Dystrns-Xanthicus,'  Mardochfeus,   the  son   of  Jairus,  the  son  of 
3,  4  Senieias,  the  son  of  Kisaeas,  of  ttie  tribe  of  Benjamin,  saw  a  vision.     He  was  a  great 

man,  [and]  of  the  captivity  which  Nabiichodonosor  tlie  king  of  Babylon  carried  captive 

with  Jechonias  the  king  of  Judsea.     And  this  was  the  vision :  — ■ 
5       And  lo !  a  voice  and  noise  of  a  timiult,  thunderings  and  eartliquake,  confusion  upon  the 
6,    7  earth.     And  lo  !    two  dragons,  and  both  came  forward  to  fight.      And  their  crv  arose, 

8  and  all  things  were  moved  by  reason  of  the  noise  of  this  cry.  Against  all  the  peoples 
there  witnessed  '  a  day  of  darkness  and  gloom, ^  and  confusion  of  battle  ;  and  every  nation 

9  made  ready  to  fight.  And  we  called  upon  the  Lord  by  reason  of  the  noise  of  their  cry.' 
10,  11   And  there  arose  from  a  little  fountain  much  water,  a  great  river.     Light,  the  sun 

12  rose  up,  and  the  rivers  were  swollen  and  engulphed  those  of  high  repute.  And  Mar- 
dochsEUS,  on  rising  from  his  sleep,  pondered  anxiously  what  his  vision  might  mean,  and 

13  what  the  Mighty  One  was  making  ready  to  do.  And  he  hid  his  vision  in  his  heart  and 
at  every  opportunity  was  studying  it  out,  until  the  day  on  which  Mardochsus  slept  in  the 

14  court  of  the  king  with  Astagus  and  Thedeutus,  the  two  eunuchs  of  the  king.  And  he 
heard  their  words,  and  their  calumnies  :  how  they  were  planning  to  lay  hands  on  Asuerus 
to  put  him  to  death.     And  having  well  considered  it,'  Mardochsus  reported  concerning 

15  them.     And  the  king  examined  the  two  eunuchs  and  found  the  words  of  Mardochaeus 

16  [true].  And  the  eunuchs  having  made  confession  were  executed.  And  Asuerus  the 
king  made  a  record  of  these  matters ;  and  Mardochseus'  name  was  recorded  in  the  book 

17  of  the  king  for  the  sake  of  recalling  to  mind  these  things.  And  the  king  gave  an  order 
concerning  Mardochaeus  that  he  was  to  serve  in  the  court  of  the  king  and  to  have  an  eye 

18  on  every  door.'  And  he  made  him  presents  because  of  these  things.  And  Aman,  a 
Macedonian,  son  of  Amadathus,  stood  before  the  king.'  And  Aman  sought  to  do  evil 
to  Mardochaeus  and  all  his  people  on  account  of  his  having  spoken  to  the  king  about  the 
eunuchs,  because  that  they  had  been  put  to  death. 

Addition  IL 

1  And  he  gave  his  signature  to  the  subjoined  edict :  I,  the  great  king  Artaxerxes,  write 
as  follows  to  the  rulers  and  governors  of  a  hundred  and  twenty-seven  lands  from  India 

2  unto  Ethiopia.  Although  I  became  ruler  of  many  nations  and  master  of  all  the  world,  I 
had  no  wish  to  exalt  myself  in  the  over-confidence  of  authority,  but  always  to  carry  myself 
very  indulgently  and  with  mildness  so  as  to  establish  for  all  time  peaceful  lives  for  my 
subjects,  and,  while  rendering  the  kingdom  habitable  and  traversable  to  the  frontiers, 

3  to  renew  the  peace  desired  of  all  men.  But  when  I  inquired  of  the  councillors  how 
this  was  to  be  brought  to  pass,  Aman,  who  had  distinguished  himself  with  us  by  pru- 
dence, an  unchangeable  good-will  and  steadfast  fidelity,  and  had  won  the  second  rank 

4  in  the  kingdom,  informed  us,  that  among  all  the  races  '  throughout  the  world  there  was 

>  I  give  here  a  translation  of  the  Additions  according  to  the  text  found  in  Codd.  19.  93a.  1084.  and  published  la 
Fritzsche'e  Ltbri  Apocryphi  V.  T.    Cf.  ibid.  Prasfat.,  p.  xii.,  and  my  Introd.  to  the  Additions  under  "  Text." 

'  Fritzsche  thinks  this  peculiar  name  may  have  been  applied  to  the  month  which  was  sometimes  intercalated  at  the 
close  of  the  Jewish  year.    Cf.  JoB.^Antiq.,  I,  11,  §§  6,  1.3. 

^  MapTvpo/ieio).  Cf.  Judith  Tii.  28.  Fritzsche  conjectures  that  the  word  was  orininally  inep^oixevrj,  or  some  similar 
word 

*  Cf.  Joel  ii.  2. 

^  Lit.,  cry  of  their  noise.    Cf.  ver.  7. 

*  Fritzsche  would  prefer  to  render;  "  Since  M..  however,  was  well-intentioned." 

'  Kal  iratrav  Bvpav  eiri^at'ws  -nipeiv.    For  ^TTi^ai/ois  others  suggest  avt^oAuc  (Fritzsche)  and  errc^fAu^  (KreysBlg). 

*  The  text  is  corrupt  («a'i  t^MKev  outuI  wept  TovTttiv  '\fLa»  "A.  Mcuc.  icoTd  irpoauiirov  tou  ^a<nAEWc),  and  I  haTfl  rend«It4 
according  to  a  natural  conjecture  of  Fritzsche. 

^  *vA(us.  but  here  clearly  used  in  a  wider  sense. 


218  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


mixed  up  as  strangers  a  certain  malevolent  people,  on  the  one  hand,  by  their  customs' 
opposinc;  themselves  to  every  nation,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  persistently  disregarding  the 
6  commandments  of  kings,  so  that  the  kingdom  never  reaches  a  ftable  condition.  On  con- 
sidering now,  that  this  nation,  quite  alone,  stands  in  a  hostile  attitude  towards  every 
human  being  by  reason  of  the  strange  perversity  of  their  customs,  and  is  ill-disposed 
towards  our  commands,  always  bringing  to  pass  the  worst  evils,  so  that  the  government 

6  administered  by  us  can  never  be  firmly  establislied  :  we  have  therefore  ordered  you  to 
destroy  those  indicated  to  you  in  the  letters  of  Aman  —  who  is  set  over  affairs  and  is 
our  second  father  —  root  and  branch,^  with  wives  and  children,  by  the  sword  of  their 
enemies,  without  any  pity  or  sparing,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month,  that  is 
the  month  Adar,  which  is  Dystrus —  to  kill  all  the  Jews  and  make  a  spoil  of  their  chil- 

7  dren,  in  order  that  those  who  of  old  have  been  disaffected,  and  are  so  .still,  in  one  day 
may  go  together  into  Hades,  and  thereafter  keep  quiet,  and  not  give  us  trouble  to  the 
last. 

Addition  III. 

1,  2    And  he  prayed  to  the  Lord,  being  mindful  of  his  works,  and  said  :  O  Lord  Almighty, 

in  whose  power  are  all  things  and  whom  none  could  resist  shouldest  thou  choose  to  save 

3  the  house  of  Israel ;  for  thou  madest  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  every  wonderful  thing 

4,  5  under  heaven.'     And  thou  art  Lord  of  all.    For  thou  knowest  all  things,  and  the  race  of 

Israel  thou  knowest,  and  that  I  acted  not  in  insolence  nor  love  of  glory  in  not  bowing 

6  down  to  the  uncircumcised  Aman ;   since,  for  Israel's  sake,  1  would  gladly  have  kissed  the 

7  soles  of  his  feet.     But  I  did  it  that  I  might  set  none  before  thy  glory,  O  Lord  ;  and  I  will 

8  bow  down  to  none  except  to  thee,  the  true  Lord;  yea,  I  will  not  do  it  in  temptation.  And 
now,  O  Lord,  who  didst  make  a  covenant  with  Abraham,  spare  thy  people;  for  they  lay 
hands  on  us  for  our  destruction,  and  they  set  their  heart  to  blot  out  and  destroy  thy 

9  inheritance  from  the  beginning.     Do  not  overlook  thy  portion  which  thou  didst  redeem 
0  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt.     Hear  our  prayer  and  be  merciful  unto  thy  inheritance,  and 

turn  our  sorrow  into  gladness,  that,  living,  we  may  praise  thee;   yea,  destroy  not  the 
mouth  of  them  that  praise  thee,  O  Lord. 

Addition  IV. 

1,  2  And  Esther,  the  queen,  seized  with  mortal  agony,  fled  to  the  Lord.  And  she  put  off 
the  garments  of  her  glory  and  every  token  of  her  public  position,*  and  put  on  anguish 
and  grief  ;  and  instead  of  proud  ointments  she  covered  her  head  with  ashes  and  dung ; 
and  she  humbled  her  body  greatly,  and  every  token  of  her  adornment  and  delight  on 

3,  4  her  braided  hair  she  covered  with  humiliation.  And  she  prayed  to  the  Lord  and  said  : 
O  Lord,  King,  thou  art  the  only  helper!     Help  me,  who  am  brought  low  and  have  no 

6  other  helper  except  thee ;  for  my  life  is  in  my  hand.  But  I  have  heard  from  the  book 
of  my  fathers  ^  that  thou  didst  redeem  Israel  from  all  the  heathen,  and  their  fathers  from 
all  tiieir  ancestors,  bestowing  upon  them  —  Israel  «  —  an  everlasting  inheritance  ;  and 
thou  didst  do  for  them  what  thou  didst  promise  them,  and  didst  provide  what  they  asked 

7  for.  We  have  sinned  against  thee,  and  thou  didst  deliver  us  into  tlie  hands  of  our 
enemies  because'  we  did  honor  to  their  gods.  Thou  art  just,  O  Lord.  And  now,  they 
were  not  satisfied  with  the  bitterness  of  our  soul;  but  they  have  stricken  hands  with  their 
idols  to  establish « the  decree  of  their  mouth,  to  destroy  thy  inheritance,  and  stop  the  moutb 
of  them  that  praise  thee,  and  quench  the  glory  of  thy  house  and  of  thy  altar,  and  to  open 
the  mouth  of   the  enemy  unto  the  excellences  of  idols,  and  to  cause  a  king  of   flesh  to 

8  be  admired  for  ever.  Do  not  now,  ()  Lord,  deliver  up  thy  sceptre  to  them  that  hate 
thee,  thy  enemies,  and  let  them  not  rejoice  over  our  fall.  Turn  their  plots  against  them- 
selves, and  make  an  example  of   him  who  has  made  a  beginning  for  evil  against  us 

9  Manifest  thyself  to  us,  O  Lord,  and  make  thyself  known  to  us  in  the  time  of  our  afllio 
10  tion,  and  break  us  not  in  pieces.     Give  me  eloquent  speech  in  my  mouth,  and   make  my 

words  pleasing  before  the  lion,  and  turn  about  his  heart  into  hatred  of  him  that  warreth 
U  against  us,  that  there  may  be  a  full  end  of  him  and  of  those  who  are  his  like.  But  rescue 
12  us  by  thy  mighty  hand  and  help  us.     For  thou  hast  knowledge  of  all  things,  and  knowest 

1  No>«ois.    The  general  conduct  of  their  lives  is  donbtless  referred  to.    Of.  Add.  Ti.  14. 

2  Lit.,  from  the  root. 

*  Lit.,  in  the  [land]  under  heaven. 

•  ■E7ri<^ai'ei«.     The  phrase  refers  to  the  clothing  and  ornamentation  she  wore  as  queen. 
^  Lit.,  I  beard  my  fathers'  book. 

8  Fritzsche  would  strike  out  this  word.    It  is  a  probable  gloss. 
'  Ei.    If  we  did  it,  i.  e.,  whenever  we  did  it. 

«  I  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Fritzsche  that  irrfiaai.  should  be  substituted  for  jfipai.     Cf .  text  A.  in  the  corrMpondint 
pasiage. 


ADDITIONS   TO   ESTHER.  21& 


that  I  abhor  the  bed  of  an  uncircumcised  person,  and  hate  the  glory  of  a  heathen  '  and 

13  of  every  alien.  Thou,  Lord,  knowest  my  necessity,  that  I  abhor  the  token  of  pride  which 
is  upon  my  head,  and  that  I  wear  it  not  save  on  the  day  when  I  appear  in  public,  yea, 

14  abhor  it  as  a  rag  of  her  that  sitteth  apart.  And  thy  servant  did  not  eat  at  their  tables 
along  with  them  ;  and  I  honored  not  the  king's  feasts,  and  drank  not  the  wine  of  libation. 

15,  16  And  thy  servant  rejoiced  not  in  my  days  of  exaltation,'  except  in  thee,  O  Lord.  And 
now,  thou  who  art  mighty  over  all,  give  ear  to  the  cry  of  the  despairing,  and  rescue  u8 
from  the  hand  of  them  who  do  evil  against  us,  and  deliver  me,  O  Lord,  out  of  the  hand 
of  my  fear. 

Addition  V. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  third  day  as  Esther  ceased  praying,  she  took  off  the  garments 

2  of  her  worship,  and  put  on  the  garments  of  her  glory.  And  on  making  her  appearance 
she  called  on  God,  who  knows  and  saves  all,  took  along  with  her  two  maids  of  honor,  and 
while  she  supported  herself  on  the  first,  as  one  delicately  nurtured,  the  second  followed 

3  after  and  bore  up  her  train.     And  she  blushed  in  the  flower  of  her  beauty,  and  her  face 

6  was  like  that  of  one  who  awakens  love,'  but  her  heart  was  in  anguish  from  fear.  And 
having  passed  through  all  the  doors,  she  stood  before  the  king.  And  the  king  sat  upon 
his  royal  throne,  and  had  on  all  his  robes  of  state  ;   he  was  all  in  gold ;  and  precious 

7  stones  were  upon  him,  and  he  was  very  dreadful.  And  lifting  his  face  ablaze  with  glory 
he  looked  upon  her  like  a  bull  in  the  height  of  his  rage.  And  the  queen  was  terrified,  and 
her  face  was  changed  from  faintness ;  and  she  bowed  herself  upon  the  head  of  the  maid 

8  that  went  before  her.  And  God  changed  the  spirit  of  the  king,  and  turned  his  rage  to 
mildness.     And  in  anxiety  the  king  leaped  down  from  his  throne,  and  took  her  in  his 

9  arms.     And  he  comforted  her  and  said,  What  is  it,  Esther?     I  am  thy  brother.     Take 

10  heart  —  thou  shalt  not  die  ;  for  our  business  is  mutual,  and  the  threatening  was  not  for 

11  thee.     Behold  the  sceptre  is  in  thy  hand.     And  lifting  up  the  sceptre  he  laid  it  on  her 

12  neck  and  caressed  her,  and  said.  Tell  it  to  me.     And  she  said  to  him,  I  saw  thee  as  an 

13  angel  of  God,  and  my  heart  was  melted  by  the  glory  of  thy  rage,  my  lord.  And  her  face 
was  covered  with*  sweat.  And  the  king  was  moved,  and  all  his  attendants,  and  they 
comforted  her. 

Addition  VI. 

1  And  he  wrote  the  subjoined  edict.  The  great  king  Asuerus  to  the  rulers  and  governora 
of  the  hundred  and  twenty-seven  lands  from  India  to  Ethiopia,  who  mind  our  .affairs, 

2  greeting.     Many,  the  more  they  are  honored  by  the  exceeding  kindness  of  their  bene- 

3  factors,  the  more  ambitious  have  they  become,  and  seek  not  simply  to  do  harm  to  our 
subjects  —  they  also,  unable  to  bear  their  fullness,  even  undertake  to  plot  against  their 

4  own  benefactors,  and  not  only  take  away  thankfulness  from  among  men,  but  also  unite 
in^  the  boastful  words  of  those  unused  to  suffering,  imagining  that  they  will  escape  the 

5  evU-hating  retribution  of  a  just  Judge,  who  has  power  over  all  things.  Many  times,  being 
put  over  offices  to  manage  the  afi'airs  of  friends  who  confide  in  tlieni,  they  have  raised  to 
authority  those  who  have  caused  the  shedding  ot  inirocent  blood  and  encompassed  them 

6  with  remediless  evils,   they  having   beguiled  through   their  deceit   and   faithlessness   the 

7  pure  good-will  of  theu"  sovereigns.     But  one  may  see  from  what  the  histories  have  handed 

8  down  to  us,  and  even  by  observing  what  lies  at  our  feet,  the  necessity,  for  the  future,  of 
giving  due  heed  to  the  cruelty  of  those  having  power,  and  of  rendering  the  kingdom 
tranquil  for  all  the  nations,  by  making  no  use  of  calumnies,  but  by  dealing  fairly  by  what- 

9  ever  comes  under  our  eye.      For  Aman,  son  of   Amadathus,   a  Bugajan,   having  been 

10  entertained  by  us  as  a  stranger  —  in  fact,  a  stranger  to  the  spu'it  of  the  Persians,  and 
widely  at  variance  with  om-  kindness  —  to  such  an  extent  won  the  good- will  which  we 
show  to  every  nation,  as  to  be  publicly  proclaimed  our  father,  and  to  be  honored  with 

11  homage  by  all,  and  to  win  the  second  place  on  the  royal  throne.  But  not  bearing  his 
elevation   he  set  his   heart  on  taking  away   our    kingdom   and  life,  while  appointing   to 

12  destruction,  through  wily  plots,  our  perpetual  deliverer,  MardochiEus,  and   Esther  his* 

13  blameless  partner  of  the  kingdom,  with  their  whole  nation.  For  by  these  means  lie 
thought  to  alienate  from  us  the  dominion  of   the   Persians,  so  as  to  transfer  it  to  the 

14  Macedonians.      Now  we  find  that  the  Jews  given  up  to  you  by  this  threefold  wicked 

1  'Avd^ou,  i.  «.,  one  not  yielding  himself  to  the  precepts  of  the  Mosaic  Code. 

'  Lit.,  change,  transfer. 

8  'Q«  Trpoff«i)iA««,  usually,  beloved,  or  kindly  affeetioned. 

*  McTpof.     Fritzsche  would  change  to  ^eo'Toi',  and  striking  out  the  previous  ejri  write  ^v  in  its  place. 

*  IlapeAdotn-e; ,  coming  alongside  of.     Fritzsche  suspects  a  tailure  in  transcription,  and  would  substitute  inpdiynt  O 
tAXt  A.  or  npotTt\66vrfi. 

'  TovT«v.     it  should  be  stricken  out,  or  made  to  agree  with  0acriAciaf .     Cf.  text  A 


220  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


wretch  are  not  evil  doers,  but  regulate  their  lives  in  accordance  with  the  most  righteous 
customs,'  and  also  that  they  are  sons  of  the  only  and  true  God,  who  until  now  has  ar 

16  ranged  our  kingdom  in  the  most  excellent  order.  You  will  do  well,  therefore,  not  to  take 
notice  of  the  letters  sent  out  to  you  by  Aiiian,  because  of  the  crucifixion  before  the  gates 

16  of  Susa  of  the  very  one  who  wrought  such  things,  there  having  been  paid  back  to  him  the 
quite  deserved  retribution  of  the  Judge,  who  always  sees  to  the  bottom  of  all  things.  And 
post  up  the  copy  of  this  edict  in  every  place,  — also,  to  let  the  Jews  observe  their  own 
customs  and  to  defend  them,  in  order  that  they  may  ward  off  those  who  in  the  day  of 

18  their  affliction  set  upon  them.  And  it  has  been  decided  by  the  Jews  throughout  the  king- 
dom to  keep  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month,  that  is  Adar,  and  to  celebrate  by  a  festival 
the  fifteenth,  because  in  them  the  Almighty  wrought  for  them  deliverance  and  joy,  and 
that  now  and  hereafter  [it  may  be  a  memorial  of]  deliverance  to  the  well-doing  Persians, 

19  but  a  memorial  of  destruction  for  them  who  lay  plots.  And  whatever  city,  or  country,  will 
not  do  according  to  these  things  shall  be  destroyed  wrathfully  with  fire  and  sword, ^  and  be 
impassable  not  only  for  men,  but  shall  be  made  unfit '  also  for  beasts  and  flying  fowL 

Addition  VII. 

1,  2    And  Mardochaeus  said.  These  things  took  place  from  God.     For  he  recalled  the  vision 
3,  4  which  he  saw,  and  it  was  fulfilled,  and  he  said  :  The  little  fountain  is  Esther;  and  the 

5  two  dragons  are  I  and  Aman.     The  river  is  the  nations  *  that  were  assembled  to  destroy 

6  the  Jews.  The  sun  and  light  which  appeared  to  the  Jews  are  a  manifestation  of  God. 
This  was  the  judgment.     And  God  did  these   signs  and  wonders  as  they  had  not  taken 

7  place  before 'among  the  nations.     And  he  made  two  lots:  one  for  the  people  of  God 

8  and  one  for  the  nations.     And  these  two  lots  fell  out  at  the  hour,  according  to  the  time 

9  and  on  the  day  of  the  rule  of  the  Eternal,  among  all  the  nations.  And  God  remembered 
his  people  and  justified  his  inheritance.  And  all  the  people  cried  out  with  a  loud  voice 
and  said.  Blessed  art  thou,  O  Lord,  who  wast  mindful  of  thy  covenants  with  our  fathers. 

10  Amen.  And  these  days  shall  be  to  them  in  the  month  Adar,  on  the  fourteenth  and  the 
fifteenth  day  of  the  month,  with  the  assembly,  and  with  joy  and  gladness  before  God, 
from  generation  to  generation  forever  among  his  people,  Israel.     Amen. 

'  V6iiot7.    Ci-  ii.  4,  with  note. 

•  Lit.,  spear  and  Are. 

>  'E(rr<i»i)ir<Ta' ,  which  Fritisch*  voold  writ*  for  itrativTM  ot  th«  HSS. 
«  Contra,  i.  10. 

•  Ut;  which  had  not  takoa  pliM 


THE  BOOK  OF  WISDOM. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  name  which  the  present  book  bore  in  the  earliest  times  was  The  Wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon, Sotpia  2a\o!ii.<iv,  or  2o0/o  'ZoXoiiwvtos,  various  forms  being  given  to  the  latter  word. 
Codex  Alexandrinus  and  Ephraemi  Syri,  for  instance,  have  2o(pio  2oAo^mctos ,-  the  Sinaitic 
Codex,  2o(f>io  %aXofuiivTos  ;  the  Vatican  MS.  (II.),  2o(f>i'o  2a\a)/iwj'os.  As  long  as  Solomon 
continued  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  author,  this  designation  was  the  prevalent  one.  After 
the  time  of  Jerome,  who,  specially  influenced  by  its  Greek  title  and  style  ("  Et  ipse  stylus 
Grcecam  eloquentiam  redolel."  Prcef-  U-  Sol.),  pronounced  the  work  pseudepigraphal,  it 
took  the  name  of  The  Book  of  fVisdorn,  which  title  passed  over  into  the  Vulgate  and  the 
different  versions  that  from  time  to  time  were  made  from  it.  In  some  exceptional  instances, 
as  by  Athanasius  and  Epiphanius,  it  was  called,  like  Ecclesiasticus,  navdperos  2o<^/a,  which 
fact  naturally  gave  rise  to  some  confusion.     It  was  also  called  ri  2o(f>ifa  simply. 

Contents. 

This  book  opens  (i.  1-5)  with  an  admonition  directed  to  the  rulers  of  the  earth  to  love  and 
practice  righteousness ;  for  only  thus  could  they  become  possessors  of  true  wisdom,  which 
proceeds  from  God,  and  unites  itself  alone  with  pure  and  uncorrupted  souls.  It  then  pro- 
ceeds to  speak  of  wisdom  in  genera!  :  the  first  five  chapters  being  devoted  to  a  recommenda- 
tion of  it  as  the  only  way  of  securing  a  blessed  immortality;  chapters  vi.-ix.  treating  of  it  in 
its  nature  and  results;  and  chapters  x.-xix.  showing  its  benefits  particularly  as  illustrated  in 
the  early  Israelitish  history. 

"  As  in  the  older  literature  touching  wisdom,  so  here,  the  idea  divides  itself  into  two  parts: 
the  objective  or  divine,  and  the  subjective  or  human,  wisdom.  Human  wisdom  is  either 
theoretical  or  practical.  As  theoretical,  it  includes  all  human  wisdom,  all  branches  of  human 
learning,  —  insight  into  the  coherence  of  the  structure  of  the  universe,  chronology,  physics, 
astronomy,  zoology,  pneumatology,  psychology,  botany,  pharmacy  (vii.  17-21),  history,  art, 
the  making  of  apothegms  and  parables  and  their  interpretation,  as  well  as  riddles  and  their 
solutions  (viii.  8),  the  gift  of  prophecy;  in  one  word,  it  knows  the  seen  and  the  unseen  (vii. 
21)  as  Taf  ifTav  yvwiTts  a.'peviiis  (vii.  17).  As  practical,  it  includes  within  itself  insight  into 
the  external  relations  of  life,  the  weighing  and  using  of  them  to  one's  own  advantage  (vii. 
16;  viii.  6,  18),  as  also  skill  in  preparing  works  of  art  (xiv.  2)  ;  while  in  moral  and  religious 
respects  it  comprehends  the  knowledge  of  God  and  the  supernatural  world  (i.  2  ff.,  ix.  17  ;  x. 
16,  cf.  ii.  13),  perception  of  the  divine  will  (ix.  13,  17  f.),  and  its  holy  counsels  in  the  leading 
of  single,  pious  persons  (ii.  22;  x.  1-15),  as  of  the  entire  sacred  folk  (x.  15  f.,  xi.  1  ff. ;  -xvi.- 
xix.).  It  also  embraces  a  way  of  thinking  and  acting  corresponding  to  this  knowledge,  and 
so  is  represented  as  source  and  essence  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues  (viii.  7)  enlarged  to  the 
general  ideas  of  religiousness,  piety,  and  virtue  (vi.  17;  viii.  7;  ix.  11  f.),  while  <r6(pot  (iv.  17) 
is  made  to  alternate  with  SlKaw!  (iv.  7,  16)  in  the  representative  ideal  character.  According 
to  which  view,  the  notion  of  human  wisdom  is  so  comprehensive  that  we  may  apply  to  it 
without  hesitation  the  definition  of  the  Stoics  adopted  in  4  Mace.  (i.  16)  :  7i'M(ris  Belaiv  xal 
avdpwirlvuv  npayfidrajv  Kol  rtav  roxnwv  ainlav  ....  But  human  wisdom  has  its  ground  and  source 
in  the  divine,  original  wisdom  (Prov.  ii.  6;  Ecclus.  i.  1),  in  that  the  spirit  of  divine  wisdom 
pervades  all  pure,  finite  spirits  (vii.  23);  hence  while  in  Proverbs  (iii.  13-20;  viii.)  the 
recommendation  of  human  wisilom  sometimes  runs  into  enthusiastic  praise  of  the  divine,  in 
our  book  the  idea  of  human  and  divine  wisdom  are  not  seldom  intermingled  (cf.  vii.  12;  viii. 


222  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


6).  As  human  wisdom  is  nothing  else  than  the  substance  of  all  the  higher  intellectuil  and 
moral  qualities  of  man,  so  in  the  conception  of  the  divine  wisdom  concentre  all  perfections 
of  God  which  in  his  relation  to  the  worlii  —  in  its  creation,  preservation,  and  government  — 
he  brought  into  operation  and  still  employs.  It  is  the  intelligent  might  and  activity  of  God,  aa 
emanation  from  Him,  in  which  the  divine  being  is  reflected  without  admixture,  according  to 
his  efficiency  and  goodness  (vii.  25  f.),  and  is  furnished  with  divine  attributes  (vii.  22  f.);  it 
is  most  intimately  related  to  God  (viii.  3),  was  at  his  side  in  the  creation  of  the  world  as 
artificer  of  all  (vii.  21;  viii.  6;  ix.  9),  extends  itself  throughout  the  universe  (vii.  27), 
imparting  to  it  firmness  and  support  (i.  7),  and  is  universal  ruler  (viii.  1) ;  it  is  initiated  into 
the  divine  thought,  and  by  its  means  God  forms  his  plans ;  and  so  it  is  the  principle  by  which 

the  Almighty  creates  and  rules  both  in  the  physical  and  moral  world It  glorifies  itself 

in  the  guidance  of  the  good,  especially  of  the  Israelitish  people,  as  a  pious  people  (x.-xii.  ;- 
xvi.-xviii.),  and  in  this  respect  is  one  with  Providence.  As  might  and  efficiency  of  God  in 
the  physical  and  moral  world,  it  is  identical  with  the  Spirit  of  God  (i.  4  f.  7,  vii.  7,  22;  ix. 
17  ;  xii.  1)."     See  Grimm,  Einleit.,  pp.  3,  4. 

Unity  and  Integrity. 

Until  within  little  more  than  a  hundred  years,  no  one  had  ever  raised  a  question  concern- 
ing the  unity  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  The  first  to  do  so  was  Houbigant,  a  priest  of  th& 
oratory  (^Prolegomena  in  Scripturam,  ii.  160  ff.,  and  Notoe  Criticce,  pp.  216,  221),  who  divided 
it  into  two  parts,  —  the  first  ending  with  the  ninth  chapter,  which  he  maintained  had  beea 
originally  written  in  Hebrew,  with  Solomon  for  its  author;  while  the  second  part,  including 
the  remainder  of  the  book,  was  supposed  to  hare  been  composed  by  some  later  Jewish  writer, 
possibly  the  translator  of  the  first  part.  Subsequently  Eichhorn  (Einleii.  in  die  Apok. 
Schrift.,  pp.  142-148)  likewise  advocated  the  opinion  that  the  book  was  composed  of  two  dis- 
tinct parts,  but  (unlike  Houbigant)  held  that  the  point  of  division  was  at  the  close  of  the  second 
verse  of  the  eleventh  chapter.  His  reasons  were:  (1)  that,  from  this  point  in  the  eleventh 
chapter  onwards,  Solomon  was  no  longer  represented  as  speaking,  and  wisdom  no  more  praised 
and  recommended ;  (2)  that  the  second  portion  was  directed  against  idolatry,  to  which  Solo- 
mon in  his  later  life  had  been  addicted,  and  hence  it  was  out  of  harmony  with  the  first; 
(3)  that  the  latter  part  also  differed  from  the  first  in  ideas  and  style;  and  (4)  that  the  frag- 
mentary character  of  the  latter  part,  especially  at  its  close,  could  be  thus  better  explained. 

Bertholdt,  moreover  (Einleit.,  p.  2261),  came  to  the  support  of  these  arguments  of  Eichhorn,, 
but  with  the  modification  that  they  did  not  prove  that  the  book  was  to  be  divided  at  xi.  2, 
but  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth  chapter.  Bretschneider  (De  Libri  Sapientice,  part,  pri.),  on  th& 
other  hand,  divided  the  book  into  four  parts  :  of  which  i.-vi.  8  was  held  to  be  a  fragment  o£ 
a  greater  apologetic  work,  which  had  been  written  in  Hebrew  at  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes;  vi.  9-x.  21  was  the  product  of  a  cultivated  Jew  living  at  the  time  of  Christ;, 
while  xii.  1  to  the  end  was  tlie  composition  of  an  ordinary,  less  cultivated  Jew,  living  also  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  who,  moreover,  in  order  to  give  a  semblance  of  unity  to. 
the  other  parts,  inserted  chapter  xi.  to  bind  them  together.  Finally,  Nachtigal  saw  in  the 
book  a  sort  of  anthology  of  various  compositions  on  wisdom,  having,  as  he  reckoned,  not 
less  than  seventy-nine  different  authors. 

Without  attempting  to  notice,  in  detail,  each  of  these  theories,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give 
•he  positive  grounds  on  which  the  opinion  that  our  work  is  one  unbroken  composition  can  be 
properly  and  confidently  based.  (1.)  It  is  not  made  up  of  heterogeneous  materials,  which 
only  with  difficulty  can  be  brought  into  connection  with  one  another,  but  of  similar  matter 
on  one  unvarying  subject,  naturally  and  closely  connected  both  in  tendency  and  form,  and 
making  together  a  well-ordered  whole.  There  is  no  one  of  the  many  separate  sections  into 
which  it  may  be  divided  in  which  the  way  is  not  prepared  for  saying  what  is  subsequently 
said,  and  the  following  thought,  as  it  were,  foreshadowed.  Cf.,  for  instance,  ii.  24,  last 
clause;  iv.  20;  ix.  18.  The  last  case  is  the  more  remarkable  because  it  is  just  here  where 
Houbigant  decided  that  the  division  must  be  made  between  the  first  and  second  parts,  while 
the  following  koI  ovtus  clearly  point  to  what  had  just  gone  before.  Cf.  also  the  preparatory 
thought  at  xii.  23-27,  and  the  following  yap  in  xiii.  1,  which  Bertholdt  seems  to  have  over- 
looked in  deciding  for  a  division  of  the  book  at  that  place.  The  claim  that  the  ostensible 
writer  must  be  made  alike  prominent  throughout  the  work,  that  there  must  be  no  new  aspectt 
—  as,  for  instance,  a  historical  in  place  of  a  more  abstract  and  philosophical  —  under  wbich> 


THE   BOOK  OF   WISDOM.  223 


the  one  subject  is  to  be  presented,  and  that  a  composition  must  avoid  all  antitheses,  —  like 
speaking  of  skepticism  and  atheism  on  the  one  hand,  and  superstition  and  idolatry  on  the 
other,  as  over  against  true  wisdom,  in  order  to  be  free  from  the  charge  of  a  lack  of  unity, 
cannot  for  a  moment  be  admitted.  (2.)  The  difference  in  the  material  treated  in  the  several 
portions  being  duly  considered,  there  is  throughout  the  entire  work  a  remarkable  similarity 
in  language  and  style,  —  a  language  and  style,  moreover,  which  are  characteristic  of  it, 
consisting  of  compound  nouns  and  adjectives,  of  examples  of  playing  on  words,  assonance, 
and  the  like,  especially  certain  favorite  expressions  of  the  author,  all  of  which  occur  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent  in  every  part  of  the  book.  This  will  fully  appear  in  what  is  remarked 
under  the  following  head.  We  would  call  attention  here  only  to  the  parallelisms  of  the  later 
chapters,  in  which  respect  they  agree  with  the  earlier  (vi.  10-17,  22,  24;  vii.  7-16  ;  viii.  9- 
18;  ix.  Iff.;  x.  18-21;  xii.  12,  18;  xiii.  1,  3,  18  ;  xiv.  2,  12;  xv.  11  ;  xvi.  28);  and  to  the 
like  frequent  occurrence  everywhere  of  in  and  yip,  —  a  fact  denied  by  Bretschneider,  —  by 
means  of  which  a  thought  is  made  dependent  on  what  precedes  (vi.  15-18;  vii.  16,  22,  26, 
28-30;  ix.  13-15  ;  xi.  9,  12-14;  xii.  11-13;  .\iv.  8-15  ;  xv.  2-4). 

The  integrity  of  the  book  has  also  been  denied,  but,  generally  speaking,  only  by  those  who 
have  doubted  its  unity.  Houbigant,  for  instance,  affirmed  that  it  contained  weighty  proph- 
ecies ;  and,  since  no  prophecy  of  the  Old  Testament  had  come  down  to  us  anonymously, 
declared  that  therefore  there  must  have  been,  originally  at  least,  a  title  to  the  book  in  which 
the  name  of  the  writer  was  given.  But,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  very  little  to  say  against  the 
integrity  of  a  book  to  affirm  that  it  lacks  a  proper  title;  and,  secondly,  the  grounds  on  which 
this  affirmation  is  based  in  the  present  case  are  false.  There  are  Old  Testament  writings  — 
if  not  entire  books,  like  the  Proverbs  ^  which  are  at  least  quasi  prophetic,  and  still  have  no 
title;  the  second  Psalm,  for  example.  Others  —  as  Grotius,  Calmet,  Eichhorn,  Hasse,  and 
Heydenreich  —  have  maintained  that  the  work  was  incomplete  at  its  close.  The  principal 
reason  urged  for  this  view  has  been  that  the  illustrations  from  Israelitish  history  do  not 
extend  beyond  the  escape  from  Egypt,  and  a  part  Of  the  period  in  the  wilderness.  But  it 
may  well  be  asked  if  this  is  not  sufficient.  The  book  has  certainly  an  orderly  conclusion  in 
the  words  :  "  For  in  all  things,  O  Lord,  thou  didst  magnify  thy  people,  and  glorify  them, 
neither  didst  thou  lightly  regard  them,  but  didst  assist  them  in  every  place."  What  had 
already  been  proved  with  respect  to  a  part  of  the  history  is  thus,  in  the  way  of  summary, 
declared  to  have  been  true  of  the  whole. 

Grotius  and  Graetz  have  found  here  and  there,  as  they  think,  traces  of  additions  from 
Christian  hands.  The  latter  lays  these  supposed  additions  to  the  charge  of  copyists  who 
have  thereby  sought  to  introduce  their  own  doctrinal  views.  (Gescliichte,  iii.  443  ff.)  The 
passages  he  mentions  are  ii.  24  ;  iii.  13  ;  iv.  1  ;  xiv.  7.  Of  these,  two  (iii.  13  ;  iv.  1),  could 
only  by  a  great  stretch  of  the  imagination  be  supposed  to  have  any  reference  to  Christian 
doctrine,  while  of  the  remaining  two,  one  (xiv.  7)  evidently  refers  to  Noah's  ark,  and  not, 
as  it  is  supposed,  to  the  cross,  and  the  other  (ii.  24),  which  represents  that  death  came  into 
the  world  through  the  envy  of  the  devil,  was  also  a  Jewish,  and  not  distinctively  a  Christian, 
doctrine.  (Cf.  Com.,  ad  loc.)  Hence  we  conclude  that  if  the  work  be  not  entire,  and  in  the 
main  uncorrupted,  exception  can  only  be  taken  to  minor  deficiencies  and  the  loss  of  a  clause 
or  two,  here  and  there,  as  at  i.  15  ;  ii.  8. 

Language  and  Style. 
The  entire  book  was,  without  doubt,  originally  written  in  the  Greek  language.  The  author 
was  a  Jew  versed  in  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  and  hence  his  composition  contains,  to 
some  extent,  Hebraistic  expressions  (cf.,  for  instance,  i.  1  :  awKirris  xapSlas ;  iv.  13,  irXripovv 
Xpivov;  ix.  6,  T€'\€iot  ^i' uioit;  and  ver.  9,  UpeffTov  4v  o(p6aXfio7s  ■rivos'),  and  a  general  Hebraistic 
coloring,  particularly  in  the  employment  of  parallelisms,  and  the  quite  general  use  of  such 
connectives  as  Kal,  5e,  5ii  tooto,  yap,  and  3ti.  He  was  a  Jew,  as  is  clearly  enough  evinced  by 
the  fact  that  he  illustrates  wisdom  only  from  Jewish  history,  and  confines  its  possession  to 
Jews.  But  along  with  this  there  is  shown  such  a  thorough  knowledge  of  Greek,  and  such 
skill,  versatility,  and  cleverness  in  its  use,  that  his  work  ranks  in  this  respect  at  the  head  of 
the  apocryphal  literature,  2  and  4  Maccabees  being  alone  comparable  with  it.  We  have 
usually  indicated  in  the  commentary  below  any  marked  peculiarities  occurring  ia  its  language, 
and  need  not  therefore  here  give  more  than  a  few  examples  of  the  abundant  materials  that  are 
at  command  to  prove  its  remarkable  and  interesting  character.     The  vocabulary  is  exceed- 


224  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


ingly  rich.  Tlie  author,  as  we  have  already  seen,  betrays  a  peculiar  liking  for  compound 
words,  particularly  adjectives,  like  Tro\vxpivios ,  ii.  10;  vpuT6TT\a<TTos,  vii.  1;  SfioioiraBri!,  vii.  3; 
iie\<t>oKTiSvo5,  X.  3;  KaK6Tfx<'ot,  XV.  4;  Si/o-Si^jttjtos,  xvii.  1.  His  composition  is  much  embel- 
lished, figurative,  and  rhetorical,  sometimes  even  to  the  extent  of  fantastic  exaggeration,  in 
which  respect  he  seems  to  have  adopted  the  methods,  while  contesting  the  positions  of  his 
sophistical  opponents  who  represented  the  atheistical  philosophy  of  his  time.  (Cf.,  for  in- 
stance, his  manner  of  representing  the  Egyptian  plagues  from  chap.  xii.  on.)  There  are, 
however,  some  passages  of  great  elegance  and  beauty.  (Cf.  ii.  1  f.,  v.  15  ff.,  and  particularly 
the  description  of  wisdom  contained  in  chap,  vii.) 

Numerous  examples  of  a  play  upon  words,  paronomasia,  onomatopoeia,  and  oxymoron, 
occur  (as  in  the  very  first  verse,  ayain}<raTe  —  (ppovi}(raTe — fTirijo-aTe;  iv  i.ya86TriTt  —  t*"  o7rX(iTi)Ti , 
ovs  —  6povs,  i.  10;  napoSevtrcii  —  (TvyoS€v(rcij,  \i,  22;  a56\ws  —  a(f>d6vcMis,  vii.  13;  voirovanis  —  €v6(rovv, 
xvii.  8;  -niKThv  —  ei^TTjicToi',  xix.  21).  Sometimes  the  words  are  even  counted  off  in  order  to 
give  the  thoughts  every  supposed  advantage  of  art  or  cabalistic  combination,  as  at  vii.  22,  23, 
where  the  spirit  that  is  in  wisdom  is  characterized  by  just  Z  y,  ^  predicates.  (Cf.,  however, 
Brnch,  p.  344.)  There  are  also  a  multitude  of  instances  where  a  purely  Greek  type  of  ex- 
pression has  been  adopted,  to  which  no  Hebrew  original  would  have  naturally  led  the  way, 
and  which  certainly  no  translator  would  have  been  likely  to  make  use  of,  at  least  to  such  an 
extent.  (Cf.  i.  11,  ^eiZiaBal  nvos'^  ii.  6,  airoXaveiV  rwv  ovroiv  ayaBwv'^  iv.  2,  aySiva  viKav'i  x.  12, 
kymva  Ppaffeveiy).  The  author  employs,  too,  current  philosophical  terms  of  his  time  to  give 
expression  to  philosophical  ideas.  (Cf.  1.  4,  iv  adimri  Karixp((f  afiaprias;  ii.  2,  ouToo-xeSius  iyfv- 
yridTtfjLfv;  so  iv.  12;  vii.  22,  irveufia.  i'oep6i' ;  xi.  17,  uXtj  HfLopcposy  xiv.  3,  Trp6voia).  For  these  rea- 
sons, taken  in  connection  with  the  general  structure  and  arransement  of  the  work,  its  light- 
ness of  movement,  its  philosophical  cast,  its  many  marks  of  Hellenistic  culture,  of  which  we 
shall  soon  speak  more  fully,  the  theory  of  an  ancient  Hebrew  original,  or  of  any  other  orig- 
inal than  Greek,  is  wholly  excluded.  In  fact,  it  is  a  point  which  at  the  present  day  is 
scarcely  called  in  question,  which  at  no  time  has  been  thought  to  require  any  special  defense 
on  the  part  of  critics,  and  would  never  have  been  raised  had  it  not  been  for  the  false  theory 
of  authorship  to  which  some  have  been  led  by  the  traditional  title.  The  acquaintance  that  is 
shown  by  the  writer  with  the  LXX.  in  general  (as  at  vi.  7;  xi.  4;  xii.  8;  xvi.  22;  xix.  21), 
adduced  by  some  as  confirming  the  view  of  a  Greek  original,  has  little  bearing  on  the  subject, 
since  a  translator  might  have  been  equally  under  the  influence  of  this  version.  There  are, 
however,  a  few  passages  (a«  ii.  11,  cf.  Is.  iii.  10;  and  xv.  10,  cf.  Is.  xliv.  20),  which  show  that 
the  Hebrew  original  could  not  well  have  been  before  the  writer,  as  the  thought  in  the  Hebrew 
differs  essentially  from  the  LXX. ,  and  would  not  have  been  at  all  applicable  as  employed  by 
him. 

Author,  Time,  and  Place  of  Composition. 

From  what  has  already  been  said,  it  is  clear  that  Solomon  could  not  have  written  the  work 
before  us.  With  all  his  wisdom,  he  could  scarcely  have  been  capable  of  writing  in  Greek, 
and  that  the  later  Greek,  much  less  have  made  references  to  the  LXX.  before  it  was  known 
used  philosophical  terms  which  did  not  come  into  existence  till  some  centuries  after  his  death, 
or  have  made  the  historical  allusions  that  are  found  at  ii.  1-6,  8  ;  xv.  4.  In  fact,  no 
author  is  actually  named  in  the  book  itself,  although  it  is  clearly  enough  intimated  at  ix.  7,  8 
(cf.  vii.  1  ff. ;  viii.  10  ff.)  that  it  is  Solomon  who  spe.aks.  In  such  an  idealizing  of  the  per- 
son and  character  of  the  wise  king,  the  author  adopted  a  well-known  custom  of  his  time. 
The  value  of  a  work  was  thought  to  be  increased,  and  the  importance  of  its  teachings  en- 
hanced by  connecting  it  with  the  name  of  some  distinguished  person  who  was  considered  the 
best  representative  of  the  principles  advocated.  There  may  have  been  no  original  intention 
of  deceiving  in  the  present  case.  The  author  may  have  sought  in  this  way  simply  to  give  his 
work  a  more  dramatically  interesting  and  weighty  character  than  would  have  been  possible 
if  he  had  spoken  only  from  and  for  himself.  Such  an  idealizing  of  Solomon,  especially  as  the 
highest  representative  of  earthly  wisdom,  was  no  uncommon  thing  among  the  Jews,  even  at 
a  comparatively  early  period.  (Cf.  Eccles.,  passim).  There  is,  moreover,  just  as  little  ground, 
and  for  the  same  reason,  for  supposing  with  some  others  that  Zerubbabel  —  through  his 
restoration  of  tjie  temple  being  recognized  as  a  sort  of  second  Solomon  —  was  the  author  of 
the  Book  of  Wisdom.  Besides,  the  circumstances  of  the  case  do  not  admit  of  the  theory  o 
any  such  second   Solomon.     (Cf.  viii.  14,  ix.  1-12.)     So,   too,   Augustine's  opinion  (^Doct 


THE  BOOK  OF   WISDOM.  225 


Christ,  ii.  8),  -which  he  afterwards  himself  retracted  {Retract.,  ii.  4,  2),  that  the  son  of  Sirach, 
ihe  author  of  Ecelesiasticus,  composed  Wisdom  also,  is  disproved  by  the  totally  dissimilar 
gharaoter  of  tlie  two  works  in  every  respect  except  that  of  having  a  similar  theme. 

The  author  was  evidently  a  Jew,  living  at  Alexandria,  some  time  during  the  first  two  or 
three  centuries  before  Christ.  At  this  period,  as  is  well  known,  learned  Israelites  gave  their 
attention  largely  in  that  city,  and  elsewhere,  where  they  came  most  in  contact  with  Greek 
culture,  but  particularly  there,  to  the  study  of  philosophy,  seeking  to  bring  it  into  harmony 
with  the  Mosaic  religion,  and  this  tendency  culminated  in  a  distinct  Jewish-Alexandrian 
svstem  of  the  philosophy  of  religion,  whose  most  distinguished  representative  was  Philo. 
Definite  and  most  pronounced  traces  of  this  Jewish-Alexandrian  philosophical  tendency  are 
undeniably  found  in  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  and  it  may  be  possible  through  them  in  connection 
with  certain  historical  references  that  we  find,  to  determine  with  a  sufficient  degree  of  defin- 
iteness  the  date  of  the  composition. 

First,  the  abstract  philosophical  method  of  presenting  truth  which  our  author  adopts  offers 
one  clear  test  for  recognizing  his  Alexandrian  training.  No  pure  Hebrew,  for  example,  un- 
influenced by  the  Greek  philosophy,  would  ever  have  called  God  the  "  Originator  of  beauty" 
(k6.\Kovs  7ej'«(nopxi5,  xiii.  3),  or  have  applied  to  the  Divine  Providence  the  term  irpSvota  (xiv. 
3,  xvji.  2;  cf.  also  vii.  22,  \eTTT6v,  and  nveifia  voepSv).  Such  an  one,  moreover,  would  never 
have  spoken  of  wisdom  as  a  "  reflection  of  the  eternal  light  "  (arroiryao-^o  if>a?T!is  aiStov),  "  the 
unspotted  mirror  of  the  divine  activity  "  and  the  "  image  of  his  goodness  "  (cf.  vii.  26).  There 
might  be  mentioned,  also,  still  further  in  the  way  of  example,  the  wholly  speculative  manner 
in  which  the  narrative  of  the  brazen  serpent  is  treated  (xvi.  6  f.)  and  the  grounds  given  for 
the  condemnation  of  the  heathen  (xiii.  1  ff.).  Just  as  little,  in  the  next  place,  could  any  one 
but  a  cultivated  Hellenist  have  appropriated  to  his  use  terms,  expressions,  and  ideas  thMt 
originated  in  the  philosophical  schools  of  the  Greeks,  and  are  still  recognized  as  characteristic 
of  them.  We  learn,  for  example,  that  "  the  corruptible  body  presseth  down  the  soul,  an<l 
the  earthly  tabernacle  weigheth  down  the  mind  "  (ix.  15),  which  idea  is  purely  Platonic,  at 
least  in  this  extreme  form  of  it.  At  another  place  (viii.  19;  cf.  vii.  1),  as  will  appear  from 
any  just  exegesis  of  the  passage,  the  doctrine  of  the  preexistence  of  the  soul  is  plainly  recog- 
nized; at  another,  that  the  world  was  constructed  from  "formless  material"  (v\-n  ifioptpos, 
xi.  17),  both  of  which  notions  are  derived  from  the  school  of  Plato.  So,  too,  the  canlinal 
virtues  are  represented  (viii.  7)  as  four,  after  the  manner  of  Aristotle,  and  the  image  of 
Lethe  is  used  for  forgetfulness  (xvi.  11),  and  the  manna  of  the  wilderness  is  represented  as  a 
sort  of  Jewish  ambrosia  (yevos  a/x^poalas  Tpo<l>ris,  xix.  21). 

It  is,  further,  a  thought  in  which  a  mild  reproduction  of  the  Stoical  philosophy  is  easily 
recognizable,  when  our  author  speaks  of  wisdom  as  stretching  itself  from  one  end  of  the 
world  to  the  other,  and  of  the  Spirit  of  God  as  filling  the  universe,  and  so  as  being  a  kind  of 
"soul  of  the  world  "  (cf.  i.  7;  vii.  24;  viii.  1).  At  least,  such  a  representation  is  quite 
unlike  the  purely  Jewish,  in  that  the  personality  of  God  is  thereby  much  too  little  empha- 
sized. The  epithets  given  to  wisdom  also,  in  a  number  of  places,  are  at  once  seen  to  be  tech- 
nical and  of  a  sort  that  often  appears  in  the  philosophical  writings  of  the  Greeks.  It  is  said 
(vii.  22  if.)  to  have  a  irpfiifia  vo(p6v,  to  be  /ioyoyevh,  TroXvfifph,  \nrT6v,  ivKtvrrrov,  and  to  possess 
other  characteristics  to  the  number  of  twenty-one.  In  such  a  heaping  up  of  adjectives,  our 
author  resembles  Philo,  without,  however,  going  to  the  same  extreme  with  him.  The  latter, 
in  one  instance,  applies  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  different  epithets  to  a  person  in  order 
to  characterize  his  licentiousness.  (Cf.  Langen,  Judenthum,  p.  31,  note.)  Moreover,  the 
entire  conception  and  handling  of  the  idea  of  wisdom  in  the  book  is  one  that  would  have  been 
impossible  in  the  days  of  king  Solomon,  and  if  not  in  actual  conflict  with  that  presented  in 
the  Book  of  Proverbs,  certainly  shows  in  some  important  respects  a  considerable  advance 
upon  it,  and  approaches,  to  say  the  least,  the  hypostasizing  of  Philo  in  his  Kiyos  ivSidSeros 
and  Trpo(popiK65.  In  addition  to  these  various  reasons  for  predicating  an  Egyptian  and 
Alexandrian  origin  for  our  work,  the  local  coloring  appearing  in  the  last  part  of  it  is  also  to 
be  particularly  noticed.  Certain  Egyptian  forms  of  idolatry  are  clearly  described  (xv.  18), 
and  the  hatred  that  is  manifested  towards  the  Egyptians  betrays  itself  as  being  against  con- 
temporaries and  those  with  whom  intimate  relations  were  sustained.  On  these  grounds, 
therefore,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Book  of  Wisdom  came  from  the  pen  of  a 
Hellenist  living  at  Alexandria  some  time  during  the  first  three  centuries  before  Christ,  since 
only  in  Alexandria  and  its  neighborhood  at  this  period  could  any  such  combination  of  Biblical 
16 


226  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


teaching  with  Grecian  philosophical  speculations  and  the  other  external  circumstances  de- 
scribed have  been  historically  possible. 

But  may  not  the  date  be  more  definitely  fixed?  It  has  been  said  that  the  work  represents 
Jewish-philosophical  tendencies  which  culminated  in  Philo.  Was  not  Philo  himself  its 
author?  This  opinion  has  been  entertained  by  not  a  few  distinguished  scholars,  especially 
in  the  last  century.  Philo  was  once  sent,  with  two  other  representatives  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity at  Alexandria,  as  commissioner  to  Rome,  to  make  an  appeal  to  the  emperor  Caliorula 
respecting  certain  alleged  grievances  of  his  countrymen.  The  delegation  was  not  well 
received,  and  it  has  been  thought  that  this  circumstance  may  have  been  the  occasion  for 
Philo's  writing  the  present  book.  But,  while  the  work  in  some  of  its  features  might  well  fit 
in  to  this  historical  niche,  there  are  certain  other  facts  which  make  such  a  theory  impossible. 
First,  it  would  be  at  least  very  strange,  if  Philo  were  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  that 
it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  apparently  full  list  of  Philo's  writings  given  by  Eusebius  {H.  E., 
ii.  18)  and  by  Jerome  (Calal.  Script.  Eccl.^,  respectively.  And  in  the  next  place,  our  book, 
while  agreeing  in  some  particulars  with  Philo's  philosophical  views,  in  others  differs  from 
them  most  essentially,  though,  generally  speaking,  standing  in  the  relation  to  them  of  a 
system  imperfect  and  crude  to  one  fully  developed  and  complete.  Our  author  appears  more 
as  one  who  had  taken  up  current  philosophical  ideas  and  expressions  for  incidental  use,  with- 
out having  thoroughly  worked  them  over  in  the  laboratory  of  his  own  mind.  He  philosophizes, 
but  without  having  any  fixed  philosophical  system  of  his  own.  In  Philo,  for  instance,  we 
find  Plato's  idea  of  the  human  constitution  as  threefold  fully  adopted;  while  the  pseudo- 
Solomon  never  recognizes  it,  although  he  has  good  opportunity  for  doing  so  (cf .  i.  1 ;  viii. 
19  f.;  ix.  15,  if/ux^  ^"1*1  ''"'''  •  3.nd  xv.  11,  i^ux^"  ivepyovaiw  and  irvdna  ((utikSv,  with  the  remarks 
in  the  Commentary  in  connection  with  the  last  passage).  Again,  at  ii.  24,  it  is  said  that 
death  came  into  the  world  through  the  envy  of  the  devil ;  while  the  doctrine  of  evil  spirits 
was  unknown  in  the  school  of  Philo,  and  death  was  understood  to  be  the  necessary  result  of 
the  union  of  soul  and  body.  Indeed,  one  of  Philo's  fundamental  dogmas  was  that  the  body- 
is  the  seat  and  source  of  evil,  —  a  dogma  which  he  brings  out  with  great  sharpness  and 
clearness,  and  one  which  exerts  a  controlling  influence  on  his  whole  speculative  system, 
while  our  author  makes  only  a  bare  allusion  to  it,  as  though  it  were  something  to  which  he 
assented,  but  without  understanding  the  fall  consequences  of  such  assent  (i.  4  ;  viii.  19  f.). 
Further,  at  iii.  7,  18,  if  by  the  "  day  of  visitation  "  spoken  of,  the  judgment  at  the  end  of  the 
world  is  meant,  as  many  suppose,  it  would  be  an  idea  also  quite  foreign  to  the  works  of  Philo. 
But  a  chief  objection  to  the  theory  of  such  an  authorship  for  the  Book  of  Wisdom  is  that, 
while  wisdom  is  its  principal  theme,  this  <rocl>la  is  nowhere  represented  as  sustaining  such  a  rela- 
tion to  the  Aii7oj  as  is  everywhere  made  prominent  in  Philo.  With  him  they  were,  in  fact, 
identical,  and  represented  a  personal  being.  How,  then,  would  it  have  been  possible  for  him 
to  have  kept  this  thought  out  of  sight  (as  at  ix.  1,  2  ;  xvi.  12;  xviii.  15),  if  he  had  been  the 
author  of  the  present  book?  It  is  to  be  admitted  that  the  idea  of  cocpla  as  presented  in  the 
Book  of  Wisdom  bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  that  of  the  \6yos  in  Philo;  but  it  is  used  in 
a  far  less  comprehensive  sense,  and  is  never  actually  hypostasized.  For  these  reasons,  then, 
to  say  nothing  of  difference  of  style  and  minor  discrepancies  between  the  writings  of  Philo 
and  this  work  of  the  pseudo- Solomon,  —  such  as  concerning  the  length  of  the  period  of 
pregnancy  (vii.  2),  the  condition  of  souls  in  a  previous  existence  (viii.  19  f.),  and  the  punish- 
ment of  the  Egyptians  through  serpents  (xi.  15),  — ■  the  theory  that  the  former  wrote  the  Book 
of  Wisdom  cannot  for  a  moment  be  entertained.  Josephus  (Contra  Ap„  i.  2."!)  speaks  of 
another  Philo  as  having  written  about  Jewish  affairs.  "  However,  Demetrius  Phalereus, 
and  the  elder  Philo,  with  Eupolemus,  have  not  greatly  missed  the  truth  about  our  affairs, 
whose  minor  mistakes  ought  therefore  to  be  forgiven  them."  Anil,  inasmuch  as  it  seemed 
necessary  to  some  (Drusius,  De  Henocho,  cap.  xi.)  to  have  a  Philo  for  the  writer  of  our 
work,  and  the  later  one  does  not  answer  to  the  conditions  required,  they  have  declared  that 
"t  must  have  been  this  elder  one.  But  in  the  first  place  he  was,  according  to  Josephus,  a 
beathen,  and  could  not  so  have  written  of  Jewish  affairs  fo  Jews;  and,  secondly,  we  know 
for  a  certainty  nothing  further  about  him  than  what  is  found  in  the  Jewish  historian  just 
mentioned. 

Besides  the  name  of  Philo,  that  of  Aristobulus  has  been  mentioned  as  the  possible  author 
of  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  He  was  a  teacher  (SiSaff/caXos)  of  King  Ptolemy  VI.  Philometor 
(b.  c.  180),  to  whom  also  he  dedicated  an  allegorical  exposition  of  the  Pentateuch.     He  i» 


THE  BOOK  OF  WISDOM. 


mentioned  in  2  Maccabees  (i.  10)  as  having  sprung  from  a  priestly  family,  and  as  having 
been  addressed  in  a  letter  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  to  the  Egyptian  Jews,  as  being  their  most 
distinguished  representative  at  that  time.  The  letter  is  indeed  without  date;  but  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  well-known  peripatetic  Aristobulus  of  Alexandria,  living  at  the  time 
of  Ptolemy  VI.,  is  meant.  He  was  the  most  noted  forerunner  of  Philo  in  allegorizing  the 
Old  Testament,  and  by  means  of  interpolations  and  substitutions  even  attempted  to  make 
old  Greek  writers  like  Homer  speak  in  the  interests  of  the  Jewish  religion.  Fragments  of 
his  writings  have  been  preserved  by  Eusebius  and  Clement  of  Alexandria.  But  there  is 
nothing  in  them  that  would  lead  one  to  identify  him  with  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom. 
Moreover,  his  position  at  the  J^gyptian  court  was  such  that,  even  if  he  had  desired  it,  he 
could  not  with  safety  have  written  of  kings  as  our  author  has  done.  But  he  would  not  have 
wished  or  been  prompted  to  write  in  this  manner,  since  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  VI.  the 
condition  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  was  most  favorable,  while  from  such  passages  as  xi.  5  ff.,  xii. 
23  ff.,  and  chaps,  xvi.  and  xix.,  it  is  evident  that  the  present  book  was  composed  at  a  time 
when  the  Israelites  were  oppressed  by  their  enemies.  In  addition  to  these  two  leading  ten- 
dencies of  modern  criticism  as  it  respects  the  authorship  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  there  may 
be  mentioned  the  theory  of  Eichhorn  {Einteit,,  p.  134),  which  is  adopted  also  by  Gfrorer  (p. 
265  ff.),  Dahne  (p.  170),  and  Jost  (^Geschichte,  p.  378),  that  the  author  was  one  of  the 
sect  of  Therapeutae.  The  opinion  is  based  on  such  passages  as  iii.  13  ff.  ;  iv.  8  f.;  viii.  21; 
XV.  28.  A  Jewish  sect  of  this  sort,  corresponding  to  the  Essenes  of  Palestine,  as  has  been 
generally  maintained,  existed  in  Egypt  before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era,  who  were 
enthusiastic  admirers  of  the  teachings  of  Plato,  held  the  body  in  great  subordination,  were 
celibates,  and  carried  self-denial  in  very  many  respects  to  a  foolish  and  wicked  extreme. 
But  the  passages  referred  to,  when  properly  interpreted,  do  not  encourage  the  views  of  this 
supposed  sect;  and  there  is,  moreover,  nothing  in  the  book  that  would  lead  us  to  the  opinion 
that  the  author  believed  in,  taught,  or  practiced  the  hard  asceticism  which  was  held  to  be  its 
most  prominent  characteristic. 

But  let  us  now  examine  more  closely  some  of  the  historical  allusions  which  appear  on  the 
face  of  the  work  itself,  in  the  hope  that  some  one  of  them,  or  all  together,  may  help  us  to  a 
sufficiently  accurate  settlement  of  the  question  of  its  date.  The  situation  of  things,  as  pre- 
sented in  the  very  opening  chapters,  at  once  attracts  attention.  They  were  evil  times  upon 
which  the  author  had  fallen  :  "  Without  were  fightings,  within  were  fears."  Skepticism  had 
developed  itself  in  some  degree  when  Ecclesiastes  and  the  Book  of  Job  were  written,  but  by 
no  means  to  the  extent  that  it  manifests  itself  in  the  hard,  coarse,  reckless  materialism  of  the 
apostate  Jews  in  Alexandria,  who  are  allowed  to  speak  in  our  book  (ii.  10,  12,  15).  We  say 
"  apostate  Jews,"  for  it  was  on  their  account,  against  them  and  their  influence,  that  our 
book  was  undoubtedly  written.  On  any  other  supposition  the  work  could  hardly  be  under- 
stood, either  as  it  respects  its  contents  or  form.  These  materialists  denied  the  immortality 
of  the  soul  (ii.  1-5),  shrank  not  from  the  boldest  blasphemy  (i.  6-11),  sought  happiness  in 
the  wildest  libertinism  (ii.  6-11),  and  ridiculed  and  persecuted  the  God-fearing  of  their  own 
countrymen  (ii.  12-20).  The  type  of  unbelief  which  here  shows  itself  is  far  more  pronounced 
and  bitter  even  than  that  of  which  we  read  in  the  first  two  books  of  Maccabees  (1  Mace.  i. 
11-15,  41-61;  2  Mace.  iv.  10-15),  as  having  marked  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiplianes.  Jew- 
ish apostates  are  there  represented  as  giving  up  indeed  the  religion  of  their  fathers  for  hea- 
thenish rites  and  ceremonies,  but  never,  as  in  the  present  case,  as  denying  all  religion  both 
practically  and  theoretically.  But  we  know  from  other  sources  that  many  such  degenerate 
Israelites  lived  in  Alexandria  not  long  before  the  Christian  era.  Philo  has  given  a  descrip- 
tion of  them  {De  Confusione  Linguarum,  sec.  2,  De  Tribus  Virtutibu.i,  sec.  2),  saying  that  they 
not  only  scornfully  forsook  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  but  heaped  contempt  upon  it,  and  gave 
themselves  up  to  a  life  of  sensualism. 

But,  if  our  book  thus  in  its  earlier  chapters,  by  presenting  one  of  the  marked  developments 
of  Judaism  just  previous  to  the  Christian  era,  gives  us  an  intimation  respecting  the  time  of  its 
composition,  no  less  does  it  do  so  in  the  chapters  where  the  external  ground  and  occasion  of 
such  Jewish  apostasy  are  impliedly  set  forth.  It  was  the  glaring  discrepancy  between  the 
glorious  promise  of  the  Jewish  system  and  its  meagre  results,  when  compared  with  the  ap- 
parent success  of  heathenism.  This  ground  is  indeed  hinted  at  in  the  first  part  of  the  book 
(ii.  21  f.;  iii.  1-5  ;  iv.  2,  5  ff.),  but  more  fully  noticed  from  the  tenth  chapter  on.  It  is  shown 
how  the  Divine  Providence  had  I'uled  fi-uni  ihi-  tiuK^   of  Adam  till  Moses  (x.-xii.);  what,  OQ 


228  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


the  other  hand,  idolatry  was  in  its  origin ;  what  it  had  become  in  its  highest  and  lowest 
forms;  how  foolish,  how  immoral  in  its  tendency  it  had  ever  been,  and  how  it  had  sooner  or 
later  plunged  all  those  in  misery  who  had  been  addicted  to  it  (xiii.-xv.).  Especially  was 
all  this  the  case  with  the  degrading  worship  of  brute  beasts,  as  practiced  in  the  hind  of  Egypt 
(xii.  24;  cf.  xi.  15,  and  xv.  18  ff.).  From  this  point  of  view  the  transition  was  natural  to 
the  condition  of  Israel  at  that  time.  Under  the  veil  of  an  exaggerated  narrative,  tlie  events 
which  took  place  on  the  deliverance  of  Israel  from  Egypt,  in  which  the  contrasted  experi- 
ences of  the  two  peoples  are  vividly  portrayed,  the  writer  utters  his  words  of  warning  alike 
to  apostate  Israel  and  her  oppressors,  while  to  the  God-fearing  and  faithful  he  makes  promise 
of  speedy  deliverance  and  enlargement. 

Now  such  a  state  of  political  affairs  in  Egypt  as  the  book  impUes  we  should  not  look  for 
earlier  than  the  period  (b.  c.  ■284-246)  given  as  the  date  of  the  LXX.  translation,  on  which 
our  book  shows  clear,  if  limited,  traces  of  dependence.  Moreover,  we  should  not  look  for 
them  during  the  reign  of  the  earlier  Ptolemies,  who,  as  it  is  well  known,  treated  the  Jews  in 
Egypt  with  great  favor  and  liberality.  On  the  other  hand,  we  may  not,  for  reasons  already 
given,  especially  the  relation  it  sustains  to  Philo's  system,  that  is,  as  holding  an  intermedi- 
ary position  between  it  and  the  more  objective  philosophy  of  the  earlier  Judaism,  give  our 
work  a  date  too  near  the  Christian  era,  much  less,  for  the  same  and  many  other  reasons,  a 
still  later  one.  Hence,  we  are  shut  up  to  the  conclusion  that  it  must  have  been  composed  by 
an  Alexandrian  Jew  some  time,  but  not  too  long,  after  the  beginning  of  the  later  persecutions 
of  the  Jews  in  Egypt,  that  is,  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  VII.  Physcon  (b.  C.  145-117),  or 
his  nearest  successors.  To  attempt  to  fix  the  date  more  exactly  would  seem  to  be  as  futile 
as  it  is  unnecessary. 

Doctrinal  TeacMng. 

A  number  of  points  by  means  of  which  the  doctrinal  teaching  of  our  book  might  be  charac- 
terized have  been  already  noticed  under  the  previous  head,  such,  for  instance,  as  that  of  a  per- 
sonal evil  spirit  (ii.  13  ff.),  who  is  identified  with  the  tempter  of  our  first  parents;  the  over- 
mastering influence  of  the  body  upon  the  soul  (ix.  15);  the  preexislence  of  the  latter  (viii. 
20;  cf.  vii.  I);  and  the  creation  of  the  whole  world  from  a  previously  existing  formless  ma- 
terial (e'l  aii6p<pov  v^vs,  xi.  17),  in  all  of  which  particulars,  except  the  first,  the  author  stands 
not  only  outside  the  teaching  of  the  Bible,  among  the  philosophers  of  his  time,  but,  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously,  takes  an  attitude  in  a  certain  degree  antagonistic  to  the  Bible. 

The  general  aim  of  his  work,  however,  is  undoubtedly  a  good  one.  It  is  to  show,  alike 
from  philosophy  and  history,  as  against  the  materialists  of  his  day,  that  the  proper  goal  of 
life  was  nut  mere  existence,  however  long,  or  pleasure  of  any  sort,  but  something  nobly  intel- 
lectual and  moral,  and  that  the  pious  Israelite  was  in  the  surest  path  to  its  attainment.  The 
author  teaches  concerning  God  that  He  is  a  spirit,  that  He  is  almighty,  omniscient,  omnipres- 
ent, and  in  other  respects  that  He  possesses  the  attributes  which  are  imputed  to  Him  in  the 
Old  Testament.  The  divine  holiness  is  indeed  but  little  emphasized  (xii.  16),  but  still  it  is 
implied  in  the  recognition  of  other  absolute  attributes  (xii.  3,  15  ;  xiv.  9  ;  xvi.  24).  The  idea 
is,  in  fact,  included  in  the  irocpia  that  is  ascribed  to  Him,  which  is  not  something  merely  in- 
tellectual, but  has  also  a  moral  significance.  (Cf.  vii.  22,  ao<t>ia^  ciKii/  rjjs  ayafloTTjTos  Bsoi'). 
Sometimes  Jehovah  is  apparently  made  to  act  from  an  exclusively  Jewish  point  of  view  (iii. 
16-18;  iv.  3-5,  et passim),  and  hence  with  too  great  severity,  and  perhaps  a  shade  of  injus- 
tice, towards  certain  classes.  But,  in  general,  the  representation  of  him  is  Biblical.  The 
divine  personahty  is  made  less  of  than  would  have  been  the  case  if  the  book  had  originated 
at  an  earlier  period  and  under  different  circumstances,  but  it  is  not  pantheistic  in  its  teach- 
ing. Where  this  might  seem  to  be  the  case  (cf.  (pairht  aiStou,  vii.  26,  et  passim),  it  is  to  be 
ascribed  to  the  peculiar  coloring  given  to  the  thought  by  the  Alexandrian  philosophy.  God  is 
a  father,  a  God  of  mercy,  exercises  a  providence  over  men  (.\iv.  3),  and  hears  their  prayers 
(vii.  7;  viii.  21  ff.).  According  to  Niigelsbach  (Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  s.  v.),  the  idea  of  the 
Trinity  even  is  objectively  adumbrated  in  what  our  book  has  to  say  of  the  aoipla,  Koyos,  and 
the  Trvfvfia,  the  last  being  represented  as  one  with  <ro(p(a  without  being  the  same  as  it  (i.  7; 
ix.  1  7).  But  it  would  seem  rather  that  such  a  conjunction  of  words  was  in  this  case  simply 
accidental,  and  it  is  certain,  as  Niigelsbach  also  admits,  that  our  author  himself  had  no  tan- 
gible idea  in  )iis  mind  of  the  later  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  or  of  the  incarnation.  (Cf.  Haise, 
O.  249,  and  Bruch,  p.  345  f.) 


THE  BOOK  OF   WISDOM.  229 


In  its  anthropology,  the  teachings  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom  are  espeoialh-  noticeable,  and 
perhaps  most  open  to  objection.  The  chief  end  of  man,  the  summum  honum  of  his  strivinTS 
and  hopes,  is  represented  to  be  the  possession  of  wisdom.  It  was  that  which  constituted  the 
image  of  God  in  which  man  was  at  first  created  (ii.  23),  and  his  fall  was  a  loss  of  the  same. 
The  author  recognizes  the  fact  of  our  fallen  condition,  but  (as  we  have  said)  essentially  only 
as  a  fall  from  knowledge  (ii.  22,  ovk  tyvaiaav  /ivtrrripia  Qeov),  and  so  really  no  fall  at  all;  since 
the  having  or  not  having  knowledge  is  not  a  matter  which  is  necessarily  dependent  on  free 
choice.  Wisdom  is  indeed  regarded  as  something  that  includes  a  knowledge  of  God,  which 
even  by  the  Master  is  made  synonymous  with  eternal  life  ;  but  with  our  author  it  is  the 
knowledge  that  is  insisted  on  (eV/trTao-flai,  eiSoVes,  xv.  2  f.),  and  knowledge,  as  it  should  seem, 
in  quite  another  sense  than  is  indicated  by  the  word  yiviiaKu  as  employed  at  John  xvii.  3. 
Man  may  know  God,  and  still  not  glorify  Him  as  God,  which  is  the  very  chief  sin  of  all 
(Rom.  i.  21,  25).  The  Scriptural  order  is  here  in  fact  reversed,  and  man  is  exhorted  first  to 
know,  rather  than  to  submit.  (Cf.  John  vii.  17,  and  1  Cor.  ii.  14-16.)  A  struggle  of  the 
will,  a  conflict  between  the  "law  in  the  members  "  and  a  higher  law  of  right,  to  which  assent 
must  be  given,  is  only  dimly  recognized  (xiii.  1  ;  xvii.  10).  So  Kiibel  -.^  "  [Pseudo]  Solo- 
mon finds  the  highest  good  (in  the  sense  of  a  good  and  of  the  absolute  good),  not  in  sino-le 
virtues,  not  in  'outward  works  of  the  Law;  '  moreover,  also,  not  in  a  primary  sense  in  the 
'  inner  cleansing  of  the  heart,'  but  in  nothing  else  than  in  (To(pla,  which  man  makes  his  own 
by  reason  of  his  constitution  (as  a  if/uxi),  wOs,  denken),  in  his  thought,  —  yes,  even  in  hia 
knowledge.  The  perception,  knowledge  of  God  (of  God  and  wisdom  objectively  considered) 
is  the  highest  good.  From  their  possession  follows  necessarily  —  so  it  is  declared  —  the 
single  virtues,  holiness.  Should  we  characterize  the  (nKpta  on  its  objective  and  subjective 
side  as  the  '  truth,'  so  is  the  truth  according  to  [pseudo]  Solomon  the  highest  principle  of 
morality." 

Now,  it  might  indeed  be  possible  to  give  to  the  idea  of  wisdom  so  much  depth  and  breadth 
of  meaning,  in  its  relations  to  man  subjectively  considered,  that  it  would  be  a  fair  representa- 
tion of  the  Scriptural  doctrine  concerning  him,  his  original  endowment,  his  present  need,  and 
his  future  destiny.  But  that  is  just  what  our  author  does  not  do.  Wisdom  is  represented  in 
its  relation  to  man's  striving,  in  the  main,  as  the  object  of  his  understanding,  his  reason, 
something  that  he  makes  his  own  through  the  operations  of  his  thinking  powers.  Righteous- 
ness itself  (as  we  have  said)  is  but  a  product  of  the  tro<pla  regarded  as  a  knowing,  and  "  love, 
the  care  of  education."  (Cf.  i.  5;  vi.  17.)  There  is,  in  short,  neither  in  man's  fall  nor  in 
his  recovery  a  suUicient  recognition  of  the  corrupt  human  will  as  choice,  disposition,  —  in 
short,  character,  and  as  being  the  principal  thing  over  against  the  divine  character  and 
claims.  Man  is  indeed  blamed  for  not  taking  the  right  attitude  towards  wisdom.  But  the 
author's  false  conception  of  wisdom  in  its  essential  character  as  highest  good  renders  man's 
choosing  or  not  choosing  it,  after  all,  morally  speaking,  a  comparatively  indifferent  thing. 
His  sin  is  rather  a  misfortune  than  a  crime.  A  stamp  of  predetermination  is  thereby,  in  fact, 
given  to  all  one's  relations  to  God,  and  his  own  duty  even,  to  the  extent  that  it  becomes  a 
fatal  exaggeration  of  the  Biblical  teaching  concerning  the  "  determinate  counsel  and  fore- 
knowledge of  God."  In  the  Book  of  Proverbs  much  is  also  made  of  wisdom  ;  but  its  true 
relation  to  the  heart,  the  moral  attitude  of  man,  is  never  overlooked  or  obscured.  The 
"fear  of  the  Lord"  is  made  its  beginning  (Prov.  i.  7;  cf.  Ps.  cxi.  10),  while  here  its  begin- 
ning is  said  to  be  the  "desire  of  instruction  "  (vi.  17  :  cf.  also  Prov.  iv.  23;  xv.  11  ;  xvi.  2; 
xvii.  3).  In  the  pseudo-Solomon,  indeed,  the  conception  of  wisdom  corresponds  in  a  remark- 
able degree  to  the  false  modern  idea  of  "  culture  "  as  the  highest  good.  There  may  indeed 
be  some  difference  with  respect  to  what  is  supposed  to  constitute  the  proper  objects  of 
knowledge;  but  in  this  particular  —  the  principal  one  —  the  philosophy  of  the  Alexandriaa 
pseudo-Solomon  and  that  of  the  would-be  Solomons  of  to-day  are  one  and  the  same,  —  that 
to  know  is  the  acme  of  human  attainment. 

This  fundamental  error  of  our  author  becomes  the  source  of  many  minor  ones,  and  o-lves  a 
false  and  mischievous  direction  to  his  entire  work.  It  is  on  this  ground,  for  instance,  that 
such  an  abnormal  position  is  assigned  to  the  Israelitish  people  as  a^whole.  Such  epithets  a3 
fTSfs  »eov,  Sffios  Aaut,  ouTip  \e\oyitrfi4mi,  crnep/ia  Syut/nirroi',  are  applied  to  them,  and  their  land 
I  called  TiiiiardTTiyij,  ayia  yH.  etc.  (See  ix.  4,  7;  x.  15  ;  xi.  1 ;  xii.  19;  xv.  2  f.,  14  ;  xviii.  1.) 
It  is  quite  a  different  language  which  is  used  in  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Testament 

1   Sivd.  u.  Kri:..  1865,  703  £f.  2  Kiibel,  Idem,  p.  704. 


230  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


concerning  them  (cf.  Deut  ix.  4  fF.  27,  xxxiii.  9;  Ezek.  xx.  8  £f.,  xxiii.  3  ff. ;  Neb.  ix.  16  ff). 
But  if  the  highest  good  is  a  wisdom  that  can  be  grasped  by  the  intellect,  and  righteousness  an 
external  knowledge  of  God  (^MffraaSai  @f6v,  xv.  3),  then  the  writer  is  consistent,  since  he 
looks  upon  the  Israelites  as  possessors  of  such  knowledge.  In  fact,  as  Kiibel  has  well 
remarked,  it  does  not  appear,  under  the  circumstances,  how  the  Israelites  could  well  have 
sinned  at  all  (xv.  2 ;  xviii.  20).  The  same  inconsistency  would  be  involved  in  such  a  con- 
ception as  in  that  of  the  supposed  fall  of  Adam,  whose  original  righteousness  consisted,  not 
in  love  and  obedience  to  God,  but  in  an  inborn  knowledge  of  him  (^firlyvucris  ©eoO). 

The  teaching  of  the  book  on  the  subject  of  eschatology  has  been  to  a  considerable  extent 
indicated  in  the  Commentary  at  i.  13.  We  will  here  only  add,  that  the  assertion  of  Keerl 
(Apok.  Frage,  1852,  p.  42),  that  pseudo- Solomon  teaches  the  doctrine  of  the  final  annihilation 
of  the  wicked,  seems  not  to  be  borne  out  by  the  facts.  The  wicked,  on  the  contrary,  are 
represented  as  suffering  pain  after  death  (taovrai  eV  oSuyp,  iv.  19),  while  having  a  knowledge 
of  the  happy  condition  of  the  righteous  (v.  1  £.).  The  expressions  used  to  characterize  the 
final  condition  of  the  lost  are  indeed  strong  (i.  11,  12,  16  ;  ii.  24  ;  iii.  11,  18;  iv.  19;  v.  14; 
XV.  6,  10;  xvii.  21),  but  perhaps  no  stronger  than  are  used  in  the  canonical  Scriptures  for  the 
same  purpose.  In  fact,  the  word  edvaro!  seems  to  have  been  employed  in  much  the  same 
sense  in  our  book  as  at  Rev.  ii.  11,  xxi.  8,  that  is,  as  referring  to  the  second  death.  It  is  no- 
ticeable that  in  the  Book  of  Wisdom  is  found  the  first  intimation,  among  all  the  Biblical  writ- 
ings, that  heaven  is  the  dwelling-place  of  the  righteous  (iii.  14  ;  cf.  Is.  Ivi.  4,  5)  ;  or,  in  other 
words,  that  the  common  abode  of  the  dead.  Hades,  is  divided  into  two  parts,  assigned  to  the 
evil  and  to  the  good  respectively  (iii.  7  ;  iv.  2;  v.  15  ff.).  The  passage  at  Tob.  iii.  6,  which 
Frisch  (Eichhorn's  AUg.  Bib.  der  bib.  Lit.,  iv.,  p.  fr67)  cites  as  conveying  the  same  thought,  has 
probably  another  meaning.  A  final  judgment,  also,  seems  to  be  dimly  foreshadowed  (iii.  18, 
(v  rifLfp<}  Siayviifffuis),  although  critics  are  not  agreed  whether  it  is  referred  to  this  world  or  to 
the  next,  or  whether  it  may  not  even  be  used  in  a  general  sense  for  any  visitation  of  God 
upon  the  sins  of  men  (cf.  iii.  7,  13;  iv.  20).  But  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  iv. 
20  ("  At  the  reckoning  up  of  their  sins,"  iv  crvWoyiaiicp  anapTrtfiiTa>i>  avruv),  taken  in  connec- 
tion with  what  immediately  succeeds,  refers  to  a  judgment  which  follows  death  and  precedes 
the  entrance  upon  one's  final  destiny  (cf.  Bretschneider,  Systemat.  Darstell.,  p.  311).  It  is 
to  be  remarked,  however,  that  there  fails,  in  the  doctrine  of  immortality  as  taught  in  the 
Book  of  Wisdom,  that  which  is  one  of  its  most  prominent  characteristics  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, —  namely,  any  distinct  allusion  to  the  resurrection  of  the  body. 

Our  author,  moreover,  knows  nothing  of  redemption  through  a  personal  Redeemer  to  come. 
Such  a  thought  was  indeed  foreign  to  the  whole  drift  of  his  work.  According  to  it,  no  other 
Redeemer  was  either  possible  or  desirable  than  the  iroipla.  Such  passages  as  xiv.  13,  xviii. 
4,  that  are  understood  by  Grimm  as  implying  a  future  Messianic  realm,  have  simply  a  general 
reference.  The  clearly  expressed  predictions  of  the  prophets  from  Genesis  to  Malachi,  con- 
cerning one  who  should  appear  as  prophet,  priest,  and  king,  and  should  "  restore  the  kingdom 
to  Israel,"  finds  not  the  slightest  echo  in  the  work  of  our  thoroughly  Hellenized  Israelite  of 
Alexandria.  "  Salvation  is  with  him  but  a  purely  subjective  process,  made  possible  indeed 
by  a  divine  act,  but  this  divine  act  not  a  new  one  to  be  hoped  for  at  a  later  period,  but  an  old 
one,  the  first,  the  act  of  creation.  In  it  the  <ro<pla  has  entered  into  the  SAt;  and  formed  the 
Kicr/jios.     He  who  recognizes  this  is  saved."     Cf.  Kiibel,  /.  c,  p.  722. 

External  History. 
No  traces  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom  have  as  yet  been  found  in  any  other  extant  works  which 
originated  previous  to  the  Christian  era.  The  use  of  it  by  New  Testament  writers,  although 
asserted  by  some  critics  (Nachtigal,  p.  13  ;  Stier,  Die  Apokryphen,  p.  18ff.)  cannot  be  proved, 
and  is  improbable.  The  three  or  four  passages  giving  most  color  to  the  opinion  (Luke  xi.  49 
ff.,  cf.  Wisd.  ii.  12-20;  Rom.  i.  20  ff.,  cf.  Wisd.  xiii.  1  ff. ;  Rom.  ix.  21,  cf.  Wisd.  xv.  7;  Eph. 
vi.  13  ff.,  cf.  Wisd.  V.  17  ff.),  have  all  important  differences,  either  in  form  or  matter,  and 
their  similarity,  as  far  as  it  exists,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  a  common  fund  of  infor- 
mation was  open  to  both,  in  the  Old  Testament  and  in  tradition,  while  to  the  writers,  aa 
being  alike  Jews,  the  materials  as  well  as  methods  of  education  could  not  have  been  whol^ 
dissimilar.  In  Clement  of  Rome  (1  Cor.  xxvii.,  cf.  Wisd.  -xX.  22;  xii.  12),  there  is  a  possibU 
allusion  to  our  book,  although  the  passage  might  have  been  taken  from  the  LXX.  at  Job  is 
12.     According  to  the  testimony  of  Eusebius  {H.  E.,  v.  26),  Irenaeus  composed  a  work  \. 


THE  BOOK  OF  WISDOM.  231 


which  he  made  use  of  it,  as  also  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  we  find,  too,  in  his 
treatise  Adv.  Hcer.  (iv.  38,  cf.  Wisd.  vi.  19),  an  undoubted  reference  to  the  Book  of  Wisdom. 

The  supposed  enumeration  of  it  among  Old  Testament  canonical  books  in  the  canon  of 
Melito  is  disproved  by  a  more  careful  exegesis,  and  the  well-known  passage  in  the  canon  of 
Muratori,  in  which  it  would  at  first  sight  appear  that  our  book  is  referred  to  in  connection 
with  otherwise  exclusively  Christian  writings,  admits  of  and  requires  another  rendering.  The 
fragment  as  preserved  reads  :  "  Et  sapienlia  Salomonis  ab  amicis  Salomonis  in  honorem  ipsius 
scripla."  But  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  with  the  later  critics  (Wieseler,  Stud.  u.  Krit., 
1847,  iv.,  p.  846  f.;  Credner,  p.  153  ff.;  Hilgenfeld,  Der  Kanon  und  die  Kritik  des  N.  T.,  p. 
40  ff.),  for  et  should  be  read  ut,  by  which  simply  a  comparison  would  be  instituted  between  the 
epistles  of  Paul  mentioned,  and  the  sapientia  Saloinonis.  And  it  even  admits  of  doubt 
whether  by  the  last  expression  the  Book  of  Wisdom  is  really  meant  at  all,  and  not  rather  the 
Proverbs  of  Solomon,  which  in  the  early  church  were  also  sometimes  so  designated. 

After  the  time  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  the  leading  Christian  fathers  may  be  divided  into 
two  classes  with  respect  to  their  estimation  of  our  book.  The  first,  which  included  with 
Clement,  among  others,  Hippolytus,  Cyprian,  and  Ambrose,  holding  it  for  a  work  of  Solo- 
mon, and  hence,  as  a  matter  of  course,  for  a  divinely-inspired  production.  The  second, 
which  embraced  such  names  as  Origen,  Eusebius,  and  Augustine,  although  denying  the 
authorship  of  Solomon,  still  looked  upon  the  book  as  inspired,  and  treated  it  with  much  the 
same  respect  as  the  canonical.  It  is,  however,  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  great  confusion 
existed  regarding  all  the  supposed  works  of  Solomon  at  this  time,  in  consequence  of  which 
our  book,  doubtless,  not  infrequently  received  credit  properly  belonging  only  to  those  with 
which  it  was  ordinarily  associated.  It  bore,  in  common  with  Ecclesiasticus,  for  instance,  as 
one  of  its  names,  rt  2o(pta.  Jerome  also  cites  the  former  book  (C  Pelag.,\.  33),  under  the  title 
Liber  Sapientice.  Augustine  (^Ep.  cxl.  75)  cites  Prov.  i.  26,  with  the  words  in  quodam,  libra  Sa- 
pienti<B.  In  fact,  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  the  Latin  fathers  to  include  the  three  canon- 
ical books  usually  ascribed  to  Solomon,  together  with  Ecclesiasticus  and  Wisdom,  under  one 
title,  and  cite  from  any  one  of  them  indifferently  as  apud  Salomonem.  (Cf.  Cyp.,  Test.,  iii.  6, 
12  ;  Hieron.,  in  Ez.  xxxiii.  1.)  This  usage  has,  moreover,  been  retained  in  old  Roman  mis- 
sals, these  five  books  {"  libri  Sapientiales")  being  severally  designated  tiber  Sapientice.^ 
Hence  Schmid  and  others  go  quite  too  far  in  claiming  all  the  fathers  who  cite  our  work 
tinder  the  formula,  "  Solomon  says,"  as  actually  maintaining  the  authorship  of  Solomon. 
What  the  real  opinion  of  Jerome,  for  example,  was,  notwithstanding  his  adoption  of  the  pre- 
vailing loose  habit  of  quotation,  is  evident  from  what  he  says  in  his  preface  to  the  books  of 
Solomon,  where  he  speaks  of  the  liber  ipevSfTrlypaipos,  qui  Sap.  Sal.  inscribitur.  And  Augustine 
also  says  {De  Civ.  Dei,  xvii.  20),  after  enumerating  the  three  canonical  books  of  Solomon: 
"  Alii  vera  duo,  quorum  unus  Sap.,  alter  Eccli.  dicitur,  propter  eloquii  nonnullam  similitudinem 
ut  Salomonis  dicantur  ohlinuit  consuetudo ;  nnn  autem  esse  ip.iius  non  dubilant  doctiores  (cf. 
also  2)oe(.  Chr.,  ii.  8).  Athanasius,  as  also  Ruffinus,  distinctly  assigns  the  work  to  a  second- 
ary rank.  The  Book  of  Wisdom  was,  however,  received  along  with  other  apocryphal  works 
among  the  canonical  at  the  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  A.  D.  397),  and  shares  in  general  the 
treatment  of  the  latter  in  the  subsequent  history. 

The  Text. 
The  Greek  text,  as  we  have  already  shown,  is  the  original.  It  is  preserved  complete  in 
the  three  great  MSS.,  Vatican  (II.).  Sinaitic  (X.),  and  Alexandrine  (III.),  and  in  part  in 
the  Codex  Ephraerai  (C).  In  addition  to  the  various  readings  collected  in  the  Holmes  and 
Parsons  edition  of  the  LXX.  from  the  MSS.  23.  65.  68.  106.  155.  157.  248.  253.  254.  261. 
296.  — for  a  particular  description  of  which,  with  others,  see  General  Introduction  —  there 
have  been  also  collated  at  Paris  by  J.  C.  Thilo,  the  following  codices  of  our  book  :  A.  Aa. 
(a  fragment  found  in  connection  with  the  first  named)  B.  C.  D.  E.  E.  G.  H.  I.  The  same 
critic  also  gave  specimens  of  these  variations  in  a  work  published  at  Halle  in  1825  {Speci- 
men Exerc.  Crilt.  in  Sapient.  Sal.)  The  commentary  of  Grimm  on  the  Book  of  Wisdom  con- 
tains many  valuable  criticisms  of  the  text,  to  most  of  which  attention  has  been  called  in  the 
present  book.  An  edition  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom  in  Greek,  by  Reusch  (Freiburg,  1858), 
gives  the  usual  text  according  to  the  Sixtine  edition,  with  readings  from  Holmes  and  Parsons, 
BendtseB,  Thilo,  and  Grimm,  together  with  patristic  citations  collected  by  himself,  and  the 

'  Cf.  Reiisch.  Einttit.  ii%  das  A.  T.,  p.  148. 


232  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

variations  of  the  Armenian  version.  In  1861,  at  the  same  place,  this  critic  also  published 
Observationes  CriticcE  in  Librum  Sapientice.  All  of  these  works  have  been  duly  made  use  of  by 
Fritzsche  in  his  Libri  Apocryphi  Veteris  Tesiamenti  Greece  (Lips.,  1871),  and  important  critical 
remarks  made  in  addition.  According  to  this  critic,  the  best  text  is  to  be  found  in  U.  and 
68.  and  the  next  best  in  X.  and  C.  The  remainder  are  less  pure,  and  this  is  especially  true 
of  248.  which  is  followed  by  the  Complutensian  Polyglot. 

The  Book  of  Wisdom  is  extant  also  in  Latin,  Syriac,  Armenian,  and  Arabic  versions.  Of 
these  the  Latin,  which  originated  before  the  time  of  Jerome  and  was  left  for  the  most 
part  untouclied  by  him,  is  by  far  the  most  important.  It  generally  agrees  with  the  Vatican 
Codex,  and  renders  the  Greek  text  with  unusual  literalness.  The  differences  consist  mostly 
in  short  additions  in  the  Latin,  made,  as  it  would  seem,  for  the  sake  of  clearness  or  other 
like  reasons,  none  of  them  being  of  much  weight.  Of  the  three  remaining  versions  the  Ar- 
menian is  much  the  most  trustworthy.  It  originated  about  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century, 
follows  the  Greek  generally  word  for  word,  even  to  imitating  most  skillfully  its  play  on  worde, 
and  in  other  respects  is  a  most  important  aid  in  the  critical  study  of  our  book. 


THE 

WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON. 


Chapter  I. 

1  Love  righteousness,  ye  that  be  judges  of  the  earth  ;  think  of  the  Lord  in  np- 

2  Tightness,^  and  in  simplicity  of  heart  seek  him  ;  for  he  will  be  found  of  them  thai 

3  tempt  him  not,  and  sheweth  himself  unto  such  as  do  not  distrust  ^  him.  For  fro- 
ward  thoughts  separate  from  God,  and  his  power,  when  it  is  tempted,'  reproveth* 

4  the  unwise.     For  into  a  malicious  soul  wisdom  will  *  not   enter ;  nor  dwell  in  a 

5  body  "  that  is  subject  unto  sin.  For  the  holy  spirit  of  discipline '  will  flee  deceit, 
and  remove  from  thoughts  that  are  without  understanding,  and  will  be  frightened 
away  °  when  unrighteousness  approaches.^ 

6  For  wisdom  is  a  philanthropic  '"  spirit ;  and  will  not  acquit  a  blasphemer  of  his 
words  ;  for  God  is  witness  of  his  reins,  and  a  true  beholder  of  his  heart,  and  a  hearer 

7  of  the  "  tongue.     For  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  tilleth  the  world  ;  and  that  which 

8  holdeth  together  the  All  '^  hath  knowledge  of  the  voice.  Therefore  he  that  speaketh 
unrighteous    things   cannot   be    hid ;    neither  shall  Justice,^^    when   it    puuisheth, 

9  pass  by  him.  For  there  shall  be  inquisition  "  into  the  counsels  of  the  ungodly  ; 
and  the  knowledge  '^  of  his  words  shall  come  unto  the  Lord  for  the  punishment  '* 

10  of  his  wicked  deeds.     For  the  ear  of  jealousy  heareth  all  things  ;  and  the  noise  of 

1 1  murmurings  is  not  hid.  Therefore  beware  of  unprofitable  murmuring ;  "  and  re- 
frain your  tongue  from  backbiting ;  for  secret  speech  shall  not  go  unpunished  ;  '^ 
and  a  mouth  ^^  that  belieth  slayeth  the  soul. 

12  Strive  not  after  death  through  the  false  direction  ^°  of  your  life  ;  and  draw  ^^  not 

13  upon  yourselves  destruction  through  '^  the  works  of  your  hands ;  for  God  made  not 

14  death  ;  neither  hath  he  pleasure  in  the  destruction  '^  of  the  living.  For  he  created 
all  things,  that  they  might  exist ;  '^*  and  the  productions  "^  of  the  world  are  -^  health- 
ful ;  and  there  is  no  poison  of  destruction  in  them,  nor  is  '■"  the  kingdom  of  death 

15,  16  upon  earth.-*     For  righteousness  is  immortal;   but  injustice  is  an   inheritance 

Vers.  1-4.  —  *  A-  V. :  with  a  good  heart  (Qr.,  iv  ayaQarfin  ;  .Tun.,  bonitate  [et  simplicitate  cordis).  -  For  ^t/  airia- 

Tovaw  III.  has  ^tj  iriirrevovfTtv .  The  former  reading  in  supported  by  citations  of  Didymus,  Origen,  Jerome,  and  the  Ar. 
and  Armen.  Tersions.  Cod.  261.  has  irnrrtuouo-i,  as  also  the  Vulg.  and  Syr.,  but  it  may  hare  been  meant  simply  as  an 
interpretation  of  the  common  text,  i.  e.,  not  disbelieying  =:  believing.  ^  A.  V.  :  tried  (see  Com.).  *  marg.,  mai- 

ttk  manifest  {s^e  Com.).        ^  shall.        ^  the  body. 

Vers.  5-8.  —'  A.  V. :  For  ttiiiScim  [text,  rec,  with  II.  23.  and  others)  III.  248.  A».  C.  E.  I.  with  a  number  of  the 
fathers  read  o-oi^ta?.  But  the  latter  is  probably  not  genuine,  having  been  introduced  from  ver.  6  as  a  gloss.  *  A.  V. : 
not  abide  (marg.,  is  rebuked,  or  skewetk  itself;  Gr.,  i)s£yx9r]v^Ta.i :  verscheucht  werden,  Grimm  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk, 
which  meaning  best  suits  the  context ;  see  Com.).  ^  cometh  in  (Gr.,  cTreAfloutnjs).  *"  loving  ("  loving-'  in  the  sense 
that  it  cares  for  men  ;  at  vii.  23  in  A.  V.  rendered,  kind  to  man).  For  irvcv/ia  tro^ia.  of  the  Vulg.  (with  II.)  Codd.  III.  23 
106.  261.  296.  B.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Armen.  read  rrv^ixa.  (ro(f}ias,  which  would  make  the  two  words  subject,  instead  of  the 
latter  alone.  That  o-oi^ta  is  without  the  article  need  not,  however,  decide  tbe  matter.  Cf.  vii.  24,  x.  9.  "  A.  V. :  his 
so  III.).        '2  containeth  all  things  (marg.,  uphot/Jeth,  which  is  more  nearly  correct ;  see  Com.).        ^^  vengeance  (Gr., 

ii<cil).  Fritzsche,  with  Grimm,  has  received  ovie  >ii  for  oxiii  (i^r  from  III.  X.  23.  106.  155.  248.  al.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Job 
ixviii.  13. 

Yen.  9-11.  —  "  A.  V.  :  For  inquisition  shall  be  made  (the  verb  is  eorai ;  on  fitajSovXtoi;,  see  Com.).  '°  sound  (Gr. 

iuco^,  here  message,  knowledge,  i.  e.,  that  which  is  heard).  '"  manifestation  (marg.,  reproving).  ^^  murmuring, 

which  is  unprofitable.        ^^  there  is  no  word  so  secret,  that  shall  go  for  nought  (see  Com.).        '*  the  mouth. 

Vers.  12-15.  —  ^  A.\.:  Seek  not  (^t|  ^TjAoilTe)  death  in  the  error  iiv  TT\a.tr[i).  'l  pull  (en-tinraff^e)  ....  upon  your- 

seires.  z=  with  iev).     Fritzsche  ireceives  this  preposition  from  III.  55.  106.  155.  157.  al.  Co.         ^^  Cod.  III.  reads  eir' 

iyyeAeia  for  en-'  ajrinKeia  ;  Aid.  has  eV  for  eni.         ^4  A.  V.  :  have  their  being.         ^  generations  (see  Com.).        ^  wert 
"  omits  is.        *^  the  earth.     For  owre  iJSou  III.  65.  29ti.  Co.  have  oi»5e  f . 


234 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


of  death  ;  and  ^  ungodly  men  by  -  their  works  and  words  called  it  to  them  ;  in  that 
they  held  it  for  a "  friend,  they  consumed  to  nought,  and  made  a  covenant  with  it, 
because  they  are  worthy  to  have  *  part  with  it. 

Ver.  16.  —  *  The  words  injustice  is  an  inheritance  of  death  ;  and  we  supply  with  Fritzecbe  from  the  Old  Lat.    It  seemf 
necessary  to  complete  the  parallelism.    Cf.  Grimm,  and  Com.  below.  "  A.  V  :  with.  ^  y^  when  they  thought 

to  have  it  their,        *  take 


Chapter  I. 


Ver.  1 .  Judges.  Rulers  in  general  are  meant, 
to  whom,  according  to  Oriental  ideas,  the  right 
of  judgment  also  appertained.  Cf.  vi.  4;  ix. 
Thev  are  here  addressed  naturally  from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  writer,  who  is  represented  as  such 
himself. 

Ver.  2.  Tempt  him  not.  The  meaning  is : 
God  will  be  fuund  of  such  as  do  not  by  unright- 
eous dealing  show  that  they  doubt  whether  there 
be  a  righteous  God,  and  .so  in  effect  challenge 
him  to  do  his  worst  against  them.  Cf.  Deut.  vi. 
16;  Acts  V.  9,  xv.  10;  1  Cor.  x.  9.  —  'ATrt(TTeTv. 
This  word  is  only  found  here,  at  x.  7  ;  xii.  1 7  ; 
xviii.  1,  3  ;  and  2  Mace.  viii.  1,3,  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment Greek.  But  cf.  Mark  xvi.  16,  and  Sopho- 
cles' Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  3.  2ko\ioI  means  crooked,  bent,  and  as 
here  applied  to  thoughts  refers  to  those  which  do 
not  take  the  tight  direction,  i.  e.,  towards  God.  — 
'EAf'yxf'i  convinces,  convicts,  through  correction. 
—  AoKtfia(ofifyri  is  used,  as  it  would  seem,  in  the 
same  sense  as  ireipdCovtriv  in  the  preceding  verse. 
Cf.  ii.  17,  19,  ill.  5  f.,  xi.  9  f . ;  2  Cor.  xiii.  5  ;  Heb. 
iii.  9, —  where  these  words  are  also  employed  as 
essentially  synonymous. 

Ver.  4.  MallciouB,  tcaKSnx^^*'-  Lit.,  usinq 
evil  arts.  Cf.  xv.  4  f.  ;  Horn.,  //.,  xv.  14. —  Ka- 
rdxpfos,  involved  in  debt.  The  word  is  used  by 
Polybius  to  denote  what  is  pawned,  mortgaged. 
Cf.  also  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc.  The  idea  seems 
to  be  that  the  body  has  come  wholly  into  the 
power  of  sin  ;  is  "  sold  "  under  sin,  as  Trfwpafifvot 
is  rendered  at  Rom.  vii.  14.  The  entire  being  of 
man  is  doubtless  here  meant  to  be  comprehended, 
according  to  the  usage  of  the  Old  Testament,  in 
the  expressions  "soul"  and  "body."  Cf.  also  2 
Mace.  vii.  37  ;  xiv.  38  ;  xv.  30.  Grimm  sees  in 
these  statements  a  recognition  of  one  of  the  funda- 
mental dogmas  of  Philo,  that  the  body  is  the 
Bource  and  seat  of  moral  evil,  although  it  does 
not  seem  to  us  necessarily  to  follow  from  the 
language  used.  Moreover,  such  au  idea  would 
appear  to  be  opposed  to  what  the  author  teaches 
just  below,  verse  14,  and  at  viii.  20;  xi.  18  f.  The 
Karixpfos  aiiaprlas  might  refer  to  the  body  as  now 
found,  rather  than  as  originally  created. 

Ver.  5.  "A7io>'  ....  irveGyua.  This  expression 
first  occurs  here  and  at  ix.  17  in  the  Greek  Bible. 
It  often  lacks  the  article,  also,  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, as  well  as  iryivfia  06oD,  the  latter  more 
seldom.  —  Of  discipline,  i.e.,  of  education.  The 
Holy  Spirit  is  represented  as  the  Spirit  that  edu- 
cates man  in  the  highest  sense,  although  the  idea 
of  chastisement  may  be  also  included.  Grotius 
falsely  understands  by  Tri/cC/ia  here  the  human 
spirit:  "tpsa  constitutio  aniini,qu(c  sopientia  dici- 
tur."  —  'Will  be  frightened  away.  This  mean- 
ing of  the  word  ^Acyx^'J^^rai,  which  according  to 
Grimm  is  historically  well  supported,  seems  to  be 
at  this  place  more  apjiropriate  than  the  one  given 
in  the  A.  V.,  inasmuch  as  the  parallelism  with 
the  preceding  <(>et/f€Toi,  inavatrriiirfTai  is  thereby 
more   clearly   brought    out.      In    the   preceding 


verses  the  author,  like  Philo  (cf.  Dahne,  i.  42  fE., 
368  ff.),  lays  it  down  as  a  fundamental  principle 
that  moral  purity  is  a  necessary  subjective  con- 
dition to  the  attainment  of  a  knowledge  of  the 
divine. 

Ver.  6.  rip  seems  to  refer  to  the  entire  pre- 
ceding section.  The  very  fact  that  wisdom  is  a 
philanthropic  spirit  would  make  it  impossible  for 
it  to  leave  sin  unnoticed  and  unpunished  in  the 
man  that  seeks  it ;  and  because  it  is  such  a  spirit, 
therefore  it  would  not  be  so  difficult  as  one  might 
suppose  to  attain  to  it. 

Ver.  7.  FiUeth  the  world.  The  perfect  tense 
(III.  157.  have  the  aorist)  denotes  an  existing  state 
of  things.  Cf.  Winer,  272  f.  —  OikoujueVt).  Prop- 
erly, the  inhabited  earth  ;  then  the  earth  in  gen- 
eral. Here  the  word  is  used  antithetically  to  the 
TO  -tidyTa  of  the  following  clause.  The  same  idea 
of  the  spirit  of  the  universe  is  found  in  Plato. 
Grimm  cites  parallel  passages,  also,  from  Aristeas 
and  Philo.  Gutberlet,  on  the  other  hand  {Com.,  ad 
he),  remarks  that  the  omnipresence,  all-pervad- 
ing omniscience  of  God  is  so  clearly  set  forth  in 
theOld  Testament  (Ps.  cxxxix.),  that  it  is  strange 
that  so  many  see  in  this  verse  the  Stoic  or  Pla^ 
tonic  doctrine  of  the  soul  of  the  world.  But  the 
truth  as  taught  in  the  Old  Testament  never  takes 
on  this  precise  and  characteristic  form,  which 
plainly  shows  that  it  had  already  passed  out  of 
the  domain  of  revelation  into  that  of  philosophy. 
What  is  here  said  of  the  Spirit  of  God  is  also 
said  elsewhere  (iii.  24  ;  viii.  1 )  of  wisdom,  which 
would  make  them,  according  to  the  teaching  of 
our  book,  identical.  Cf.  also  verse  2  with  vi.  12, 
16,  and  Prov.  viii.  17.  —  Holdeth  together  the 
All,  !.  e.,  sustains  it,  keeps  it  from  going  to  pieces. 
This  thought,  which  is  the  primary  one  of  the 
verb  avpexf'",  is  not  uncommon  in  its  present 
application  in  classical  and  ecclesiastical  Greek. 
Cf.  Xen.,  Anab.,  vii.  2,  8  ;  Plato,  Gorg.,  508  A  ; 
Iren.,  v.  2,  3.  —  'H  SIkti.  It  denotes  right  as 
established  usage  or  custom,  and  personitied  by 
the  Greeks,  is  daughter  of  Zeus  and  Themis.  See 
Acts  xxviii.  4,  where  this  personification  seems  to 
be  referred  to,  as  also  in  the  present  passage. 
See  Schmidt,  St/n.  d.  Griech.  Sprache,  i.  p.  352. 

Ver.  9.  Aia^ovXtov.  A  late  Greek  word,  in 
use  onlv  since  the  Macedonian  period.  Cf.  LXX. 
at  Ps.  ix.  23  ;  Hos.  iv.  9;  Polyb.  ii.  26,  3,  iii.  9. 

Ver.  10.  A  noise  of  murmurings.  @povs 
yoyyvtTfiuv,  for  yoyyv(T^6s.  A  case  of  onoma- 
topoeia. One  of  these  words  would  have  been 
enough  to  express  the  idea,  and  the  former  was 
probably  suggested  by  the  word  o5s  occurring 
just  before. 

Ver.  11.  KoTa\aAi(i.  A  word  only  found  in 
Bib.  and  eccles.  Greek.  Cf.  2  Cor.  xii.  20 ;  1  Pet.  ii. 
1  ;  and  Clem,  of  Rome,  i.  30.  — Ilopei/ircTo*.  As  the 
usual  meaning  attached  to  this  word  in  this  place 
by  commentators,  ijo  away,  escape,  is  not  otherwise 
found,  Grimm  would  refer  it  to  utterauce,  —  what 
goes  out  of  the  mouth.  —  Keyiy,  without  result. 
Here  without  evil  result,  i.  e.,  punishment.  —  Slay- 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


235 


eth  the  soul.  In  what  the  slaving  of  the  soul 
consists  is  shown  in  verses  4-6,  8,  above.  Schmid 
{Das  Buck  d.  Weisheit,  p.  134)  holds  that  here  is 
to  be  found  a  justification  (I)  of  the  expression 
"mortal  sin,"  " peccatum  mortalc"  in  use  among 
Roman  Catholics.      But  cf.  Ecclus.  xxi.  2. 

Ver.  13.  Grimm  has  brought  together  at  this 
point  our  author's  teaching  on  the  subject  of 
death.  (1.)  God  is  not  its  autlior,  verses  13,  14; 
he  made  man  immortal,  ii.  23  ;  death  came  into  the 
world  through  the  envy  of  Satan,  ii.  24  ;  through 
virtue  and  wisdom  death  may  be  escaped,  i.  15 ;  ii. 
22 ;  vi.  18;  viii.  1 7  ;  xv.  3 ;  and  a  ble.ssed  life 
with  God  in  heaven  attained,  iii.  1,  14;  iv.  2,  7, 
10  ;  v.  2,  15  ;  vi.  19 :  only  the  godless  are  visited 
with  the  punishment  of  death,  i.  12,  16  ;  ii.  24  ;  they 
have  no  hope,  iii.  11,  18  ;  v.  14;  xv.  6,  10;  thick 
darkness  will  cover  them,  xvii.  21  ;  yes,  they  will 
be  utterly  destroyed  by  God,  iv.  19,  and  their 
Bonis  perish,  i.  11.  Still,  they  are  represented  as 
suffering  pain  after  death  (eo-oi/Toi  ^v  oSvini,  iv. 
19),  while  having  a  knowledge  of  the  blessed  con- 
dition of  the  good,  V,  1  f.  The  apparent  incon- 
sistency of  representing  death  as  utter  and  .yet 
speaking  of  lost  souls  as  being  in  torment,  some 
critics  formerly  explained  by  supposing  that  the 
writer  held  to  an  intermediate  state,  in  which  (if 
not  all)  the  souls  of  the  godless  remained  until 
the  day  of  final  judgment,  when  they  were  anni- 
hilated. This  view  has,  however,  according  to 
Grimm,  been  generally  abandoned ;  since  it   is 


scarcely  possible  to  suppose  that,  if  the  author 
held  it,  he  would  not  have  more  directly  taught 
it,  that  is,  otherwise  than  by  simple  implication. 
Such  a  view  was  never  held  by  the  Jews,  and  the 
author  conld  not  have  left  his  readers,  therefore, 
to  infer  that  such  was  his  teaching  in  the  present 
case.  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  he  did  not 
use  the  word  Bdyaros  as  meaning  total  annihilation, 
but  much  as  it  is  used  in  Apoc.  ii.  11,  xxi.  8,  as 
referring  to  the  second  death  ;  that  is,  negatively, 
the  kiss  of  heavenly  blessedness,  and,  positively, 
the  everlasting  and  painful  consciousness  of  guilt. 
It  was  an  essential  tenet  of  Alexandrian  Judaism, 
according  to  Grimm,  brought  about  (as  he  sup- 
poses) by  the  influence  of  Platouism,  that  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  the  body  the  soul  en- 
tered upon  its  retribution  in  the  future  world. 

Ver.  14.  Ai  yepeaeis,  the  productions.  The 
word  has  been  used  in  this  sense  since  the  time  of 
Plato.  Cf.  xvi.  S6  ;  xix.  1 1  ;  and  xiii.  3,  5,  — 
where  God  is  called  yevtalapxv^  ^nd  yivuriov^ 
y6s. 

Ver.  15.  Fritzsche  supplies  (as  above  with 
Grimm)  from  the  Vulgate  the  part  of  verse  15  (the 
second  clause)  which  has  apparently  been  lost. 
That  the  verse  is  incomplete  seems  plain  from  the 
construction.  The  usual  parallelism  is  wanting 
and  there  is  otherwise  nothing  to  which  avT6y  in 
verse  16  could  properly  refer. 

Ver.  16.  Made  a  covenant  with  it.  Cf.  Is. 
xxviii.  15,  and  Ecclus.  xiv.  12. 


Chapter  II. 


1  For  they  '  said  among  themselves,  reasoning  ^  not  aright,  Our  life  is  short  and 
sad,"  and  in  the  death  of  a  man  there  is  no  deliverance  ;  *  and  there  has  not  been 

2  known  one  who  returned  from  Hades.*  For  we  were  '  born  accidentally  ; '  and  we 
shall  be  hereafter  as  though  we  had  never  been  ;  for  the  breath  in  our  nostrils  is' 
smoke,  and  thinking  a  spark  produced  by  the  beating  of  our  heart ;  °  which  being 

3  extinguished,  the  '"  body  will  "  be  turned  into  ashes,  and  the  ^^  spirit  will  ^^  vanish 

4  as  thin  "  air,  and  our  name  will  '*  be  forgotten  in  time,  and  no  7nan  will  '*  have  our 
works  in  remembrance  ;  and  our  life  wOl "  pass  away  as  the  trace  of  a  cloud,  and 
be  "  dispersed  as  a  mist,  that  is  driven  aumy  by  '^  the  beams  of  the  sun,  and  over- 

5  come  by  ^  the  heat  thereof.  For  our  time  ^'  is  the  passing  by  of  a  shadow  ; ''-  and 
of  ^  our  end  there   is  no  repetition  ;  ^  for  it  is  fast  sealed,  and  ^  no  man  cometh 

6  again.     Come   on,  therefore,  and  "^  let  us   enjoy  the  good  /kings  that  are  present ; 

7  and  let  us  diligently  enjoy  the  world "  as  in  youth.     Let  us   fill   ourselves  with 

8  costly  wine  and  ointments,  and  let  no  flower  of  the  spring  ^'  pass  by  us  ;  let  us  crown 

9  ourselves  with  rosebuds,  before  they  be  withered  ;  and  let  there  be  no  meadow  untrod 

Vers,  1-3,  — ^  A.  V. ;  the  ungodly.  2  reasoning  with  themselves,  but  (the  phrase  ev  eaurols  is  obviously  to  be  joined 
to  elirov).  The  preposition  Fritzsche  receives  from  III,  X,  23,  55.  106.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  It  is  also  found 
in  II.  8  A.  V.  :  tedious  (Avmjpos  ;  Jun. ^  molesta).        *  remedy  {lao-ts  ;  Juv. ,  remedia).  ^  neither  was  there  any 

man  known  to  have  ,  .  ,  .  the  grave  (see  Com.).         8  are,  '  at  all  adventure,         ^  is  as.         ^  a.  little  spark  in  the 

moving  of  our  heart  (6  Xoyos  —  C.  and  the  Greek  Bible  of  1597  (Frankfort)  as  a  reading,  oAtyo?  as  A.  V.  —  trtnvBTjp  iv 
jciiTJo-ei  leapSiatijmii';  see  Com,),  ^^  our.  "shall.  12  ou^  (23,  157  248,  253,  Co,  add  w"")-  "shall. 

**  the  soft  (xai)^^s  ;   Jun.,  mollis). 

Vers.  4-6, —«  A.  v.:  shall.  >«  shall.  "shall  "  shall  be.  "  n-ith.  =»  with,  21  pritzsche,  Grimm, 
Reusch,  and  others  adopt  Kaipin  for  Pi'o!  from  n,  (by  a  second  hand)  III,  (first  hand)  X,  68,  106,  261,  Co,  Aid,  Old  I^t. 
The  latter  word  was  probably  written  by  mistake  through  the  intluence  of  vers.  2,  4,  22  ig  a  very  shadow  that  passetb 
away  (Luther:  "  Unsere  Zeit  ist,  wie  ein  Schatten  dahin  fahrt"';  Jun,, '*  ut  umbrae  transitus  est  tempos  nostrum.") 
*^  after.        24  returning  25  go  that,         26  (yjnits  and  (so  in,,  by  first  hand,  155,  and  Jun.),         27  speedily  (marg., 

earnestly]  use  the  creatures  like.  Instead  of  icTiVei  (supported  by  II,  and  most  other  MSS.  with  Vulg,  Syr,  Ar,  Arm.) 
Codd.  III.  167.  A.  C.  D.  E.  F.  G.  H.  I,  with  Co.  read  KT^o-ei,  These  words  are  often  interclianged  in  the  MSS.  Fritzacha 
receives  i?  i-eiTTjTo?  from  III,  X,  A,  C,  D,  E,  F.  H.  {text.  rec.  ,  uk  veorqTi).  Reusch  and  Grimm  prefer  ws  iv  vemfn  (ai 
167.  248.  263,  Co,  G,  Old  Lat,),     Cf,  Rom,  xiii.  13. 

Vera.  7,  8.  —  >»  Fritische  with  Reusch  read  Japos  for  i.poi  (as  III,  65,  106,  167.  261.  296.).  Cod  X.  with  the  lat.  rat 
•mf  pert  the  latter 


236 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


by  our  luxury,'  let  none  of  us  go  without  having  part  in  ^  our  voluptuousness  ;  let 
us  leave  tokens  of  our  joyfulness  in  every  place  ;  for  this  is  our  portion,  and  our  lot 

10  is  this.     Let  us  oppress  the  poor  righteous  man,  let  us  not  spare  the  widow,  nor 

1 1  reverence  the  venerable  ^  gray  hairs  of  the  aged.    And  let  our  strength  be  the  law 

12  of  justice;  for  that  which  is  feeble  proves  itself  to  be  worthless.^  Let  us  lie  in 
wait  for  the  righteous,  because  he  is  an  annoyance  to  us  and  sets  himself  against  our 
doings ;  and  ^  he  upbraideth  us  with  offenses  against  ^  the  law,  and  lays  to  our 

13  charge  our  sins  against  discipline.'     He  professeth  to  have  a  *  knowledge  of  God, 

14  and   he    calleth   himself  a'   child  of  the   Lord.     He  came  to  be  to  us  a  rebuke 

15  of  our  opinions.'"     He  is  grievous  unto  us  even  to  behold  ;  for  his  life  is  not  like 

16  other  men's,  his  ways  are  strange.''  We  are  esteemed  by  him  as  counterfeits  ;  and  '^ 
he  abstaineth  from  our  ways  as  from  filthiness  ;  he  pronounceth  the  end  of  the  just 

17  to  be  blessed,  and  maketh  his  boast  that  God  is  his  father.    Let  us  see  if  his  words  be 

18  true  ;  and  let  us  prove  what  shall  happen  at  his  end.'^     For  if  the  just  man  be  a  '^ 

19  son  of  God,  he  will  help  him,  and  deliver  him  from  the  hand  of  his  enemies.  Let 
us  examine  him  with  despitefulness  and  torture,  that  we   may  know  his  meekness, 

20  and  prove  his  patience.  Let  us  condemn  him  to '°  a  shameful  death  ;  for  according 
to  his  words  '^  lie  will "  be  respected. 

21  These    things'*   they  did  imagine,   and  were   deceived;    for   their   wickedness 

22  blinded  "  them,  and  ™  as  for  the  mysteries  of  God,  they  knew  them  not ;  neither 
hoped  they  for  the  wages  of  piety,  nor  discerned  a  reward  for  blameless  souls. 

23  For  God  created  man  for  immortality,"'  and  made  him  to  be  an  image  of   his   own 

24  being  ;  --  but  *'  through  envy  of  the  devil  came  death  into  the  world,  and  they  that 
are  of  his  class  experience  it."^ 

Vera.  9, 10.  — i  This  sentence  does  not  appear  in  the  Greek,  but  is  adopted  from  the  Old  Lat.  by  Frltzsche,  Grimm, 
and  others.  There  is  evidence  that  it  originally  stood  in  the  text  in  the  fact  that  in  a  glossary  of  words  occurring  in 
the  Book  of  Wisdom  found  in  connection  with  Cod.  Coi.il.  n.  894,  the  word  Xeifiw  is  found,  and  it  does  not  occur  in  the 
present  text  of  the  book.  ^  A.  Y.  :  his  part  of.    (The  Greek  of  this  member  is,  fii^SeU  lifiwc  {MSS.  106.  155.  261., 

VfjiCiv)  a/xoipo9  eOTu)  (X.,  eare  ^itrrai)  tt]5  Tj^erepa?  ayepbi\ia^).         3  ancient. 

Vers.  11-U.— '  A.  V. :  is  found  to  be  nothing  worth  (ixPI'rroi'  Mcyx"<")-  Therefore  (Se  is  omitted  by  ni.  X.  106. 
156.  157.  248.  261.  296.,  and  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche).         "  omlls  and  (so  Jun.).         8  our  offending.  '  objecteth  to 

our  infamy  the  transgressions  of  our  education  (Jun.,  infamiam  irrogat  nobis  peceatontm  vita  instituta  nostrte).  ^  the. 
•  the.  1"  was  made  to  reprove  our  thoughts  (e-yeVero  iitiXv  eU  iKeyx.ov  ivvouiiv  i]fi5tv ;  Jun.,  Facttu  est  nobis  ad  redoT' 

fuendum  eogitationes  nostras). 

Vers.  15-17.  —  "  A.  V. :  are  of  another  fashion  (efTjAAayneVai,  "  aussergewoknlick,  sonderbar ;  in  dieser  Bedeutung 
teit  Aristoteles  hiiufig  bei  den  Classikern."  Grimm,  Com.  in  loc).  i=  of  .  .  .  .  counterfeits  ;  he.  "  in  the  end  of 
him.  The  Vulg.  adds  :  et  sciemiis  quce  erunt  novissima  itlitis.  Bauermeister  thought  it  should  be  received  into  the  text, 
but  not  so  Grimm,  Reusch,  Fritzsche.        i*  A.  V. :  the. 

Vers.  20-24.  —  '^  a.  V. :  with  (Jun.,  in).  ^^  by  his  own  saying  (e(c  \6ytav  clvtov  ;  the  context  influenced  our  render- 

ing  ;  otherwise  it  would  be,  as  his  words  [deseri'e) ;  cf.  Matt.  xii.  37).  "  shall.  l»  Such  things  (tuCto).         i"  own 

wickedness  hath  blinded  (aorist).  :»  omits  and.  ='  wages  of  righteousness  ....  to  be  immortal  (eir'  ai^aapria  —  Ip 
ai,.,  55.  254.)  2=  eternity.    Instead  of  iSionjTot  of  the  text,  rec,  supported  by  II.  III.  23.  A.  C.  D.,  Vulg.,  Ar.,  Clem, 

of  Alex.,  Codd.  106.  261.  Aa.  B.  with  Old  Lat.  Syr.  read  onoiomrot ;  248.  253.  E.  F.  Q.  H.,  Athanas.,  Method.,  and  other 
fathers,  aiSicmiTo^.    Grimm,  with  Bretschneider,  Reusch,  and  Fritzsche,  decides  for  the  first  (see  Com.).  '^A.Y.: 

Nevertheless.        -*  do  hold  of  his  side,  do  find  it  (see  Com.). 


Chapter  II. 


Ver.  1.  The  course  o£  thought  is  closely  con- 
nected by  yap  with  what  immediately  goes  before. 
On  the  last  clause,  cf.  xvi.  14,  and  Eccles.  viii.  8. 
It  is  an  advance  on  the  idea  expressed  in  the  pre- 
ceding clause  in  that  the  one  looks  forward,  while 
the  other  is  regarded  as  a  matter  of  experience. 
The  latter  thought  would  also,  on  that  account, 
be  properly  expressed  by  the  aorist  iyvuKTBri. 

Ver.  2.  AuToffxeS/cos,  ex  tempore.  That  is, 
without  previous  tliouglit,  and  so  without  aim, 
by  mere  accident.  The  word  occurs  as  adverb 
only  here.  The  doctrine  agrees  in  general  with 
that  of  the  Epicureans.  Of.  Schwegler's  Histori/ 
of  Philos..  p.  148.  —  Kal  A  \6yos.  The  inner 
spiritual  life  makes  itself  manifest  through  thoiiglit 
and  speech.  The  materiali.sts  of  Alexandria, 
however,  held  that  thought  itself  was  simply  a 
material  product  of  the  beating  heart.  Our  A.  V. 
followed  the  reading  0X1705,  which,  however,  as 


will  be  seen,  has  little  MS.  authority  (Cod.  C), 
and  gives  a  sense  which  does  not  agree  so  well 
with  the  context  as  the  one  proposed.  The  com- 
mon reading,  moreover,  has  the  support  of  a 
passage  in  the  Letter  of  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (iv. 
146)  :    Oi  yap  atre^eU  crwti/Sripa  vofilaavTis  that  t^" 

ij/uX'i*'.  6tc. 

Ver.  3,  The  representation  of  these  free 
thinkers  was  that  the  principle  of  life  was  simply, 
as  it  were,  a  tire  in  the  heart,  from  which  sparks 
(that  i.s  thought  and  speech)  and  smoke  (or  the 
breath)  ascended.  As  when  the  smoke  and  sparks 
cease  it  is  a  sign  that  the  tire  is  out,  so,  they 
reasoned,  when  the  breathing  and  thinking  cease 
the  man  is  wholly  dead,  body  and  soul. 

Ver.  4.  \Vill  have  our  works  in  remem- 
brance, fxvri(JiOViv(Tti  Twv  tpyojv  rifxav.  This  verb 
also  sometimes  governs  the  accusative,  in  the 
sense  of  having  present  in  the  mind  (Matt.  xvi.  9  ; 


THE  WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


287 


1  Thess.  ii.  9;  Rev.  xviii.  5).  Cf.  Winer,  p.  205. 
Orent  weight  was  laid  in  [he  later  Jewish  writings 
on  living  in  the  memories  of  men.  Cf.  Kcelus. 
xxxvii.  26;  xxxix.  11;  xli.  12;  xliv.  7-15.— 
Oitlfls.  This  form  of  the  word,  which  is  not 
Attic,  is  found  unly  in  the  New  Test:iment,  the 
LXX..  and  some  of  the  Fathers.  Cf.  Sophocles's 
Le.r.^  sub  voce. 

Vers.  7,  8.  The  reference  is  to  the  custom  at 
feasts  of  anointing  the  hody,  and  crowning  one's 
self  witli  garlands.  It  was  practiced  also  among 
the  Israelites.  Cf.  Ps.  xxiii.  5  ;  Amos  vi.  6  ; 
Luke  vii.  46. 

Ver.  '.>.  'Ayipttix'ta  (from  dye'/jcijxos)  was  used 
by  Homer  and  Pindar  in  a  good  sense  as  braiv, 
high-minded.  It  took  on  later  the  idea  of  haw/hti- 
ness,  fierceness.  Cf.  2  Mace.  ix.  7,  and  3  Mace.  i. 
25. 

Ver.  10.  Some  suppose  that  by  the  ''  poor, 
righteous  man "  the  Jews  in  general  are  meant, 
while  the  free-thinkers  are  their  heathen  oppres- 
sors. It  is  doubtful,  however,  if  the  author  would 
be  so  understood.  Among  these  free-lhinkers 
there  were  probably  apostate  Jews  as  well.  The 
later  periods  of  Jewisli  history  furnished  at  least 
not  a  few  examples  of  this  kind. 

Ver.  12.  Tliis  verse  seems  to  make  it  still 
clearer  that  apostate  Jews  are  meant,  against 
whom  ;ilone  such  arguments  would  have  any  par- 
ticular force. 

Ver.  13.  'EirayyeWeTai,  he  professeth.  This 
word  meant  originally  to  proclaim  (Lat.,  edicere), 
and  was  employed  for  public  announcements  (Xen., 
Cyrup,,  vii.  4, 2).  In  the  New  Testament,  however, 
it  is  used  generally  in  the  middle  voice,  with  the 
meaning  :  to  offer  oriels  self,  one^s  services,  or  to 
announce  one's  self  as  about  to  do  something,  to 
promise.  At  1  Tim.  ii.  10,  it  has  the  sense  of 
"  professing  to  be  something,"  —  "  professing  god- 
liness," —  after  the  analogy  of  the  sophists,  who 
offered  to  teach  something.  So  also  in  our  pas- 
s;vge.  —  Knowledge  of  God.  That  is,  God's  will 
concerning  man,  what  He  requires,  what  He  ap- 
proves, and  what  He  will  punish.  The  whole 
spirit  of  the  book,  however,  is  against  our  sup- 
posing, with  Gutlierlet  [Com.,  ad  loc),  that  it 
means  much  more  than  this,  and  approaclies  in 
idea  the  word  yivwcrKfiv  as  used  in  John's  Gos- 
pel, ii.  24  ;  v.  42  ;  xvii.  3.  —  IlaiSa  Kvpiov.  The 
words  are  doubtless  used  simply  in  a  general 
sense,  as  elsewhere  in  the  present  book.  Cf.  ix. 
4,  7  ;  xii.  19-21  ;  xix.  6.  The  Syriac  has:  "  He 
says,  'I  am  son  of  God.'"  The  Armenian: 
"  He  calls  his  person  son  of  the  Lord." 

Ver.  14.  A  rebuke  of  our  opinions.  He  be- 
came that  in  so  far  as  men  contrasted  the  senti- 
ments of  the  two,  and  their  results  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  the  free-thinkers. 

Ver.  16.  Els  Ki^S-qKov  €\oyia67iiiev  our^,  we 
are  esteemed  by  him  as  counterfeits.  Cf.  fur- 
ther iii.  17,  ix.  6  f.  ;  Acts  xix.  27.  The  impor- 
tance of  this  verb  in  a  theological  sense  is  well 
known.  "  That  is  transferred  to  the  person,  and 
imputed  to  him,  which  in  and  for  itself  does  not 
belong  to  him  ;  the  expression  Koyi^effdai  ri  rivi 
fU  W  denotes  that  something  is  imputed  to  the 
person  per  substitutionem.'  Cremer's  Lex.,  sub 
voce. 


Ver.  17.  'Ey  4K$daci.  The  meaning  outgoing, 
i.  e.,  end,  this  word  has  onlv  in  the  later  Greek. 
Cf.  Heb.  xiii.  7. 

Ver.  20.  Be  respected.  That  is,  from  the 
side  of  God.  They  meant  to  put  the  matter  to 
the  test  whether  God  would  really  take  any  notice 
of  him  in  his  distress.  Roman  Catholics  gener- 
ally, following  the  lead  of  several  of  the  Fathers 
(cf.  Tertull.,  Contra  Marc,  iii.  22;  August., 
Contra  faust.,  xii.  44;  Lactaut.,  iv.  16),  find  in 
this  and  a  few  previous  verses  a  prophecy  relating 
to  the  sufferings  of  Christ ;  and  so,  too,  among 
Protestants,  Calovius,  while  Stier  ( Die  Apolc.,  pp. 
18,  46)  holds  it  for  a  representation  which  "  bor- 
<lers  on  "  such  prophecy.  But  it  is  evident  that 
no  one  person,  but  a  class,  is  meant  by  rhif  Sinaiof 
in  verse  12,  since  it  is  used  elsewhere  in  the  plural 
where  the  same  class  is  obviously  referred  to. 
Cf.  iii.  1  ff.  with  iv.  7  ff-  Moreover,  what  is  here 
said  of  the  relations  lietween  the  ]nous  and  the 
worldly-minded  has  always  been  true,  and  the 
similarity  of  the  language  used  to  that  used  by  the 
Jews  against  Christ  arises  solely  from  a  natural 
similarity  of  circumstances. 

Ver.  22.  Mysteries  of  God.  Secret  counsels, 
in  accordance  with  which  he  disciplines  his  people 
here  in  preparation  for  a  better  hereafter.  These 
mvsteries  are  clear  only  to  faith.  — Discerned  a 
reward,  txpivav  yipas.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the 
margin  preferred  or  esteemed  the  reirard.  But  it 
seems  better  to  supply  elvai  before  the  latter  word  ; 
the t^  judged  (jwt)  that  there  ivas  a  reward. 

Ver.  "2.'i.  The  A.  V.  followed  the  reading  of 
some  MSS.,  aiSiiiTTiTos,  which  was  also  the  forir 
in  which  the  passage  was  cited  by  some  of  tht 
church  Fathers.  For  the  usual  reading,  however 
the  LXX.  at  Gen.  i.  26  seems  decisive.  Th' 
former  readinu'  probably  crept  in  as  a  gloss,  al 
though  the  exchange  of  aiSws  for  Kios  would  not  b^ 
difficult,  and  is  not  without  example  in  the  MSS. 

Ver.  24.  Cf.  Rom.  v.  12.  —  Aia3o\ou  is  her« 
without  the  article,  as  also  at  Acts  xiii.  10,  and  1 
Pet.  V.  8.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  124.  According  to 
Dahne,  the  personal  evil  spirit,  Satan,  is  not 
meant,  but  the  serpent  of  Genesis,  that  was  repre- 
sented by  Philo  as  an  image  of  the  seducing 
pleasure  which  separated  man  from  God.  The 
serpent  of  Paradise  is  no  doubt  referred  to  ;  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  our  author  did  not  iden- 
tify him  with  Satan,  in  accordance  with  the  gen- 
eral belief  of  his  day  concerning  demons  and  the 
demoniac  world,  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Num.  xxii. 
32;  Esth.  vii.  4,  viii.  1.  This,  indeed,  would 
represent  our  author  as  differing  from  Philo,  who 
held  that  matter  alone  was  evil.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  are  not  to  expect  in  the  present 
book  the  views  of  Philo  to  be  alone  reflected, 
much  less  represented  in  their  completeness,  un- 
less we  are  to  suppose  him  to  have  been  the 
author  of  the  work,  which  we  cannot  do.  The 
envy  of  the  devil  was  envy  against  man  on  account 
of  his  immortality.  This  idea  was  a  common 
one  among  the  Jews.  Cf.  Jos.,  Antiq.,  i.  1,  §  4. 
—  Experience  (Treipafouo-i)  it.  The  use  of  this 
Greek  word  in  such  a  sense,  according  to  Grimm, 
is  not  found  in  the  classics.  But  cf.  xii.  26, 
Ecelus.  xxxix.  4,  and  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex., 
under  ireipaw. 


238  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  III. 

1  But  the  souls  of  the  righteous  are  in  the  hand  of  God,  and  there  shall  no  tor- 

2  ment  touch  them.     In  the  sight  of  the  unwise  they  seemed  to  be  dead  ; '  and  their 

3  departure  was  "  taken  for  a  misfortune,'  and  their  going  from  us  annihilation  ;  *  but 

4  they   are   in   peace.      For   though   tliey  shall  have  experienced  punishment  ac- 

5  cording  to  the  judgment '  of  men,  yet  is  their  hope  full  of  immortality.     And  hav- 
ing been  a  little  chastised,  they  shall  be  greatly  rewarded  ;  for  God  proved  them, 

6  and  found  them  worthy  of  ^  himself.     As  gold  in  a  furnace  he '  tried  them,  and 

7  received   them  as  a   burnt  offering.       And   in   the  time  of    their  visitation   they 

8  shall  blaze  forth,*  and  i-un  to  and  fro  like  sparks  among  the  stubble.     They  shall 
judge  nations,^  and  have  dominion  over  peoples,'"  and  then-  king  shall  be  the  Lord  " 

9  for  ever.     They  that  put  their  tru.st  in  him  shall  understand  the  truth  ;  and  such  as 
be  faithful  in  love  shall  abide  with  him  ;  for  grace  and  mercy  shall  be  ^'^  to  his  saints, 

10  and  he  will  have  '^  care  for  his  elect.  But  the  ungodly  shall  be  punished  according 
to  ^*  their  own  imaginations,  who  have  despised  ^'  the  righteous,  and  forsaken  the 
Lord. 

1 1  For  he  who '°  despiseth  wisdom  and  nurture,  is  "  miserable,  and  their  hope  is 

12  vain,  and''  their  labors  unfruitful,  and  their  works  unprofitable.     Their  wives  are 

13  foolish,'^  and  their  children  wicked  ;  their  offspring  is  cursed  ;  for  blessed  ^  is  the 
barren  that  is  undefiled,  who  hath  not  known  a  "'  sinful  bed,  she  shall   have  fruit 

14  in  the  visitation  of  souls.  And  blessed  is  the  eunuch,  who  "^  with  his  hands  hath 
wrought  no  iniquity,  nor  planned  wicked  things  against  the  Lord;  for  unto  him  shall 
be  given  a  ^  special  gift  of  faith,  and  a  more  desirable  inheritance  "*  in  the  temple 

15  of  the  Lord.^^     For  glorious  is  the  fruit  of  good  labors  ;  and  the  root  of  wisdom 

16  shall  never  die  out.'-"*     But  the  children  of  adulterers  shall  ^  not  come  to  perfec- 

17  tion,-*  and  the  seed  of  an  unrighteous  bed  shall  disappear.^  For  though  they  also 
live  long,  they  shall  be  held  for  nothing  ; '"  and  their  age  at  last  be  *'  without  honor. 

18  Or,  if  they  die  early ,'^  they  shall  have  no  hope,  neither  comfort  in  the  day  of  de- 

19  cision  ;  ^  for  miserable  is  '^  the  end  of  the  unrighteous  generation. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  i  A.  V. :  to  die  {reOvavaL,  to  have  died,  or  to  be  dead).         2  jg,        s  misery  {Kaxuat^  =z  Ot(gliick.    Wabl's 
Ctavis,  s.  v.).  *  to  be  utter  destruction  (trvi^ptji^a).     It  seemed  best  to  use  the  synonym  "  annihilation  '"  on  account 

of  its  use  in  modern  theological  discussions.  ^  A.  \.  :  be  punished  in  the  sight  of  {"  nicht  si  puniuntitr  —  Hoydenr. 

Wahl  —  sondern  nach  beliaunten  Gebrauch  des  iav  mit  aorist,  Winer,  p.  293  fE.,  51  puniti  fuerint,  wenn  sie  Strafen 
erfahren  haben  werden."    Grimm,  Com.inloc). 

Vers.  5-9.  —  0  A.  V. ;  for.  '  the  furnace  hath  he.  ^  shine  (kvaXaii^ovai ;  in  II.  this  word  begins  a  new  line). 

^  the  nations.  1^  the  people  (155.  Kaov).  "  and  their  Lord  shall  reign.  The  context,  as  well  as  grammatical  con- 
siderations, is  against  making  aTJTtoi/  limit  jcuptoe.  ^-  \.\.  :  is.  i-^  he  hath.  The  last  two  clauses  are  read  in  a  great 
Tariety  of  ways.  Codd.  II.  {text,  rec.)  296.  A.  E.  G.  and  Old  Lat.  read  :  on  xa-pi^  Kai  €Aeo?  toU  fK\fKToU  aiiToii.  Other 
codd.  have  ort  xdpt';  Kai  IA605  ev  (the  preposition  is  omitted  in  X.  23.  253.  Aa.)  rois  otrtots  (III.  155. 157.  C.  D.  F,  H.  Sjr. 
Ar.  haTe  eKKeKToU)  avTOv  Kai  eiricritoTn)  ^i*  (prep,  omitted  by  C.  D.  F.  H.)  TOis  e*fAe(CTO«  (otriois  in  III.  157.  C.  D.  F.  H.  SyP 
Ar.)  aiiToil,  namely  :  X.  68.  106.  248.  253.  254.  261.  Aa.  B.  I.  with  Co.  Aid.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  latter.  Grimm  rejects 
the  whole  as  having  been  introduced  here  from  iv.  15.  Reusch  adopts  what  is  found  in  Cod.  II.  as  genuine,  and  rejects 
the  remainder.  But  it  is  easy  to  see,  if  the  two  lines  are  placed  together,  how  readily  a  copyist  might  have  skipped 
from  the  ev  toi?  of  the  first  to  ewAeifToi?  of  the  second.     The  context,  too,  seems  to  require  the  words. 

Vers.  10-14.  —"  koS'  a  is  to  be  written  for  Kagi  of  the  Rom.  Ed.,  Uolmes  and  Parsons,  and  Mai.  "  A.  V.  :  which 

have  neglected.         "-whoso.         1^  he  w.  is  o/«(fs  and.        ^'-i  mviTg.,  light,  or  unrhaste  {sen  Com.).  «»  \\Tiorefore 

blessed.  -'  which  ....  the.  --  which.  ^  imagined  ....  God  ....  given  the.  -*  an  inheritance  ....  mora 
acceptable  to  his  mind.  The  word  flujuTjpcorepos  becomes  in  23.  253.  the  nearly  synonymous  OvfiriSearepo^  (Sufii?,  ^5os) 
The  former,  in  addition  to  most  of  the  codd.  and  the  versions,  is  supported  by  a  citation  of  Clem  of  Alex.  25  yoj  "jji 
the  temple  ■'  the  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin  as  an  alternative  rendering  "  amongst  the  people  "'  {\aw  being  read  for  vau). 

Vers.  15-19  —  '"  .4  V.  :  fall  away  (the  Greek  means,  literally,  MO//aH;)i^  in  /lieces,  but  is  here  limited  by  the  context) 
^  As  for  ...  .  they  shall.  -»  their  perfection.  ^  be  rooted  out  (lit.,  shall  be  removed  from  sight  ;  cf .  ver.  15) 

to  they  live  long,  yet  shall  they  be  nothing  regarded.  si  last  age  shall  be.  sa  quickly  (see  Com.).  ^s  trial  {Siay 
••uaeitii  ;  afayfujcrews ,  55.  ;  Jun.,  cognitionis).        ^  horrible  is. 

Chapter  III. 

Ver.  1.  Souls  of  the  righteous.  Departed!  Ver.  2.  In  the  sight,  that  is,  in  the  opinion 
Bonis  .ire  meant.  —  Bauacos.  Used  also  at  Lnke  '  judgment.  Cf.  ix.  9,  and  Ecclus.  viii.  16.  —  To 
xvi.  2.'),  28,  of  tlie  future  torment.  It  means  (1)  be  dead,  i.e.,  utterly,  soul  and  body. 
a  touchstone  ;  (2)  motaphorically,  a  (n'n/,  whi-ther  I  Ver.  3.  In  peace.  This  word  was  to  the  Jew 
a  thing  be  genuine  ;  (.'))  </n  I'/iryioVy,  especially  by  ^  a  synonym  fi>r  the  highest  good,  physical  and 
torture  (cf.  ii.  19),  confession  u/mn  torture,  iUid ,  spiritual.  It  stands  here  op])08ed  to  the  mis- 
torture,  anyuish,  in  general. 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


239 


fortune  supposed  by  the  uugodly  to  be  the  portion 
of  the  just. 

Ver.  4.  'Zav  KoXaaSuaiv.  The  sufferings  of  the 
righteous  generally  in  the  world,  ending  in  a 
death  similar  to  that  of  other  people,  seems  to  be 
meant.  On  the  construction,  cf.  Winer,  pp.  291, 
293.  —  'H  4\nU  avrav.  The  first  beginnings  of 
Christian  hope,  which  were  already  involved  in 
the  facts  and  predictions  of  the  Old  Testament, 
seem  here  faintly  to  shoiv  themselves.  Cf.  1  Pet. 
i.3. 

Ver.  .'5.  Cf.  Rom.  viii.  18  ;  2  Cor.  iv.  17.  Their 
suffering  is  not  an  end.  but  a  means.  —  Worthy 
of  liimself  Of  communion  with  Him.  Cf.  Col. 
i.  12.  The  fact  does  not  seem  to  be  noticed  that 
our  Heavenly  Father  also  uses  discipline  for  all 
his  earthly  children,  in  order  to  win  them  to  that 
which  is  good.  The  confining  of  the  good  provi- 
dence of  God  in  its  working  to  worthy  Jews, 
while  towards  all  others  He  is  represented  as  hos- 
tile in  thought  and  action,  is  a  dreadful  misrepre- 
sentation of  Him  who  "  maketh  his  sun  to  rise 
upon  the  evil  and  on  the  good,  and  sendcth  rain 
on  the  just  and  on  the  unjust."  Grimm  properly 
calls  attention  to  the  words  KoAct^etrflai,  ^^ira^itrBai, 
0a<Tavl^fa6ai,  ixaariyovffBai,  KaTaSiKi^e<r6at,  which 
our  author  continually  uses  of  the  godless,  and 
■jrai5iv€(r6ai,  vovT€6€7adaty  neipd^fffdac,  and  SoKt- 
Ha(((rB!u  of  the  pious  (Israelites),  as  forming  an 
unallowable  antithesis,  and  as  teaching  a  doctrine 
which  does  not  at  all  agree  with  the  representa- 
tion that  God  love.s  all  his  creatures,  or  with  this 
writer's  own  assertions  elsewhere.  At  xi.  24,  for 
instance,  he  says :  "  For  thou  lovest  all  the  things 
that  are,  and  abhorrest  nothing  which  thou  hast 
made  ;  for  never  wouldest  thou  have  made  any- 
thing, if  thou  hadst  hated  it." 

Ver.  6.  As  a  burnt  offering.  As  a  jierfect 
offering,  sacrifice,  one  wholly  given  np  to  him, 
6\oKapTrtt>fxa  being  used  for  dKoKavroj/^a. 

Ver.  7.  In  the  time  of  their  visitation.  This 
seems  to  refer  to  a  time  when  here  on  earth  God 
would  visit  his  people  for  good,  and  on  their  ac- 
count judge  the  nations  Others  refer  it  to  the 
future  world  ;  and  still  others  suppose  that  it  has 
in  view  specifically  the  final  judgment  at  the  end 
of  the  present  order  of  things.  —  Run  to  and  fro 
like  sparks  among  the  stubble.  The  meaning 
is  that  the  true  Israel  will  destroy  their  enemies 
as  the  tlame  the  stubble.  The  figure  is  a  fatniliar 
one  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  is  based  on  the 
custom  of  burning  the  stubl)le  and  refuse  matter 
of  the  fields  for  the  purpose  of  enriching  them. 
Cf.  Is.  V.  24,  xlvii.  14 ;  Joel  ii.  5  ;  and  especially 
Obad.  verse  18. 

Ver.  8.  Cf.  Dan.  vii.  18,  22,  27,  and  Jer.  iii. 
7.  —  BaiTi\ev(r€i  avTwv  Kvptos.  The  A.  V.  follows 
vue  Vulgate  in  connecting  the  last  two  words 
together,  which,  however,  is  not  the  n.itural  con- 
struction, and  it  also  weakens  the  idea  of  the  con- 
text. A  restoration  of  the  theocracy  in  distinc- 
tion from  the  dominion  of  strange  kings  is  meant. 

Ver.  9.  The  truth,  i.  e.,  respecting  God's  now 
mysterious  dealings  with  men.  —  Such  as  be 
faithful  in  love  (margin  of  A.  V.,  such  as  hf 
faithful  shall  remain  ivith  him  in  love).  It  is,  in 
fact,  doubtful  whether  iv  aydtrri  is  to  be  joined  with 
viffToi  or  with  irpo(7fj.€vov(ri.  —  We  have  left  the 
clause  beginning  "for  grace  and  mercy"  to  the 
end  of   the  verse,  as  in  Fritzsche's  text  on   the 


MS.  authorities  above  given,  althoutih  Grimm 
(especially  on  account  of  its  occurring  at  iv.  15) 
suspects  its  genuineness,  and  says  that  if  left  out 
nothing  of  importance  would  be  missed. 

Ver.  10.  'EiriTtfiia  is  used  also  for  punishment 
at  2  Cor.  ii.  6,  and  often  in  ecclesiastical  Greek. 
The  word  in  classical  Greek  is  imrl^tov.  Cf., 
however,  Ecclus.  i.x.  5  ;  2  Mace.  vi.  13. 

Ver.  12.  "Afpopes.  Bretschneider  (with  Biel), 
on  accoimt  of  what  follows  in  the  context,  gives 
this  word  here  the  meaning  of  adulteress,  with  the 
remark  :  "  Apponuntur  mulieribus  castis,  quee  non 
coqnoverunt  koWii]v  iv  ■n-apaTTTwfj.aTi.^' 

Ver.  13.  'ETTiKarapaTos.  It  is  used  only  in 
Biblical  and  ecclesiastical  Greek.  Like  iirapaTO!, 
it  means  laid  under  a  curse.  It  is  the  opposite  of 
iiiKoyT]iiivos.  Cf.  xiv.  8  ;  Tob.  xiii.  12.  —  Sinful 
bed.  The  marriage  bed  of  those  who  live  in  sin 
is  meant.  —  Shall  have  fruit,  i.e.,  shall  have 
reward.  —  In  the  visitation  of  souls.  At  the 
time  when  God  shall  clear  up  the  enigmas  of  life, 
and  show  things  in  their  true  light.  Cf.  3  Mace. 
V.  42.  Some  Roman  Catholic  as  well  as  Protes- 
tant commentators  hold  that  our  author  means  to 
teach  the  desirability  of  celibacy  ;  which,  how- 
ever, as  it  seems  to  us,  would  be  to  give  his  words 
a  meaning  out  of  harmony  with  the  context. 
He  is  simply  showing  the  evil  effects  of  sin  upon 
one's  family  and  posterity,  "  Their  offspring  is 
cursed."  Better  than  such  is  the  condition  of  those 
even  who  have  no  children  at  all,  who  are  sterile 
[6.KapTTos,  6.yovQs),  and  by  the  world,  therefore, 
are  held  to  lie  unfortunate  and  unhappy,  but  who 
are  really  happier  than  the  wicked  parents  of 
wicked  children.  Moreover,  the  language  as  thus 
interpreted  would  not  be  at  all  suitable  in  the 
mouth  of  Solomon,  the  ostensible  author  of  the 
work,  with  his  seven  hundred  wives  and  three 
hundred  concubines. 

Ver.  14.  Natural  sterility  on  the  part  of  the 
man  seems  to  be  referred  to,  and  not  at  all  en- 
forced celibacy.  Cf.  Is.  Ivi.  3-5,  to  which  this 
passage  evidently  has  reference.  —  Ttj^  irio-rews 
Xapts  6«AeKTT7.  Some  (Schmid)  take  TriVxis  here  in 
the  sense  of  "  faithfulness,"  by  which  a  person 
would  be  enalded  to  hold  out  against  all  tempta- 
tions in  his  fealty  to  right  principles.  Grimm 
more  properly  understands  it  in  the  broader  sense 
of  "  the  firm'  and  joyful  persuasion  of  the  truth 
of  the  theocratic  idea  ami  the  promises  attached 
to  it."  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  this  iriVris  was  not; 
a  reward  of  merit,  but  a  gracious  gift  (xctpis). 
Cf.  Eph.  ii.  8. 

Ver.  16.  'AreXeffTa.  Lit.,  incomplete.  It  doel 
not  seem  to  refer  to  the  earthly  life  in  particular, 
but  to  the  object  for  which  man  was  created, — 
they  fail  of  the  final  goal.  Cf.  iv.  5  :  /cAaves 
oreAecTTOt. 

Ver.  IS.  '0|ews.  Lit.,  violently,  quickly;  but 
here  obviously  in  the  sense  of  early,  soon.  There 
is  perhaps  some  ground  at  this  point,  as  in  the  fol- 
lowing chapter,  verses  3-5,  for  the  objection  raised 
by  Kecrl,  that  God  is  represented  as  ([uite  too 
harsh  in  his  dealings  with  these  innocent  children 
of  adulterers.  But  it  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
anything  more  than  a  rhetorical  exaggeration  of 
the  idea  that  the  sins  of  parents  are  visited  upon 
their  children.  Cf.  Deut.  v.  9  f.,  xxiv.  16  ;  Eaek. 
xviii.,  passim. 


240  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IV. 

1  Better  is  childlessness  with  virtue ;  for  in  the  remembrance  thereof  is  immor- 

2  tality  ; '  because  it  is  known  both  ^  with  God,  and  with  men.  When  it  is  present, 
men  take  example  from "  it ;  and  when   it  is  gone,  they  desire  it ;  and  in  eternity 

3  it  marches  on  in  triumph,  having  gotten  the  victory  in  the  contest  *  for  undefiled 
rewards.     But  the  fruitful  multitude  of  the  godless  shall  be  useless  and  os  shoots 

4  from  impure  slips  shall  not  root  deeply  nor  get  firm  ^  foundation.  For  though  their 
branches  may  be  green  ^  for  a  time,  yet  standing  not  fast,  they  shall  be  shaken  by  ' 

5  the  wind,  and  through  the  force  of  winds  they  shall  be  rooted  out.     Imperfect 

6  branches  shall  be  broken  off  round  about,  and  their  fruit  be  *  unprofitable,  not  ripe 
to  eat,  yea,  meet  for  nothing.  For  children  begotten  of  unlawful  intercourse '  are 
witnesses  of  vice  '"  against  their  parents  in  their  trial. 

7,  8        But  though  the  righteous  may  pass  away  early,  he  shall  be  at  ^^  rest.     For 

honorable  age  is  not  that  which  standeth  in  length  of  time,  nor  that  is  measured  by 

9  number  of  years.     But  discernment  is  ^-  gray  hair  unto  men,  and  an  unspotted  life 

10  is  old  age.     He  pleased  God,  and  was  beloved  ;  and  '°  living  amongst  sinners  he  was 

1 1  translated.     He  was  snatched  away  lest  the  evil  ^*  should  alter  his  understanding, 

12  or  deceit  beguile  his  soul.     For  the  fascination  of  vice  doth  obscure  that  which  is 

13  good;  and  the  intoxication  of  passion  upsets  the  uncorrupted '^  mind.     He,  being 

14  made  perfect  in  a  short  time,  fulfilled  a  long  time;  for  his  soul  pleased  the  Lord, 
16  therefore  it  hasted  from  the  midst  of  wickedness.'*   But  while  the  people  saw,  they 

did   not  also  understand,"  neither   laid  they  up  this  in  their  minds,  that  grace  and 

1 6  mercy  are "  with  his  chosen,"  and  his  visitation  with  his  saints.^"  But  ^'  the 
righteous  who  is  already  dead  ^  shall  condemn  the  ungodly  who  are  still  '^ 
living ;  and  youth  that  is  soon  perfected  the  old  age  of  many  years  -*  of  the  un- 

17  righteous.  For  they  shall  see  the  end  of  the  wise,  and  shall  not  understand  what 
he    hath  decreed  concerning  him,  and  to  what  end  the  Lord  ^  set  him  in  safety. 

18  They  shall  see,  and  ridicule  it;-"  but  the  Lord  shall  laugh  at  them^  ;  and  they 
shall   afterwards  ^*   be  a  dishonored  -^  carcase,  and  a  reproach  among  the  dead 

19  for  evermore.  For  he  shall  plunge  them  speechless  down  headlong,  and  shall  "' 
shake  them  from  the  foundation  ;  and  they  shall  be  utterly  laid  waste,  and  shall  be 

20  in  anguish, °'  and  their  memorial  shall  perish.  At  the  reckoning  up  of  their  sins 
they  shall  appear  with  trembling ;  and  their  transgressions  shall  convict  '^  them  to 
their  face. 

Vers.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V. :  it  is  to  have  no  children,  and  to  have  virtue,  for  the  memorial  thereof  is  immortal.  *  oTnits 

both.  s  at.  According  to  Codd.  III.  65.  106.  1B6.  157.  248.  264.  296.  A.  B.  F.  G.  H.,  with  Methodius,  rijiicri^  shoulcl 
be  read  for  tiinovvToi.  But  the  latter  is  supported  by  23.  68.  263.  in  addition  to  the  text.  ree.  (with  II.),  the  Vulg.  Syr. 
Ar.  and  Ann.  versions,  and  adopted  by  Grimm,  Reusch,  and  Fritzsche.  *  A.  V. :  it  weareth  a  crown,  and  triumpheth 
forever  ....  striving.  c  multiplying  brood  of  the  ungodly  shall  not  thrive  nor  take  deep  rooting  from  bastard  slips, 
Dor  lay  any  fast. 

Vers.  4-8.  — "  A.  V. :  they  fiourish  in  branches.  '  shaken  with.  *  The  imperfect  ....  off,  their  fruit. 

•  beds  {marg.,  Or  ,  sleeps  ;  cf.  vii.  2).         lo  wickedness  (n-otafpia?,  whose  sense  is  made  clear  by  the  context).  "  be 

prevented  with  death,  yet  shall  he  be  in. 

Vers.  9-12.  —  12  j^  y. :  wisdom  (i^potTjtris)  is  the.  *3  of  Kim  so  that.  "  Yea,  speedily  was  he  taken  away  {see 

Com.)  lest  that  wiokedness  (X.  23.  156.  167.  248.  Co.  have  the  article  before  Kaxia  ;  65.  the  same,  and  avrou  after  it. 
Fritzsche  receives  the  article).  "■  bewitching  of  naughtiness  doth  obscure  things  that  are  honest ;  and  the  wandering 
of  concupiscence  doth  undermine  ImlxTg., pervert;  nee  Com.)  the  simple. 

Vers.  13-17.  — '"  A.  V.  :  therefore  hasted  he  to  take  him  away  (see  Com. ;  155.,  itriTovSairev,  Nanniue  suggested  etr- 
waaev  —  trndui,  to  draw  forth  —  but  it  was  rejected  by  other  critics)  from  among  the  wicked.  ^^  This  the  people 

saw,  and  understood  it  not.     Instead  of  Aaoi,  III.  (from  the  first  hand)  \hb.  296.  read  oAAoi.     But  cf.  ii.  13 ;  iii.  10. 

15  A.  V. :  his  grace  aud  mercy  is.  ^^  saints  (the  words  "  saints  ■■  and  "  chosen  "'  are  read  in  an  inverse  order  in  III. 
56.  68.  106.  348.  254.  261.  f'o.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  Cf.  iii.  9).  ™  n^t  he  hath  respect  unto  his  chosen  (see  pre- 
ceding note).  2'  Thus  (Se,  omitted  by  248.  and  Junius).  22  that  is  dead  (Boivdiv,  III.  68.  155.  167.  248.  254.  296.  A.  C. 
D.  E.  II.  I.  Co.  Aid.  ;  Bayirif,  106.  261.,  and  it  is  preferred  by  Thilo  ;  Kafidiv,  II.  —  corrected  to  Bavdv  —  23.  85.  264. 
Arm.  and,  apparently,  Syr.  Ar.  See  Com.).  ^^-whivhave.  24  many  years  and  old  age  {iroAveTes  yijpa?).  25  God 
in  his  counsel  hath  decreed  {ipovXevaavro  — plur.  — 2(51.  Co.)  of  (irepi)  him  and  to  what  end  the  Lord  hath. 

Vers.  18-20.  —  *'  A.  V. :  him  and  despise  him  (23.  263.  add  avrov).  27  Qod  shall  laugh  them  to  scorn.  "  here- 
after. 2i»  vile  (aTiuoi').  30  rend  them,  and  cast  them  down  headlong,  that  they  shall  be  speechless,  and  he  shall 
"  and  be  in  sorrow.  32  Ai,(J  v^^eQ  they  cast  up  the  accounts  (marg.,  to  the  casting  up  of  the  account;  106.  271 

tv  ^oyitrnxf)  of  their  sine,  they  shall  come  with  fear :  and  their  own  iniquities  (ra  di'e/i)jfiara  avrwc)  shall  convinot 
lMy(<i)- 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


241 


Chapteb  IV. 


Ver.  1.  This  verse  contains  a  comparison  iu 
allusion  to  what  has  gone  before.  It  is  meant, 
better  is  celibacy  and  childlessness  than  a  misuse 
of  the  marriage  relation.  To  praise  childlessness 
absolutely  would  have  been  for  the  author  to  put 
himself  directly  in  autagoni>m  to  the  spirit  and 
tenor  of  the  entire  Old  Testament. 

Ver.  2.  Tiiv  tuv  a^uaVTwv  idAcmf  ayuva  vikt)- 
aa(ra.  Grimm  understands  59\a  (or  dSKot)  in  the 
sense  of  single  combats,  cases  of  suffering  and 
persecution  in  the  great  battle  of  life  (d7w>') ;  and 
renders:  "  Kampfin  unbpji' cktem  Streite  bestehend." 
Other  renderings  are.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk :  "  Nach- 
dein  sie  ini  Kampfe  Jieckenlosen  Streites  qesieqt 
hat.'*  Gutmann :  "  Nachdem  sie  iin  Kainpfe 
•jesiegt  und  den  Preis  des  unbejieckten  Lebens 
errungen  hat."  De  Wette :  "  Nackdem  sie  im 
unbe/ieckten  Ehrenkampfe  gpsicgt  hat,"  Gaab : 
"  Nachdem  sie  den  Kampf  gliicklich  bestanden  hat, 
fur  die  unhejieckien  Kampfbelohnungen" 

Ver.  3.  'Ek  t/SBav  =  6  4k  vSewv.  Cf.  LXX. 
at  Deut.  xxiii.  2.  The  figure  is  mixed,  the  word 
being  unsuitable  as  applied  to  persons. 

Ver.  6.  "Tirvor  is  used  in  this  sense  also  at  vii. 
2.  Cf.  Homer,  Od.,  xi.  245.  —  Tlovjiplas.  Here 
moral  impurity,  vice. 

Ver.  7.  The  Vulgate  translates  (i>  avaTavan 
by  in  refrigerio,  as  though  it  were  eV  avcv\iv^fi ;  and 
certain  Roman  Catholic  commentators  refer  it  to 
the  lightening  of  the  pains  of  purgatory  through 
the  prayers  of  the  living,  by  which  hopes  of  future 
deliverance  are  raised.  Schmid,  on  the  contrary 
(Com.,  in  loc.),  says,  with  some  tartness,  that  the 
doctrine  referred  to  is  not  based  on  this  passage, 
and  that  this  or  that  theologian  or  church  fatlier 
does  not  make  the  church.  He  calls  attention, 
however,  to  the  fact  that  heaven,  as  a  place,  in 
the  language  of  the  ancient  church,  is  locus  re- 
'rigerii.  —  It  is  noticeable  that  <f>Bavu  stands  here 
♦ith  an  infinitive,  which  is  a  rare  construction,  it 
^eing  generally  followed  by  a  participle. 

Ver.  9.  Grimm  quotes  a  similar  idea  from 
Philo,  Menander,  Cicero,  Seneca,  and  Plutarch. 

Ver.  10.  The  reference  is  undoubtedly  to 
Enoch.  The  word  used,  /ifTeTeSri,  is  the  one 
commonly  employed  in  the  LXX.  (Gen.  v.  24), 
by  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  and  the  early  church, 
for  describing  the  translation  of  this  patriarch. 
Cf.  Ecclus.  xliv.  16  ;  Heb.  xi.  5  ;  and  Clement  of 
Rome,  Ad  Cor.,  ix. :  "  iSumamus  Enochum,  qui  in 
obedientia  Justus  repertus,translatus  fuit  [;i6T€Te'0T]], 
neque  mors  ejus  inventa  est.'*  The  passage  seems 
to  be  used  to  illustrate  in  what  the  death  of  the 
righteous  iu  general  differs  from  that  of  others. 
It  is  less  a  death  than  a  translation,  in  that  they 
pass  immediately  into  the  presence  of  God,  and 
enjoy  communion  with  him. 

Ver.  1 1 .  'HpirayT).  A  later  form  for  ripwiadr). 
This  word  is  used  in  the  same  sense  in  Acts  viii. 
39 ;  2  Cor.  xii.  2,  4  ;  1  Thess.  iv.  17. 

Ver.  12.  'Pe^$aaij.6s.  Elsewhere,  confined  to 
eccles.  Greek ;  ^en0d(eiv  being  the  intensive  form 
of  l>f^d€iv,  to  turn  about  in  a  circle.  Cf.  Marc. 
Anton.,  ii.  7.  —  MeTaWeua.  This  word  was  used 
by  the  Greeks  of  digging  in  the  earth  for  metals. 
See  Sophocles*  Lex.,  ad  voc.  The  meaning  "  under- 
mine," given  to  it  by  our  English  translators,  seems 
to  be  derived  from  this  fact.  But  it  can  scarcely 
16 


have  been  the  idea  of  the  writer  ;  and  Grimm,  Gut- 
berlet,  and  others  think  that  it  was  used  by  him 
as  though  derived  from  &\Xos,  and  in  the  sense  of 
"  change,"  /.  e.,  change  for  the  worse.  That  good 
Greek  writers  sometimes  mistook,  in  this  way, 
the  meaning  of  words,  by  ascribing  to  them  a 
false  derivation,  Grimm  illustrates  by  the  case  of 
St.  Mark  (xii.  4),  who  uses  the  verb  Ke(pa\aiovi/, 
recapitulate,  go  over  the  same  thing,  in  the  sense  of 
wound  in  the  head.  —  Noif,  mind.  This  word 
occurs  but  seldom  in  the  Apocrypha,  or  in  the 
LXX.  generally,  and  with  no  clearly  defined 
meaning.  Cf.  Jnd.  viii.  14;  2  Mace.  xv.  8;  and 
the  present  book  at  ix.  15.  See  Cremer's  Lex., 
ad  vvc. 

Ver.  13.  Being  made  perfect.  It  is  used  in 
a  spiritual  sense  :  his  moral  training  having  been 
completed.  The  expression,  according  to  Ivleuker 
{Halomonische  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  p.  203),  was  one 
used  in  the  Mysteries.     Cf.  Ecclus.  xxxiv.  10. 

Ver.  14.  '1  he  translation  of  the  A.  V.  is  based 
on  the  Vulg,ate  and  patristic  citations,  and  has 
the  support  of  Grotins,  Luther,  and  others;  but  is 
not  a  correct  rendering  of  the  almost  universally 
attested  ((nreuaev.  The  passage  literally  trans- 
lated does  not  teach  or  encourage  one  to  despise 
the  present  life.  It  simply  shows  that  the  soul 
of  the  righteous  does  not  shrink  from  an  early 
death,  but  is  prepared  for  it,  as  St.  Paul  also 
teaches  in  many  places.  Cf.  Is.  Ivii.  1,  and  Horn., 
Od.,  XV.  245. 

Ver.  16.  KcLfiiiv.  Second  aorist  part,  from 
Ka/xvu ;  lit.,  through  with  suffering,  or  wearied, 
ivorn  out.  It  is  used  for  the  dead  (Lai.,  defunc- 
tus)  very  commonly  in  Greek,  in  order  to  soft- 
en the  harshness  of  the  idea.  Cf.  Thucyd.,  iii. 
59.  In  Herod.,  i.  197,  Kiixvovm  means  also 
the  sick.  —  Shall  condemn.  He  does  so  in  that 
he  sets  a  standard  in  his  own  life  to  which  the 
ungodly  are  far  from  attaining. — Many  years. 
They  are  mere  years,  without  any  real  life.  Cf. 
verse  9. 

Ver.  17.  For  (yip)  refers  back  to  KwroKpivii 
in  the  previous  verse,  and  gives  a  reason  for  the 
condemnation  of  the  godless.  It  was  their  be- 
havior on  the  occasion  of  the  early  death  of  the 
righteous.  —  Shall  see.  The  future  is  used  for 
the  present,  or  perhaps  in  a  sort  of  prophetical 
sense.  So  Bauermeister  (Com.,  ad  loc.)  :  "  Poetico 
furore  auctor  coireptus  vaticinatur." 

Ver.  18.  nTufia.  Grimm,  with  the  A.  V., 
and  in  harmony  with  the  usual  employment  of 
this  word  in  Greek,  gives  to  it  the  signification 
carcase,  corpse  (Is.  xiv.  9).  But  Gutberlet  main- 
tains that  the  context  requires  the  rendering 
ruin,  which  is  also  tliat  of  the  Arabic  and  Syriac. 
Yet  with  this  latter  rendering  the  figure  employed 
would  still  remain  a  mixed  one,  and  the  supposed 
unity  of  thought  not  thereby  attained.  In  fact, 
the  word  (S^^ei  (verse  19)  would  seem  to  form  the 
point  of  transition  from  tlie  idea  of  a  ruined 
body  to  that  of  a  ruined  building. 

Ver.  19.  'P^{ei.  This  verb  was  employed  in 
the  later  Greek  to  express  the  movement  by 
whicli  a  combatant  hurled  his  antagonist  to  the 
ground.  —  From  the  foundation.  The  figure  U 
that  of  a  building  prostrated  by  some  great  con- 
vulsion. 


242  THE   APOCRYPHA. 

Chapter  V. 

1  Then  shall  the  righteous  man  stand  in  great  boldness  before  the  face  of  such  as 

2  have  afflicted  him,  and  made  no  account  of  his  labors.^     On  seeing  it,  they  shall  be 
thrown  into  confusion  ^  with  terrible  fear,  and  shall  be  amazed  at  the  unexpected- 

3  ness  of  his  deliverance.'      Repenting  they  shall  say  among  themselves,  —  yea, 
because  of   anguish  of   spirit  *   they  shall   sigh  and   say,^   This  was   he,   whom 

4  we  fools  once  had  *  in  derision,  and  as '  a  proverb  of  reproach.     "We  *  accounted 

5  his  life  madness,  and  his  end  to  be  without  honor.     How  is  he  numbered  among 

6  the  sons  of  God,  and  how  is  his  lot^  among  the  saints!     So'"  have  we  erred 
from  the  way  of  truth,  and  the  light  of  righteousness  shone  not  for "  us,  and  the 

7  sun  ^'^  rose  not  upon  us.     We  surfeited  '^  ourselves  in  the  ways  of  transgression  '* 
and  destruction  ;  yea,  we  went  through  deserts,  where    there  lay  no  way ;  but  as 

8  for  the  way  of  the  Lord,  we  knew  it  not.     What  hath  pride  profited  us  ?  or  what 

9  good  hath  riches  with  our  vaunting  brought  us  ?     All  those  things  are  passed  away 

10  like  a  shadow,  and  as  a  rumor  that  has teth  ^^  by  ;  and  as  a  ship  that  passe th  through 
the  heaving  water,  which  having  gone'°  by,  the  trace  thereof  cannot  be  found, 

11  neither  the  pathway  of  her  keel  in  the  waves  ;  or  as  when  a  bird  hath  flown  through 
the  air,  there  is  no  token  of  a  way  "  to  be  found  ;  but  the  light  air  being  beaten  by 
the  stroke  of  wings,'^  and  parted  with  whizzing  force  is  passed  through  with  wings  in 

12  motion,  and  therein  afterwards  no  sign  where  it ''  went  is  to  be  found ;  or  as  '^  when 
an  arrow  is  shot  at  a  mark,  the  air  being  parted  is  at  once  resolved  into  itself  again, 

13  so  that  one  ^'  cannot  know  where  it  went  through :  so  also  we,  having  been  born, 
disappeared  from  view,-'-  and  had  no  sign  of  virtue  to  shew,  but  consumed  our  lives 

14  in  the  midst  of  our  -^  wickedness.  For  the  hope  of  the  ungodly  is  like  dust  ^  that 
is  blown  away  by  '^  the  wind  ;  and  -^  like  thin  froth  ^  that  is  driven  away  by  the  ^ 
storm ;   and  as  a  smoke  dispersed  by  the  wind,  ^  and  passeth  away  as  the  re- 

15  membrance  of  a  guest  that  tarrieth  but  a  day.  But  the  right-eous  live  for  ever- 
more ;  their  reward  also  is  in  '"  the  Lord  ;  and  the  care  of  them  is  with  tlie  Most 

16  High.  Therefore  shall  they  receive,  the  kingdom  of  glory  and  the  crown  of 
beauty  '^  from  the  Lord's  hand ;  for  with  his  right  hand  will  ^^  he  cover  them,  and 

17  with  his  arm  will  ^'  he  protect  them.     He  will  take  his  jealousy  as  equipment,'^  and 

18  make  the  creation  a'*  weapon  for  the  punishment*^  of  his  enemies.  He  will 
clothe  himself  with  *'  righteousness  as  a  breastplate,  and  put  on  '*  true  judgment 

19,  20  as  ^  a  helmet.     He  will '"'  take  holiness  for  an  invincible  shield ;  and  severe 

Vers.  1-4.  — i  Others  :  made  his  labors  of  no  account.  2  x.  V. :  When  they  see  it  ...  .  troubled  (the  usual  ren- 
dering of  Tapa<r(ru  in  the  Apoc,  but  in  most  cases  too  weak).  ^  strangeness  of  his  salvation,  so  far  beyond  all  that 
they  looked  for.  AvToi)  is  found  after  trtnTripia^  in  X.  56.  253.  254.  (106.  261.  Trfi  deupiac,  the  spectacle ;  cf .  2  Mace.  v.  26 ; 
XV.  12)  and  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche.  ^  A.  V. :  they  repenting  and  groaning  for  anguish  of  spirit,  shall  say  within 
themselves  (Fritzsche  receives  eV  before  eauTois  from  III.  23.  55.  106.  155.  248.  253.  al.  Co.  Aid.  Syr.  .\rm.  Old  Lat.  :  it  is 
also  the  reading  of  II.).  The  text.  rec.  reads  infva^ovre^,  on  the  authority  of  68.  and  the  Old  Lat.  Cod.  11.  haa 
not  this  reading,  as  stated  in  Fritz.sche'8  critical  apparatus,  but  with  III.  157.  Co.  Aid.,  <niva^ovraL :  X.  23.  253.  296., 
followed  by  Fritzsche,  oTevd^ovtriv  ;  (rrefd^oiTai,  55.  248.  254.  ^  Most  Codd.  add  «ai  epovtrtv  ;  A.  V.  omits.  *  A.  V. : 
we  had  sometimes  (Cod.  II.  with  III.  X.,  joins  01  ai^poce^  with  what  precedes).  ^  omits  as.  ^  ^e  fools  (see  previous 
verse).         "  children  of  ...  .  and  his  lot  is  (the  force  of  the  preceding  ttws  is  to  be  brought  along). 

Vers.  6-9.  —  >"  A.  V.  :  Therefore  (apa  ;  Grimm,  deynnarh ;  Bun.^cn's  Eibelwerk,  Also ;  Junius,  Plan6).  ^^  hath  not 
Bhined  unto  {e^afi^iiev ;  eVeXo^i/'fi',  23.  55. 106.  157. ;  III.  296.,  eV  before  iit^lv}.  12  snn  of  righteousness  (Codd.  23.  248 
853.,  with  Co.,  add  -ri)?  6t(caiO(7viojs  after  ijAio?  ;  Old  Lat.,  sol  inteUigentix).  ^^  wearied  imd-vg. ^Jilled  ourselves  or  sur- 

feited). '*  way  of  wickedness  (ai/o^tas).  "■  have  gone  through  ....  have  not  known  it  ...  .  post  (ayyfAt'a, 

Geriichty  Grimm  ;  cf.  Com.)  that  hasted. 

Vers.  10-13.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  over  the  waves  of  the  iStepxofifyri  Kvfiatvopievotf  iJSiap)  ....  when  it  is  gone.  *'  Aer  way. 

*  with  ....  her  wings.  ^^  with  the  violent  noise  and  motion  of  them  is  passed  through  ....  she.  20  \[]^q  ^s. 

^  it  parteth  the  air,  which  immediately  cometh  together  again  so  that  a  man.        ^  even  so  we  in  like  manner,  as  soon 
as  we  were  bom,  began  to  draw  to  onr  end  (for  e^eXiiropitv  III.  248.  Co.  have  e^eXeiVo/xec).  23  were  consumed  in  our 

own  (we  do  not  render  with  Grimm,  Bunsen's  Bibeiwerk,  Osiander,  Heydenreich,  Schmid,  Gutmann  :  "  but  were  snatched 
ftway,'"  etc.). 

Ver.  14-17.  —  24  A.  V.  :  dust.  Fritzsche  receives  x»'ous  {down^  or  dust  of  chaff ;  text,  rec.,  xoi"^)  ^rom  11.  III.  X.  23.  55. 
156.  ("o.  Aid.  ;  Old  Lat.,  lanugo  :  marg.  of  A.  V.,  thistle  down).  ^s  „itii.  M  omits  and.  '"  a  thin  froth  (marg. 
chaff).  Grimm  and  Thilo  prefer,  with  157.  F.  G.,  axt^J  (akin  to  xi-oos) ;  cf.  svi.  29.  The  former  is  supported  by  II.  Ill 
Ar.    Codd.  23.  106.  have  i>s  ipix^v  {cobweb).    The  Ar.,  iLs  ipaxvij  "ai  trixvri.  ^  A.  V. :  with  the.  ™  jjite  as  th« 

Bmoke  which  is  dispersed  hero  and  there  with  a  tempest.  »o  with  ^i  a  glorious  kingdom  {marg.,  *'  Or.  palace 

unless  the  word  be  taken  unproperly,  as  2  Mace.  ii.  17  ;  "  cf.  i.  14.     The  word  is  doubtless  used  by  metonymy  here  fot 
leingdom,  as  the  following  StairtiJia  shows),  and  a  beautiful  crown.        ^2  ghaU.        ^3  shall.        **  shall  take  to  him  .  .  . 
for  complete  armour.        ^^  creature  his.        •'*''  revenge. 

Vers.  18-20.  —'•^''  A.  V.  :  shall  put  on  [ivSutrtrat.).        ^^  omits  put  on  dreptfl^creTai).        ^"  insleaJ  of.        '^  shall. 


THE   WISDOM  OF   SOLOMON. 


2-i3 


wrath  will '  he  sharpen  for  a  sword,  and  the  world  ^  shall  fight  to  the  end  with  ' 

21  him  against  the   unwise.     Well-aimed   thunderbolts  shall   go  *  abroad  ;  and  J'rom 

22  the  clouds,  as  from  a  well  drawn  bow,  shall  they  fly  to  the  mark.  And  from 
a  sling,  his  wrath,  shall  be  hurled  forth  showers  of  hail ;  waters  *  of  the  sea  shall 

23  rage  against  them,  and  rivers  shall  sweep  precipitously  over  them.^  Tea,  a  mighty 
wind  shall  rise '  up  against  them,  and  like  a  storm  shall  winnow  *  them  away  : 
and  so  °  iniquity  shall  lay  waste  the  whole  earth,  and  ill  dealing  shall  overthrow  the 
thrones  of  the  mighty. 

Vers.  20-23.  —  *  A.  V. :  His  severe  wrath  shall.  ^  world  (6  KoirtiiK  ;  see  Com.).  s  shall  fight  [avveKTroXcfn^irei ,  em- 
phatic, — .figfii  through,  fight  to  the  end)  with.  *  Then  shall  the  right  aiming  thunderbolts  go.  "  hailstones  full  of 
wrath  shall  be  cast  as  out  of  a  stone  bow  (see  Com.),  and  the  water  (sing,  in  form,  but  plural  in  sense).  ^  the  Hoods 

(iroTojuoij  shall  cruelly  drown  them  [tjvyKKv(rov<Ti.v ',  106.  167.  261.,  (TvyK\ei,<jov(rf.v  {hem  in  —  as  at  Red  Sea?    See  CoTn.). 
^  stand.  B  blow  (e'fcAiic^^irei ;  296.,  MxtiTjaet)  ^  thus  (the  Kai  has  here  the  force  of  and  £0,  koi  comecutivum ; 

cf.  Tii.  11). 

Chapter   V. 


Ver.  1.  'AfleTowTeov.  The  verb  means  literally 
to  displace;  then,  to  set  aside,  disregard,  as  a 
treaty  or  oath.  It  is  here  used  in  the  sense  of 
despise,  make  no  account  of. 

ver.  .3.  Grimm  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that 
we  have  here  the  representation  that  repentance 
first  appealing  after  death  has  no  effect  to  alter 
the  divine  purpose  respecting  the  eternal  fate  of 
men. 

Ver.  5.  Sons  of  Gk)d.  Used  as  at  ii.  13,  18. 
Cf.  Acts  x.xvi.  18. 

Ver.  6.  'Apa,  so.  It  is  found  at  the  beginning 
of  a  sentence,  for  the  most  part,  only  in  ecclesias- 
tical Greek.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  558. 

Ver.  7.  '^vfirKi)tTdj}fj.fv,  we  sated  ourselves,  be- 
came sated.  For  this  meaning  of  the  word,  cf. 
xiii.  12;  Ecclus.  xxxiv.  3;  Susan,  ver.  32;  the 
LXX.  at  Ex.  XV.  9  ;  and  Horn.,  Od.,  xi.  452 ; 
Herod.,  i.  212. 

Ver.  9.  'AyyeXia,  message,  proclamation,  and 
here  rumor.  Cf.  Horn.,  Od.,  ii.  30  ;  Thucyd.,  vi.  36  ; 
also,  the  LXX.  at  1  Sam.  iv.  19,  Ezek.  vii.  26. 

Ver.  10.  Tp6wis,  keel  of  a  ship.  In  the  Bib- 
lical Greek,  it  is  found  only  here  ;  rp6Tnos  is  the 
older  Epic  genitive,  the  later  forms  being  rpiwLSos 
and  Tp6Trea!!.  The  word  is  sometimes  used,  like 
the  Latin  carina,  tor  the  whole  ship.  The  influ- 
ence of  life  in  Ale.xaudria  is  seen  in  the  frequent 
allusions,  by  later  Jewish  writers,  to  ships  and 
sailing. 

Ver.  11.  Taptraiv,  wings.  The  first  meaning 
of  the  woril  is  a  frame  of  wicker-work,  a  crate,  for 
warming  or  drying  things  upon.  Cf.  Horn.,  Od., 
ix.  219.  A  secondary  meaning  is  any  broad,  flat 
turfice,  as  the^M(  of  the  foot,  the  blade  of  an  oar, 
ind  the  wing  stretched  out,  and  finally,  the  wing  in 
general. 

Ver.  12.  TpL7)8eU  6  a.^p  euditas  fls  eavrhv  av^- 
\69ri,  the  parted  air  is  immediately  resolved 
into  itself  again.  The  aorist  here,  as  in  the 
preceding  verses,  is  used,  as  a  narrative  aorist, 
representing  the  fact  as  having  taken  place  in  a 
way  to  indicate  the  rapid  succession  of  events. 
Cf.  Winer,  pp.  277,  278.  —  'Cis  ayfofiaat.  Cf.,  for 
a  like  construction,  3  Mace.  i.  2 ;  Jos.,  Antiq., 
xiii.  7,  §  2 ;  Acts  xx.  24  ;  Heb.  vii.  9.  On  the 
figures  used  in  the  four  verses,  9-12,  Cornelius  a 
Lapide  remarks  :  "  Quid  umbra  inatiius  ?  quid 
rumore  vanius  ?  quid  navifigacius  ?  quid  ave  volante 
velocius  ?  quid  sagittie  jactu  ocyus  et  pernicius  f  " 

Ver.  13.  KaT€5a7rafVi07j/i€i/.  In  the  A.  V.  ren- 
dered jvere  consumed.  Others  translate,  —  namely, 
Schmid,  Grimm,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  Gutmann, 
—  on  account  of  its  being  given  as  the  reason 
why  they  had  been  able  to  give  "  no  sign  of  vir- 
tue " :  were  snatched  away. 


Ver.  14.  At  the  close  of  verse  13,  probably 
with  reference  to  the  3ti  with  which  the  present 
verse  begins,  Vulg.  has  added  :  "  Talia  dixerunt  in 
inferno  hi,  qui  peccaverttnt."  It  was  no  doubt  origi- 
nally a  gloss  on  the  margin  of  some  MS. 

Ver.  15.  Zwffi.  Here  used,  as  frequently  in 
the  New  Testament,  in  the  sense  of  leading  a 
happy  life  ;  since  it  is  true  of  the  godless  also,  as 
our  author  would  teach,  that  they  have  in  the 
future  world  a  conscious  existence.  Cf.  John  vi. 
57 ;  1  John  iv.  9.  The  present  is  probably  used 
to  give  to  the  declaration  the  form  of  a  dogmatic 
truth  ;  not,  as  Grimm  thinks  possible,  to  intimate 
that  this  eternal  life  begins  in  the  present  world. 
—  In  (ill)  the  Lord,  that  is,  in  communion  with 
Him. 

Ver.  17.  T})v  m-lffiv.  The  creation,  the  ma- 
terial world,  with  all  its  mighty  forces.  Cf. 
Judg.  V.  20. 

Ver.  18.  IlafoTr\la,  equipment,  !.  e.,  his  zeal 
represents  the  sum  of  what  is  afterwards  given 
in  detail :  shield,  helmet,  breastplate,  greaves, 
sword,  and  lance.     Cf.  Eph.  vi.  11. 

Ver.  20.  Grimm  would  translate  6  KtStrjuos  like 
f)  kt/(7is  in  verse  17.  Cf.  Cremer  on  the  various 
meanings  of  this  word.     Lex.,  sub  voce. 

Ver.  22.  @v/j.ov,  of  wrath.  It  would  seem 
that  this  word  is  to  be  taken,  not  as  limiting  Trerpo- 
$6\ov,  but  as  in  apposition  with  it.  The  latter 
word,  which  we  have  rendered  by  sling,  appears 
to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  the  Latin  balista ;  a 
huge  machine  used  in  war,  for  throwing  masses 
of  stone  and  other  things  against  the  enemy.  — 
2vyK\vtTou(ni>,  sweep  over.  This  word  was  used 
in  classical  Greek  in  the  passive  to  mean,  to  be 
washed  over  by  the  waves  (so  Plutarch,  ii.  206  C, 
and  467  D.)  ;  and  truyKXvs  was  what  was  washed 
together,  hence  refuse,  a  mob. 

Ver.  23.  A  mighty  wind,  nvivixa  huva^jaws. 
On  account  of  the  following  comparison,  Grimni 
would  render  by  breath  of  the  Almighty.  The 
question  has  been  much  discussed  as  to  the  time 
of  the  retribution  spoken  of  inverses  17-23  :  some 
holding  that  those  of  the  future  world  are  meant ; 
others,  those  of  the  final  judgment,  or  such  as 
will  precede  that  event.  But  it  would  seem  that 
the  author  does  not  attempt  to  fix  the  time.  He 
only  announces  general  principles,  such  as  govern 
divine  providence  at  all  times.  Moreover,  the 
writer,  carried  away  by  the  grandeur  of  the  ideas 
which  he  is  seeking  to  express,  loses  sight  of  the 
free-thinkers  with  whom  he  began,  and  includes 
all  the  enemies  of  God  —  that  is,  all  who  are  not 
trne  Israelites  —  in  the  sweep  of  his  {uasi-pro- 
phetic  dennnciationa. 


244  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  VI. 

1  Hear  therefore,  O  ye  kings,  and  understand  ;  learn,  ye  that  he  judges  of  the  ends 

2  of  the  earth.     Give  ear,  you  that  rule  a  host,^  and  glory  in  a '  multitude  of  nations. 

3  For  the  rulership  is  given  you  from  the  Lord,  and  the  sovereignty  •  from  the  High- 

4  est,  who  shall  try  your  works,  and  search  out  yotir  counsels.     Because,  being  min- 
isters of  his  kingdom,  you  have  not  judged  aright,  nor  kept  the  law,  nor  walked 

5  after  the  will  ^  of  God,  fearfully  and  speedily  will  he  come  upon  you  ;  for  a  sharp 

6  judgment  is  taken  on  ^  them  that  be  in  high  places.     For  the  lowest  is  pardonable 

7  through  mercy  :  ^   but  mighty  men  shall  be  mightily  chastised.      For  he  who  is 
Lord  over  all  will '  fear  no  man's  person,  neither  will '  he  stand  in  awe  of  any  man's 

8  greatness  ;   for  he  made  small  ^  and  great,  and  careth  for  all  alike.     But  a  sharp 
inquiry  ^"^  shall  come  upon  the  mighty. 

9  Unto  you  therefore,  O  rulers,^'  do  I  speak,  that  ye  may  learn  wisdom,  and  not 

10  fall  away.     For  they  that  keep  holiness  holUy  shall  be  judged  holy  ;  '^  and  they 

11  that  have  learned  it''  shall  find  a  defense."      Wlierefore  be  desirous  of'^  my 

12  words  ;  yearn  for  them,"^  and  ye  shall  become  instructed."  Wisdom  is  glorious, 
and  never  fadeth  away  ;  and  '*  she  is  easily  recognized  '^  of  them  that  love  her,  and 

13  found  of  such  as  seek  her.     She  anticipates'^"  them  that  desire  her,  that  she  may 

14  make"'  herself  first  known  vnto  tkem.     He  who  ^  seeketh  her  early  shall  have  no 

15  great  travail;  for  he  shall  find  ^er  sitting  at  his  doors.  For  to  meditate  about  ^ 
her  7s  perfection  of  understanding  ;  ^*  and  he  who  is  wakeful  on  her  account  ''^  shall 

16  quickly  be  without  care.  For  she  goeth  about  seeking  such  as  are  worthy  of  her, 
and  '^^  sheweth  herself  favorable  unto  them  in  their  ■'  ways,  and  meeteth  ^"  them  in 

17  every  thought.     For  the  surest  ^  beginning  of  her  is  a  ^  desire  of  instruction  ;  '* 

18  and  care  for  instruction  is  love  for  her ;  *^  and   love  is  keeping  her  '^  laws  ;  and 

19  giving  "*  heed  unto  her  laws  is  assurance  ^  of  incorruption  ;  and  incorruption  maketh 
20,  21  us  near  unto  God  ;  so  a  desire  for'"  wisdom  bringeth  to  a  kingdom.     If  then 

your  delight  be  in  thrones  and  sceptres,  O  ye  rulers  "  of  the  people,  honor  wisdom, 

22  that  ye  may  reign  for  evermore.  But  '*  as  for  wisdom,  what  she  is,  and  how  she 
arose,'^  I  will  tell  you,  and  will  not  hide  mysteries  from  you  ;  but  wLU  seek  her  out 
from  the  beginning  of  creation,^"  and  bring  the  knowledge  of  her  into  light,  and  will 

23  not  pass  by  *'  the  truth.     Nor  indeed  will  I  walk  *'^  with  consuming  envy  ;  for  this  ^' 

24  shall  have  no  fellowship  with  wisdom.     But  a  multitude  of  wise  men  is  the  salva- 

25  tion  of  the  world  ;  and  a  discreet  king  is  the  weal  "  of  the  people.  Receive  there- 
fore instruction  through  my  words,  and  it  shall  do  you  good. 

Vers.  1-8.  —  ^  A.  V. :  the  people  (see  Coin.).  2  in  the.  3  power  (Jun.,  potentia;  see  Com.)  is  given  you  of  the 
Lord  and  sovereignty.  *  counsel  {^ovKriv).  ^  horribly  ....  shall  he  come  ....  shall  be  to  (see  Com.).  (Codd.  23. 
55.  165.  2o3.  254.  supply  oAe^po?  after  uM-it'-)  "  mercy  will  ioon  pardon  the  meanest  (.see  Com.).  7  tormented.  For 
he  which  is  ...  .  shall.        ^  shall.        ^  hath  made  the  small.        ^^  sore  trial  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  9-14.  —  "  A.  V.  ;  kings  [rvpttwoi).  ^  {m3iTg. ,jujtrjierl ;  seeCojTi.).  ^^  have  learned  such  things  (SiSaxSeVref 
aura).  ^*  what  to  answer  (marg.,  a  defence).  '■''  set  your  affection  upon  (rfiri^ju^traTe).  '*  desire  them  [no&ricraT€  ; 
aiiTOuv  is  to  be  understood).  ^^  be  instructed  (Grimm,  und  so  werdet  iJir  gebildet  werden).  "  yea.  l"  seen  (Wahl 
gives  the  verb  here  the  meaning  of  eontemplor,  i.  e.,  "  cum  attenlione  vel  admiratione  video,^^  Clavii^  ad  voc.  ;  but  the 
context  is  against  it).  20  preventeth.  ^^  in  making.  ^  \Vhoso.  Instead  of  eVt  after  opSpttrai  (as  II.  23.  68.  157. 
Clem,  of  Alex.)  Codd.  III.  65.  106.  155.248.  253.  254.  261.  296.  with  Co.  have  npis,  which  is  the  more  common  preposition 
found  after  this  verb  in  the  LXX. 

Vers.  15-20.  —  ^  A.  V.:  To  think,  therefore  (y^p),  upon.  "  wisdom  {<^por^o-ews).  ^  whoso  watcheth  for  her  (5t' 
avT^i/ ;  see  CoTn.).        M  OTnits  and.  ^^  the  (rai?,  but  with  the  force  of  the  personal  pronoun).  -^  For  vnavTa  of 

the  text.  Tec.  Fritzache  has  received  anavT^  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  106.  and  Co.  (see  Com.).  2a  a.  V.  :  very  true  (oAtj- 

0ecrraT7j  ;  see  Com.).  so  1.5  the.  ^1  discipline  (marg.,  nurture  —  TraiSetay  ;  of.  iii.  11  ;  vii.  15).  ^2  the  care  cl 

discipline  i>  love.        23  the  keeping  of  her.        ■■*■•  the  giving.  ^5  the  assurance.  ^6  therefore  the  desire  of.     For 

apa.  1U6.  155.  157.  263.  254.  261.  296.  read  yap  ;  248.  Co.,  yip  ipa. 

Vers.  21-25.  —  =*'  A.  V. :  If  your  delight  be  then  ....  kings.  38  omitx  But.  3^  came  up.  *«  f^gj.  nativity 

(yeceaew?  ;  I  render,  with  Grimm  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  against  Wahl  who  gives  the  word  here  the  meaning  of  origo 
07tus ;  cf.  Com.).  "  pass  over.  *2  Neither  will  I  go  (oure  p.r\v  —  avvohevtritt  ;  106.  261.  read  p.r)  for  p.riv  ;  cf.  Com.). 
*3  fluch  a  vian  (oCtoc  ;  toioStos,  107.  263  ;  see  Covi.  Codd.  111.  23.  55.  167.  read  Koi.wvei  for  Kotviuiri]trei).  **  the  mol. 
titude  of  the  wise  15  the  welfare  of  ...  .  wise  king  is  the  upholding  (''  Wohlstand,"  Wahl's  Ctavis,  5hA  voce). 

Chapter  VI. 
Ver.  1.     Hear  and  understand.      The   same  I  farthest  removed.      The  expression   is  common 


Greek  words,  aKoiftv  and  amiivai  are  connected 
together  in  the  LXX.  at  Is.  vi.  9  (cf.  M.att.  xiii. 
14).  —  The  "  endi  of  the  earth"  are  the  lands 


also  in  the  classics.      Cf.  Hom.,  II.,  riii.  4,  7,  8 
Thucyd.,  i.  69. 

Ver.  2.      IIA^Savs,  host.      So  named   in  con- 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


246 


trast  with  the  few  rulers.  All  earthly  sovereigns 
seem  to  be  meant,  not  excepting  those  of  Rome, 
under  whose  rule  Egypt  must  have  been  at  this 
time. 

Ver.  3.  The  Vul<!:ate  also  translates  /cpoTTjo-is 
by  power  (potestas)  ;  but  it  means  power  to  rule, 
i.  e.,  command,  and  so  dominion.  It  is  nearly 
synonymous  with  Svi'acmla  in  the  following 
clause.  Cf.,  for  a  similar  thought,  Prov.  viii.  15, 
16  ;  Dan.  ii.  21  ;  Rom.  .xiii.  1-7  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  13  ;  and 
our  Saviour's  words  to  Pilate,  John  .\i.x.  II. 

Ver.  4.  The  law.  That  law  of  wliich  Paul 
speaks  in  Rom.  i.  19-21.  The  Sri  which  begins 
the  verse  is  coordinate  with  that  of  the  preceding 
verso. 

Ver.  5.  A  sharp  judgment  is  taken  (ytverai) 
on.  It  is  a  general  statement,  given  in  the  form 
of  a  conclusion  from  wliat  precedes,  and  hence 
better  lepresented  by  the  present.  The  preposi- 
tion iv  might  be  rendered  also  "  among,"  i.  e.,  in 
the  circle  of. 

Ver.  6.  ^vyyvuffrSs  effriv  €\4ovs,  is  pardon- 
able through  mercy.  The  last  word  expresses 
the  source  whence  the  pardon  proceeds.  Cf. 
Winer,  p.  185  f.  The  Syriac  has  paraphrased 
iKaxiTTos  by  a  small  but  wise  feint/.  —  Chastised^ 
punished,  iTaaSifaovTai.  This  verb  means  to  ex- 
amine the  truth  of  a  thing,  test,  and  is  not  used  in 
the  present  sense  in  the  classics  ;  but  there  are 
similar  examples  in  the  LXX.  Cf.  Gen.  xii.  17  ; 
Ecclus.  xxiii.  10;  and  the  present  book  at  xi.  10. 
On  the  thoutrht,  see  Luke  xii.  47  f. 

Ver.  7.  So  Job  xxxiv.  19:  "  That  accepteth 
not  the  persons  of  princes,  nor  regardeth  the 
rich  more  than  the  poor  1  for  they  all  are  the 
work  of  his  hands."  —  Made  small  and  great. 
That  is,  as  per.sons.  It  is  not  said  that  he  has 
made  them  small  and  great.  —  'O/ioius  is  used  in  the 
sense  of  commnniter,  *'  in  general."  None  are  over- 
looked. 

Ver.  8.  The  mighty.  It  is  understood  that 
the  mighty  do  not  use  their  power  as  they  ought. 
— ''Y.pivva.  It  is  an  inquisition,  search,  or  trial  by 
torture. 

Ver.  9.  Not  fall  away,  ijAi  irapaTreVTjre.  This 
verb  sometimes  occurs  in  an  ethical  sense  in  clas- 
eical  Greek  (Polyb.,  xii.  7,  2;  viii.  13,  8;  Xen., 
Hell.,  i.  6,  4) ;  and  in  Biblical  Greek  generally  sig- 
nifies a  falling  away  in  consequence  of  a  blame- 
worthy carelessness.  In  the  latter  case  iriirTav 
has  the  force  of  to  throw  one's  self  down  rather 
than  of  to  fall. 

Ver.  10.  'Offiais  th  '6aia,  holy  things  holily. 
— "Oo-iot  =  7^Dn,  in  the  Old  Testament  and  in 
the  LXX.  generally  used  to  translate  it.  It  is 
but  rarely  found  in  the  New  Testament.  See 
Acts  ii.  27,  xiii.  35;  Heb.  vii.  26;  and  a  few 
oiher  jilaces.  —  Aura  refers  back  to  to  8<ria  in  the 
preceding  clause. 

Ver.  1 1.  'E7ri0u;UT)(raTe  ....  rajc  \6y{t)v.  Verbs 
of  longing  and  desire  often  take  the  genitive  of 
the  thing  longed  for.  The  present  verb,  with  but 
one  exception  (Matt.  v.  28 ;  and  according  to 
some  readings  this  would  form  no  exception), 
always  in  the  New  Testament  takes  the  genitive. 
See  also  1  Mace.  iv.  17;  xi.  11.  — Become  in- 
Btructed.  '*  Acquiretis  natSfiav  =  disciplinam,  i.  e., 
morum  castigationem  et  eompositiotiem." — Corn,  a 
Lap. 

ver.  12.  Cf.  our  Saviour's  words  (Luke  vii. 
*5)  :  "But  wisdom  is  justified  of  all  her  children." 

Vers.  13,  14.  Cf.  Ecclus.  iv.  12  ;  John  vii.  38  ; 
Rev.  iii.  20.  —  Have  no  great  travail  (Koiriacrci). 


Lit.,  shall  not  yet  tired,  that  is.  in  seeking  here  and 
there.  —  Tur  wuKwv.  The  plural  is  used,  perhaps 
because  the  great  ones  of  the  earth  are  kept  in 
view.     Cod.  X.  reads  ttKoutwv. 

Ver.  15.  Understanding.  The  Greek  word 
is  (l>p6vT}a-i5.  It  should  not  have  been  translated 
"  wisdom,"  when  the  context  plainly  makes  a  dis- 
tinction between  them.  It  is  difficult  to  give  its 
e.xact  rendering.  It  means  a  proper  insight  into 
the  various  relations  of  life.  It  is  a  practical 
quality,  and  may  be  rendered  saynciti/,  insiyht, 
prudenc,  or,  as  here,  understanding.  —  He  that 
is  wakeful  (a7fiuir>':^iros)  on  her  account  shall 
shortly  be  without  care  li./j.fpi/j.t'o!}. 

Ver.  16.  Kal  eV  Trdar}  dirivoia  axavra  aifTais. 
Otliers  translate ;  meets  them  with  all  attention, 
Cf.  Com.  of  Grimm. 

Ver.  17.  The  Vulgate  and  most  commentators 
join  aATj^ecTTaTT;  with  iivi6vfxia,  and  translate  it  in 
the  sense  of  most  sincere ;  but  this  does  not  agree 
so  well  with  the  context  as  the  rendering  we  have 
given,  which  is  also  that  of  De  Wette,  Gutmaun, 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  Grimm. 

Ver.  18.  Cf.  our  Lord's  words,  Johu  xiv.  21, 
24.  —  Laws,  fii/xoi.  Usually  iinoKai  is  used  in 
this  sense  in  the  Old  Testament  Greek.  Cf., 
however,  the  LXX.  at  Jer.  xxxi.  33;  Ezek.  v.  6; 
2  Mace.  iv.  17,  vii.  9  :  and  also  Heb.  x.  16,  where 
the  Old  Testament  is  cited. 

Vers.  19,  20.  Philo  (according  to  Dahne,  1. 
331  ff.)  has  the  same  gener.al  idea  with  respect  to 
a  blessed  immortality,  —  that  it  is  the  fruit  of 
virtue  and  the  fear  of  God.  — ■  Near  to  God,  i.  e. 
brings  us  into  spiritual  likeness  and  cominuniou 
with  Him.  —  'A(p6ap(Tta,  incorruption,  as  at  1  Cor. 
XV.  42.  It  was  used  by  Philo  to  express  the  idea 
of  immortality.  Here,  as  well  as  at  ii.  23,  4 
Mace.  xvii.  12,  Rom.  ii.  7,  2  Tim.  i.  10,  it  includes 
the  thought  of  an  immortality  that  is  lilessed.  — 
A  kingdom.  Dominion  in  the  future  world  is 
meant,  as  the  connection  shows  and  the  law  of 
climax  demands.  Cf.  Rom.  v.  17;  1  Cor.  iv.  8; 
2  Tim.  ii   12. 

Ver.  22.  Mysteries.  The  Alexandrian  Jews 
would  not  have  thought  it  necessary  or  right  to 
conceal,  after  the  manner  of  the  Greek  philoso- 
phers, anything  from  their  fellow-countrymen  as 
though  it  were  too  sacred  or  too  deep  for  them  to 
understand.  To  them  there  were  no  initiated  or 
uninitiated,  —  nothing  that  was  simply  esoteric 
Grimm  quotes  Philo,  also,  as  saying,  in  disparage- 
ment of  such  a  course  on  the  part  of  the  philos- 
0|)liers;  tpOSvos  yap  ap^ri^s  Sic^Kitxrat.  —  Vivfirews. 
The  A.  V.  would  supply  auTjjs.  But  if  the  refer- 
ence had  been  tu  the  beginning,  origin  of  wisdom, 
this  word  would  not  have  been  omitted.  Crea- 
tion in  general  is  clearly  meant.  Cf.  Mark  x.  6, 
.xiii.  19  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  4,  and  chap.  x.  of  the  present 
book.  — 'Efixi'iaCeii'  is  used  only  in  ecclesiastical 
Greek  for  the  cbtssical  ^^ixf^vetv. 

Ver.  23.  SuvoSeltra,  walk  with,  have  to  do  with. 
Probably  chosen  on  account  of  its  similarity  of 
sound  to  wapoSeva-a  in  the  preceding  line.  Cf. 
Ovid's  picture  of  envy  {Metani.,  ii.  775  ff.) :  — 

"  Pallor  in  ore  sedet,  macies  in  corpore  toto  ; 
^iisquatn  recta  acies  ;  livent  rudigine  denies  ; 
Pectorafelle  virent ;  lingua  est  suffusa  veneno,*  etk 

—  2o0ia  in  the  dative  as  personified  after  Kotvatvii- 
o-fi  (cf.  1  Tim.  V.  22),  or,  as  Winer  (p.  200)  would 
explain  it,  on  account  of  the  notion  of  community 
implied  in  the  verb.  Such  a  construction,  also, 
occurs  not  infrequently  in  classical  Greek.  Cf. 
Liddell  and  Scott's  Greek  Lex.,  sub  voce.  —  Ovrot 


246 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


refers  to  envy.      The  Valgate,  followed  by  the 
A.  v.,  has  lalis  homo. 

The  admonitious  of  this  chapter  would  seem  to 
be  out  of  harmony  with  our  author's  ideas  as 
expressed  at  v.  17  ff.  and  vi.  5,  where  he  an- 
nounces God's  judgments  upon  the  heathen  em- 
pires of  the  world,  unless  we  consider  that  he 
there  predicts  what  will  take  place  in  case  they 
ihow  no  repentance.     Grimm  is  of  the  opinion,  on 


the  other  hand,  that  these  predictions  were  quitt 
too  positive  to  admit  of  such  a  supposition.  Still, 
the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  furnish  us  an  ex- 
ample, in  the  preaching  of  Jonah  at  Niueveh, 
where  the  announcement  of  divine  judgments 
was  no  less  positive ;  and  yet  they  were  condi- 
tioned, as  the  event  proved,  on  the  moral  attitude 
of  the  Ninevites,  as  over  against  such  a  proclama- 
tion. 


Chapter  VII. 


1  I  MYSELF  also  am  a  mortal  man,  as  all  others,'  and  offspring  ^  of  him   that  was 

2  first  made  of  the  earth,  and  in  my  mother's  womb  was  fashioned  as  °  flesh  in  the 
time  of  ten  months,  being  compacted  in  blood,  of  the  seed  of  man,  and  pleasure  * 

3  that  came  with  sleep.     And  on  being  born,  I  drew  in  the  common  air,  and  fell 
upon  the  earth,  which  is  of  like  nature  with  all,^  and  the  first  sound  °  which  I 

4  uttered  was  crying,  as  is  true  of  all.'     I  was  nursed  in  swaddling  clothes,  and 
6,  6  cares.*     For  there  is  no  king  that  had  any  other  beginning  of  being.     But  °  all 

men  have  one  entrance  into  life,  and  the  like  going  out. 

7  Wherefore  I  prayed,  and  understanding  was  given  me ;  1  called  upon  God,  and 

8  the  spirit  of  wisdom  came  to  me.     I  preferred  her  before  sceptres  and  thrones,  and 

9  esteemed  riches  as  '"  nothing  in  comparison  with  '^  her.     Neither  compared  I  unto 
her  a  priceless  stone,'"  because  all  gold  in  respect  to  her  is  a  little  sand,  and  silver 

10  shall  be  counted   as  clay  beside'^  her.     I  loved  her  above  health  and  beauty,  and 

11  chose  to  have  her  instead  of  light ;  for  the  light  that  cometh  from  her  never  goeth 
out.     But  all  good  things  came  to  me  together  with  her,  and  innumerable  riches 

12  through  "  her  hands.     And  I  rejoiced  in  all,'^  because  wisdom  goeth  before  them  ; 

13  and  I  knew  not  that  she  was  the  mother  of  them.     I  both  learned  without  guile,'* 

14  and  communicate  without  envy ; "  I  do  not  hide  her  riches.  For  she  is  a 
treasure  unto  men  that  never  faQeth  ;  which  they  that  use  have  provided  for 
themselves  '"  a  friendship  with  '''  God,  being  commended  on  account  of  gifts  -'"  that 

15  come  from  learning.  But  me  may  God  grant"'  to  speak  as  I  would,  and  to  think 
worthily  of "-  the  things  that  are  given  me  ;  ^  because  he  is  both  the  guide  of  wisdom 

16  and  the  directer  of  the  wise.  For  in  his  hand  are  both  we  and  our  words;  all 
"17  skill '^   also,  and    knowledge  of   workmanship.      For  he  gave  me   trustworthy^' 

knowledge  of  the  things  that  are,  namely :  to  know  how  the  world  was  fashioned," 

18  and  the  force  '"*   of  the  elements ;    beginning,  and  ending,  and   midst    of  times  ; 

19  alternations    of    solstices,    and   changes    of   seasons  ;  ^    circuits    of    years,*"    and 

Vers.  1-7.  —  1  A.  V. :  man,  like  to  all.  (According  to  Reusch,  Cod.  X.  is  alone  in  omitting  afflpwTros,  but  this  is  also 
true  of  II.  in  its  original  form.  A  coiTector  has  written  it  in  a  contracted  form  over  lao?.)  -  the  uHspring.  ^  to 
U.  <  the  pleasure.    Instead  of  virviu  of  the  text.  tec.  (as  II.  III.),  Codd.  X.  23.  106.  253.  261.  with  Vulg.  Ar.  Aim. 

read  iin-i/ou.    This  word  might  be  freely  rendered  "  conception."  ^  A.  V. ;  when  I  was  bom  ....  which  is  of  like 

nature  (see  Com.).  "voice.  '  all  oMers  do.    For  Triaii- tira  (as  II.  III.  23.)  X.  105.  253.  261.  read  iTroiriv.    But 

this  change  probably  arose  from  the  objection  felt  to  having  lo-a  follow  bfioiav.  For  the  same  reason  Grabe,  Amald, 
Schleusner,  and  Gaab,  would  substitute  ^Ka  (with  Co. ;  248.,  ^aa  =:  la-a,  or  lao)  for  lo-a,  while  Codd.  F.  G.  left  out  the 
latter  word.    Grimm,  Reusch,  and  Fritzsche  follow  the  text.  rec.    See  Co?n.  «  .\.  V. :  that  with  cares  (Fritzsche  re- 

jects iv  (supported  by  II.  23.  text,  rec.)  it  not  being  found  in  III.  X.  65.  106.  253.  254.  296.).  »  birth  (yevtaeus  ;  cf. 

vi.  22.  and  Com.].     For. 

Vers  8-12. —'"A.  V. :  omi/4  as.         ^  oi.  i=  any  precious  stone.    For  aTt/njTOc  ((fa:/,  rec.  Aid.,  marg.  of  A.  V.), 

848.  263.  Co.  Vulg.  read  ri^uov.  13  a.  V  :  of  her  ii  as  (Codd.  23.  248.  296.  supply  is  before  i(<inno!.)  ....  before 

{ivavrlov,  over  against ;  but  the  meaning  here  is,  in  comparison  with).  •*  All  good  things  together  came  to  me  with 

...  in.  1^  thtm  all.    The  reading  of  the  text   rec.  is  yei'eTii'  (so  111.  65.  Vulg.  Arm.) ;  II.  X.  23.  253.  E.  H.  I.  Ar., 

vVeffti' ;  261.  B.,  ■yeWTT)*'.     Probably  the  variations  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  word  was  new. 

Vers.  13-20.  —  "  A.  V. :  I  learned  diligently  (marg.,  without  guile).  "  do  communicate  her  liberally  (marg.,  vith- 

uu<  enry).  w  which  (ul  for  '6v,  23.  253.  H.)  they  that  use  («Tr)(rciniei'oi,  III.  55.  106.  167.  254.  261.  296.  A.  B.  C.  D.  F.  G.) 
become.  "  the  friends  of.  »  for  the  (6ia)  gifts.  2'  God  hath  grauted  me  (5e«ai«e>',  Co.  Aid.  Vulg.  Ar. ;  marg. 
of  A.  v.,  God  grant ;  see  Com.).  ■■  concciveas  is  meet  (afioi',  2G1.)  for.  ^  are  given  me  (marg.,  are  to  be  spoken 
vf:  Fritzsche  receives  AeyojieVuv  (text,  rec,  II.  68.  167.  248.  '253.  Vulg.,  ieio\i.ivoiv,  which  is  preferred  by  Grimm  and 
Keusch)  from  III.  X.  23.  65.  106.  254  201.  296.  A.  B.  D.  E.  11.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  "  a   V.  :  leadeth  unto  wisdom  and 

directeth  (see  Com.).  '"  wisdom  (.<)piiiTjeris  ;  special  meaning  determined  by  the  context).  -'  hath  given  me  certain 
[aifitviii,  trustworthy).  ='  made  ("  harmonische  Organisation  der  Welt,"  Grimm  ;  constructio,  Wahl).  "  operation 
{efefrytLav).  '^  the  beginning  (see  Com.),  ending  and  midst  of  the  times  :  the  alterations  of  the  turning  of  the  sun 

ind  the  change  of  seasons  (106.  26i  omit  Kcupuii' ;  see  Co?7!.).  '"  the  circuits  of  years.     Fritzsche  receives  fviavroi 


THE   WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON. 


247 


20 

21 
22 


positions '  of  stars  ;  natural  qualities  of  animals,  and  fury  ^  of  wild  beasts  ; 
powers  of  spirits,'  and  reasonings  ■*  of  men  ;  diversities  ^  of  plants,  and  virtues  ° 
of  roots ;  and  all  such  things  as  are  either  secret  or  manifest,  I  knew  ; '  for 
wisdom,  which  is  the  artificer '  of  all  things,  taught  me.  For  in  °  her  is  an  un- 
derstanding spirit,  holy,  one  only,  manifold,  subtUe,  facile,"  clear,  undefiled,  plain, 
not  subject  to  hurt,  loving  the  thing  that  is  good,  sharp,  unrestrained,"  ready  to 

23  do  good,  kind  to  man,  steadfast,  trustworthy,^-'  free  from  care,  having  all  power, 
overseeing  all  things,  and  permeating  all  intelligent,  pure,  and  most  subtile  spir- 

24  its.''     For  wisdom  is  more  mobile  than  any  motion  ;  and  she  also  passeth  "  and 

25  goeth  through  all   things  by  reason  of  her  pureness.     For  she  is  a  breath  '^  of  the 
power  of  God,  and  a  pure  effluence  '"  from  the  glory  of  the  Almighty ;  therefore  no 

26  defiled  thing  falls  "  into  her.     For  she  is  a  reflection  ''  of  the  everlasting  light,  and 
an '"  unspotted  mirror  of    the  efficiency  of    God,  and  image  -°  of    his  goodness. 

27  And  though  hut  ^'  one,  she  can  do  all   things  ;  and   though  -^  remaining  in  herself, 
she  maketh  all  things  new ;  and  from  generation  to  generation  ^  entering  into  holy 

28  souls,  she  equippeth  ^■'  friends  of  God,  and  prophets.     For  God  loveth  none  but 

29  him  that  dwelleth  with  wisdom.     For  she  is  more  beautiful  than  the  sun,  and  above 
every  position  -'"  of  stars  ;  being  compared  with  the  light,  she  is  found  superior.-" 

30  For  after  this  cometh  night ;  but  vice  shall  not  prevail  against  wisdom. 

faom  III.  X.  65.  157.  24S.  25a  254.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Euseb.  The  text.  rcc.  has  eVcaurii-  (with  II.  23.  63.  106.  26L 
Origen,  Syr.  Arm.).     It  is  not  easy  to  decide  between  them,  and  I  have  retained  the  latter.  i  A.  V.  :    the  positions. 

*  the  natures  of  living  creatures,  and  the  furies.  ^  the  violence  of  winds  (see  Com.).  *  the  reasonings.  ^  the 
diversities.        ^  the  virtues. 

Vers.  21-24.  —'  A.  V.  :  them  I  know  (80  Gaab  and  Wahl  |  but  the  context  requires  the  past,  and  I  render  accordiugly 
with  Bunsen's  Eibelwerk  (became  acquainted  with)  and  Grimm  (erkannte).  «  worker  (tex"!"!).  »  The  eV  before  avr;; 
is  omitted  in  III.  55.  106.  167.  254.  261.  296.  A.  B.  F.  G.  I.  Euseb.  It  is  supported  on  the  basis  of  the  other  MS.  author- 
ities by  Grimm  and  Reusch,  and  retained  by  Fritzsche.  ">  A.  V.  ■  subtil,  lively.  "  quick,  which  cannot  be  letted. 
12  sure.        "  going  through  (see  Com.)  all  understanding,  pure,  and  most  subtil  spirits.  ^^  moving  (nnTjnKwTcpoc) 

.  .  .  .  motion  ;  she  passeth. 

Vers.  25-30. — '5  A.  V. :  the  breath.  i"  influence  flowing  (marg.,  stream).  i^  can  ....  fall  (Trapc^n-inTet ;  more 
literally, /a^5  in  by  the  way,  ateals  in,  i.  «.,  gets  in  without  being  noticed).  **  the  brightness  (see  Com.).  ^^  the 

(omi(5  and).        ^o  power  (eVep-yems)  .  .  .  .  the  image.        ^i    being  ftitf  (lit.,  but  not  clear).  22  0,72,75  though  (neces- 

sary for  clearness).  23  jn  all  ages  (#caTo  yeveas).  21  maketh  them  (»caTa(rK€vafet  ;  might  be  rendered,  prepnres). 

26  all  the  order  {dtviv  =  Stellun^,  Gaab,  Wahl,  Grimm  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk ;  it  might,  however,  refer  especially  to 
the  arraitgement  of  the  heavenly  bodies.        26  before  it  (n-poT«'pa  ;  106.  261.  B.,  Aa^irporepa,  an  obvious  gloss). 


Chapter  VII. 


Ver.  1.  UpasToirXdaTov,  &Tst  made.  Ci.  x.  I. 
Grimm  thinks  that  the  writer  himself  may  have 
coined  this  word.  It  c;\me  iuto  use  ouly  in  pa- 
tristic Greek,  and  always  as  referring  to  our  first 
parents.     Cf.  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  2.  'E-y\v<p-rii>,  fashioned.  The  word 
means  first  to  hollow  out,  as  a  ship,  then  to  en- 
grave  or  cai^ve  in  wood  or  stone.  Herod.,  vii. 
69.  —  2apf,  flesh,  i.e.,  the  simple  material.  If 
the  organism  had  been  referred  to,  awixa  would 
have  been  doubtless  used.  On  the  ide:is  of  tlesh 
and  spirit  as  found  in  the  Old  Testament,  see 
Wendt,  Notlones  Carniset  Spiritus,  etc.  (Gottingie. 
1877).  Cf.  also  Cremer's  Lex.,  ad  voc.  —  Ten 
months.  Possibly  lunar  months  of  twenty-eight 
days  are  meant ;  or,  the  months  of  the  civil  year 
among  the  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Egyptians,  be- 
ing one  day  shorter  than  ours  up  to  the  time  of 
Julius  Cajsar,  ten  months  are  given  as  a  round 
number  for  nine  and  one-half  months.  It  was,  at 
least  in  the  ancient  times,  a  common  way  for 
designating  the  period  of  pregnancy.  See  VirgL 
(EcToq.,  iv.  61)  :  "  Malri  longa  decern  tulernut 
jasliciia  menses."  Cf.  also  Ovid  (Fast.,  i.  33). 
The  passage  in  2  Mace.  vii.  27  is,  however,  an 
exception.  —  na76is,  compacted.  This  word  is 
used  of  blood  in  the  classics  in  the  sense  of  co- 
agulated, and  of  milk  as  curdled.  —  'With  sleep, 
i.  e.,  with  conception.  Cf.  iv.  6.  At  Fa.  cxxxix. 
13-15;  Eccles.  xi.  5  ;  2  Mace.  vii.  22,  the  matter 
is  otherwise  represented. 


Ver.  3.  Which  is  of  like  nature,  SfioioiraBTJ, 
i.  e.  to  the  man.  This  is  also  the  rendering  of 
tlie  Vulgate  [similiter  factam  terrani),  Schleusner, 
and  De  Wette.  Others  (Gutmann,  Dereaer)  ren- 
der ;  which  brings  similar  suffering.  According  to 
Grimm,  Bunsen's  Bibelw.,  Gutberlet,  and  others, 
the  idea  is,  rather,  that  he  held  the  same  relation 
to  the  earth  and  the  air  that  others  did  :  expe^ 
rienres  the  same  from  all ;  i.  e.,  is  trodden  upon, 
used  by  all  alike.  —  Xlpurriv  (pmvnv  rT]v  6/xoiatf 
iratTiv  iaa  K\aivt/.  Lit.,  the  frst  sound  the  same 
with  all,  in  like  manner,  weeping  =  giving  out  the 
first  sound  as  all  do,  in  weeping. 

Ver.  5.  rfi'eVeojy.  0/*  origin,  becoming  ;  but 
here  in  the  sense  of  life,  being.  Grimm  thinks  it 
should  have  the  same  meaning  at  James  iii.  6. 

Ver.  7.  Cf.  1  Kings  iii.  5  ff. ;  ir.  29.  It  is  to 
be  noticed  that  special  power  is  here  ascribed  to 
prayer.     Cf.  viii.  21  ;  Jas.  i.  5. 

Ver.  8.  'Ev  frvyKpla^i,  in  comparison.  In  this 
sense  in  use  only  since  the  time  of  Alexander  the 
(ireat.  It  is  used  as  meaning  "form,"  "mode,'' 
in  the  LXX.  at  Numb.  ix.  3. 

Ver.  9.  'ATifinTOf,  precious.  Lit.,  unhonored. 
unprized,  but  here  in  the  sense  that  it  is  above  all 
price,  inestimable.  Cf.  3  Mace.  iii.  23.  —  Clay, 
ir7i\6s.  Perhaps  here  mud,  for  which  the  word 
was  not  infrequently  used.  Herod.,  ii.  5;  iv. 
28. 

Ver.  10.  Above  (uire'p)  health.  This  preposi- 
tion  with  the  accusative   signifies   bei/ond,  awai, 


248 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


over  See  Winer,  p.  403  ;  Buttmann,  p.  335.  — 
Never  goeth  out,  aKolfitiTov.  Lit.,  never  sleeping, 
unresting.  It  is  used  iu  the  classics  of  the  ocean. 
Bretschneider  would  give  it  here  the  idea  effica- 
ci(S  nunquam  intermittentis.  hex.,  sub  voce.  Cf. 
V.  6. 

Ver.  11.  Through  her  hands,  by  means  of 
her.  —  nxouTos  is  rendered  in  the  Vulgate  in  this 
passage,  as  often,  by  honesUis. 

Ver.  12.  Knew  not  that  she  was  the  mother 
of  them.  He  had  pr.ayed  for  wisdom,  without 
knowing  that,  if  he  had  that,  other  good  tilings 
such  as  are  here  meutioned  would  also  be  given. 
—  TtveTis  for  yeveTeipa.  The  former  seems  to 
occur  only  here.  Grimm  calls  atteution  to  the 
imperfect  ^yv6ovv  as  showing  that,  long  after  the 
person  mentioned  had  obtained  earthly  riches,  he 
is  represented  as  being  unaware  of  the  fact  tliat 
they  were  really  due  to  wisdom.  This,  however, 
is  an  exaggeration  of  our  writer,  made  for  the 
purpose  of  doing  greater  honor  to  his  hero.  Gut- 
berlet,  on  the  contrary,  thinks  the  imperfect  may 
be  used  for  the  pluperfect ;  and  with  reference  to 
the  remark  of  Winer,  that  one  need  never  take 
the  latter  for  the  former,  says  that  it  would  be 
by  all  means  better  so  to  use  it  than  to  asstime 
with  Grimm  that  the  author  has  said  more  than 
he  ought ! 

Ver.  13.  'hUXas.  Not  diligently  (A.  V.),  but 
without  guile,  that  is,  as  not  having  a  selfish  inter- 
est therein. —  Do  not  hide  (airoKpuirTOjuoi).  The 
present  is  used  as  showing  that  it  was  something 
that  he  was  not  accustomed  to  do,  to  conceal. 

Ver.  15.  'E/io!  St.  The  pronoun  is  placed  at 
the  beginning  for  emphasis.  —  T^s  abipias  biriy6i. 
Not  leader  to  wisdom  (A.  V.),  but  leader  of  wis- 
dom, since  the  koI  .  .  .  .  Kai  show  that  the  two 
clauses,  this  and  the  following  one,  are  parallel. 

Ver.  18.  Beginning  ....  of  times.  The 
reference  is  apparently  to  astronomical  chron- 
ology. Grotius,  Gaab,  and  others  would  para- 
phrase :  "  That  I  may  know  when  the  fall  [be- 
ginning of  the  ye.ar],  the  summer  [the  end],  and 
the  winter  and  spring  [the  middle]  properly 
come."  Others  refer  it  to  the  three  divisions  of  the 
Greek  month.  —  TponUt'  aWayds.  These  words 
have  been  variously  rendered  ;  changes  of  cus- 
toms;  changes  in  the  revolutions  [of  the  constella- 
tions[  ;  changes  produced  by  tlue.  revolutions,  i.  e.  in 
nature  as  it  respects  climate,  etc. ;  changes  in 
nature  produced  by  the  solstices  ;  and  changes,  alter- 
nations of  the  solstices-  Grimm,  with  Wahl  and 
many  others,  decides  for  the  last  as  agreeing  best 
with  the  context.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Dent,  xxxiii.  14  ; 
Jas.  i.  17.  The  latter  word  is  used  by  Justin 
(ApoL,  i.  23)  to  denote  "regeneration;"  in  the 
apocryphal  Acts  as  synonymous  with  (rToe/iiis, 
"  stage,"  a  place  where  relays  of  horses  were 
^ken.  Cf.  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc.  —  Seasons, 
Katpiiv.  Probably  also  the  change  of  mouths,  and 
of  day  and  night,  is  included. 

Ver.  20.  Violence  of  ■winds  {■tTvfv/xdTQii'  ^ias). 
This  is  the  rendering  of  the  Vulgate  {vim  venlo- 
rum),  and  of  many  commentators.  It  could  mean, 
however,  powers  of  spirits,  i.e.,  good  and  bad  angels, 
and  the  latter  meaning  is  to  be  preferred  as  best 
■uiting  the  connection.  It  was  not  to  be  expected 
tliAt  the  winds  would  be  spoken  of  between  ani- 


mals and  men.  Cf.  also  iv.  4,  $las  ifefiuv  is  used 
for  the  former  idea  It  was  the  teaching  of 
Josephus  {Antiq.,  viii.  2,  §  5|,  and  of  the  ralibins, 
that  Solomon  had  power  over  the  spirit  world. — ■ 
Virtues,  i.  e.,  medicinal  virtues. 

Ver.  21.  The  assertion  here  made  must  be 
taken  in  a  rhetorical  sense,  since  otherwise  our 
author  would  make  the  supposed  Solomon  some- 
thing more  than  human. 

Vers.  22,  23.  There  are,  according  to  the 
Greek  text,  twenty-one  things  ascribed  by  the 
author  to  wisdom,  —  and  proliatdy  with  design, 
as  twenty-one  is  the  product  of  the  two  sacred 
uumbeis  7  and  3.  Mucli  was  made  of  the  first  of 
these  numbers  in  Alexandrian  speculations.  The 
different  qualities  of  wisdom  as  thus  described  do 
not  seem  to  admit  of  a  particular  classification, 
although  the  attempt  has  often  been  made. 
Grimm  calls  attentiou  to  the  fact  that  what  is 
here  said  of  ao(pla  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
what  Philo  {De  Confus.  Ling.,  sec.  28),  evidently 
following  the  example  of  the  Stoics,  says  of  the 
divine  \6yos,  as  EyyeXos  TTo\vuivv^os ;  and  also 
refers  to  a  passage  in  Clement  of  Alexandria 
(Pro(.,  vi.  72)  cited  by  Nitzsch,  which  is  similar 
to  ours  in  imputing  a  long  list  of  noble  qualities 
to  "  the  Good."  He  also  agrees  with  Lipsius  (De 
dementis  Rom.  Ep.  ad  Corinth.  Disquisitio,  p.  102) 
in  thinking  that,  on  the  basis  of  the  present  pas- 
sage, the  Greek  Fathers,  from  Clement  of  Rome 
on,  named  Proverbs,  Ecclesiasticus,  and  the  pres- 
ent book  Trafaperos  (To<ftia. 

Ver.  24.  By  reason  of  her  pureness,  i. «.,  spirit- 
uality, freedom  from  what  is  material.  This  idea 
applied  to  God,  as  soul  of  the  world,  was  a  favor- 
ite one  with  the  Stoics,  who,  according  to  Grimm 
(cf.  citations  in  his  Com.,  ad  loc.)  often  used  these 
very  two  verbs,  SiiiKeiy  and  x^P^^^i  '"^  connection, 
to  express  the  same  thought. 

Ver.  25.  Falls  into  her  {its ainrjv napeixmirrci). 
It  is  one  of  the  beautiful  properties  of  light,  that 
it  can  come  in  contact  with  what  is  unclean,  with- 
out itself  becoming  contaminated.     Cf.  John  i.  5. 

Ver.  26.  'Airad7a'''f«i, brightness  (A.  V.).  Lit., 
radiation,  refection,  from  aTravyd^u.  to  radiate,  tn 
reflect.  It  is  found  only  in  the  later  Greek.  Cf. 
Hell.  i.  3.  The  usage  of  Philo  gives  the  sense  rf/?ei, 
and  also  radiation,  to  the  word.  Cf.,  for  other 
examples  of  the  use  of  the  word,  Sophocles'  Lex., 
ad  voc.  On  the  basis  of  the  pi-eseut  passage,  a 
mirror  [specula  sine  macula)  is  sometimes  found  in 
connection  with  later  pictures  representing  the 
immaculate  conception. 

Ver.  27.  Eemaining  in  herself,  i.  e.,  remain- 
ing herself,  undergoing  no  change.  —  And  proph- 
ets. This  is  not  the  usual  Jewish  view  of  the 
dying  out  of  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  is  that  of 
Josephus  and  Philo.  Cf.  Bell.  Jud.,  i.  3,  §  5  ;  ii. 
8,  §12;  iii.  8,  §§3,  9. 

Ver.  28.  Dwelleth  with  (crmoiKoZi'Ta) .  The 
full  meaning  would  be  :  is  married  to  and  makes  his 
home  with. 

Ver.  29.  Position  of  stars.  She  is  above  that 
harmony  which  is  so  admirable  in  the  position 
and  movement  of  the  heavenly  bodies. 

Ver.  30.  She  is  superior  to  light,  in  that  light 
gives  place  to  darkness  in  the  order  of  day  and 
night ;  but  wisdom  does  not  so  yield  to  evil. 


THE   WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON.  249. 

Chapter  VIII. 

1  And  she  ^  reacheth  from  one  end  to  the  other  -  mightily  ;  and  well '  doth  she 

2  order  all  things.    I  loved  her,  and  sought  her  out  from  my  youth,  and  I  sought  to  make 

3  her  my  spouse,  and  became  ^  a  lover  of  her  beauty.  In  that  she  liveth  together  ^  with 
God,  she  magniiieth  her  noble  origin  and '  the  Lord  of  all  things  himself  loved  her. 

4  For  she  is  initiated  into '  the  mysteries  of  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  is  a  chooser ' 

5  of  his  works.     And  if'*  riches  be  a  possession   to  be  desired  in  ;A/s  life,  what  ii 

6  richer  than  wisdom,  that  worketh  all  things  ?     And  if  intelligence  ^"^  work,  who  of 

7  all  that  are  is  more  of  an  artificer  than  she  ?  And  if  a  man  love  righteousness,  her 
products  ^^  are  virtues  ;  for  she  teacheth  thoroughly  ^'^  temperance  and  prudence, 
righteousness  ^'  and  fortitude,  than  which  nothing  is  more  profitable  to  men  in  life.'* 

8  And  also  '^  if  a  man  desire  much  experience,  she  knoweth  the  things  of  old,  and 
divineth  *^  what  is  to  come  ;  she  knoweth  the  .subtilties  of  speeches,  and  the  solutions 
of  riddles  ; "  she  foreseeth  signs  and  wonders,  and  issues  '*  of   seasons  and  times. 

9  Therefore  I  resolved  to  lead  her  home  as  a  life-companion,  knowing  that  she  would 

10  be  to  me  ''  a  counseller  of  good  things,  and  a  comfort  in  cares  and  grief.  Because 
of  her  I  shall  have  glory  in  popular  assemblies,-"  and  honor  with  the  elders,  though  I 

11  5e  young.     I  shall  be  found  sagacious  ^^  in  judgment,  and  shall  be  admired  in  the 

12  sight  of  great  men.  When  I  am  silent  they  shall  bide  my  leisure,  and  when  I 
speak,  they  shall  give  attention  ;  and  if  I  speak  longer  "'■'  they  shall  lay  their  hands 

13  upon  their  mouth.     Because"^  of  her  I  shall  obtain  immortality,  and  leave  behind 

14  me  an  everlasting  memorial  to  them  that  come  after  me.     I  shall  govern  peoples,^ 

15  and  nations  ^  shall  be  subject  unto  me.    Terrible  tyrants  shall  be  afraid  on  hearing  ^' 

16  of  me;  I  shall  appear  capable  in  counsel,'^  and  valiant  in  war.  Having  "*  come 
into  mine  house,  I  will  refresh  ^  myself  with  her  ;  for  communion  with  her  ^^  hath 
no  bitterness  ;  and  to  live  with  her  hath  no  sorrow,  but  mirth  and  joy. 

17  Having  °'  considered  these  things  with  ^^  myself,  and  pondered  them  in  mine  heart, 

18  that  ^^  to  be  allied  unto  wisdom  is  immortality  ;  and  that  it  is  a  pure  delight  °*  to 
have  her  friendship  ;  and  that  in  the  works  of  her  hands  are  infinite  riches  ;  and  in 
the  earnest  practice  of  communion  **  with  her,  prudence ;  and  in  participation  in 

19  her  discourses,  fame :  ^^  I  went  about  seeking  how  to  take  her  to  myself.''     But  I 

20  was  a  clever  "  child,  and  received  a  good  soul.^     Yea  rather,  being  good,  I  came 

21  into  a  body  undefiled.  Since,  however,'"'  I  perceived  that  I  could  not  otherwise  ob- 
tain *'  her,  except  God  gave  her  me  —  and  this  also  was  a  matter  of  insight,^^  to 
know  whose  gift  she  was  —  I  prayed  unto  the  Lord,  and  besought  him,  and  with 
my  whole  heart  I  said. 

Vera.  1^.  —  i  A.  V.  :  Wisdom.  ^  another  (see  Com.).  •  sweetly  (marg.,  proJitaUy).  *  youth  ;  I  desired 

....  and  I  was.        ^  is  conversant.        *  ker  nobility  {€vyiv€tav) ;  yea.         ^  privy  to  (marg.,  teacher  ;  ij.v<mi  ;  see  Com.) 

and  a  lover  (marg.,  chooser;  atpeVic  ;  evpe'ri?,  55.  106.  A. ;  evpc'-nj?,  261.  C.  D.  H. ;  Old  Lat.,  electrix). 

Vera.  5-8.  —  ®  A.  V. :  If.  "*  prudence  {(ftpoinjcns).  "  a  more  cunning  workman  (^oAAdf  e<m  rexvinf^)  ....  Is 

Oours  (trtSvoi,  but  obviously  to  be  taken  by  metonymy  for  the  fruits  of  labor  ;  cf .  x.  10).        12  ojnits  thoroughly  (which 
is  the  force  of  the  preposition  iK  (Aid.  cc,  in  e<c6i6a(T«et).  ^  justice  {Bt,KaiQ<rvvr\v).  ^*  which  are  such  things,  aa 

men  can  have  nothing  more  profitable  in  their  life.        ^^  omits  And  also.        ^^  things  ....  conjectureth  aright  (yritzsch©, 
with  Grimm  and  Reusch,  receives  eiica^ci  from  III.  X.  23.  157.  248.  261.,  A.  B.  C.  D.  E.  F.   G.  I.  Co.,  Clem,  of  Alex 
Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  instead  of  eUa^eif  of  the  text,  rec,  supported  by  IT.  C.  55.  Arm.).  "  can  expound  dark  sentencea 

(Xiiffei?  alvLyfjiaTittv).        ^^  the  events. 

Vers.  9-16.  —  '*  A .  V. :  purposed  to  take  her  to  me  to  live  with  me  (Codd.  106.  248.  Co.  add  ifLavT<f  —  cf .  ver.  2  —  to 
i.yayfiT€ai ;  C.  omits  i-ya-yeV^at,  and  Grimm  says  that  it  is  a  pity  that  only  C.  does  it)  ...  .  would  be.  20  por  her  sake 
....  estimation  among  the  multitude  ( Wahl  renders  in  conciontbics  nationum  —  scil.  iSvaiv  ;  Qrimm,  in  Yolksversamm- 
iungen  ;  cf.  Xeu.,  Hell.,  ii.  2,  21  ;   Mem.,  iii.  7,  5).  -^  of  a  quick  conceit.  22  jjold  my  tongue  ....  good  ear  unto 

me  ;  if  T  talk  much  (AoAoOi'tos  eVl  tt\€^ov  ;  cf.  2  Mace.  sii.  36).         23  Moreover  by  the  means.  24  (marg.,  govern)  set 

the  people  in  order.  ^  the  nations.  '-6  Horrible  ....  when  they  do  but  hear.  "  be  found  good  (see  Com.) 

among  the  multitude  (ec  TrA^0€i  seems  to  refer  to  the  popular  assembly;   so  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk:  im  Rathwerde  ich 
tiithtig  erscheinen).        28  After  I  am.        29  repose.        3o  jigj.  conversation. 

Vers.  17-21.  —3'  A.  V. :  Now  when  I.  ^-  in.  33  how  that.  34  great  pleasure  it  is  (see  Com.).  35  exercise 
of  conference  (seeCo?^. ;  C.  157.  read  yvfivairia).  3o  talking  with  her  {iv  Koivuvia  Aoyu^  avr^s),  a  good  report  (marg., 
^anu).        3T  take  her  to  me  (marg.,  marry  her).        38  por  I  was  a  witty.  39  ^ad  a  good  spirit.  ***  Nevertheless 

when  (3e  ort).         **  See  Com.        *2  A.  V. :  and  that  was  (*cai  toOto  S"  V  ;  C.  X.  have  Srj  for  5*  ^v  ;  but  it  seems  to  have 
been  simply  a  mistake  of  transcription)  a  point  of  wisdom  (tppov^aeutf)  also. 

Chapter  VIII. 

Ver.  1.     The  present  verse  properly  belongs  1  with  the  second  verse.  —  Reacheth  (in  her  act. 
to  the  seventh  chapter.     A  new  section  begins  |itj)  from  one  end,  i.e.  of  the  world".  —  Aioikc% 


250 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


order.  This  verb  refeis  primarily  to  the  manage- 
ment of  a  household,  as  the  comiiosition  of  the 
word  would  indicate,  and  then  is  used  in  a  gen- 
eral sense  of  managing,  directing  a  state. 

Ver.  2.  'E(pi\rt(Ta.  On  the  difference  between 
this  word  and  iyanaf,  of.  Trench,  Syn.  of  the  N. 
T.,  p.  65  ff..  :inil  Crenier's  Lex.,  ad  I'oc.  The_v 
are  used  in  many  cases  synonymously,  although 
the  former  denotes  properly  love  as  a  natural 
inclination  {amare),  while  the  latter  denotes  it 
more  as  a  matter  of  the  will  [diligere).  NvijLiprjv 
aya-yecOai  iixavTif.  to  lead  her  to  myself  as  bride. 
On  the  construction  of  the  middle  with  a  reflexive 
pronoun,  cf.  Winer,  p.  257. 

Ver.  4.  Muo-Tis.  It  is  the  feminine  of  liiar-ns, 
and  means  one  initiated,  —  AtpeVis  (aipeTTjs),  one 
who  chooses.  It  is  said  not  to  be  found  else- 
where. The  sense  is  that  wisdom  chooses  among 
God's  works  what  shall  be  carried  into  execution. 

Ver.  5.  'Epya^oiiivri,  worketh.  Wahl  and 
others  would  translate  by  acquires,  gets  ;  but  it  is 
doubtless  to  be  taken  here  in  the  same  sense  as  in 
the  following  sentence,  where  it  is  obviously  used 
as  analogous  to  nx^^'^V^- 

Ver.  7.  The  four  cardinal  virtues  are  men 
tioned  :  temperance,  prudence,  righteousness,  and 
fortitude  or  courage.  These  were  held  by  Plato, 
also,  for  cardinal  virtues  ;  but  by  him  were  founded 
on  the  threefold  nature  of  man,  of  which  our 
author  says  nothing.  The  latter  probably  em- 
ploys them  simply  in  a  popular  sense. 

Ver.  8.  2Tpo(fios  KSyav  =  [artificial]  turns  of 
speech,  i,  e.,  parables  and  the  like.  Cf.  the  LXX. 
at  Prov.  i.  3,  and  Ecclus.  x.Nxix.  2.  In  later 
times  the  words  came  to  mean  a  Inch.  So  Justin, 
ApoL,  i.  14.  See  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc. — 
'Snfi.e7a  (cal  repara  are  often  found  together,  also, 
in  the  Xew  Testament ;  here  probably  by  lien- 
diadvs,  for  one  and  the  same  supernatural  event. 
Cf.  Trench,  Si/n.  of  the  N.  T.,  Pt.  2,  p.  198.- 
Seasons  (Kaipuv)  and  times  (xpii""').  The  latter 
word  is  used  in  the  sense  of  definite  periods ; 
then    conjunctures,   circumstances.       Cf.    1    'Ihess. 

T.  1. 

Ver.  10.  It  is  implied  that  the  book  was 
written  during  the  earlv  life  of  Solomon. 

Ver.  12.  Hands  (xe'po;  X.  55.  157.  253., 
Xeipos)  upon  their  mouth,  i.  e.,  as  a  sign  that 
there  was  to  be  no  interruption.  Cf.  Job  xxi.  5; 
xxix.  9  ;  xl.  4. 

Ver.  1.1.  'ABamala.  This  Greek  word,  as  a 
Bubstantive,  occurs  first  iu  Plato.  At  first  it  was 
Bjiplied  to  the  gods  only  ;  and,  after  it  came  to  be 
applied  to  men,  it  was  employed  in  a  very  limited 
!ense  as  meaning  .simply  a  continued  existence. 
In  the  present  |»assage  it  seems  to  be  used  syu- 
inymouslv  with  fj-viifii}  aluivios.  But  our  book 
also  recognizes  a  deeper  meaning.  See  ver.  17, 
nd  XV.  3.  Still  the  term  has  no  such  fullness  of 
neaning  as  foj^  in  the  New  Test.iment. 

Ver.  14.     AioiK^o-oi.     See  remarks  at  verse  1. 

Ver.  15.  'A7o8(i!.  In  the  sense  of  capiiifc,  but 
(Deluding  also  the  idea  of  mildness,  kindness. 

Ver.  16.  Come  into  mine  house,  i.  e.,  from 
public  life  in  the  assembly  as  judge,  or  in  the 
field  as  warrior. 

Ver.  18.  T«pi)/is  ayaB^i,  nolle.,  pure  delight.  The 
special  shade  of  meaning  of  this  adjective  must 
often  be  determined  by  the  connection.  A  more 
literal  rendering  would  here  have  been  more  for- 
cible :  "that  immortality  is  in  connection  with 
her  and  in  her  friendship  a  pure  delight."  — 
luyyvixvofrla.  According  to  Grimm,  the  preposi- 
tion in  this  case  does  not  give  to  the  word  the 


idea  of  common  exercise,  as  is  usual ;  but  is  in- 
tensive, and  means  complete.  That  it  is  often  so 
used  simply  to  strengthen  the  force  of  the  word 
with  which  it  is  associated,  is  well  known.  See 
Text.  Notes. 

Ver.   20.      The  author  recognizes  the  soul  as 
being   really  the  man  ;   while  the   hodv,  though 
important,  is  a  secondary  affiiir.     Cf.  ix.   15,     He 
had  not  received  a  body  which,  to  such  an  ex 
lent  as  was  usual,  was  corrupt  and  curnipting 
and   hence   he   coiJd    successfully   seek   wisdom 
See  i.  4,  where  the   same   idea  is  advanced,  an^ 
where  (as  here)  our  author  seems  to  be  influenced 
to  a  greater  or  less  degree  by  the  current  philoso- 
phy, which  taught  that  the  body  was  really  the 
seat  and  source  of  evil  to  man.     It  would  appear, 
too,  that  he  believed  with  Plato  and  Philo  in  the 
preexistence  of  the  soul.     But  in  matters  of  de- 
tail his  views  do  not  agree  fully  with  those  of 
either  of  these  writers.     His  words  at  least  are 
not  open  to  the  charge  made  by  Keerl  (Die  Apok. 
des  A.  T.,  p.  39,  and  Die  Apokryphenfrage ,  p.  192), 
that  they  teach  that  God   made  souls  good  and 
evil.      It  is  clear,  rather,  that  he  regarded  such 
souls  as  came  into  the  world  evil,  if  there  wero 
such,  as  those  that  had  become  so,  in  a  previous 
ondition,    through   free   choice.      Most    Roman 
"latbolic  commentators,  and  also  such  Protestants 
as  advocate   the   retention  of   the    present  work 
among  the  books  held  to  be  distinctively  Biblical, 
have  sought  in  various  ways  to  evade  the  force  of 
what  is  said  iu  verse  20;  since,  if  it  is  translated 
according  to  the  Greek  text,  and  the  language  be 
taken  in  its  natural  sense,  the  doctrine  of  the  pre- 
existence of  the  soul  is  taught,  which   in  itself 
would  be  an  insurmountable  objection  to  the  re- 
ception of  the  book  among  the  canonical  Scrip- 
tures.    The  Vulgate,  not  taking  any  notice  of  the 
5e'  after  ti.ak\ov,  has  rendered  :  "cum  viagis  bonus 
essem  :  "  i.  e.,  it  has  joined  ij.a\\ov  to  ayaBos,  and 
then  used  them  in  the  sense  of  ^i\Tlav.     Schmid 
would  render:    "I  was  a  clever   child,  and   re- 
ceived a  good  soul ;  yea,  still  further,  being  good 
[i.  e.,  since  or  in  that  1  was  good],  I  have  come  to 
an  undetiled  body."     He  makes  the  personal  pro- 
noun "  I "  refer,  not  to  the  soul  alune.   but   to 
jraTs,  as  made  up  of  soul  and  body.     The  "  yea, 
still  further  "  he  makes  as  over  against  ij/uxifs  • .  • 
a.ya6T]s  refer  to  (TUfia  h^lavrov,  that  is,  he  had  not 
only  received  a  good  soul,  but.  still  further,  an 
undefiled  body.     He  adds,  that,  if  the  author  had 
wished  to  teach  the  preexistence  of   the  soul,  a 
better  opportunity  was  offered  at  vii.  1-7.     With 
respect  to  the  last  point,  it  may  be  said   that  it 
was  not  one  of  the  objects  of  the  author  to  bring 
out  the  doctrine  as  a  truth  to  be  believed  ;  but  it 
is  ratiier  assumed  as  an  admitted  fact,  which  in 
Alexandria  at  this  time,  and  among  leading  phil- 
osophical thinkers,  it  was.       Hence   at  vii.  1-7, 
where  the  supj>osed  Solomon  speaks  of  himself  as 
being  like  others  in   birth,  etc.,  there  was  no  spe- 
cial occasion  for  mentioning  the  circumstance  of 
his  preexistence  .as  soul.      Again:  the  assertion 
of   Schmid,  that  ixaWov  Se  has  never  the  force  of 
correcting   something    that    has    been    previousl- 
said  in  the  sense  of  or  rather,  is  obviously  false. 
That  it  has  not  ulwags  this  force  is  true  ;  that  it 
has  it  generally,  however,  cannot  well  be  disputed. 
His  quotation  of   Kph.  iv.   28 .-    "  Let   him   that 
stole  steal  no  more,  but  rather  (imWov  Si)  let  him 
labor,"  etc.,  as  supporting  his  view,  must  be  re- 
garded  as  speciidly  unfortunate  ;   as  also  of  Gal 
iv.  9.     Kriiger  remarks  (  Griechische  Sprachlehre, 
p.  332)  :    "  imKKov  ii  entspricht  unsercm  oder  viei' 


THE   WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON. 


251 


mehr."  So  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  ad  voc,  says 
that  the  expression  means  :  "  much  more,  or  rather, 
to  correct  a  statement  already  made."  Grimm, 
no  mean  authority  in  matters  relating  to  Greek 
grammar,  afjirms  that  "  more  commonly  it  has  a 
corrective  force." 

What  Schmid  further  says  concerning  the  "  I," 
as  referring  to  irats  and  not  to  ifu^^s,  is  more 
worthy  of  attention.  But,  supposing  that  what 
has  just  been  remarked  is  true,  it  could  only  refer 
to  the  latter,  if  the  last  part  of  the  verse  is  duly 
considered.  "  Good,"  moreover,  is  not  predicated 
in  the  first  part  of  the  verse  of  the  boy,  —  the 
person  iis  a  whole,  made  up  of  soul  and  body,  — 
but  only  of  the  soul.  He  was  a  clever  child,  with 
a  good  soul.  And  this  same  distinction  is  also 
made.  virtu.tUy,  at  i.  4,  if  it  is  taken  in  connection 
with  the  known  teachings  of  the  Alexandrian  phi- 
losophy during  the  first  and  second  centuries  be- 
fore Christ,  josephus  speaking  of  the  Essenes, 
for  instance  {Bell.  Jud.,  ii.  8,  §  11),  says  :  "  For 
their  doctrine  is  that  bodies  are  corruptible,  and 
that  the  matter  thej  are  made  up  of  is  not  per- 


manent ;  but  that  the  souls  are  immortal  and 
continue  forever,  and  that  they  come  out  of  the 
most  subtile  air,  and  are  united  to  their  bodies, 
as  to  prisons  into  which  they  are  drawn  by  a  cer- 
tain natural  enticement."  And  finally,  if  our 
author  meant  to  teach,  what  Schmid  with  Heng- 
stenherg  and  others  affirm,  that  the  soul  simply 
worked  upon  the  body  from  infancy  on,  to  make 
it  good  he  would  have  chosen  some  other  words 
than  ?i\8ov  els,  etc.,  to  express  so  important  a 
thought. 

Ver.  21.  'KyKparfis.  Grimm,  with  many  others 
(including  Eichhorn  and  Wahl),  would  render  by 
enthaltsam,  "  cODtinsnt,"  as  at  Ecclus.  xxvi.  15. 
Cf.  also  Tit.  i.  8,  and  Xen.,  Mem.,  iv.  8,  11. 
Others  (Schleusner,  Dereser,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk, 
Gutmann,  Ewald,  and  many  more)  give  it  the 
same  meaning  as  our  A.  V.,  <ro<pias  being  under- 
stood. In  favor  of  the  former  rendering  is  the 
connection,  and  the  prevailing  views  at  that  time 
respecting  the  necessary  conditions  to  the  attain- 
ment of  virtue  and  wisdom. 


Chapter  IX. 


0  God  of  my  fathers,  and  Lord  of  mercy,'  who  didst  make  all  things  by  ^  thy 
word,  and  endowed  °  man  through  thy  wisdom,  that  he  should  have  dominion  over 
the  creatures  which  came  into  being  through  thee,  and  rule  *  the  world  in  holiness  * 
and  righteousness,  and  execute  judgment  with  an  upright  heart :  give  me  wisdom, 
that  sitteth  by  thee  on  thy  "^  throne  ;  and  reject  me  not  from  among  thy  children  ; 
for  I  thy  servant  and  son  of  thine  handmaid  am  a  feeble  man,'  and  of  short  life,' 
and  too  weak^  for  the  understanding  of  judgment  and  laws.  For  though  a  man  be 
even  '"  perfect  among  the  children  of  men,  yet  if  wisdom  from  thee  is  wanting  he 

7  shall  be  held  for  nothing.^'     Thou  hast  chosen  me  out  beforehand   to  be  '"   king  of 

8  thy  people,  and  a  judge  of  thy  sons  and  daughters  ;  thou  hast  commanded  me  to 
build  a  temple  upon  thy  holy  mount,  and  an  altar  in  the  city  wherein  thou  dwellest, 
a  copy  '^  of  the  holy  tabernacle,  which  thou  didst  before  prepare  "  from  the  begin- 

9  ning.  And  wisdom  is  '*  with  thee,  which  knoweth  thy  works,  and  was  present 
when  thou  madest  the  world,  and  knoweth  '''  what  is  "  acceptable  in  thy  sight,  and 

10  right  according  to'*  thy  commandments.     O  send  her  out  of  thy  holy  heavens,  even 
from  the  throne  of  thy  glory  send  her,  that  she  may  labor  helpfully  with  me,  and  '* 

11  I  may  know  what  is  pleasing  unto  thee.     For  she  knoweth  and  understandeth  all 
things,  and  she  will  ™  lead  me  wisely  ■'  in  my  doings,  and  guard  --  me  in  her  glory.'^ 

12  And  so  my  works  will  ^*  be  acceptable,  and  I  shall  -°  judge  thy  people  righteously,  and 

13  be   worthy  of   my  father's  throne.-*^     For  what   man  will  discern  -''  the  counsel  of 

14  God?  or  who  will  lay  to  heart -^  what  the  will  of  the  Lord  is?    For  the  resolutions 

15  of  mortals  are  vacillating,^  and  our  thoughts*"  uncertain.     For  the  corruptible 

Vers.  1-6.  —  i  A.  V. :  Fritzsche  with  Grimm  and  Reusch  strike  out  o-ov  after  fi'Ae'oys  (it  is  wanting  in  C.  106.  248.  254. 
201.  B.  C.  F.  G.  I.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.).  ~  liast  made  .  .  .  with  (see Com.).  ^  ordained  (KaTatriceuaiTa?,  adopted  by  the 
same  critics  —  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  157.  248.  263.  254.  261.  296.  Co.  Aid.  —  for  KareaKtiaaa^  ,  see  Com).  •  thou  hast 
made  and  order.  s  according  to  equity  (see  Com.).  6  by  thy  (see  Com.).  '  person  (dc^pwiros).  ^  of  a  short 
time  (oAtyoxpoj-ios  ;  the  rendering  is  literal,  but  it  is  human  life  that  is  referred  to).  '■'  young  {tKairtrtav  ;  see  Com.). 

w  never  so  (the  force  of  the  Kai  in  Kav  is  overlooked  ;  it  is  omitted  only  in  55.  157.).  ^^  thy  wisdom  be  not  with  hijn, 
he  shall  be  nothing  regarded. 

Vers.  7-14. — ^  X.W.:  chosen  me  to  fcc  a  (see  Com.).  "  resemblance  (^tVn^a  :  iVacAiiW,  Wahl,  Grimm  :  seeCom.). 
"  hast  prepared.  ^5  ^,0^  (the  context  seems  to  require  the  present).  ^^  knew  (a  general  truth).  ^"^  was.  '^  in 
[iv,  but  so  rendered  through  the  influence  of  the  Hebrew,  and  with  the  meaning  above  given.  The  other  rendering 
would  imply  that  there  were  things  in  the  divine  law  which  are  not  right).  "  and  from  thy  ....  glory,  that  being 
present  she  may  labour  with  [nt  laborantem  me  adjtivet,  Wahl :  see  Com.)  me,  that.        20  shall.  2'  lead  me  soberly 

(owftpofiDs).  32  preserve.  23  power  (this  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  seems  to  have  come  from  the  Vulgate  through 

Coverdaie  and  the  Bishop's  Bible  ;  the  margin  of  the  version  of  1611,  however,  notices  the  other,  and  better  supported, 
reading,  io^jj  ;  see  Com.).  -*  So  shall  [kol  conseciitivtiyn)  my  works.  25  tken  shall  I.  -'^  to  sit  in  my  father's 

seat.  27  ,5  /[,,  if^f^  p^jj  know  {yvututiat.).  23  can  think  [iv&v^iri&^vfTox.).  29  thoughts  of  mortal  men  are  miserable 
'xaaiK.,  fear/ul;  it  seems  better  to  take  the  word  ficiAoi  in  a  subjective  sense).        ^  devices  are  but. 


252 


THK   APOCRYPHA. 


body  is  a  burden  to  ^  the  soul,  and  the  earthy  tabernacle  weigheth  down  the  mind 

16  that  pondereth  much.'^  And  hardly  have  we  a  presentiment  of  what  is  on  earth,  and 
that  which  is  at  hand  we  discover  with  difficulty  ;  ^  but  the  things  that  are  in  heaven 

17  who  hath  searched  out?     And  thy  counsel  who  hath  known,  except  as  thou  gavest 

18  wisdom,  and  didst  send  *  thy  Holy  Spirit  from  above  ?  And  '  so  the  ways  of  them 
who  were  on  *  earth  were  reformed,  and  men  were  taught  the  things  that  are  pleas- 
ing unto  thee,  and  were  saved  through  wisdom. 

Verp.  15-18.  —  i  A.  V. ;  preaseth  down  (jSapuVet)-  *  mueeth  upon  many  things  (iroAv^poi'TiSa).  ^  hardly  (the 

post-Homeric  word  /liAis  is  changed  to  /xdyi?  in  III.  X.  261.  Origen)  do  we  guess  aright  (eixd^eti'  =i  conjectando  cog- 
noscere,  Wahl  and  Grimm  ;  ahnen  wir,  Bunsen'fl  Eibdwerk)  at  things  that  are  upon  earth,  and  with  labour  do  we  find 
the  thtvgs  that  are  before  us  (marg.,  "  Gr.,  at  hand  ").        *  thou  give  ....  send.        ^  For.        ^  which  lived  on  the. 


Chapter  IX. 


Ver.  1.  See,  in  connection  with  this  prayer, 
1  Kinfjs  iii.  6-10,  and  2  Chron.  i.  9,  10,  where  the 
historical  facts  are  recorded  that  are  made  its 
basis.  —  0€e.  This  form  of  the  vocative  is  tin- 
known  in  classical  Greek,  and  among  the  Hellen- 
ists only  seldom  found.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Dent.  iii. 
24  ;  Judg.  x.\i.  3  ;  Ecclus.  xxiii.  4  ;  4  Mace.  vi. 
27  ;  also  Matt,  xxvii.  46.  At  1  Tim.  i.  18,  vi.  20, 
we  find  also  Ti/io'See.  —  By  thy  word,  lu  \6yif 
aov.  Cf.  Gen.  i.  3;  Ps.  xxxiii.  6;  Ecchis.  xlii. 
l.").  There  is  no  evidence  that  Adj-os  is  used  here 
in  a  technical  theological  sense,  as  referring  to  the 
second  person  in  the  Trinity.  The  context  is 
against  it,  as  also  other  parts  of  the  book.  See 
xvi,  12  ;  xviii.  15.  The  author,  too,  would  natu- 
rally put  into  the  mouth  of  the  supposed  Solo- 
mon words  of  a  purely  Old  Testament  coloring, 
and  not  such  as  were  known  to  have  an  established 
philosophical  stamp.  Moreover,  the  preposition 
iv,  on  which  Schmid  lays  much  stress,  is  not  the 
one  that  we  should  expect  if  the  author  was 
endeavoring  to  sustain  the  dogma  supposed,  but 
S.a.  Cf.  John  i.  3,  10  ;  Heb.  i.  2  ;  Winer,  p.  389  ; 
and  Meyer's  Com.,  on  Colos.  i.  15,  16.  It  is  true 
that  these  prepositions  are  sometimes  used  inter- 
changeably ;  ;'.  e.,  cV  sometimes  stands  for  5io,  but 
always  with  special  reason.  Here  there  is  none  ; 
and,  it  it  be  so  used,  it  is  the  only  instance  of  the 
kind  in  the  Iwok. 

Ver.  2.  KaTotTKet/ao-os,  endowed.  The  two 
ideas  of  "  made  "  and  "  endowed  "  seem  to  he 
included.  It  is  used  in  the  LXX.  to  translate,  in 
different  places,  three  different  Hebrew  words. 
Cf.  vii.  27.  See,  for  a  similar  thought,  Ps.  viii. 
6  f.  —  KTiu^aruiv,  creatures.  KriVjua  is  a  place 
foundfd,  built,  colonized;  but,  in  the  Apocrypha, 
that  ivhic/i  is  created.  Cf.  xiii.  5,  xiv.  1 1  ;  3  Mace. 
V.  1 1 ;  Ecclus.  xxxviii.  34  ;  also,  1  Tim.  iv.  4. 

Ver.  3.  'Ec  6<rt6TTiTt.  This  word  is  rendered 
ty  holiuess  at  Luke  i.  75,  in  a  similar  connection 
vith  SiKaioavvTj.  It  seems  to  refer  to  one's  duties 
towards  God,  while  the  latter  refers  to  one's  duties 
towards  his  fellow  man. 

Ver.  4.  Sitteth  by  thee  on  thy  throne. 
Similar  to  Prov.  viii.  23  ft.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Prov. 
viii.  30,  and  Ecclus.  i.  1.  In  classiciil  prose  the 
TripfSpos  was  the  coadjutor  of  the  magistrate. 
See  Herod.,  viii.  138.  In  patristic  Greek  it  meant 
a  "  familiar."  Cf.  So[ihoclcs'  Lex.,  ad  roc.  — 
e>p6vav.  Plural  of  dignity.  Cf.  verse  12,  and 
xviii.  15.  These  passages  are  peculiar  in  this 
respect ;  being  according  to  Grimm,  the  only 
ones  where  the  plural  of  this  word  is  used  for  the 
(tingular.  The  thrones  of  Oriental  jirinces  were 
made  in  the  form  of  a  half  circle,  and  provided 


with  broad  steps.  Upon  these  steps  sat  the 
nobles,  according  to  rank,  those  of  highest  rank 
sitting  nearest  the  monarch. 

Ver.  5.  'EAfio-trw*',  smaller,  more  insignijicant : 
viz.,  than  those  endowed  with  wisdom. 

Ver.  7.  n/)0€iAa>  (irpofl\ov  in  X.  23.  55.  106. 
157.248.  Co.).  The  preposition  is  not  to  be  over- 
looked, and  is  not  to  be  taken  (with  Gaab  and 
others)  simply  in  the  sense  of  taking  something 
before  another  thing,  ('.  e.,  choosing.  Cf .  for  the 
thought  2  Sam.  vii.  12  ff.  —  And  daughters  (of 
God).  An  uncommon  expression,  but  found 
also  at  Is.  xliii.  6  ;  2  Cor.  vi.  18. 

Ver.  8.  A  copy.  Cf.  Ex.  xxv.  9,  40  ;  Acts 
vii.  44  ;  Heb.  viii.  5.  According  to  Gutmann,  v;e 
have  here  an  allusion  to  the  teachings  of  the 
rabbins  that  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  was  built 
exactly  after  the  model  of  the  temple  in  heaven, 
which  God  had  built  at  the  beginning  of  human 
history.  But  it  would  appear,  rather,  that  our 
author  is  simply  alluding  to  a  well-known  his- 
torical fact  recorded  in  the  passages  just  cited. 

Ver.  9.  "Was  present,  i.  e.,  to  help,  like  the 
Latin  adesse.  This  usaire  is  classic.  Cf.  //.,  xviii. 
472  ;  Od.,  xiii.  393.  —  EuSe's.  It  is  used  in  the 
LXX.  for  fvBv,  from  ivBis,  right. 

Ver.  10.  "Iva.  trv^irapovaa.  ^ot  Kontitrr].  The 
clause  is  variously  translated,  but  the  meaning  is 
clear :  that  she  mag  assist  me  in  my  work.  The 
A.  V.  is  literal,  but  stiff.  Bunsen's  Bibdwerk 
renders :  "  damit  sie  mir  beistehend  wirhe." 

Ver.  11.  'Ev  Tp  Sij^Tj.  Vulgate;  "  in  sua  po- 
tentia."  But  the  thought  seems  rather  to  be,  that 
walking  in  the  light  (vii.  26)  of  wisdom,  there 
would  be  no  occasion  for  stumbling. 

Ver.  12.  npoaSeKT6s  (Lat.,  acceptus),  accept- 
able. A  rare  word,  occurring  elsewhere  as  adjec- 
tive only  in  Clement  of  Alexandria,  the  Martyr, 
of  Pol.,  and  in  the  LXX.  at  Prov.  xi.  20,  xvi. 
15. 

Ver.  15,16.  The  Platonic  and  later  S  toical  phi- 
losophy held  the  same  views  respecting  the  body  ; 
but  both  thought  and  language  are  outside  the 
range  of  Scripture-  —  At  hand,  i.e.,  easy  to  be 
understood. 

Ver.  17.  Counsel,  as  in  verse  13,  (SouXVjr. 
The  counsel,  will  of  God  with  respect  to  what 
men  shall  do,  is  meant.  —  The  prayer  seems  to 
end  with  this  chapter,  since  in  the  following  one 
(verse  5)  God  is  spoken  of  in  the  third  person. 

Ver.  18.  Saved  through  wisdom.  'The  mean- 
ing is,  that  by  the  exercise  of  wisdom  they  were 
preserved  from  errors  and  sins.  The  persona 
referred  to  are  those  who  lived  in  the  earlier 
periods  of  Jewish  history,  as  the  context  shows. 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON.  263 


Chapter  X. 

1       She  preserved  the  first  formed  father  of  the  world,  that  was  created  alone,  and 
2,  3  brought  him  out  ^  of  his  fall,  and  gave  him  power  to  rule  all  things.     But  an  un- 
righteous one  having  fallen  away  •^  from   her  in  his  anger,  he  perished  in  the  fury 

4  wherewith  he  murdered  his  brother.  For  whose  sake  *  the  earth  being  flooded  by 
a  deluge,*  wisdom  again  saved  it,^  in  that  she  directed  the  course  of  the  righteous 

5  man  by  means  of  a  worthless  piece  of  wood.  She  also,''  the  nations  in  their 
wicked  conspiracy  being  mixed  together,'  knew  *  the  righteous,  and  preserved  him 
blameless  unto  God,  and  kept  him  strong  notwithstanding '  his  tender  compassion 

6  towards  his  son.     When  the  ungodly  perished,  she  delivered  a  righteous  man,  who 

7  fled  from  the  fire  which  fell  down  upon  the  five  cities.  Of  whose  wickedness  waste 
land  that  smoketh  is  still  a '"'  testimony,  and  plants  bearing  untimely  fruits  ;  '^  and 

8  there  standeth  a  pUlar  of  salt  as  '^  a  monument  of  an  unbelieving  soul.  For  regard- 
ing not  wisdom,  they  got'^  not  only  this  hurt,  that  tliey  knew  not  the  things  which 
were  good,  but  also  left  behind  them  to  that  generation  •'■'  a  memorial  of  their  fool- 
ishness ;  so  that  in  the  things  wherein  they  offended  they  could  not  even  ^'   lie   hid. 

9,  10  But  wisdom  delivered  from  difficulties  her  servants.'^  A  righteous  one  fleeing 
from  his  brother's  wrath,  she  guided  in  straight  ^"  paths,  shewed  him  the  kingdom 
of  God,  and  gave  him  knowledge  of  holy  things  ;  made  him  rich  amid  hardships," 

11  and  multiplied  his  possessions.'"     In  the  covetousness  of  such  as  oppressed  him  she 

12  stood  by  him,  and  made  him  rich.    She  preserved^  him  from  his  enemies,  and  kept 
him  safe  from  those  that  lay  in  wait ;  and  in  a  sore  conflict  she  gave  him    the  vic- 

13  tory,  that  he   might  know  that  godliness  is  stronger  than  all.     A  righteous   one 
having   been   sold,  she   forsook  him  not,  but  preserved  -'  liim  from  sin  ;  she  went 

14  down  with  him  into  the  pit,  and  left  him   not  in   bonds,  till  she  brought  him  the 
sceptre  of  the  kingdom,  and  power  over  his  rulers  ; "-  and  ''^  as  for  them  that  liad  ac- 

15  cused  him,  she  shewed  them  to  be  liars,  and  gave  him  perpetual  glory.    She  delivered 

16  a  holy-''   people   and   blameless  seed  from   the   nation   that  oppressed  Me/«.     She 
entered  into  the  soul   of  a  "^  servant  of   the   Lord,   and  withstood   dreadful   kings 

17  through  ^'  wonders  and  signs.    She  '■"  rendered  to  the  holy  -*  a  reward  of  their  labors, 
guided  them  on  ^  a  marvelous  way  ;  and  became  unto  them  a  '^  cover  by  day,  and  a 

1 8  light  of  stars  during  the  night.''     She  '■  brought  them  through  the  Red  sea,  and  led 

19  them  through  much  water.     But  she  drowned  their  enemies,  and  cast  them  up  *^  out 

20  of   the   bottom  of  the  deep.     Therefore  righteous  ones   spoiled  the  ungodly,  and 
praised  thy  holy  name,  O   Lord,  and  magnified  with  one  accord   thine   hand,  that 

21  fought  for  them.    For  wisdom  opened  the  mouth  of  the  dumb,  and  made  the  tongues 
of  babes  ^  eloquent. 

Vers.  1-5.  —  '  For  e^ttXaro  {i^ei.K6.fj.T)v ,  later  Alex,  form  for  e^eiXdjiiii»')  68.  Aid.  read  e^i7€i.vev,  which  Schleusner  and 
Bauermeister  adopt ;  but  it  is  rejected  by  the  later  critics.  ^  \.\.;  when  the  unrighteous  went  awaj'  (airooTa?) 

»  perished  also  ....  cause  (for  6i'  ov  Codd.  X.  C.  106.  261.  B.  read  Sio,  i.  e.,  Si'  5  (H.,  Si'  Siv),  which  was  also  defended  by 
Grotius;  but  it  is  rejected  by  the  best  critics).  *  drowned  with  the  flood.  ^  preserved  i7.  For  Sic'o-uxre  of  the  rcxr 
ree.  Fritzsche  receives  iimirev  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  55.  106.  157.  A.  B.  C.  E.  F.  Q.  H.  Co.  '  A.  V.  :  and  directed  the 

course  of  the  righteous  in  a  piece  of  wood  of  small  Talue.  Moreover.  'confounded.  ^  she  found  out.  eyvw  (not 
rfp«  of  II.  68. ),  which  has  the  support  of  the  great  majority  of  the  best  MSS. ,  and  is  defended  by  Grimm,  Reusch,  and 
Fritzsche.        >*  A.  V. :  against  (marg.,  in.    The  preposition  is  eVi,  but  it  does  not  well  admit  of  an  exact  rendering. 

Vers.  6-10.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  the  righteous  man  ....  even  to  this  day  the  waste  land  that  smoketh  is  a.  (Fritzsche  with 
Rcusch  —  but  not  Grimm  —  read  ^!  en,  with  II.  III.  X.  55.  68.  106.  157.  248.253.  254.  261.  296.  Co.  Aid.,  and  apparently 
Syp.  and  Ar.  ;  ^s  iintv,  23  ;  ^  ttrri,  C. ;  wv  en,  Origen  ;  text,  rec,  ols  «Vt,  which  agrees  with  some  Codd.  of  the  Old  Lat. 
{quibits  in}  while  others  have  cujus  in).  ^  fruit  that  never  came  to  ripeness.  ^  and  a  standing  pillar  of  salt  is 

(106.  261.  Vulg.  Syr.  Ar.  have  Kai).  "  gat.  "  the  world  (t^  ^iu  ;  cf.  Wahl's  Clavis).  «  their  (so  157.  248.  Co.) 
foolishness  ....  not  so  much  as  {uifii).  '^  pain  {ir6viiiv.    The  context  determines  its  special  meaning)  those  that 

attended  (the  present  participle  is  to  be  received  from  III.  X.  C.  55. 106.  1.57.  348.  2.53.  261.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  for  flepa- 
irtixravm,  and  may  be  rendered  substantively)  upon  her.  "  When  the  righteous  fled  ....  him  in  right.  'a  in  his 
travails  («V  (aox^oi?).        '^  the  fruit  o/his  labors  (tous  wocous  ;  kottovs,  HI.  X.  23.  253.,  but  not  C,  as  stated  by  Grimm), 

Vers.  13-16.  —=»  A.  V.  :  defended  (SiecJ.uXafei' ;  X.  23.  248.,  i^iXdiev).  21  -lyhen  the  righteous  was  ....  delivered 

(Stff<^uXa^<v).  22  against  those  that  oppressed  him  l.Tupawovvrim'  avrov  ;  avTo;*,  23. 106.  157.  254.  261. ;  marg.  of  A.  V. : 
tht  power  of  them  that  ruied  over  him  ;  cf.  Matt.  I.  1).  23  omilj  and  (re  ;  Se,  248.  Co.).  "»  righteous  (marg.,  holy) 

»  the.        =«  in. 

Vers.  17-21.— "A.  V. :  <wi(Vs  She.  "  the  righteous  (oo-i'oi?  ;  cf.  previous  verse,  otrioi').  2e  in,  3"  ^as  .  .  .  .  fora 
(tyeiTTO  ....  eis)  ^^  in  the  night  season  {-r^v  vvkto.).         "  omits  She.  88  ivefipatrtv  (106.,  ave^pvaev  ;  C,  Sic^t- 

^otfcv ;  cf .  2  Mace.  i.  12,  efe^paae  ;  see  Com.).        3*  the  righteous  spoiled         .  them  that  cannot  speak  (see  Com  ). 


254 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  X, 


Ver.  1 .  That  was  created  alone,  /iSvov  ktkt- 
I«Vto.  These  words  have  been  variously  inter- 
preted:  (1)  the  one  alone  created  by  God,  i.e., 
immediately  by  him  ;  (2)  as  long  as  he  had  been 
alone  created,  viz.,  before  Eve  came  to  be  his 
tempter;  (3)  while  he  was  alone  created,  being 
without  protection,  God  preserved  him.  The 
last  opinion,  adopted  by  Grimm,  would  seem  to 
imply  tliat  afterwards,  when  he  was  no  longer 
alone,  in  the  view  of  the  author  he  needed  no 
protection,  or  needed  it  less,  which  could  scarcely 
be  imputed  to  him.  Gfrorer  (Urchristenthum,  ii. 
242)  maintains  that  the  passage  refers  to  the  idea 
of  the  faU  as  held  by  Philo,  according  to  which 
the  irapdirraiiia  Uiov  of  Adam  was  that  he  sunk 
out  of  the  state  of  a  pure  spirit  into  that  of  a 
material  existence,  became  Adam,  — a  man.  But 
this  is  to  force  the  passage  to  give  a  meaning 
which  does  not  lie  upon  its  surface,  and  is  not  in 
harmony  with  the  conte.xt.  It  seems  to  us  that 
the  thought  is  simply,  that,  when  there  was  but 
one  man  alone  on  the  earth,  wisdom  was  opera- 
tive. It  began  with  the  beginning  of  human 
history  its  helpful  mission.  The  following  verse 
favors  this  view.  Wisdom  kept  Adam,  our  au- 
thor would  say,  not  from  sin,  but  from  ntter  ruin, 
after  his  fall,  in  that  she  wrought  in  liim  repent- 
ance toward  God  and  subnii.ssion  to  his  will. 
The  tradition  of  Adam's  bitter  repentance  of  his 
sin  was  a  prevalent  one  in  the  East.  Cf.  also 
Gen.  iii.  7. 

Ver.  3.  Perished.  This  is  in  accordance 
with  later  Jewish  traditions,  but  not  with  the 
Scriptures.  Cf.  Gen.  iv.  15.  May  it  not  be  that 
spiritual  rather  than  physical  death  is  meant  1 
So  judges  Grimm,  and  it  would  not  be  out  of 
harmony  with  the  general  teaching  of  the  book. 
—  In  the  fury  wherewith,  i.  e.,  in  unnatural 
death.  @vit6s  is  made  plural  for  the  sake  of 
emphasis. 

Ver.  4.  By  means  of  a  worthless  piece  of 
wood.  She  directed  the  course  of  the  ark,  which 
in  the  wide  waste  seemed  like  a  worthless  piece 
of  drift-wood. 

Ver.  5.  The  conspiracy  of  the  people  at  Babel 
is  undoubtedly  meant ;  but  not  definitely  the  con- 
fusion of  tongues,  as  would  seem  to  be  implied 
by  the  A.  V.  Abiaham  is  spoken  of  as  though 
he  were  contemporaneous  with  this  historic  event. 
In  order  to  avoid  this  anachronism,  some  Roman 
Catholic  commentators  suppose  that  two  different 
persons  are  referred  to  in  this  verse,  the  righteous 
one,  whoever  he  may  have  been  (Sheni  ?),  and 
Abraham  !  Gutberlet  thinks  that  the  two  periods 
►ere  not  so  far  apart  (two  hundred  years  !)  that 
.tir  author,  who  was  thinking  le.ss  of  historical 
accuracy  than  of  moral  effect,  might  not  in  poet- 
ical license  have  regarded  them  as  near  together,   j 

Ver.  6.     'I'here  were  really  but  four  cities  de- 1 
Btroyed,  Zoar  having  been  spared  at  the  desire  of 
Lot.      But   cf.  Josepbus  (Bell.  Jud.,   iv.  8,  §  4),  ! 
who   makes    the    same   statement,   although   he 
seems  to  have  known  better  {Antiq.,  i.  11,  §  4).  I 
The  word  ■ret/Tan6Keus,  however,  may  be  used  in 
its  collective   sense,  without  excluding  the  fact 
that  but  four  cities  actually  perished. 

Ver.  7.  Untimely  fruits.  I'ossibly  the  so- 
called  "  apples  of  Sodom  "  are  meant,  —  beautiful 
in  appearance,  but  turning  to  ashes  in  the  hand. 
Joicphui   say*  (Bell.  Jud.,  iv.  8,  §  4),  that   the 


ashes  grow  in  the  fruits,  "which  fruits  have  a 
color  as  if  they  were  fit  to  be  eaten  ;  but,  if  you 
pluck  them  with  your  handi,  they  dissolve  into 
smoke  and  ashes."  Authorities  differ  on  the 
question  what  is  meant  by  this  fruit.  —  Pillar  of 
salt.  On  the  historical  fact  recorded  in  Gen. 
xix.  26  if.  and  the  various  explanations,  see  th» 
commentaries,  ad  loc. 

Ver.  10.  £ingdom  of  God.  Grimm  would 
render  $ain\elav  &eou  by  Regimeni  Gottes,  rule  (i.  e., 
manner  of  ruling)  of  God.  Cf.  Gen.  xxviii.  12  f. 
Cremer  [Lex.,  sub  ^'oce),  on  the  other  hand,  holds 
that  the  phrase  is  here  used  technically,  for  the 
first  time  (cf.  Gen.  xxviii.  12  ;  Song  of  the  Three 
Children,  32)  as  being  a  comprehensive  expres- 
sion for  the  object  promised  and  expected  in  the 
plan  of  .salvaiion,  and  possibly  fir.st  suggested  by 
Dan.  ii.  14.  —  'Ef  ii6x6ois,  amid  hardships,  i.  p., 
of  his  service.  IlcJcos  means  originally  simply 
M'orA-  (Lat.,  labor),  while  ixix^os  (from  fioytai, 
fi6yos)  means  properly  hardship,  distress.  The 
latter  is  found  chiefly  in  poetry.  In  the  follow- 
ing clause  TTficos  is  used  in  the  sense  of  what  labor 
brings,  wealth :  4ir\-i)Qvve  Toi^s  ir6vovs  ainov,  in- 
creased his  possessions.  Cf.  Ecclus.  xiv.  15;, 
xxviii.  15. 

Ver.  12.  Of  any  one's  lying  in  wait  for  Jacob, 
nothing  is  said  in  Genesis. 

Vers.  13,  14.  Into  the  pit ....  in  bonds. 
Both  events  are  mentioned  together,  out  of  chron- 
ological order,  probably  on  account  of  their  simi- 
larity. 

Ver.  14.  2K7)irTpa.  This  word  is  found  alsa 
in  the  classics  in  the  plural,  when  used  in  a  meta- 
phorical sense,  and  generally  so  in  the  later 
Greek.  Cf.  Herod.,  vii.  52.  Neither  this  word 
nor  $a(n\elaT  has  the  article  ;  but  the  sceptre  of 
the  Egyptian  kingdom  is  clearly  meant. 

Ver.  15.  A  holy  people  and  blameless  seed. 
This  does  not  sound  like  the  representations  of 
canonical  books,  which  never  commend  Israel  in 
such  a  sweeping,  indiscriminate  way.  Gutberlet 
[Com.,  ad  loc.)  would  understand  this  as  referring 
only  to  the  better  class  of  the  Israelites  ! 

Ver.  17.  A  reward  of  their  labors.  The 
things  which  they  borrowed  from  the  Egyptians 
are  named  the  wages  of  their  service  in  the  land 
of  bondage.  Or  is  the  last  part  of  the  verse  to 
be  considered  as  explanatory  of  the  first?  In 
that  case,  the  reward  was  the  guidance  and  pro- 
tection vouchsafed  in  the  wilderness. 

Ver.  19.  Cast  them  up,  i.e.,  their  bodies  upon 
the  land.  Some  critics  would  make  this  refer  to 
the  Israelites,  but  it  is  grammatically  inadmis- 
sible ;  while  the  word  used,  ayi^paaev,  is  quite 
too  strong  to  express  such  a  thought.  It  is  also 
out  of  harmony  with  the  connection,  especially 
the  following,  therefore,  5ia  tovto. 

Ver.  21.  Ku(p<iv  ....  fTiiritii/.  The  Vulgate 
has  mutornm  el  infantium.  We  are  not,  however, 
to  think  of  a  miracle,  as  Schmid  and  others  do. 
The  words  are  rather  to  be  taken  metaphorically 
for  the  Jews,  who  had  become  dumb  and  stupid 
in  their  long  bondage,  and  could  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected to  join  intelligently,  for  instance,  in  such 
a  song  as  Miriam's.  Gutberlet,  however,  would 
make  it  refer  to  Moses,  who  was  slow  of  speech. 
But  in  that  case  we  should  not  have  expected  th» 
plural,  nor  such  a  word  as  y^iriot. 


THE   WISDOM  OF  SOLOMON.  256 


Chapter  XI. 

1,2       She  prospered  their  works  by'  the  hand  of  a^  holy  prophet.     They  went 

3  through  an  uninhabited  wilderness,*  and  pitched  tents  in  trackless  wastes.^     They 

4  stood  against  their  enemies,  and  warded  off  ^  their  adversaries.  When  they  were 
thirsty,  they  called  upon  thee,  and  water  was  given  them  out  of  a  *  flinty  rock,  and 
their  thirst  was  quenched  out  of  a '  hard  stone. 

5  For  by  what  things  their  enemies  were  punished,  by  these  they  in   their  need 

6  were  benefited.     Instead  *  of  a  fountain  of  an  everflowing  river,  turbid  with  gore, 

7  for  a  rebuke   of   the  commandment  to   slay  the   infants,^   thou  gavest  unto  them 

8  abundance  of  water  unexpectedly  ;   showing  them  by  their  thirst  at  that  time  how 

9  thou  didst  punish  their  adversaries.'"  For  when  they  were  tried,  albeit  but  in  mercy 
chastised,  they  learned  "  how  the  ungodly,  being  judged  in  wrath,  were  tormented.''-' 

10  For  these  thou  didst  admonish  and  try,  as  a  father  ;    but  those,  as  a  severe  king, 

11  thou  didst  condemn  and  punish.     And  whether  they  were  .absent  or  present,  they 

12  were  afflicted  alike.'*    For  a  double  grief  came  upon  them,  and  a  groaning  on  account 

13  of*  the  remembrance  of  things  past.'^  For  vvhen  they  heard  that  through"'  their 
own  punishments  these  had  been  benefited,"  they  had  some  feeling  of  the  Lord. 

14  For  him'"  whom  they  rejected  with  scorn,  on  his  being"  long  before  cast  away  on 
the   occasion  of   the   exposure,  in   the  issue   of    events,   they  admired,'*   having 

15  thirsted  quite  otherwise  than  the  righteous.-'  And  on  account  of"  the  foolish  de- 
vices of  their  wickedness,  whereby  ^  being  deceived  they  worshipped  creeping 
things  -*  void  of  reason,  and  vile  creatures,'-*  thou  didst  send  a  multitude  of  irrational 

16  living  things ''^  upon  them  for  punishment;'-'  that   they  might  know,  that  where- 

17  withal  a  man  sinneth,  by  these  things  is  he  punished.^'  For  thy  Almighty  hand,  that 
made  also  '■"  the  world  out  of  matter  without  form,  wanted  not  means  to  send  upon 

18  them  "^  a  multitude  of  bears,  or  fierce  lions,  or  unknown  wild  beasts,  full  of  rage, 
newly  created,  either  breathing  out  a  fiery  breath,  or  sending  forth  a  foul  smelling 

19  vapor,*'  or  shooting  terrible  sparks  from  *'-  their  eyes  ;  of  which  not  only  the   harm 

20  might  completely  **  dispatch  them,  but  also  the  terrible  sight  utterly  destroy  them. 
Yea,  and  without  these  might  they  have  fallen  down  with  one  blast,  being  pursued  by 
Justice,**  and  winnowed  away  ^  through  the  breath  of  thy  power ;  but  thou  hast 

21  ordered  all  things  accord mg  to***  measure  and  number  and  weight.  For  it  is 
always  at  thy  command  to  shew  thy  great  strength  ;   and  who  shall  *'  withstand  the 

22  power  of  thijae  arm  ?  For  the  whole  world  before  thee  is  as  a  dust  speck  *"*  of  the 
83  balance,  yea,  as  a  drop  of  morning  *'  dew  that  falleth  down  upon  the  earth.     But 

Vers.  1-4.  —  >  A.  V. :  in.  ^  the.  ^  the  wilderness  that  uiaj  not  inhabited  [eprnLov  aoimiTOv),  *  places  where 
there  lay  no  way  (e'l/  i^iTois).  6  were  avenged  (<x«po"S  ijivrarro.  Wahl  gives  to  the  verb  here  (  Clavis,  ad  voc.)  the 
m&axin^  a  vie  propulso  ;  so  &\so'R\insfin'B  BibdweTk)ol.        "the.        7  the. 

Vers.  5-8.  — »  A.  V. :  by  the  same  ....  For  instead  (ii'Tl  ilcv).  s  ^  perpetual  running  river  troubled  (TopaxStVros 

with  III.  X.  157.  253.  A.  F.  G.  for  TafyLxBivrt^  of  the  tat.  rec.  II.  C.  23.  65.  al.)  with  foul  blood  (see  Com.),  for  a  mani- 
fest reproof  (lAeyxo** ;  106.  261.,  ^-naivov)  of  that  commandment  {no  article,  but  a  well-known  commandment  is  referred 
to),  whereby  the  infants  were  slain.  i»  by  a  means  which  they  hoped  not  for  (iveAmorio?) :  declaring  by  that  thirst 

then  how  thou  hadst  punished  (see  Com.)  their  adversaries. 

Vers.  9-15.  —  "  A.  V.  :  knew  (this  is  not  here  the  force  of  t-yvwaav,  but  rather,  came  to  know,  teamed).  "  were 

judged  in  wrath  (Fritzsche  adopts  ;ueT'  opyijs,  with  X.  C.  23.  106.  253.  261.,  for  sV  op-yj  of  the  text,  rec.)  and  tormented. 
A.  V.  adds  "  thirsting  in  another  manner  than  the  just ''  omitting  the  sameatver.  14,  where  it  properly  belongs.  (I  do 
not  know  what  authority  was  relied  on  for  this  change.  Coverdale  and  the  Bishops  Bible  — I  examined  the  second 
edition  —  follow  the  common  text. )  "  but  the  other  ....  Whether  they  were  ....  vexed  alike.  "for.  ^^  thmgi 
past  (Grimm,  followed  by  Fritzsche,  would  read  irape\9oiTcui',  with  III.  X.  23.  106.  167.  248.  261.  296.  Co.  B.  C.  D.  F.  G. 
H.  I.  for  irapeA.flouo-ii'  of  the  text.  rec.  ;  irapeATiAvfloTu).-,  55.  254. ).  ■»  by.  "  the  other  (ovrovs)  to  be  benefited 

(Fritzsche  receives  evepyerTiiieVout  —  for  evEpyerouneVous  of  the  text.  rec.  II.  68.  al.  —  from  III.  X.  C.  65.  But  Grimm 
and  Reusch  reject  it  as  a  correction).  i»  omits  him.    (The  t6i/  yip,  found  in  II.  C.  X.  23.  and  others,  should  be 

changed  accordins;  to  Arnald,  Qaab,  and  Fritzsche,  to  ok  yip  ;  but  Grimm  objects,  and  takes  rdi-  for  the  relative  and 
not  the  article).  »  when  he  was.  2"  thrown  out  at  the  casting  forth  of  the  in/ant.^,  him  in  the  end,  when  they  saw 
what  came  to  pass  (eVi  rrtfi  roii'  tK^itreay)  they  admired.  "  omits  the  entire  sentence,  inserting  it  at  verse  9  (106. 

281.  read  i(n)iJ)nra>Tei  —  i/n).^ifiu  =  to  vote  with  pebbles,  to  vote  —  for  aiiW<fa"es).  ^  But  for  (iiT-l  Si).  ^  wherewith. 
"  serpents  (see  Com.)        2»  beasts.        =■'  unreasonable  beasts.         "  vengeance. 

Vers.  15-22.  —  »  A.  V. :  the  same  also  {tai  is  found  before  xoAdftxai  in  X.  23.  253.  Athanas.)  shall  he  be  punished. 
»  omusalso.  3"  world  of  .  .  .  .among  them.  3i  breathing  out  either  a  fiery  vapour,  or  filthy  scents  (the  best  critics 
vlopt  B)ip.ov  for  the  plur.,  with  in.  X.  C.  23.  56.  al.)  of  scattered  smoke  (see  Com.).  S2  horrible  sparkles  out  of. 

•5  whereof  ....  dispatch  them  at  once  (e'lcrpri/zai,  which  Fritzsche  adopts  from  X.  (by  a  corrector)  III.  C.  65.  167.  248 
364.  296.  in  place  of  <rv>'««rp;^oi  of  the  text.  rec.  ;  cf .  xii.  9).  "  persecuted  of  Vengeance.  3=  scattered  abroad. 

•  la         sj  thou  canst  ....  at  aU  times  when  thou  wilt  ....  may.        a»  i,«  as  a  little  grain.        =»  the  morning 


256 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


thou  hast  mercy  upon  all ;  for  thou  canst  do  all  things,  and  overlookest  ^  the  sins  oi 

24  men,  that  they  may  repent.''     For  thou  lovest  all  the  things  that  are,  and  abhorrest 
nothing  which  thou  didst  make  ;   for  if  thou  hadst  hated  anything  thou  wouldest 

25  not  have  made  it.^     And  *  how  could  any  thing  have  remained/  if  it  had  not  been 
thy  will  ?  or  been  preserved,  if  not  called  into  existence  *  by  thee.    But  thou  sparest 

26  all,  because  '  they  are  thine,  O  Lord,  thou  lover  of  souls. 

Vers.  23-26.  —  *  A.  V. ;  winkest  at  (see  Com.).        -  because  they  should  amend  (eis  fLeravoiav).  *  hast  made  :  foi 

Dcver  wouldest  thou  have  made  any  thing,  if  thou  hadst  bated  it.  *  And  (6e  ;  C,  yap).  ^  endured.         "  omiti 

info  existence.        '  for  (the  stronger  "  because  "  seemed  more  suitable). 


Chaptee  XI. 


Ver.  1.  This  verse  properly  belongs  to  the 
preceding  chapter,  the  second  beginning  a  new 
gection  in  which  wisdom  is  no  longer  the  subject. 
—  A  holy  prophet,  ;'.  e.,  Moses.  —  'Ev  x^'p'h  ''^  or 
throufjfi  the  hand. 

Ver.  2.  The  fact  that  both  the  first  and  second 
verses  begin  with  like-sounding  words  is  worthy 
of  notice  :  euu'Scitre  ....  SitliSfutrav.  The  writer 
meant  thereby  to  give  emphasis  to  the  thought. 

Ver.  .3.  Adversaries.  Amalekites,  Aniorites, 
Moaliites,  and  Midianites.     Cf.  Numb,  xvii.-xxxi. 

Ver.  4.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  people  did 
not  call  on  the  Lord  :  they  complained  rather  to 
Moses  and  Aaron.  Cf.  Ex.  xvii.  1  fl^,  and  Numb. 
XX.  2  ff.  —  'AKpoT6fi.ou,  flinty.  The  word  as  ap- 
plied to  a  stone  means  cttt  off'  skarft,  squared.  It 
is  used  by  Polybius  of  a  precipice  (ix.  27,  4).  It 
belongs  to  the  later  Greek.  Cf.  Jos.,  Aniiq.,  viii. 
3,  §  2. 

Ver.  5.  This  verse  contains  the  theme  of  the 
remaining  chapters  of  the  book  ;  namely,  that  the 
Israelites  in  their  need  were  benefited  by  that 
which  was  a  punishment  to  their  enemies.  After 
eX^pol  avraiv  the  Vulgate  has  :  "  a  defectione  potiis 
sui,  et  m  eis,  cum  ahnndarent  Jilii  Israel^"  etc.  It 
was  doubtless  originally  a  gloss. 

Ver.  6.  'Aenyaov.  This  form,  which  is  a  con- 
Btant  varia  lectio  for  afydov,  is  now  generally 
given  up  in  classical  prose.  The  word  is  derived 
from  oel  vdw,  ever-Jiowwfj .  —  AvQpuiift  {\v6pov, 
elSos).  The  former  of  the  words  in  the  compound, 
when  it  is  used  alone  by  Homer,  always  means 
the  blood  streaming  from  wounds ;  and  when  used 
with  tttfia,  as  here,  it  meant  the  blood  and  dust 
from  battle.  Medical  writers  used  the  adjective 
for  impure  blood. 

Ver.  7.  NTjTTioitTifi'ou,  to  slay  the  infants.  The 
word  has  been  found  only  here  and  in  Pseudo- 
Ignatius.     Cf.  Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  8.  Unexpectedly.  They  were  in  the 
midst  of  a  wilderness.  The  reference  is  to  the 
Israelites,  and  not  to  the  Egyptians,  as  the  con- 
text plainly  shows. 

Ver.  11.  Absent.  .  .  .  present, /.  e.,  whether 
they  were  at  home  in  Egypt,  or  pursuing  the  Is- 
raelites through  the  Red  Sea. 

Ver.  13.  The  reading  which  Fritzsche  adopts, 
(u€py€rTifj.eyovs  for  eu€p7€Toy/xeVous,  in  Grimm's 
opinion  is  a  correction  arising  from  a  mi.sunder- 
standing  of  the  present,  which  would  mean  that 
the  Israelites  in  their  wanderings  were  continually 
thus  benefited.  —  "HtrBovTO  toC  Kvplov,  were  con- 
scious of,  recognized  the  Lord,  saw  that  the  thing 
was  of  the  Lord. 

Ver.  14.  'Eir!  reAei  raf  ix^iaftnv,  at  the  issue 
of  events,  namely,  those  recorded  in  Ex.  i.-xvii. 
We  do  not  learn  from  the  Scriptures  that  the 
Egyptians  were  aware  of  what  liap|)ened  in  the 
«rilderness,  or  that  they  ever  hid  any  admiration 
for  Moses  as  leader  of  the  Israelites. 


Ver.  15.  'EpireTo.  Probably  not  "serpents" 
(A.  V.)  alone,  but  also  crocodiles,  as  the  history 
teaches. 

Ver.  16.  In  the  present  case,  however,  it  was 
not  the  animals  that  were  worshipped  by  the 
Egyptians  that  were  afterwards  sent  upon  them 
as  punishment.     Cf.  Ex.  viii.  2,  16,  21  ;  x.  4. 

Ver.  17.  Matter  without  form.  The  word 
iKt]  is  used,  which  meant  originally  wood,  but 
which  after  the  time  of  Aristotle  was  used  for  the 
material  out  of  which  the  world  was  supposed  to 
be  made,  it  being  considered  as  a  dwelling.  The 
epithet  formless  (i.)iop<pos)  can  scarcely  refer  to 
Gen.  i.  2,  as  Schmid,  Gutberlet,  and  others  sup- 
pose, where  it  is  said  that  the  "  earth  was  without 
form  and  void,"  and  where  the  LXX.  has  iiSparos 
Kol  aKaraiTKfvaaTos.  The  idea  is  Platonic,  and 
the  ex])ression  1JA17  i^optpos  the  well-known  one 
by  which  the  philosophers  of  that  period  desig- 
nated the  supposed  eternally  existing  material  out 
of  which  the  world  was  formed.  The  supposition, 
moreover,  that  our  author  speaks  not  of  the 
original  creation,  but  of  a  secondary  adaptation 
of  its  already  created  matter,  is  opposed  to  the 
spirit  of  the  passage,  which  would  emphasize  the 
might  of  Jehovah.  Hence,  we  must  conclude 
that  he  accepted  the  unbiblical  philosophy  of  his 
time  in  its  teaching  that  matter  was  eternal 
Cf.,  however,  Kiibel,  in  Stud.  n.  Kril.,  1865,  iv 
p.  698,  who  advocates  the  view  that  pseudo 
Solomon  is  speaking  here  simply  of  a  molding 
not  a  creation,  of  matter,  and  refers  to  ix.  1  (cf. 
xii.  9)  as  confirming  the  view. 

Ver.  18.  Bp6fxov  KiKpLoifievovs  Katrvov.  Grimm 
thinks  the  meaning  fmil  smell,  given  to  the  fii'st 
word,  arose  from  confounding  it  with  $panos, 
since  its  meaning  is  otherwise  loud  noise  :  Lat., 
fremitus.  Cf.  also  LXX.  at  Job  vi.  7 ;  Joel  ii.  20. 
Sophocles  {Lex.,  ad  voc),  howtver,  maintains 
that  it  is  but  a  less  correct  foim  of  Ppw/ios.  Gut- 
berlet agrees  with  Grimm,  and  refers  it  to  the 
snorting  of  the  animals,  as  in  Job  xli.  9-12.  The 
second  Greek  word  is  not  to  be  taken  passively, 
as  by  our  A.  V.,  but  as  limiting  "  wild  animals  " 
in  the  previous  clause  in  the  sense  above  given. 

Ver.  19.  The  o-w  in  composition  here,  if  not 
stricken  out  with  Fritzsche,  has  an  intensive 
force,  altogether.  It  is  likely  that  the  fabled  b.tsi- 
lisk  is  meant,  produced  by  a  cock's  egg  brooded 
by  a  serpent.  It  was  alleged  that  its  hissing 
would  drive  away  all  other  serpents,  and  that 
even  its  look  was  death. 

Ver.  20.  According  to  measure.  Cf.  Job 
xxviii.  25;  Is.  xl.  12.  Hence  he  would  not,  by 
such  extraordinary  punishjients,  depart  from  the 
usual  order,  which,  after  aL,  the  highest  wisdom 
would  dictate. 

Ver.  22.  'Poirii  4k  irAo(7'Ti'77<Bv.  The  first  word 
means  inclination  downward,  in  contradistinction 
from  aovs,  inclination  upward,  and  is  particular^ 


THE  WISDuM   OF   SOLOMON.  257 


«sed  of  the  sinking  of  the  balance.  A  secondary  I  for  repentance.  —  Tlapopay.  The  first  meaning  is 
meaning  is  that  which  makes  the  scale  turn  ;  here,]  to  look  at  by  the  way,  to  notice,  rpmari- ;  then,  to 
perhaps  with  reference  to  Is.  xl.  15,  the  dust  that  look  past  a  thine/,  overlook,  make  light  of,  be  indul- 
clings  to  the  scales,  making  them  neither  lighter  7eH(  towards.  Here  it  is  obviously  not  to  be  used 
nor  heavier.  in  an  absolute,  but  in  a  relative  sense,  and  espe- 

Ver.  2.3.     God  does  not,  from  prudential  rea-   cially  as   limited   by   the   context.      Cf.    Ecclus. 
sons,   need    to   panish    offenders   at    once    (like   xxviii.  7. 
earthly  kings) ;  hence  he  shows  mercy,  and  waits 


Chapter  XTT. 

1  For  thine  incorruptible  ^  Spirit  is  in  all  things. 

2  Therefore  reprovest  thou  them  by  little  and  little  that  fall  into  sin,-  and  warnest 
them  by  puttino-^^em  in  remembrance  wherein  they  have  offended,  that  leaving  their 

3  wickedness  they  may  believe  on  thee,  O  Lord.     For  though  it  was  thy  will  to  de- 

4  stroy  by  the  hands  of  our  fathers  the  '  old  inhabitants  of  thy  holy  land,  w/ioin  thou 
hatedst  *  on  account  of  odious  works  of  witchcraft  which  they  practiced  and  unholy 

5  rites  ;  being  both  merciless  murderers  of  children  and  such  as  partook  of  sacrificial 

6  feasts  composed  of  human  flesh  and  blood,  initiates  of  an  abominable  fellowship ;  * 

7  and  as  ^  parents  that  killed  with   their  own   hands  helpless  souls,'  that   the  land 
which  thou  esteemedst  above  all  others '  might  receive  a  worthy  colony  of   God's 

8  children;    nevertheless  even  those  thou  sparedst  as  men,  and  didst  send   wasps, 

9  forerunners  of  tliine  army,*  to  destroy  them  by  little  and  little.     Not  that  thou 
wast  unable  to  bring  the  ungodly  under  the  hand  of  the  righteous  in  battle,  or  to 

10  destroy  them  at  once  by  terrible'  beasts,  or  with  one  rough  word;  but  executing 
thy  judgments  upon  them  by  little  and  little,  thou  gavest  t/iem  place  for '"  repentance, 
not  being  ignorant  that  their  origin  was  evil,  and  that  their  wickedness  was  ''  bred 

11  in  them,  and  that  their  disposition  changed  not  forever  ;  ^^  for  it  was  a  cursed  seed 
from  the  beginning.     Neither  didst  thou  for  fear  of  any  man  give   them  amnesty  '^ 

12  for  those  things  wherein  they  sinned.  For  who  shall  say.  What  hast  thou  done  ? 
or  who  shall  withstand  thy  judgment  ?  or  who  shall  accuse  thee  respecting  the  de- 
struction of  heathen,^*   whom  thou   madest  ?  ^°  or  who   shall   come   to   stand  up '" 

13  against  thee,  to  be  avenged  on  account  of"  unrighteous  men?  For  there  is  no'* 
God  but  thou  that  careth  for  all,  to  whom  thou  mightest  shew  that  thy  judgment  is 

14  not  unjust.'*    Nor  is  there -°  king  or  tyrant  who  is^'  able  to  set  his  face  against  thee 

15  for  those  whom^^  thou  hast  punished.  But  being  righteous  thyself .  thou  orderest  all 
things  righteously;  thinking  it  not  consistent'-^  with  thy  power  to  condemn  even-'' 

16  him  that  hath  not  deserved  to  be  punished.  For  thy  power  is  the  ground  of  thy  ^  right- 
eousness, and  because  thou  art  the  Lord  of  all,  it  maketh  thee  gracious  towards  '■'^ 

17  all.     For  when  men  do  '-'  not  believe  that  thou  art  perfect  in  ^  power,  thou  shewest 

1 8  thy  strength  ;  and  in  them  that  know  it  thou  dost  expose  their  presumption.^     But 

Vers.  1-6.  — ^   A,  V.  :  uncorruptible.  ^  chagtenest  ....  offend  (TrapaTrinToin-ay).  ^  For  it  .  .  .  both  thoie. 

•  (^(ff^ffas  is  joined  to  the  following  member  in  II.,  as  well  as  in  the  authorities  mentioned  by  Fritzsche,  III.  X.  C). 

•  for  doing  mo^t  odious  ....  witchcrafts  and  wicked  sacrilices  ;  arid  also  ihoae  merciless  ....  and  devourers  of  man's 
flesh  (for  crjr/^ayx*'o^aY"'»' —  of  H-  HI-  *-'■  ao*l  most  Codd.  —  Grimm  with  Bauermeister  and  Apel  would  re;id  <rn-Aayx»'o- 
ffrayous,  with  Co.  and  *'  12  Codd.  Sergii  "  ;  cf.  Corn.),  and  the  feasts  of  blood ;  with  their  priests  out  of  the  midst  of 
their  idolatrous  crew  [text.  Tec,  Ik  neaov  ^v(jTa0eiiis  aov  ;  Old  Lat.  a  ?nedio  Sacramento  tuo ;  Cod.  II.,  from  the  first 
hanA,€Ktxeaovti.vaTaS€taiTov;  and  from  a  secondhand  —  which  is  not  as  Fritzsche "s  apparatus  represents — ck/iuo-ou. 
^ivtrraBeiaaov,  thus  agreeing,  by  the  first  hand,  with  X.  Codd.  III.  55.  106.  253-  2bi.  296.  B.  G.  read,  eKtLiaovti.v(rT(x<rdi(i' 
Vint.  Fritzsche  adopts  ^ic  ^eo-ou  ^uCTTas  fliao-ou  ;  Grimm  and  Reusch,  ^«  ^utrous  ^i'(r7os  fliairou  ;  cf.  Com.].  6  the. 
'  souls  destitute  of  help. 

Vers.  7-11.  —  'A.  V. ;  other  (not  in  the  Greek,  but  neodful  to  complete  the  sense).  8  host  (tou  (rrpoToire'Sou  aov. 

Cod.  II.,  TOvs  orpaTOTreSovs,  etc.,  so  making  it  in  apposition  with  irpo6p6;ious).  •  with  cruel.  ^^  of.  "  they  were 
\  naughty  generation  {irovripa.  ij  ycVecris  auron')  and  that  their  malice  was.  ^  cogitation  would  never  be  changed  (see 

Com.).        13  pardon  (see  Om.). 

Vers.  12-16.  —  "  A.  V. ;  for  the  nations  that  perish  (I  have  rendered  freely  ;  lit.,  on  account  of  heathen  [nations'  that 
have  been  destroyed).  ^^  hast  made.  ^^'  omits  up.  ''  revenged  for  the.  **  neither  is  there  ani/.  ^^  unright. 
w  Neither  shall.  21  tyrant  (usually  "  ruler,"  »  Lt  here  allowed  to  stand  as  used  in  distinction  from  '*  king  ■■)  be. 

»  any  whom  {Sjv).  Fritzsche  adopts  iK6\aiTo.^  {text,  rec,  airwXetras)  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.  Ar.  Arm. ;  it  is  also 
the  reading  of  II.  23  jj^.  y.  :  Forasmuch  then  as  thou  art  ....  agreeable  (cw^etAoFra).  ^  omits  even  (at'Toi'  ric  ; 

fee  Com.).  ^c  is  the  beginning  of  (opxT,  but  with  the  meaning  of  ground  or  cause  ;  Wahl,  on  the  other  hand,  would 

render  by  imperium,  and  says  that  the  Greek  is  equivalent  to  :  rj  yap  apxij  ttjs  Iitxvo^  ffov  apx^j  5h<(UO(7iJitj?  ;  seeCom.) 
"  thee  to  be  gracious  unto  (<re  is  added  after  c))ei'Se<T»ai  in  III.  55.  106.  157.  248.  254.  261.  296.  Co.  Vulg.  Ar.  Arm.) 

Vers.  17-21.  — ^t  ^^  y. :  will.  23  of  a  full  (marg.,  perfect).  29  among  them  that  knew  it  (iv  rois  eiSiat ;  III.  Old 
17 


258 


THE  APOCEYPHA. 


thou,   having  power  at  command,^  judgest  with  clemency,^  and  rulest*  us  with 
great  favor  ;  for  thou  canst  *  use  power  whenever  ^  thou  wilt. 

19  And  ^  by  such  works  didst  thou  teach  thy  people  that  the  just  man  should  be 
humane,'  and  didst  make  thy  sons  to  be  of '  good  hope  that  thou  givest '  repent- 

20  ance  for  sins.  For  if  thou  didst  punish '"  the  enemies  of  thy  children,  and  those 
worthy  of   death,  with  such  indulgence  ^'  and  forbearance,-'^  giving  them  time  and 

21  place,  whereby  they  might  turn  from  evil : "  with  how  great  circumspection  didst 
thou  judge  thy  sons,  unto  whose  fathers  thou  gavest  promises  of  good  things  with 

22  oaths  and  covenants  ?  "  Therefore,  while  '^  thou  dost  chasten  us,  thou  scourgest 
our  enemies  a  thousand  times  more,  to  the  intent  that,  in  judging,  we   should  care- 

23  fully  think  of  thy  goodness,  and  on  being  judged,  we  should  look  for  mercy.  There- 
fore also,  the  unjust  men  who  lived  a  foolish  life,'^  thou  didst  torment  through  " 

24  their  own  abominations.  And  indeed,'*  they  went  astray  so ''  far  in  the  ways  of 
error,  as  to  hold  them  for  gods,  which  even  amongst  the  animals  ™  of  their  enemies 

25  were  despised,  being  deceived,  as  children  of  no  understanding.  Therefore  unto 
them,  as  to  children  without  the  use  of  reason,  thou  didst  send  the  '"■  judgment 

26  to  mock  them  ;  but  they  that  have  not  been  reformed  by  sportive  punishments  °^ 

27  shall  feel  a  judgment  worthy  of  God.  For  through  those  things  they  were  dis- 
pleased about  being  sufferers  from  them,^  that  is,  through  those  which  ^  they 
thought  to  be  gods,  tiow  being  punished  in  them,  they  saw  him,  and  acknowledged 
him  as  '^^  true  God,  whom  before  they  denied  that  they  knew  ; "'  therefore  also  came 
the  extremity  of  condemnation  ^  upon  them. 

Lat.  Arm.,  ovk  tlSwrt :  X.,  ere  eiSoaiv  ;  55.  254.,  eifiotri  aov)  makest  their  boldness  manifest.  i  mastering  thy  power  (thia 
rendering  would  carry  the  idea  that  effort  is  required,  which  idea  is  not  contained  in  Seinri^tav).        ^  equity  {see  Com.) 

•  trderest  (cf.  Com.  at  riii.  1).  *  mayest.  ^  when  (ore,  261.).  ^  But.  '  hast  thou  taught  ....  merciful 

•  hast  made  thy  children  to  be  of  a.  ^  Cod.  11.,  with  III.  68.  Aid.,  has  the  rare  form  iiSots  —  Homer,  Herod.,  Hippok 
—  instead  of  Si&ut^  of  the  text.  rec.  w  for  irtfuopriaai ,  111.  55. 106.  al.  read  ^TLfiup^trw,  whfch  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  ; 
cf.  rviii.  8,  where  all  the  MSS.  have  this  reading.  "  A.  V. :  the  condemned  to  ...  .  deliberation.  12  omits 
and  condescension  (Fritzsche  adopts  from  X.  SieVciut  for  {e^o-eut.  This  word,  as  well  as  the  preceding  «ai',  is  wanting 
in  III.  106. 167.  268.  254.  261.  A.  B.  C.  F.  G.  I.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  cf.  Com.).  i'  be  delivered  from  their  malice  (iiroAAaYuo-i 
TTJs  kojci'm).  1*  thine  own  ....  hast  sworn,  and  made  covenants  of  good  promises  {the  passage  hardly  admits  of  a  lit- 
eral translation  ;  Wa.h\,/cEdera  cum  promissionibus  eximiis  juncta). 

Vers.  22-27.  —  ^"^  A.  V. :  whereafl.  '^  when  we  judge  .  .  .  .when  we  ourselves  are  ....  Wherefore  whereas  men 

have  lived  dissolutely  and  unrighteously.  (For  i6;«ov!,  111.  23.  106.  157.  248.  253.  254.  261.  294.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Arm. 
A.  V.  read  aSiVws,  which  is  also  preferred  by  Grimm  and  Reusch.)  1^  thou  hast  tormented  them  with.  ^^  por 

(«al  yip).  "very.  »  and  held  lAfm /or  ....  beasts.  21  a.  2!  But  they  that  would  not  be  ..  .  that  correc- 
tion, wherein  he  dallied  with  them.  ^  look  for  what  things  ....  grudged  when  they  were  ptmished.  21  for  them 
whom  (for  ou!  X.  read  olv  ;  oU,  248.  261.)  (tS'oKmiv  Beoli,  106.  261.).  "6  when  they  saw  it,  they  acknowledged  him  to 

be  the.        =6  to  know.        27  and  therefore  came  extreme  damnation. 


Chapter  XII. 


Ver.  1.  Incorruptible.  In  the  sense  of  im- 
perishable, eternal.  The  Vulgate  has  here,  as  at 
the  heginning  of  the  fourth  cliapter,  the  addition  ; 
"0  quam  bonus  et  suavis  est,  Domine,  spiritus  tuus 
in  omnibus  !  " 

Ver.  2.  Little  and  little.  This  is  said  in  dis- 
tinction from  immediate  and  total  destruction, 
such  as  is  spoken  of  in  Terse  19  of  the  previous 
chapter. 

\  er.  3.  Hatedst.  Cf.  verse  24  of  the  eleventh 
chapter,  and  verse  8  in  the  present  one,  where 
the  love  of  God  for  all  his  creatures  is  set  forth. 
Here  the  sin  of  these  men  is  put  in  the  fore- 
ground ;  and  that  perhaps,  rather  than  the  per- 
sons themselves,  is  thought  of.  Still,  it  is  not 
easy  to  reconcile  the  ideas  of  verses  2  and  3,  if 
the  author  is  thinking  in  both  of  the  same  class 
of  persons. 

Ver.     5.        2TT\ay^;/o(pa.ywi/    avOfUDniftcv    aapKwif 

o7vav,  sacrificial  feast  of  those  devouring  hu- 
man flesh,  Bo7yav  being  thus  made  the  ohject  of 
lii(rri<rai  in  verse  3.  Grimm,  on  the  other  hand, 
would  read  trtrKayxvocpciyovs ,  and  connect  it  with 
io7yai>  in  tlie  sense  of  {■ihhriilini/  a  sacrifu-ial 
feast  from  huinart  Jl's/i,  wliicli  gives  a  iiuieh 
•mootber  sentence.     The  word  trjr\ayx''0(pdyos  is 


said  to  be  found  nowhere  else.  I  would  also, 
with  Grimm,  connect  al/xaTos  with  floifai'.  Cf 
trans. 

Ver.  6.  'Ek  fxtaou  fivaradeias  aov.  This  is  the 
reading  of  the  text,  rec.,  and  is  the  one  supported 
by  the  majority  of  MSS. ;  but  the  text  is  un- 
doubtedly corrupt,  no  such  word  as  iwuTaBeia 
occurring  elsewhere,  while  it  gives  with  any  rea- 
sonable etymology  no  good  sense.  The  passage 
must  therefore  be  reconstructed  with  the  aid  of 
the  variations  of  the  codices.     Cf.  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  7.  'AttoikiW.  We  might  have  expected, 
rather,  itroiKiav,  since  Palestine  after  Abraham's 
time  was  looked  upon  as  the  fatherland  of  the 
Israelites. 

Ver.  8.  As  men.  This  would  seem  to  con. 
firm  the  idea  expressed  above  (verses  3  and  4) 
that  a  distinction  is  there  tacitly  made  between 
men  as  such  and  their  sins.  —  Wasps.  The  same 
word  rendered  iu  the  LXX.  by  a<pr\^,  hornet,  is 
found  at  Ex.  x.\iii.  28 ;  Deut.  vii.  20  ;  Josh 
xxiv.  12. 

Ver.  10.  'O  \oyi(riJ.hs  oiuroiv.  Their  way  of 
thinking  ordinarily  is  meant,  and  so  their  dis 
position,  heart.  Cf.  Kcclus.  xxvii.  7  ;  2  M.icc.  vi. 
23,  vii.  21 ;  4  Mace.  ix.  30.     It  is  used  by  one  o. 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


259 


the  later  Fathers  in  the  sense  of  intention.  Cf. 
Sophocles'  Lex.,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  11.  A  cursed  seed,  i.e.,  cursed  in  Ca- 
naan.— 'ABciav  (Lat.,  securitas),  freedom  from 
fear,  security,  amnesli/.  Cf.  Herod.,  ii.  121,  6; 
Thucyd.,  iii.  58  ;  and  for  a  similar  thought,  xi. 
23.  Bretschncider,  however,  would  give  to  the 
word  here  the  sense  of  license,  indnlf/ence  {venia 
peccandi),  and  would  translate  :  "  £(  tii,  neminem 
timens, potestalem  fecisti  iliis  eorum,  in  c/uibus pecca- 
runt."  But  it  is  possible  that  here  the  meaning 
of  "  opportunity  "  would  be  more  suitable  than 
any  of  those  hitherto  suggested.  That  is,  it  was 
not  from  fear  that  God  gave  thtm  opportunity  to 
fiin.  This  meaning  of  the  word  is  also  histori- 
cally well  supported  in  the  later  ecclesiastical 
Greek.     Cf.  Sophocles,  ad  voc. 

Ver.  \f>.  Alirhv  Tdr,  even  him.  As  weak, 
hnman  rulers  often  do,  and  much  less  to  do  any- 
thing worse  than  this. 

Ver.  16.  'H  yap  Itrxvs  1T0V  5iKaio(7uv7js  apxTj-  It 
is  not  necessary  to  suppose,  with  Keerl  and 
others,  that  the  author  would  emphasize  the 
power  of  God  at  the  expense  of  his  holiness.  It 
may  mean  that  God  is  so  great  that  He  has  no 
(apparent)  necessity  to  do  wrong  ;  or  it  might 
refer  to  the  divine  power  as  an  absolute  quality 
which  in  itself  presupposes  the  presence  of  other 
absolute  qualities,  holiness  included. 


Ver.  17.  In  (eV)  them  that  know  it,  i.e., 
know  that  God  is  Almighty,  but  do  not  act  ac- 
cordingly. —  'Ef6A6'7xf '"  means  to  search  out,  lest  ; 
then  to  convict,  expose. 

Ver.  18.  S>i  Si.  Codd.  23.  106.  254.  261.  296. 
omit  Sf,  and  probably  on  account  of  the  difficulty 
of  the  construction,  these  words  implying  that 
some  other  person  had  been  spoken  of.  The 
writer  in  fact  probably  had  the  class  of  whom  he 
had  just  spoken  (verse  17)  in  view.  —  "With  clem- 
ency, in  etrieiKela,  in  distinction  from  strict  law. 

Ver.  19.  Repentance  for  sins,  ;'.  e.,  oppor- 
tunity for  repentance. 

Ver.  20.  In  the  A.  V.  the  words  ital  Sei)<reus 
after  irpoo-oxiJ!  are  left  unnoticed ;  for  which 
course,  as  it  will  be  seen,  there  is  considerable 
manuscript  authority.  Still,  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  reason  why  it  is  wanting  in  so  many 
MSS.  is  that  it  was  not  understood.  The  ma- 
jority of  critics  would  give  the  word  the  meaning 
of  pily,  coinpassion,  following  the  analogy  of  the 
Hebrew  word  TISPW  at  Josh.  xi.  20 ;  Ei.  ix. 
5.  Grimm,  however,  would  render  by  condescen- 
sion, from  the  idea  of  God's  stretching  out  his 
hands  as  a  petitioner.  Cf.  Kom.  x.  21.  I  read 
Sifffitiis,  forbearance,  with  X. 

Ver.  24.  Crocodiles,  frogs,  and  serpents  are 
meant.  Cf.  xi.  15,  and  also  the  account  in  Ex. 
chaps,  iv.-xi. 


Chapter  Xm. 


1  Foolish  were  ^  all  men  by  nature,  who  were  ^  ignorant  of  God,  and  could  not 
out  of  the  good  things  that  are  seen  know  him  that  is  ;  nor  on  considering  the  works 

2  acknowledged '  the  workmaster ;  but  deemed  either  tire,  or  wind,  or  swift  air,  or 
circuit  of  stars,  or  violence  of  water,*  or  lights  of  heaven,  to  be  gods  which  govern 

3  the  world.  K  now,  they  through  delight  in  their  beauty  ^  took  them  to  be  gods,  they 
ought  to  have  known  ^  how  much  better  the  Lord  of  them  is  ;  for  the  first  Author 

4  of  beauty  created '  them.  But  if  they  were  astonished  at  their  power  and  working, 
they  should  have   understood "  by  them,  how  much  mightier  he  is  that  made  them. 

5  For  by  the  greatness  and  beauty  of  things  created  the  Maker  of  them  is  relatively 

6  seen.'     But  yet  for  this  they  are  little  to  be  blamed  ; '"  for  even  they  easily  err," 

7  who  seek  ^'^  God,  and  are  ''  desirous  to  find  him.  For  in  that  they  are  engaged 
with  "  his  works  they  search  dUigently  '^  and  trust  the  appetirance ;  ^^  because  the 

8  things  are  beautiful  that  are  seen.     But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  also  not ''  to 

9  be  pardoned.  For  if  they  were  able  to  know  so  much,  that  they  could  explore  ^'  the 
world,  wherefore  did  they  not  sooner  find  out  the  Lord  thereof  ?  ''  But  miserable 
are  they,  and  in  dead  things  are  their  hopes,  who  called  them  gods  which  are  works 
of  men's  hands,  creations  of  art  in  gold  and  silver,  and  representations  of  beasts,  or  a 
useless  stone,  a  work  *  of  an  ancient  hand.    And  may  be,  also,  a  carpenter  saws  down 


10 


11 

Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Surely  vain  are  (yap  is  epexegetieal,  and  /xeV  not  to  be  rendered,  at  least,  not  by  "  surely  ;  ■' 
jetter,  also,  the  imperf.,  on  account  of  the  following  ira-piiv,  '\.<rxv<Tav,  etc.).  2  a,re.  3  neither  by  ...  .  did  they 

•cknowledge.     (FritzBche  adopts  irpovix^vjeq  from  III.  X.  23.  106.  157.  248.  254.  261.  296.  Co. —  text.  Tec,  TrpocrxoKres, 

t.  e.,  ■n(to<;a-x6m<i ;  but  cf.  xiv.  30).  *  the  swift,  .  the  circle  {kvkKo-;  ^  circuit ;  cf .  Tii.  18,  19) the  stars,  or 

the  Tioleut  water  (see  Com.).  6  the  lights   ....  the  gods  ....  With  whose  beauty  if  they  being  delighted.     Be- 

fore eeei's,  T*vTa  is  inserted  by  III.  23.  106. 157.  248.  253.  251.  261.  296.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm,,  and  it  is  adopted  by  FritzBche. 
*  A.  v.:  let  them  know  {yvuiTf>ivay=z  sie  kditen  einsehen  soUeny  Wahl ;  so  Coverdale,  "yetshulde  they  haue  knowne  ;  "  af. 
Winer,  p.  310  f.).  '  hath  created 

Vers.  4-10.  — ^  ^..  V. :  Tirtue  (Ivipyeiav)  let  them  understand  (v(iT](Ta.Tm<Tav  ;  see  preceding  Terse).  *  the  creatures 

proportionably  ....  is  seen.  Fritzsche  receives  Kai  before  KaAAo^oj?  from  55.  248.  253.  254.  296.  296.  Co.  Euseb.  Athanaa- 
Chrys.  C^riil.  Theod.  Arm.     It  Is  omitted  in  the  common  text,  but  l\.  has  It  after  itoAA.  '"  A.  V. :  the  less  to  oe 

blamed  {tLey.>\iL^  oAiyi)).  ^^  they  peradventure  err.  '2  seeking.  ^^  omits  are.  "  being  conTersant  in.  ^^  fiim 
diligently.        w  belieTe  r/ie/r  sio-ht  (see  Cojn.).        "  Ilowbeit  (6e' is  omitted  by  106.  261.)  neither  are  they.  ^^  could 

aim  at  {^vvtuvrat.  (no\a.ffa<TQan  ;  aim  at  is  the  literal  meaning  of  the  latter  word,  but  it  does  not  here  suit  the  context) 
"  how       .     the  Lord  thereof  (tovtwi-,  1.  e.,  the  world  in  its  different  parts  ;  toutou,  108.  261.)  2°  dead  things  is  theit 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


£60 

a  suitable  tree,  takes  oft"  skillfully  its  entire  bark,  and  fashioning  it  beautifully  makes 

12  of  it  a  vessel  useful  for  the  service  of  life ;  and  using  the  refuse  of  his  work  for  the 

13  preparation  of  food  he  sates  himself ;  but  what  is  left  over  from  them,  that  is  good 
for  nothino-,  a  crooked  piece  of  wood  and  deformed  with  knots,  he  takes  and  carves 
as  occupation  for  his  idleness  and  forms  it  with  an  experience  gained  by  leisure  and 

14  fashions  it  to  the  image  of  a  man ;  or  he  makes  it  like  some  inferior  animal,  laying 
on  ochre,  and  with  paint  coloring  its  skin  red  and  painting  over  every  fleck  in  it ; 

15  and  having  made  a  suitable  niche  for  it,  he  sets  it  in  a  wall  and  makes  it  fast  with 

16  iron  In  order  that  it  may  not  fall,  therefore  it  is  that  he  provided  for  it,  for  he 
knows  that  it  is  unable  to  help  itself,  even  because  it  is  an  image  and  has  need  of 

17  helpi     But  on   praying    for  his   goods,  and '^  his  wife  and  children,   he  is      not 

18  ashamed  to  appeal  to  *  that  wMck  hath  noWie;  and  for  =  health  he  calleth  upon 
that  which  IS  weak;  and«  for  life  prayeth  to  the  dead;  and'  for  aid  humbly  be- 
seecheth  that  which  is  least  experienced  ; '  and  for  a  journey     he  asketh  of   that 

19  which  cannot  set  a  foot  forward  ;  and  respecting  gains  and  busmess,  and  good  suc- 
cess with  the  ^»  hands,  asketh  ability  to  do  of  that  which  is  weakest  as  to  its  hands. 

hope  ....  which  are  the  work  of  men's  hands,  gold  and  silver,  to  shew  art  in,  and  resemblances  of  beasts,  or  a  stone, 

*°vtr8°'ll-16'- !  A  V°  Now  a  carpenter  that  felleth  timber,  after  he  hath  sawn  down  a  tree  meet  for  the  purpose, 
»nd  taken  off  all  the  bark  skilfully  round  about,  and  hath  wrought  H  handsomely,  and  made  a  vesseU/.«r,o/  fit  f or  the 
service  of  man',  life  ;  and  after  spending  the  refuse  of  his  work  to  dress  hu  meat,  hath  filled  himself  ;  and  taking  the 
",;  fuse  among  tbLse,  which  served  to  no  use,  l,ei„g  a  crooked  piece  of  wood,  and  full  of  knots,  hath  carved  .<  dji- 
cently  when  he  had  nothing  else  to  do,  and  formed  it  by  the  skill  of  hi,  understanding,  and  fa.h.oned  it  to  the  image 
of  a  mkn  ;  or  made  it  like  some  vile  beast,  laying  rt  over  with  vermilion,  and  with  paint  colouring  it  red,  and  covering 
every  spo  therein  ;  and  when  he  had  made  a  convenient  room  for  it,  set  it  in  a  wall,  and  made  ,t  fast  with  iron  :  for 
he  provided  for  it  that  it  might  not  fall,  knowing  that  it  was  unable  to  help  itself  ;  for  it  is  an  image,  and  hath  need 
of  help.     For  textual  remarks  on  verses  11-16,  see  Com.  ,      j  ■. 

Vers  17-19  -'  A  V  •  Then  (St  with  iiiv  in  the  preceding  verse)  maketh  he  prayer  for  hia  goods,  for.  and  is. 

.  speak  to  (,;poaAaAiv,  speaks  to  in  prayer,  as  the  context  shows;  hen.,,,  appeals  to).  ^  For  »  onuts  and. 

T  oLts  and  »  that  which  is  dead  (HI.  157.  248.  Co.,  to  r«po.)  .     .  .  hath  least  means  to  help  (to  .ire.poTaTor). 

•  good  journey.        "  for  gaining  and  getting,  and/or  good  success  of  his.        "  that  is  most  unable  to  do  anything. 

Chapter  Xill. 


Ver.  2.  Violent  water  (A.  V.).  What  is 
meant  is  water  acting  with  great  force,  and  we 
have  so  rendered. 

Ver.  3.  repetrttipxvs  =  beginning  of  origin. 
The  word  is  found  only  here  iu  the  Apocrypha. 
Grimm  .suggests  that  the  writer  may  have  corned 
it.  It  is  usid,  however,  by  some  of  the  church 
Fathers.     Of.  SujihocU's'  Lux.,  ad  vnr. 

Ver.  6.  For  even  they,  Kal  yap  aural,  t.  e., 
those  among  the  Israelites  who  are  real  seekers 
after  wisdom.  So  Grimm.  Gutherlet  reuders  : 
"  For  they  perhaps  err  while  they  seek  God  and 
have  the  wish  to  find  him." 

Ver.  7.  For  being  engaged.  Not  the  Israel- 
ites just  referred  to,  but  tliose  meuiioued  iu  the 
6rst  part  of  verse  6.  —  Trust  the  appearance,  or 
arepersuarl'd  hi/  the  vieio.  Something  like  "  when 
they  should  not  "  is  to  be  uuderstood. 

Ver.  9.  The  world,  t!i>'  aiuvo.  Cf.  xiv.  6  ; 
xviii.  4.  On  the  use  of  the  Greek  word  as  a 
rendering  for  the  Hebrew  obij?,  cf.  Girdlestone, 

p.  .504  ff. 

Ver.  10.  To  show  art  in  (A.  V.),  eVM'^^JW- 
Lit.,  that  in  tahiek  one  is  exercised,  a  practice. — 
Work  of  an  ancient  hand.  Its  age,  and  pos- 
Bibly  the  fact  that  its  origin  was  unknown,  was 
the  ground  on  which  it  was  prized. 

Ver.  11.  Saws  down,  ficrrpltras.  Lit.,  saws 
tut,  i.e.,  from  a  row  of  trees  in  a  forest. — Eu- 


(tffTjTov.  Suitable,  because  easili/  worked.  Cf. 
vii.  22.  —  Xp-nai^ov  ....  ei's.  In  the  later  Greek 
the  accusative  with  this  preposition  is  often  used 
as  a  circumlocution  for  the  dative;  but  in  the 
present  instance  it  was  naturally  to  have  been 
expected.  Cf.  also  Luke  -xiv.  35  ;  1  Tim.  iv.  8 ; 
2  Tim.  iii.  16. 

Ver.  12.  Sates  himself,  effirXiiaSri.  ISot  an 
unimportant  part  of  the  description.  The  author 
would  say  by  it  that  the  idol-maker  first  attends 
10  his  bodily  wants,  and  regards  his  idol  only  as  a 
secondary  matter.     See  the  foUoviing  verse. 

Ver.  13.  'Ofois  o-u^Tre()>uif<is.  hit.,  with  brandies 
grown  together.  —  'Ev  iirt/ieXela  apylas  ( e'pairlor, 
III.,  et  al.)  oiTToQ.  Lit.,  in  the  care  ( ;'.  e.,  employ- 
ment) of  his  leisure.  —  'Efiwetpta  aviatois  [amia- 
(ws  text.  rec.  and  A.  V.)  ;  but  the  former  is  sup- 
ported by  II.  III.  X.  23.  68.  106.  157.  253.  296. 
Aid.,  and  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 

Ver.  14.  MIAtoj,  red  earth,  red  chulh,  or  ochre. 
—  (pvKci,  With  paint.  The  (pvKos  CLat.,  fiicus) 
was  a  sea-weed,  from  one  kind  of  which  a  red 
color  was  prepared,  which  was  used  by  Greek 
women  as  a  cosmetic  to  give  a  florid  complexion. 

Ver.  17.  rd)icci>.  The  plural  does  nut  neces- 
sarily ijrove  that  he  is  supposed  to  have  had  mora 
than  one  wife,  but  may  refer  to  the  wife's  famih, 
or  to  the  marriage  relations  in  general.  Cf.  also 
xiv.  26;  Xen.,  C'yr.,  viii.  4.  19. 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON.  261 


Chapter  XIV. 

1  Again,  one  ivndertaking  a  sea  voyage,'  and  about  to  pass  through  raging  waves, 

2  calleth  upon  a  piece  of  wood  more  rotten  than  the  vessel  ^  that  carrieth  him.     For 

3  that  desire  of  gain  devised,'  and  a  workman  prepared  *  it  by  Ids  skill.  But  thy 
providence,  0  Father,  steers  it  through  ;  ^  for  thou  hast  vouchsafed  a  way  also  in  * 

4  the  sea,  and  a  safe  path  amidst  waves  ;  shewing  that  thou  canst  save  from  every- 

5  thing,  in  order  that  a  man  may  also  embark  '  without  art.  But  thou  desirest  *  not 
that  the  works  of  thy  wisdom  should  be  unemployed,^  and  therefore  do  men  commit 
their  lives  to  a  most  insignificant  piece  of  wood,  and  passing  through  '"  billows  are 

6  preserved  by  means  of  a  raft."  For  in  the  old  time  also,  when  the  proud  giants 
perished,  the  hope  of  the  world  directed  by  thy  hand  escaped  on  a  raft,"  and  left  to 

7  the  after  world''  a  seed  of  posterity."     For  blessed  is  the  wood  whereby  righteous- 

8  ness  Cometh  to  be.  But  that  which  is  made  with  hands  is  cursed,  as  well  it,  as  he 
that  made   it :  he,   because  he  made  it ;  and   it,  because,  being  corruptible,  it  was 

9  called  god.     For  the  ungodly  and  his  ungodliness  are  both  in  like  manner  ''^  hateful 

10  unto  God  ;  and  indeed  '*  that  which  is  made  shall  be  punished  together  with  him  tliat 

11  made  it.  Therefore  also  "  upon  the  idols  of  the  Gentiles  shall  there  be  a  visitation  ; 
because  as  a  creation  of  God  they  became ''  an  abomination,  and  stumbling-blocks 

12  to  the  souls  of  men,  and  a  snare  to  the  feet  of  fools.'^  For  the  devising  of  idols  was 
the  beginning  of  spiritual  fornication,  and  the  invention  of  them  the  corruption  of 

13  life.     For  neither  were  they  from  the  beginning,  nor""  shall  they  be  for  ever. 

14  For  by  the  vain  fancy  ^'  of  men  they  entered  into  the  world,  and  therefore  was 

15  their  speedy  end  decreed.^'^  For  a  father  afflicted  with  untimely  mourning, 
when  he  had  made  an  image  of  a  child  early  ^  taken  away,  now  honored  him  as  a 
god,  who  was  already  a  dead  person,-*  and  delivered  to  those  that  were  under  him 

16  ceremonies  and  sacrifices.  Whereupon  -^  in  process  of  time  the  -°  ungodly  custom 
grown  strong  was  kept  as  a  law,  and  graven   images  were   accustomed   to  be  wor- 

17  shipped  by  order  of  rulers.-'  Of  those  ''^  whom  men  could  not  honor  in  presence, 
because  they  dwelt  far  off,  they  prepared  an  imitation  of  the  form  ^  from  far,  and 
made  a  clear**  imase  of  the  "   king  whom   Me^  honored,  to   the   end  that  by  their 

18  zeal  ^■'  they  might  flatter  him  that  was  absent,  as  if  he  were  present.  And  to  an  in- 
crease of  idolatrous  service,  also,  did  the  ambition  of  the  artificer  impel  the  igno- 

19  rant.''     For  he,  forthwith  desirous'''  to  please  one  in  authority,  forced  nil  his  skill 

20  to  make  the  likeness  as  beautiful  as  possible.'^  But"*  the  multitude,  carried  away'' 
by  the  charm  '*  of  the  work,  held  him  now  for  an  object  of  worship,  who '"  a  little 

21  before  was  honored  as  *"  a  man.     And  this  became  *'  an  oceasion  to  deceive  the 

Vers.  1-5. —  ^  A.  V.  :  preparing  himself  to  sail  (the  words,  ort'^Aei;'  n-XoOr,  were  used  technically  for  undertaking  a 
nea  voyage  at  the  time  our  book  was  written).  =  The  reading  of  III.  157.  Old   Lat.  (Coverdale    *  i^nok  '')  Ar.  ^uAov, 

for  TrXot'ou  agrees  well  with  the  context,  but  it  can  scarcely  be  original  ;  cf .  ver.  5.  ^  A.  V.  :  the  raging  waTea 

verily  (jtcV)  desire  ....  devised  that.  *  the  workman  built.     For  Texk-trrj?  11.  III.  68.  157.  Co.  Clem,  of  Alex,  reaa 

tskvIti^.  The  former  is  preferred  by  Grimm,  Reufsch,  and  Fritzsche  a.s  more  suitable  to  the  context.  The  two  wer« 
often  confounded  in  the  old  MSS.        '  A,  V. :  governeth  it  [itoKvfiipvi  ;  Scoicu^epi'iTai,  106.  261.).  »  made  a  way  in 

(eSwicas  ital  Iv).  '  hath  in  the  ...  .  all  danger:  (for  i«  n-ai/Tds  — cf.  x.  12  — III.  Old  Lat.  offer  the  plural  of  the  latter; 
Coverdale,  "  in  all  thinges  '")  yea  though  (ica  Kav  ;  the  first  is  omitted  by  23.  253.  ;  the  second  is  read  as  Ka.i  in  III.  65. 
106.  248.  261.  296.  The  variations  probably  arose  from  the  supposed  difficulty  of  the  construction ;  Coverdale,  "  yee 
though  a  man  wente  to  the  see  without  shippe  '')  a  man  went  to  sea.  ^  Nevertheless  thou  wouldest.  "  idle  (not 

sufficiently  clear).         lo  passing  the  (SieXSoi'Tes).  i^  rough  sea  in  a  weak  vessel  (crxeSiif ,  here  a  raft  ot  float)  are  saved. 

Vera.  6-13.  —  ^-  A.  V.  ;  governed  (ituPep^Tj^eio-a )  ....  in  a  weak  vessel  (^n-l  ffxeSi'as).  ^^  ail  ages  (aiii-t  :  II.  —  by 

first  hand  —  X.  have  the  article  before  this  word  ;  cf.  ver.  13  ;  vi.  26  ;  x.  1).  '*  generation  (see  Corn.).  '5  whereby 
righteousness  cometh  iyiverai)  .  ...  are  both  alike  [tv  icry).  ^^  For.  *'  even.  J^  jn  the  creature  ...  are  be- 
come.       18  the  unwise.        20  neither. 

Vers.  14-19.  —  21  A.  V. :  vain  glory  (see  Corn.).  «  phall  they  come  shortly  to  an  end  (reXos  has  the  article  in  III. 

65.  157.  248.  254.  261.  Co. ;  but  it  is  better  omitted  with  the  other  authorities  ;  cf.  Winer,  p.  155  ff.).  ^  hath  made 

....  his  child  soon.  -*  which  was  then  (m.  296.  read  rbv  irore)  a  dead  man.  ^s  jhus  (tTra).  =6  an.  2;  were 
worshipped  by  the  commandments  of  kings  (marg.,  tyrant^.).  -^  omits  Of  those.  ^^  took  the  counterfeit  of  his 

visage.  30  an  express.  si  a.  32  (^,-5  (/i^iy  forwardness  ((tttouS^s  has  the  article  except  in  III.  55.  106.  157.  254. 
261.  ;  cf.  xix.  2).  33  ^^o  the  singular  diligence  of  the  artificer  did  help  to  set  forward  the  ignorant  to  more  super- 

etltion.  3*  peradventure  (Jun.,/orlaMc)  willing  (rixa  —  goi/Xofm-oi).    Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  article  before  «(k>- 

ToCiTi,  on  the  authority  of  in.  X.  C.  253.  254.  261.  Aid.     It  is  wanting  also  in  II.  36  a.  V. ;  forced  all  his  (ij.  and 

benoe  "  his,"  according  to  the  principles  followed  by  the  A.  V.,  should  be  in  italics)  ....  resemblance  of  the  beet 
fashion  i-n\v  ofxoi^nfra  cttI  to  koAAioi']. 

Vera.  20-25.  — 3«  A.  V.  ;  And  Jo.  37  allured  (cifcXjcoMeTOf).  3S  grace.     (The  reading  evx^P"  (HI-  C)  for  t!i\afa 

;s  rejected  by  the  best  criti<'s.  According  to  Iteusch,  the  word  <v,xap»js  does  not  •xist :  but  it  is  found  in  the  Rhetoric  of 
Mcnander,  274,  5.    See  Sophntles,  ad  foc).  39  took  Aim  now  for  a  god,  which.  *«  but  honored  «.  "  w»». 


262 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


world  :  that  ^   men,  serving  either  calamity  or  tyranny,  did  ascribe  unto  stones  and 
stocks  the  incommunicable  name. 

22  Afterwards  it  ^  was  not  enough  for  them,  that  they  erred  respecting  °  the  knowledge 
of  God ;   but  even  while  they  lived  in  a  great  *  war  of  ignorance,  those  so  great 

23  evUs  ^  called  they  peace.     For  whilst  they  slew  their  children  in  sacrifices,  or  used 

24  secret  ceremonies,  or  mad  revellings  according  to  other  ^  rites,  they  kept  neither 
lives  nor  marriage  bed '  any  longer  undefiled  ;  but  either  one  slew  another  treach- 

25  erously,  or  offended '  him  by  adultery.  And  there  reigned  universally  without  dis- 
crimination bloodshed  and  murder,'  theft  and  dissimulation,  corruption,  uufaithful- 

26  tion,  tumults,  perjury,  disquieting  of  good  men,  forgetfulness  of  good  turns,  defiling 

27  of  souls,  abuse  of  sex,'"  disorder  in  marriages,'^  adultery,  and  lasciviousness.^'^    For 
"28  the  worshipping  of  vain  idols ''  is  beginning,  and  cause,  and  end,'*  of  all  evil.     For 

either  they  are  mad  in  their  festivities,'^  or  prophesy  lies,  or  live  unjustly,  or  else 

29  lightly  forswear  themselves.     For  insomuch  as  their  trust  is  in  idols,  which  have  no 

30  life,  though  they  swear  falsely,  yet  they  look  not  to  be  hurt.  But  for  both  shaF 
they  be  justly  punished :  because  they  thought  evil  '*  of    God,  giving  heed  unto 

31  idols,  and  also  unjustly  swore  in  deceit,  despising  holiness.  For  it  is  not  the  power 
of  them  by  whom  they  swore,"  but  Justice  for  sinners,  that  will  always  come  upon 
the  transgression  of  the  unjust.'* 

'  for.        2  MoreoTer  this  (eTra ;  cf.  Ter.  16).  ^  in  [rrepi).  •  where&s  ....  the  great  ■  plagues.  «  mad< 

(probably  a  misprint ;  Gr.,  ^fL^aveis)  .      .  .  of  strange  (Nannius,  Bauenneister,  Tischendorf,  and  Gutberlet  would  writ* 
i^aXXbiv).        ■^  marriage  (seeToTTi.).         »  traitorously,  or  grieved.  »  So  that  there  reigned  in  all  »7ien  without  excep- 

tion (marg.,  confusedly.     Fritzsche  justly  receives  Travio.  {for  Travra^,  which  is  too  strong)  from  II.  nl.  X.  C    65.  68 
106. 167.  24S.  254.  261.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.)  blood,  manslaughter  {see  Com.) 

Vers.  26-31.  —  "^  A.  V. :  changing  of  kind  {marg.,  sex).  ^^  {See  Com.  at  ver.  24).  ^^  shameless  uncleanness  (o<re'A- 
yeta).  ^^  idols  not  to  be  named  (see  Com.).  '*  the  beginning,  the  cause,  and  the  end.  ^^  when  they  be  merry 
•«  Howbeit /or  both  causes  ....  both  because    .  .  .  thought  not  well.  "  swear  {Fritzsche  receives  oiLwti.ivtjiv  from 

m.  X.  55. 106.  157.  261.  Aid.    It  is  also  the  reading  of  II. ;  text,  rec,  'oii.wofi«v*iv).        "  it  is  the  just  vengeance  of  sin- 
ners, that  punisheth  always  the  offence  of  the  ungodly. 

Chapter  XIV. 


Ver.  2.  Sldll,  iTo<f>itf.  Thii  Greek  word  is  here 
employed,  doubtless  for  a  good  reason,  as  dis- 
tinguishing the  work  of  the  shipbuilder  from  that 
of  the  idol-maker,  which  was  mere  ifiweipia. 

Ver.  3.  Grimm  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Herodotus  is  the  first  to  use  wp6voia.  of  the  provi- 
dence of  God  (iii.  108);  and,  among  the  philoso- 
phers, Plato. 

Ver.  4.  "Iva  k^lv  &v€v  rfxvfjs  tis  itri^Tj,  in  order 
that  one  may  embark  without  art ;  i.  e.,  that 
he  may  trust,  instead  of  his  art.  the  divine  guid- 
ance and  protection.  This  was  true  of  Noah,  as 
is  afterwards  shown. 

Ver.  5.  "Works  of  thy  wisdom.  The  staples 
of  commerce  are  meant.  The  I'lay  on  words  here 
to  which  uur  author  was  much  addicted  is  worthy 
of  notice  :  ^^  apya  flpai ....  €^70.  —  2x*Sfo  means, 
first,  a  lit/ht  boat,  raft,  float ;  and  then,  any  ship. 

Ver.  6.  Seed  of  generation,  awfpua  yepeatus. 
That  is,  sied  by  which  the  generations  of  men 
were  preseiTed.  Others  understand  it  in  the 
sense  of  semen  tjevitale. 

Ver.  7.  For  blessed  is  the  wood.  There  is 
no  evidence  that  this  is  a  gloss  from  a  Christian 
hand,  or  that  it  has  any  direct  reference  to  the 
cross  of  Christ.  The  wood  may  be  meant  which 
in  general  is  u.sed  for  a  good  and  righteous  pur- 
pose, or  particularly  that  of  Noah's  ark.  It  is 
possible,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  author  may 
have  had  in  view  the  sceptre  of  a  king,  or  the 
•taft  of  .Moses. 

Ver.  9.  The  sentiment  expressed  can  scarcely 
be  harmonized  with  the  author's  view  at  xi 
24  ff  ,  and  is  in  itself  unscri|itural.  "  Generally 
speaking,  the  positive  and  strong  terms  ahiKuv, 
iiatBfiv    ii>6ffM  Trot(7y,  wbieli  occur  often  in  classi- 


cal Greek,  are  met  with  in  Scripture  far  more 
rarely  than  aixapTavdv  (to  which  atre^flv  is  paral- 
lel in  Wisd.  xiv.  9  ;  Ecclus.  xv.  20),  which  In  the 
classics  was  far  less  highly  ranked  in  its  moral 
and  religious  sense.  Herein  is  manifested,  on 
the  one  hand,  the  far  deeper  religious  views  of 
Scripture  which  estimates  "  failure,"  or  sin  of 
omission,  so  seriously ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  ita 
deeper  humanity,  which  does  not  resort  to  the 
strongest  terms  to  designate  what  is  sinful.  The 
words  in  Wisd.  xiv.  9,  represent  accordingly  an 
nnscriptural  view."  See  Cremer's  Lex.,  under 
acre^fu. 

Ver.  II.  'Ev  kt^o-^oti  0eoC,  in  a  creation  of 
God.  As  God's  creation,  they  have  been  per- 
verted to  what  is  an  abomination. 

Ver.  12.  Ilopi'e^a  is  here  fornication  in  a  spirit- 
ual sense,  according  to  Old  Testament  usage.  — 
4>9opa  (uTJs-  The  first  word,  which  was  some- 
times used  for  sidiiction  (of  a  maiden),  seems  to 
have  been  chosen  with  reference  to  the  context. 
It  is  also  used  in  the  Fathers  (cf.  Sojihocles'  Lex., 
ad  voc.)  in  the  sense  of  "  .ibortion,"  which  like- 
wise would  give  a  good  sense  :  "  an  abortion  of 
life."  The  latter  word  may  be  taken  in  its  noblest 
sen.se  as  the  life  for  and  with  God. 

Ver.  14.  Kfvoio^la,  vaniti/,  ronceil.  Here  used, 
as  the  following  verse  shows,  in  the  sense  of  vain 
illusion,  fane//.  The  word  is  rendered  by  the 
A.  V.  at  Phil.  ii.  3,  as  in  the  present  passage,  by 
"  vain  glury." 

Ver.  1 5.  Mvcrrrjpta  Kal  r€\€rd^  =  secret  services 
and  festivals  (for  the  dead).  The  mysteries,  as 
is  well  known,  wore  certain  religious  solemnities, 
the  most  celebrated  of  which  were  those  of  Ceres 
at  Kleusis.      ]»   is   supposed  that  they  consisted 


THE   WISDOM  OF   SOLOMON. 


263 


mostly  of  scenic,  mythical  representations.  See 
art.  "  Mysterien,"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  n.  145- 
150.  —  TfAeri^,  a  finishing,  makinq  perfect.  It  was 
osed  of  initiation  into  the  Mysteries,  or,  in  general, 
of  the  celebration  of  the  same.  Cf.  Herod.,  ii. 
171.  It  came  afterwards  to  be  npplied  to  the 
celebration  of  any  rt'lie;ious  rite  or  festival.  The 
TiKtarT)^  was  the  initiator. 

Ver.  16.  The  thought  is,  th.it  what  was  first  a 
simple  family  observance  became,  in  process  of 
time,  a  binding  custom  of  the  State. 

Ver.  18.  Ignorant.  Those  who  did  not  know, 
perchance,  who  was  meant  to  be  represented  by 
the  image,  or  the  circumstances  uudcr  which  it 
first  came  to  be  honored. 

Ver.  19.  'OjuoioTTjTo,  resemblance,  likeness.  Like 
a  statue  of  marble,  or  a  painted  picture.  —  'Eirl 
Ti  KaWtov,  ns  heautifnl  as  possible.  The  object  was 
to  flatter  the  person  represented. 

Ver.  21.  'EyevfTo  r^  $i(fj  eis  evtSpov^became  a 
snare  to  the  life.  Bios  has  for  secondary  meanings  : 
manrier  of  life,  occupation,  and  common  life  (or, 
the  world  we  live  in),  as  also  a  place  of  abode.  Here 
the  meaning  seems  to  be  that  the  fact  mentioned 
was  a  source  of  danger  to  men.  —  Incommxini- 
cable  name.  Cf.  Dent.  vi.  4  ;  Is.  xlii.  8.  "  No- 
men  non  communicandum  idolis  non  tribuendum." 
Bretschneider. 

Vor.  23.      Kw/itos.     The  word  means  a  joyful 


festivity,  with  music  and  dancing ;  a  caronsal ; 
especially,  a  festal  procession  in  honor  of  Bacchus, 
or  of  a  victor  at  the  games. 

Ver.  24.  Vifious.  The  plural  is  noticeable. 
Cf.  xiii.  17.  Here,  however,  it  is  evidently  to  be 
rendered  by  marriage-bed. 

Ver.  25.  The  inevitable  evil  effects  of  a  wrong 
belief  are  thus  vividly  portrayed,  especially  any 
belief  that  is  contrary  to  the  pure  Biblical  teach- 
ing concerning  the  "divine  Being.  Cf.  Rom.  i. 
28  ff.  —  aT/xo  Koi  (f>6vos.  In  the  former  case  mur- 
der by  the  shedding  of  blood  is  meant :  in  the 
latter,  any  kind  of  murder.  — Tapaxh.  The  word 
was  used  of  political  confusions,  tumults,  by  Xeno- 
phon  also. 

Ver.  26.  @6pvSos  ayaBaf.  The  latter  word 
might  be  used  as  neuter.  In  this  case  tlie  uncer- 
tainty of  the  tenure  of  property  would  he  meant. 

Ver.  27.  'Avu>vvfiuit^,not  to  be  named  (A.  V.). 
They  are  called  "  namele.ss  "  in  the  sense  that 
they  are  nothing  (Gal.  iv.  8  ;  1  Cor.  viii.  4),  or 
that  they  are  without  glory,  despicable.  The  for- 
mer agrees  better  with  Scriptural  usage. 

Ver.  28.  Mad  in  their  festivities.  They 
carried  .their  ordinary  carousals  to  the  point  of 
delirium. 

Ver.  31.  napi$airii',  transgression.  Here  sin 
is  marked  as  a  deviation  from  that  which  the  law 
had  prescribed.     Cf.  Rom.  iv.  15;  v.  13. 


Chapter  XV. 


But  thou,  our  God,  art  gracious  and  true,  long-suffering,  and  in  mercy  rulest '  all 
things.  For  if  also  ''  we  sin,  we  are  thine,  knowing  thy  power  ;  but  we  will  not  sin, 
knowing  that  we  are  counted  thine.  For  to  know  thee  is  perfect  righteousness  ; 
and  to  know  thy  power  a '  root  of  immortality.  For  neither  did  a  wicked  invention 
of  human  art '  deceive  us,  nor  an  image  painted  ^  with  divers  colors,  painters'  fruit- 
less labor  ;  the  sight  whereof  enticeth  a  fool  to  lust,*  and  he  desires  '  a  lifeless 
form  of  a  dead  image.*  Both  they  that  make  them  and  '  they  that  desire,  and  that 
worship  them,  are^"  lovers  of  evil  things,  and  are  worthy  of  such  hopes."  For  a  " 
potter,  kneading  "  soft  earth  with  much  labor,  fashioneth  each  one  ^*  for  our  service ; 
yea,"  of  the  same  clay  he  fashions  '*  both  the  vessels  that  serve  for  clean  uses,  and 
such  as  serve  to  the  contrary,  all  in  the  same  manner  ;  "  but  what  is  the  use  of  each 

8  one  of  these  two,''  the  potter  is  judge.'^  And  employing  himself  ill,-"  he  maketh 
a  vain  god  of  the  same  clay,  he  who  '-'  a  little  before  was  made  of  earth,-'^  and  within 
a  little  while  after  returneth   to   that,  out  of  which  '■^  he  was  taken,  the  loan  of  his 

9  soul  being  demanded  back.  Notwithstanding  his  care  is,  not  that  he  is  about  to 
give  out,-''  nor  that  life  -^  is  short ;  but  he  -*  striveth  to  excel  goldsmiths  aud  silver- 
smiths, and  imitates  workers  '■"  in  brass,  and  counteth  it  a  "*  glory  to  make  what  is 

Vers.  1-5.  —  *  A.  V. :  0  God  .      .  .  ordering.  2  omiLs  also  (««0-  ^  yea,  to  know  .  .      .is  the.  *  the  mis- 

chievous iDVention  of  men  {avOptimuiv  Kax67€\voi  cTriVota  :  "  der  Menschenkunst  arge  Erfindung,"  Bunsen's  Bibtliverk; 

arger  Menschenkunst  Ertindang,'*  Grimm).  ^  spotted.  ^  the  painter's  .       .  fools  (Fritzsche  receives  ai^po*-* 

rom  III.— apparently  first  hand  — X.  55.  106.  254.  261.  Old  Lat.  Ar. ;  II.  C.  23.  Syr.  Arm.,  i^poerii-)  to  lust  after  it(iU 

•pefiy,  adopted  by  Fritzs.-he  trom  III.  X.  0.  23.  55.  106.  157  24S.  253.  254.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  ;    uxt.  rec, 

oi'ciSo;  ;  marg.  of  A.  V.,  turneth  a  reproach  to  the  foolish).        '  so  they  desire.        *  the  form  of  a  dead  image,  that  hath 

no  breath. 

Vers.  6-9.  —  ^  A  V. :  omits  and.  10  tketn  and  they  that  worship  them  are.  ^  to  have  such  things  to  trust  upon 
"  For  (icai  yap  n  etenim)  the.  ^^  tempering  (9At/3wF).  '*  soft  earth,  fashioneth  every  ['?.•!.«?/ with  much  labour  (f«*. 
rec.  omits  iv  before  ^Kao-Tov,  but  it  ie  found  in  III.  X.  C.  106.  157.  248.  253.  264.  261.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.,  and  is  adopted 
by  Grimm,  Reusch,  and  Fritzsche)  ^5  yea  (aAA',  but  with  an  intensive  force,  as  in  A.  V.).       i^  maketh  (afeTrAao-arel 

1'  likewise  also  all  such  as  serve  ("as  serve  ■'  is  not  in  the  Greek)  to  the  contrary.  **  either  sort  (Cod.  II.,  mth  23. 

Aid.,  has  «T6pov  —  text,  rec,  ejcarepou ; — eKaTcpuf,  253  ,  which  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  and  Grimm:  the  Greek  of  the 
entire  member  runs;  rovrutv  Se  iKareptav  ti's  esaiTTou  k(Tr\v  rj  xP'l'rt';).  ^^  the  potter  himself  is  the  judge.  20  hig 

labours  lewdly.  21  ei'en  he  which.  22  earth  himself.  23  10  if,,,  same  (eU  ro.vn^v  —  i.  e.,  earth  — is  to  be  supplied 
before  «f  ^s)  out  of  the  which  24  when  his  life  which  was  lent  him  shall  be  demanded  (cf.  ver.  16  and  Com.  at  tbftl 
place)  .  shall  have  much  labour  (the  context  requires   the  sense  given  above  to  Kapveiv ;  cf.  Com.  at  IT.  1^  MM 

marg   of  A   V.)  "  his  life.         "^  omits  he  -'  eii'leivmireth  tn  .lo  like  the  workers  28  his 


264 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


10  spurious.'     His  heart  is  ashes,  and  his  hope  more  paltry  -  than  earth,  aud  his  life 

11  more  despicable'  than  clay;  for  he  knew  not  him  that  fashioned  him,*  and  him 

12  that  breathed  ^  into  him  an  active  soul,  and  implanted  ^  a  living  spirit.  But  they 
counted  our  existence  '  a  pastime,  and  life  *  a  coming  together '  for  gain  ;  for, 
s.ay  they,  we  must  be  getting  from  whencesoever  we  can,  yes,  though  it "  be 

13  by  evil  means.     For  this  man,  that  of  earthly  matter  maketh  brittle  '^  vessels  and 

14  graven  images,  knoweth  that  he  sins  above  all  others.  But  all  are  exceedingly 
foolish  and  more  miserable  than   a  child's   soul,  enemies  of   thy  people,  who   hold 

15  them  in  subjection."^  For  they  also  "°  counted  all  the  idols  of  the  heathen  to  be 
gods  ;  which  neither  have  use  of  eyes  to  see,  nor  noses  to  draw  breath,  nor  ears  to 

16  hear,  nor  fingers  of  hands  to  handle  ;  and  their  feet  are  useless  for  walking."  For 
a  "^  man  made  them,  and  he  that  borrowed  his  own  spirit  fashioned  them  ;  for  no 

17  man  can  fashion  a  god  equal  to  himself.'^  But"'  being  mortal,  he  produceth"'  a 
dead  thing  with  wicked  hands  ;  for  he  himself  is  better  than  the  things  which  he 
worshippeth  ;  in  comparison  with  which  he,  indeed,"'  lived  once,  but  they  never. 

18  And  '"  they  worship  the  animals  ^"  also  that  are  most  hateful  ;  for  being  com- 

1 9  pared  together  as  it  respects  stupidity ,'^-  some  are  worse  than  others.  Neither  are 
they  beautiful,  as  far  as  finding  pleasure  in  the  view  of  them  as  animals  is  coa- 
cerned  ;  and  they  failed  also  ^  of  the  praise  of  God  and  his  blessing. 

Ver.  9.  —  1  A.  V. :  counterfeit  things  (»ci'p57jAa). 

Vers.  10-14.  —  -  A.  V. :  viie.  s  of  i^g^  value.  *  forasmuch  as  he  knew  ....  his  Malcer  [jov  nKaaavTa  ainov  \ 

HI.  C.  55. 157.  254.  Ar.  read  iroi^o-ai'Ta  for  the  participle  ;  but  it  is  rejected  by  Grimm,  Reusch,  aud  Fritz.sche.  It  would 
seriously  mar  the  comparison),  ^  inspired  (e/iiri'eiJa'ain-a).  ^  breathed  in  {iiJ.<i)v<rfi<ravTa).  '  life.  8  qu^ 

time  here  (marg. :  Gr.,  life).  »  a  market  {see  Com.).         lo  every  way  [odev  ir/)  though  it  (Kaf;  III.  56.  248.  254.  Co 

read  »cat ;  while  C.  omits  the  word).  'i  this  man  {simply  oCto?,  and  we  might  hare  expected,  therefore,  to  find  in 

the  A.  V.  the  latter  word  in  italics ;  not  a  few  instances  of  this  kind  of  inconsistency  occur.  It  ia  indeed  possible 
that  the  A.  V.  had  some  kind  of  authority  for  its  course  in  these  cases,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  discover  it.  Cf.  ver.  9,  "  hil 
life  ■')....  brickie.  ^2  himself  to  offend  ....  And  all  (n-afTes  ;  jravTiav,  III.  C.  264.  296.)  the  enemies  of  thy  people^ 
that  (the  article  before  KaraSwaa^evaavTe^  is  supported  by  II.  —  by  first  hand  —  as  well  as  by  23.  106.  263.  261.  296.  Co., 
cited  by  Fritzsche)  hold  them  in  subjection  are  most  foolish  (Fritz.-^che  adopts  the  comp.arative  —  for  the  superlative  of 
text.  rec.  —  from  X.  C.  106.  253.  261.  Old  Lat.),  and  are  more  miserable  {see  Com.)  than  very  babes  (Codd.  III.  C.  248. 
296.  with  Co.  read  i^u^as  rijn-twc,  and  65.  264.  agree  as  it  respects  the  latter  word). 

Vers.  15-19.  — 12  A.  V.;  omits  also  {III.  C.  66.  157.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  omit  icai  after  on).  "  the  use 

of  eyes  {lit.,  to  whom  is  neither  use  of  eyes  for  seeing)  ....  as  for  their  feet,  they  are  slow  to  go  {dpyol  wph^  eirifiavtv). 
w  omits  a.  ^^  but  {yap)  ....  make  a  god  like  unto  himself  {avTi^  ofiotoi' ;  as  the  contest  demands,  the  pronoun  does 
not  refer  to  God,  but  to  the  subject  of  the  sentence ;  hence  Fritz.sche,  for  clearness,  would  change  it  to  auTw  ;  23., 
e«vTiJ  ;  65.  248.  263.  254.,  avTuii').  "  For  {Se,  omitted  by  261.).  "  worketh.  ">  whereas  he  (for  airoO  ir, 

Fritzsche  receives  from  X.,  avS'  at*- ;  163.  257.  omit  we).  20  yea.  21  worshipped  those  beasts.  22  omits  as  it  respect! 
stupidity  {avota,  text.  rec.  ;  55.,  aycot'a ;  Grimm  would  prefer  avitf — bane,  trouble;  Reusch  and  Fritzsche,  following 
Tischendorf,  adopt  avoii^).        ^s  go  much  as  to  be  desired  in  respect  of  beasts  :  but  they  went  without  {eitTr(<j)evye). 


Chapter  XV. 


Ver.  1.  Su  Sf  is  emphatic.  Cf.  for  a  similar 
thought  Ex.  xx.\iv.  6. 

Ver.  2.  For  if  also  we  sin.  The  meaning 
Bcems  to  be  that,  though  they  might  fall  into  sin, 
they  did  not  utterly  fall  away  from  God  and  deny 
Him  :  they  continued  to  recognize  his  power.  — 
But  we  will  not  sin.  "  Scimus  nos  ad  tuam 
curain  pectdinrem  pertinere,  ideoijue  nos  majorem 
debere  gratiam."  —  Grotius.  The  .author's  views 
concerning  what  conatitutes  sin  seem  to  liave 
been  far  from  clear,  and  his  opinion  of  the  Israel- 
ites quite  too  flattering.  This  .arose  from  his  fun- 
d^meutal  principle,  tiiat  the  posses>ion  of  the  ao- 
<pia  —  whicli  naturally  the  Israelites  in  general, 
ta  such,  possessed  —  wiis  the  principal  thing  in 
morality.  See  lutrod.,  under  "  Doctrinal  Teach- 
ing." 

Ver.  3.  Cf.  our  Saviour's  words  at  .John  xvii. 
3.  This  could  only  be  [rue  of  a  knowledge  of 
God  which  is  not  simply  intellectual,  but  a  knowl- 
edge that  influences  the  heart  and  the  feelings. 
—  Perfect  (6KiK\ttpos)  righteousness.  This  ad- 
jective is  also  used  at  1  Mace.  iv.  47.  whole  (stones). 
Cf.  Kuiuoel  also,  at  1  Thess.  v.  2;)  (Uhs.,  p.  147) : 
*'  Nan  seusus  est :  vos  iJnis  rcdddt  siiiirtissiino:<. 
Ptfndarittr   cottjitngutitui'   trvfvixa   ti   if-ux^.    tjuibns 


vocabiilts  slgnijicantur  animi  sensa  el  cogitata_ 
mens,  animus  ipse,  sicut  per  awfia  corporis  facta." 
—  Root  of  immortality,  i.  e.  in  its  preventive 
influence. 

Ver.  5.  The  A.  V.  reads  eis  Spe^tv,  which  is 
also  adopted  by  Fritzsche,  Grimm,  and  others,  in 
accordance  with  the  above-mentioned  textual  au- 
thorities. —  ''Epx^trSat  eSfy  ri  =  elvai  efs  ti,  to  serve 
for  something. 

Ver.  9.  BpaxvTeArj.  It  is  found  nowhere  else 
in  the  Bible,  but  occurs  in  ecclesiastical  Greek. 
Cf.  Su|iliocles'  Lex.,  s.  v.  It  is  funned  like  ei>- 
T(\ris  (e5,  Tf'Aos),  easili/  paid  for,  cheap;  then 
tnean,  pallri/,  worthless.  It  is  here  used  in  thft 
sense  of  fleeting. 

Ver.  11.  The  author  at  this  point  uses  \\ioxt\ 
and  TTfevjxa  in  apparent  distinction  ;  but  it  is,  as  it 
should  seem,  only  an  apparent  one;  the  accent 
being  laid  on  the  adjectives  which  qu^ilify  the  two 
words,  rather  than  ou  the  words  themselves.  Cf. 
i.  4  ;  viii.  19  ;  ix.  15  ;  xvi.  14  ;  and  verses  8  and  Ifi 
of  the  present  chapter. 

Ver.  12.  Pastime,  traiyviov.  Lit.,  a  toif,  from 
wal^CAi.  —  navrjyvpiffj.hl'  eTrtKepSij.  A  traviryvpts  {  was 
ayopa)  was  an  assembly  of  the  whole  natimi,  espe 
cially  for  a  public  festival  like  the  Olympic  games- 


THE   WISDOM  OF   SOLOMON  265 


then,  auy  festival;  and,  as  at  such  times  there 
was  much  buying  and  selling,  the  meaning  mar- 
ket also  came  to  be  attached  to  it. 

Ver.  14.  Foolish  and  more  miserable,  !.  «., 
with  respect  to  ignorance  and  superstition. 

Ver.  16.  Borrowed  (his  own)  spirit,  rh  irvevfjia 
ZthavtKT^ifvos.  See  verse  8  :  t5  t^s  ^vxns  diraiTTj^els 
XP^os,  the  loan  of  his  soul  beini^  dtmanded  back. 
Cf.  Text.  Notes  iind  Luke  xii.  20. 

Ver.  17.  'Acfl'  wf  avrSs,  in  comparison  with 
which   (the  idols  and   their  makers)  he.      With 


Sinaitic  MS.  has  in  this  case  preserved  the  true 
reading,  although  standing  alone. 

Ver.  18.  "Aj'oia  yap  (rvyKpii'6fim'a  twv  iWwf 
iarl  x^^P"""'  ft""  being  compared  together  aa 
it  respects  stupidity  [or  fury  9]  some  [ani- 
mals] are  worse  than  others.  So  most  com- 
mentators. Grotius  adds  the  remark:  " Multo 
enim  plus  intelllgit  elephas,  sollertior  est  imlpes  aut 
simia  ;  loquatior  psittacus."  Grimm,  however,  sup- 
posing that  the  subtilty  of  the  serpent  as  de- 
scribed  in   Genesis   (iii.  1)   is   referred  to,  would 


the  common  text,  avrov  uv  auTtfs,  there  would   be   read,  as  appears  above,  for  ivoia  (avola,  Fritzsche 


a  peculiar  use  of  the  genitive  of  tlic  relative  in  a 
partitive  signiticatiuij,  and  at  the  same  time  in- 
cluding within  itself  the  two  following  clauses: 
"of  whom  he  indeed  lived  ;  they,  on  the  contrary, 
never."  The  Vulgate  reads  is  for  Si'  {quia  ipse). 
But  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the 


and  Rpusch)  ayia,  hnne,  trouble,  which  certainly 
is  more  in  harmony  with  tlie  conte.xt,  especially 
the  €xSi<rTo  of  the  previous  clause,  if  it  be  taken 
in  its  natural  sense. 

Ver.   19.     Failed  also  of  the  praise  of  Qod. 
Cf.  for  the  fact  Gen.  i.  21-25;  iii.  14. 


Chapter  XVI. 

1  Therefore  by  the  like  were  they  punished  deservedly,^  and  by  means  of  a ' 

2  multitude  of  monsters,  tormented.  Instead  of  which  punishment,  dealing  graciously 
with  thy '  people,  thou    preparedst   for    them    strange   food    for    their   hankering 

3  desire,  quaUs  as  nourishment :  *  to  the  end  that  those,  while  ^  desiring  food,  might 
through  the  ugly  appearance  ^  of  the  things  '  sent  among  them  be  diverted  even  from 
their  natural  appetite  ;  '  but  that  these,  suffering  want '  for  a  short  space,  might 

4  also  '"  be  made  partakers  of  a  strange  food.^^  For  it  was  requisite  that  upon  them, 
exercising  tyranny,  should  come  unavoidable  want ;  ^-  but  to  these  it  should  only  be 

5  shown  ^'  how  their  enemies  were  tormented.  And  truly "  when  the  terrible  '* 
fierceness  of  reptiles  ■"*  came  upon  them,  and  they  perished  through  "   the  stings  of 

6  crooked  serpents,  thy  wrath  endured  not  for  ever  ;  but  they  were  troubled  for  a 
short''  season,  for  admonition,  that  having  a  sign  of  salvation,  they  might  be  put  " 

7  in  remembrance  of  the  commandment  of  thy  law.  For  he  that  turned  himself 
towards  it  was  not  saved  by  the  thiriff  that  he  saw,  but  by  thee,  that  art  the  Saviour 

8  of  all.     And  in   this  also  thou  didst  persuade  our  enemies,^  that  it  is  thou  who 

9  deliverest  from  all  evil :  for  them  the  bite  of  locusts  '•''  and  flies  killed,  neither  was 
there  found  a  ^^  remedy  for  their  life  ;  for  they  deserved  '■''  to  be  punished  by  such  ; 

10  but  thy  sons  not  even  '-*  teeth  of  venomous  dragons  overcame  ;  for  thy  mercy  came 

11  to  their  aid,*'  and  healed  them.     For  they  were  stung,-*  that  they  might  -''  remem- 
ber thy  words  ;  and  were  quickly  saved,  lest  -*  falling  into  deep  forgetfulness,  they 

12  should  become  unsusceptible  for  ^   thy  goodness.     And   truly,  it  was  neither   herb, 
nor  plaster,'"  i/iat  restored  them  to  health  ;  but    thy  word,  O    Lord,  which   healeth 

13  all   things.'^^     For  thou   hast  power   of  life  and  death  ;   thou  both  ^^  leadest  down 
to  the  gates  of  Hades,^  and  bringest  up  again. 

14  A  man,  on  the  other  hand,  indeed  killeth  in  his  wickedness,  but  the  spirit  when  it 
hath  gone  forth  he  bringeth  not  back  ;  nor  releaseth  a  soul  that  hath  been  received.'*'' 

15,  16  But  it  is  not  possible  to  escape  thine  hand.     For  ungodly  men  who  denied 

Vers.  1-3.  —  1  A.  V. :  worthily.  -  by  the.  ^  beasts  .  .  .  thine  own.  *  meat  of  a.  strange  taste,  even  quails  to 
ftir  up  their  appetite  (before  eis  kmOvti-uiv  III.  55.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  insert  ols,  which  would  require  the  2J  per.  sing., 
evepYcTTja'as,  instead  of  the  participle  evepyer>j(7as).  <*  they  (cKetfoi  p.iv).  *  for  the  ugly  sight  [({hixBetav  ;  iei^- 

feZa-ap,  II.  III.  68.  106.  253.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  ;  but  it  is  rejected  by  Grimm,  Reusch,  and  Fritzsche). 
'  beasts.         *  lothe  even  that,  which  they  roust  needs  desire.  ^  but  these  suffering  penury         >9  omits  also  tKac). 

u  taste  (-yevffetus  ;  but  by  metonymy  used  for  the  thing  tasted) 

Vers.  4-8.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  penury,  which  t/ify  could  not  avoid.  '^  shewed.  l*  For.  ^^  horrible.  '"  beastg 

(^piutf  ;  the  context  shows  that  reptiles  are  meant).  ^^  these  .  .      .  with.  ^^  small.  ^^  that  thty  might  be 

admonished,  having  ....  to  put  them.        ^o  this  thou  madest  thine  enemies  confess. 

Vers.  9-14.  —  ^  A..y.  :  bitlngs  of  grasshoppers.         22  a^y  m  were  worthy.         -*  the  verj'  (ouSe).         25  ^as  ever 

by  (Arm  (ivTin-ap^A0€).  26  pricked  (marg.,  .-irimir).  ^^  (Aey  should.  =8  that  not.  !"  might  be  continually 

mindful  of  —  xanx^..  never  drawn  from — (an-epiVjraffToi  means,  literally,  no(  drawn  hither  and  thither,  not  distracted, 
S3.  253.  read  oTrcpioTaTOt,  defenseless,  helpless  ;  see  Cojn.).  3o  For  it  was  ....  mollifying  plaister.  ^i  things  (III. 

•6.  106.  157.  343.  254.  261.  296.  readTTii-Tas  for  irii/Ta)  >- omits  both  and  iowu.  23  i,eii.  3' A  man  (6e' with  the 
.*rce  of  on  the  other  hand]  indeed  killeth  through  his  malice  (^ec  t^  koxi^  ainov) :  and(5ej  the  spirit  when  it  is  gone  forth 


266 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


that  they  knew '  thee,  were  scourged  by  the  strength  of  thine  arm  ;   with  unaccus- 
tomed ^  rains,  and '  hails,  and  unavoidable  showers,  were  they  pursued  ;  *  and  through 

17  fire  were  they  consumed.  What,  however,  was  ^  most  to  be  wondered  at :  the 
fire  had  more  force  in  the  water,  that  quencheth  all  things  ;  for  the  world  ^  fighteth 

18  for  the  righteous.  For  sometimes  a  flame  was  mitigated,  that  it  might  not 
burn    up    the    creatures'    that    were    sent  against    the    ungodly,   but    themselves 

19  might  see  and  perceive  that  they  were  pursued  by  '  the  judgment  of  God.  And 
at  another  time  it  burneth  even  in  the  midst  of  water  above  the  power  of  fire,  that 

20  it  might  destroy  the  fruits  of  an  unjust  land.  Instead  whereof  thou  feddest  thy* 
people  with  angels'  food,  and  didst  send  them  untiringly  from  heaven  bread  prepared, 
strong  in  every  kind  of  pleasant  relish  "  and  agreeing  to  every  taste. 

21  For  thy  substance  ^'  declared  thy  sweetness  unto  </;^  cliildren,  and  serving  the 
appetite  of  the  eater,  transformed  itself  according  to  that  which  each  one  desired." 

22  But  snow  and  ice  withstood  ^^  fire,  and  melted  not,  that  they  might  know  that 
flaming  fire  flashing  through  hail  and  rain,  destroyed  -^^  the  fruits  of  the  enemy." 

23  But  this  again  did  even  forget  its  ''  own  strength,  that  righteous  ones  might  be  nour- 

24  ished.  For  the  creation  serving "  thee,  who  art  its  '*  Maker,  puts  forth  its  " 
strength  against  the  unrighteous  for  their  punishment,  and  abateth  it  ^  for  the  ben- 

25  efit  of  such  as  put  their  trust  in  thee.  Therefore  also  ^^  then  was  it  altered  into  all 
kinds,'''^  and  was  obedient  to  thy  grace,  that  nourisheth  all  things,  according  to  the 

26  desii'e  of  them  that  had  need,  that  thy  sons,  0  Lord,  whom  thou  lovest,  might 
learn,  that  it  is  not  the  various  kinds  ^'  of  fruits  that  nourish  ^*  man  ;  but  that  it  is  thy 

27  word,  which  preserveth  them  that  put  their  trust  in  thee.  For  that  which  was  not 
destroyed  by  ''^  fire,  being  warmed  by  a  short  lived  ^  sunbeam,  soon   melted  away, 

28  that  it  might  be  known,  that  we  must  rise  before  "  the  sun  to  give  thee  thanks,  and 

29  before  the  break  of  day  "*  pray  unto  thee.  For  the  hope  of  an  unthankful  man  ''' 
shall  melt  away  as  the  winter's  hoar  frost,  and  shall  run  away  as  useless  *"  water. 

retumeth  not  (a»'aaTpe<^ei) ;  neither  the  soul  receiTed  up  cometh  again  {Kafni\ij<l>9eltrav  is  rendered  by  Bunsen's  Bibel' 
toerk,  ge/esselte,  bound,  i.  «.,  in  the  underworld  :  but  its  more  literal  meaning  seems  preferable,  «t?  ^5ov  being  under- 
itood. 

Vers.  16-20.  —  *  A.  V. :  the  ungodly  that  .  to  k-now(cf.  for  a  similar  thought  xii.  27).  2  gtrange  {f«Vo«,  butwith 
the  sense  given  above).  3  omits  and.  *  and  showers  were  they  persecuted,  that  they  could  not  avoid.  ^  For 

which  is  (TO  yap  ;  "  Was  aber  ....  war.  Grimm  and  Bunsen's  Bibdwerk.  Cf.  Kiihner  §  500,  2).  ^  world  (6  x6o-MOf 
z^  the  material  world).  '  the  flame  .  bea#>t8.  ^  persecuted  with.  *  thine  own  {aov).  ^^  them  from  heavea 
bread  prepared  (for  aproc  avroi?  air'  ovpavov  eirefxij/a^y  we  have  apTOj'  ojr'  (^f,  23.  155.)  ovpafov  (65.  adds  Kai)  iropeVx*? 
(tire(»i/.<K,  248.  Co.)  aiiToU  in  HI.  X.  23.  56.  106.  165.  248.  253.  254.  261.  296.  A.  B.  E.  H.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Arm.,  and  it  ii 
adopted  by  Fritzsche)  without  their  labour  (aicoffiaTws  ;  so  Wahl,  sine  labore  ;  but  it  seems  better  to  take  the  word,  with 
Grimm  and  Bunsen's  Bibettverk,  in  the  sense  of  without  cessation;  lit.,  without  e^ettin^  tired ;  seeCojn.),  able  to  content 
{taxvovra  ;  Grabe  would  read  i(rxoKTa,  following  the  Old  Lat  —  in  se  habentem  —  but  it  is  rejected  by  Grimm,  Keusch, 
and  Fritzsche  ;  cf.  Com,)  every  man's  delight. 

Vera.  21-29. — "A.  V.  :  sustenance  (for  vwoirToffts,  NanniuB  suggested  the  impossible  reading,  vir6aTa^ii  ;  Grab«, 
iffdiTTofis  ;  cf.  Bleek'sOun.  at  Ueb.  i.  o,  and  our  note  below).  "  serving  to  the  appetite  .  .  tempered  itself  to  every 
man's  liking.  ^3  endured  (lit.,  but  not  clear)  the.  1*  fire  burning  in  the  hail  and  sparkling  in  the  rain,  did  destroy 
>*  enemies  (plur.,  but  more  idiomatically  rendered  by  the  sing.).  ^^  his.  '^  the  righteous  might  ....  creature  that 
Mrveth.         '8  the  (the  article  is  found,  but  with  the  force  of  the  possessive  pronoun).         i^  increaseth  his.  so  big 

strength.  '*  even.  *2  fashions  (n-ai^a,  but  the  idea  of  being  changed  into  —  ail  —  kinds  is  contained  in  the  verb). 
•  children  ....  might  know  ....  growing  (ai  yeveaeii),  84  nourisheth.  25  of  the.  2<  with  a  little.  "  pre- 
vent. ^  at  the  dayspring  (irpbs  mva.T<ikr\v  «^wt6;  ;  see  Com.).  ^  the  unthankful  (165.  has  the  plur. ,  cf.  Com.). 
*^  unprofitable 

Chaptek  XVI. 


Ver.  1.  'Were  they  (i.  c,  the  Egyptians)  pun- 
ghed.  The  author  takes  up  again  the  thread  of 
thought  dropped  at  xi.  16. 

Ver.  2.  This  hankering  desire,  however,  was 
looked  upon  as  sinful  by  Jehovah,  and  severely 
punished.     Cf.  Numb.  xi.  31  ff. 

Ver.  3.  The  reason  is  given  for  what  is  said  to 
have  been  done  in  verse  I.  It  was  the  Egyptians 
who  lost  their  natural  appetite,  on  account  of  the 
Tarious  hateful  animals  that  intruded  themselves 
into  their  dwellings  and  their  food.  —  But  that 
these,  i.  e.  the  Lsraelites,  were  made  partakers  of 
a  new  food.  The  quails  before  referred  to  are 
meant. 

Ver.  5.  Upon  them,  the  Israelites.  See  Numb. 
SzlS  ff. 


Ver.  6.  Having  a  sign  cf  salvation,  namely,  the 
brazen  serpent.  —  Might  be  put  in  remembrance. 
Not  the  brazen  serpent  alone,  but  the  trouble  and 
the  warning  also,  were  calculated  to  do  this. 

Ver.  9.  Bites  of  locusts  ....  killed.  This  fact, 
if  it  be  one,  is  not  derived  from  the  Pentateuch. 
That  certain  species  of  locusts  will  bite,  if  molested, 
is  no  longer  disputed  ;  but  the  statement  here  made 
can  only  rest  on  the  supposition  that  in  this  case 
a  miraculous  power  was  given  to  them. 

Ver.  10.  ^ AvTinap4pxofJLai  (  =  afrnrtipetfjtt),  to 
march  over  aijainst,  or  alongside  of.  Here,  with  the 
added  idea  of  being  present  to  aid. 

Ver.  11.  Aiyiov.  The  diminutive  of  \6yos,  in 
the  sense  of  command.  —  Falling  into  deep  for 
getfulness.     This  somewhat  peculiar  form  of  e> 


THK   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


'26 


pression,  €i!  $a9t7ai'  ifiireaoyTd  Xitdtiv,  is  probably 
due  to  the  idea  of  forgetfiilness  entertained  by  the 
Greeks  as  connected  with  the  river  Lethe.  — 
'Airfplmaaroi.  A  word  belonging  to  the  later 
Greek.     Here  apparently  in  the  sense  given  above. 

Ver.  12.  Thy  word,  i.e.,  thy  expressed  will. 
Cf.  Ps.  evil.  20. 

Ver.  13.  On  the  expression  iru\oi  S,Sov,  cf. 
Job  xxxvili.  17  ;  Ps.  ix.  13,  cvii,  18;  Is.  xxxviii. 
10.  Hades,  according  to  the  general  representa- 
tion of  Scripture,  is  the  kingdom  of  the  dead, 
both  of  the  good  and  of  the  evil,  but  especially 
the  place  where  sinners  receive  the  punishment  of 
their  evil  deeds.     Cf.  Notes  at  Add.  to  Esth.  ii.  7. 

Ver.  17.  The  fire  that  fell  with  the  rain  and 
hail  Just  spoken  of,  instead  of  being  put  out 
thereby,  only  raged  the  fiercer.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Ex. 
ix.  24. 

Ver.  18.  The  two  plagues  described  are  here 
mixed  together  as  though  they  had  occurred  at 
the  same  time.  Schmid  would  explain  the  repre- 
sentation by  supposing  that  the  Egyptians  sought 
to  exterminate  the  insects  through  fire.  It  is  a 
pure  invention,  however. 

Ver.  20.  Tpo(p^v  ^•^djp.tuas  rhv  \a6v  irov.  This 
is  one  of  the  verbs  which  is  commonly  followed  by 
two  accusatives :  one  of  a  person,  and  the  other 
of  the  thing.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Numb.  xi.  4  ;  Dent, 
zxxii.  l.'i.  At  1  Cor.  xiii.  3,  it  is  used  in  another 
sense:  "Feed  out  all  my  goods."  —  'AKoTritirajs 
tor  aKOTitiuTa^,  untiringly,  is  to  be  connected  with 
firc/ii^as  (or  irapitrx^s).  —  Tlacav  ijSov^v  iffx^oyra, 
BtTong  in  (with  respect  to)  every  kind  of  pleas- 
ant relish,  or,  using  the  participle  transitively, 
providing  (lit.,  strengthening )  every  enjoyment.  The 
former  is  the  rendering  preferred  by  Grimm. 
Others  take  the  participle  in  the  sense  of  excelling, 
like  the  verb  7D'  in  Hebrew.  It  was  taught  in 
the  Talmud,  that  as  the  child  finds  in  the  mother's 
milk  various  kinds  of  relishable  things  which  the 
mother  has  eaten,  so  the  Israelites  in  the  manna. 
The  same  tradition  seems  here  to  be  met  with. 
The  manna  tasted  to  him  who  ate  it  just  as  the 
food  which  he  at  the  time  most  desired  would  have 
taated.      Some  Roman  Catholics,  regarding  this 


tradition  as  fact,  go  so  far  as  to  hold  that  an 
actual  transubstantiation  took  place,  and  that  tho 
manna  was  changed  into  the  various  other  kinds 
of  wished-for  food. 

Ver.  21.  'H  fj.ev  y^p  inrSaTcurls  ffov.  Schmid, 
Gutberlet,  and  others  refer  "thy  substance"  to 
the  manna.  Grimm  says  if  it  had  referred  to  the 
manna,  avrov  instead  of  ffou  would  have  been  used, 
and  that  the  substance,  being  of  God  is  meant. 
But  may  not  aov  here  be  properly  understood  in 
the  sen.se  of  "  from  thee  "  ? 

Ver.  22.  The  idea  is  that  while  the  Egyptians 
were  plagued  through  ice  and  snow,  which  the 
fire  flashing  through  them  could  not  melt,  this 
ice-like  substance,  the  manna,  was  not  melted  by 
the  same  agencies,  but  became  food  for  the  Is- 
raelites. Cf.  Ex.  xvi.  23  ;  Numb.  xi.  8.  The 
manna  (as  it  is  here  implied)  was  even  cooked 
(ver.  20),  and  made  ready  to  be  eaten,  by  that 
which  worked  such  evil  to  their  enemies. 

Ver.  26.  Cf.  Deut.  viii.  3,  and  our  Saviour's 
words  at  Matt.  iv.  4. 

Ver.  27.  The  statement  just  made  is  now 
illustrated  by  the  case  of  the  manna.  For  that 
which  was  not  destroyed  by  fire,  i.  e.  in  the 
cooking,  before  it  was  sent  down  to  the  earth. 

Ver.  28.  Uphs  avaToKijv  <l>aiT6s,  before  day- 
break. Some  commentators,  without  sufficient 
reason,  take  the  preposition  in  the  sense  of  direc- 
tion, and  suppose  tliat  our  author,  with  the  Es- 
seues,  would  teach  that  one  should  pray  with  the 
face  directed  towards  the  rising  sun.  See  Jo- 
sephus  {Belt.  .lud.,  ii.  8,  §  5).  Cf.,  however,  Ps. 
V.  3;  Ivii.  8;  Ixxxviii.  13.  The  Mishna  (Bera- 
choth,  i.  2)  also,  according  to  Gutmann,  has  a 
similar  thought:  "One  should  begin  it  [prayer] 
as  soon  as  he  can  distinguish  light  blue  and  white 
{;.  e.,  at  early  dawn),  and  end  with  the  shining  out 
of  the  sun." 

Ver.  29.  'Axapicrros.  We  have  translated  by 
"  unthankful ;  "  but  this  seems  hardly  the  right 
word  to  suit  the  context.  Bretschneider  remarks 
on  the  passage  {Lex.,  ad  vac.)  :  'Axapiffros  signiji- 
cat  vel  nefandum  (e.  g,  i,iiKQs,v.  24),  vet  alienum  a 
Deo,  alienum  a  gratia,  beneficiis  Dei,  quales  j^^gyp* 
tii  idolatrice  dedili,  ibi  describuntur." 


Chapter  XVII. 


1  For  great  are  thy  judgments,  and  hard  to  search  out ;  *  therefore  undisciplined 

2  souls  fell  into  error."  For  unrighteous  men  thinking '  to  oppress  a  *  holy  nation, 
being  shut  up  in  their  houses,^  prisoners  of   darkness,  and    fettered   by  ^   a  long 

3  night,  lay  banished '  from  the  eternal  providence.  For  while  they  supposed  them- 
selves to  be  '  hid  in  their  secret  sins,  they  were  in  darkness  through  a  thick  ^  veil 
of  forgetfulness,  being  fearfully  '"  astonished,  and  thrown  into  confusion  by  ^'  ap- 

4  paritions.^'^  For  not  even  the  nook  that  held  them  kept  ''^  them  without  fear  ;  ^* 
but  noises  "  sounded  about  ^^  them  and  threw  them  into  confusion,"  and  sad  spectres  " 

Vers.  1-4.  — ^  A.V.  :  cannot  be  expressed  (5u(rBt>jy»7T0i,  see  Com.).  ^  have  erred.  "  when  unnghteous  men 

tbonght.  *  the.  ^  they  being  .  ..  in  (AeiV  houses,  the  (marg.,  unrffr  their  roo/i).  «  with  the  bonds  of.  ^  lay 
thert  exiled  fmarg.,  fugitives).  8  supposed  to  lie.  "  were  scattered  {for  effKopirio-^o-ac  m.  C.  65.  106.  167.  254.  B. 
C.  H.  read  i<rKoTt(rdj]<ray ,  which  Fritzsche  adopts  with  Grimm,  Apel,  Bauermeister,  but  not  Reusch)  under  a  dark  (see 
Com.).  ^0  horribly  "  troubled  with  (too  weak  for  €KTopa<T(Tdu€»'Ot).  "  arrang-e  apparitions  (marg.,  it'gAd) 

>•  neither  might  the  corner  (^uxo5  ;  X.,^oixos;  III.,  ^OSo?).  .keep.  "  from  fear  (Fritzsche  receives  a^f>li^ous  ((«a« 
f»£.  II.  X.  68.,  a(/>63u)!)  from  III.  C.  23.  65.  106. 155. 157.  248.  253.  254.  261.  Co.)  "  noises  a.i  af  waters  falling  down. 

**  (repiKOfin-eu ;  it  is  found  only  here  in  the  Apoc.  ;  cf.  Thucyd.  vi.  17.)  "  omits  last  clause  (eKTapaffcrorres,  text,  ret., 

ma.Tafiijwovrei  ;  X.  106.  261.,  TapierirovTe'; ;  II.  has  not  from  the  second  band,  as  Fritzsche  states,  fieicrapao-ffoi^es,  i.  e 
I'  flXTopo^.     That  is  the  reading  of  II .  from  the  first  hand.     By  a  second  hand  was  written  an  a»boTe,  between  the  k  anil 
«  i.  «.,  M  tuiT«^«v.    Hence  the  original  reading  of  II.  if  thatwhioh  Fritxeche,  following  Grimm,  adopted).        ^^  visiona 


268  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


5  appeared  unto  them  with  frowning  *  countenances.      And  ^  no  power  of  fire  could ' 
give  them  light ;  neither  could  the  bright  shining  of  the  stars  avail  *  to  lighten  that 

6  horrible  night.     But  there  kept  appearing  unto  them  only  a  fire  kindled  of  itself, 
very  dreadful ;  and  ^  being  exceedingly  terrified  at  that  sight  which  was  not  seen, 

7  they  thought  what  was  seen  to  be  worse.     The  tricks  of  magic  art  failed,  moreover, 

8  and  its  vaunting  of  wisdom  was  tested  to  its  disgrace.*      For  they  that  promised  to 
drive  away  terrors  and  troubles  from  a  sick  soul,  were  sick  themselves  with  a  fear 

9  worthy  to  be  laughed  at.     For  though  no  real  object  of  terror  made  them  afraid," 
yet  being  scared  forth  both  by  the  coming  up  of  noxious  insects,  and  the '  hissing 

10  of  serpents,  they  died  for  fear,  even  refusing  to  see  the  air,^  which  can  on  '"  no  side  be 

1 1  avoided.     For  wickedness,  condemned  by  her  own  testimony,^'  is  "  timorous,  and 

12  being  pressed  by  '"  conscience,  always  forecasteth  grievous  things.     For  fear  is  noth- 

13  ing  else  but  a  giving  up  of  the  means  of  succor"  which  reason  offereth.  But 
the  expectation  of  succor,  overpowered  from  within,  counteth  its  ignorance  more 

14  than  the  cause  that  bringeth  the  torment.  And  they,  sleeping  the  same  sleep  in 
the  night  which  was  really  powerless  and  came  from  the  recesses  of  the  powerless 

15  under-world,  partly  were  harried  by  portentous  apparitions,  and  partly  were  par- 
alyzed by  their  heart  failing  them ;  for  a  sudden  and  unlooked-for  fear  came  upon 

16  them.^^      Since  it  was  so,  whosoever  was  there,  losing  all  courage,  was  kept'' 

17  shut  up  in  a  prison  without  iron  bars.  For  whether  he  were  husbandman,  or  shep- 
herd, or  one  of  the  laborers  employed  in  the  waste,"  he  was  overtaken,  and  endured 
the  '*   necessity,  which   could   not  be  avoided  ;  for  they  were  all   bound  with  one 

18  chain  of  darkness.  Whether  it  were  a  whistling  wind,  or  a  melodious  song "  of 
birds  among  the  thick  ^''  branches,  or  a  measured  rise  and  ^^  fall  of  water  running 

19  violently,  or  a  terrible  crash  -^  of  stones  cast  down,  or  a  running  that  could  not  be 
seen   of  frisking  animals,^   or  a  roaring  voice  of  most  terrible  -■*  wild  beasts,  or  a 

20  rebounding  echo  from  a  mountain  hollow  ^^ :  it  made  them  ™  swoon  for  fear.  For 
the  whole  world  shone  ^'   with  clear  light,  and  was  engaged  in  unhindered  labor ;  ^' 

21  over  them  only  was  spread  ^^  a  heavy  night,  an  image  of  that  darkness  which  should 
afterwards  receive  them  ;  but  they  were  ^  unto  themselves  more  grievous  than  the 
darkness. 

Ver.  4.  —  1  A,  V. :  heavy  (a^»£^Tot(,  not  smilin^^  dark). 

Vers.  5-10.  — •  ^  A.  V.  :  omits  And.  ^  the  fire  might.  *  flames  of  the  stars  endure.  ^  Only  there  appeared 

unto  them  a  .  .  .  .  for.  ^  they  thought  the  things  which  they  saw  to  he  worse  than  the  eight  they  saw  not  {106 

omits  ixri  before  0eiopov/ie'iTjs,  and  supplies  it  before  (SAejro^eva).  As  for  the  illusions  of  art  magick,  they  were  i-nt  down, 
and  their  vaunting  in  wisdom  was  reproved  with  disgrace.  '  of  fear  ....  though  no  terrible  thing  did  fear  them. 

*  scared  [iKaeao^ri^ivoi. ;  e«jre(/)op7jjLi€Voi,  111.  106. ;  iKite'iio^ovti.iviav ,  261.)  with  wild  beasts  that  pas.'ied  by  {»ctw5aA*i>»' 
frap65ot$)  and.        <'  denying  that  they  saw  the  air.         ^o  could  of. 

Vers.  11-15.  —  i'  A.  V.  :  witness  {text,  rec,  naprvpei ;  Fritzsche,  with  Grimm  and  Reusch,  adopt  fiaprvpi  from  III.  X. 
65.  248.  264.  296.  Co. ;  C,  fiap-rvpici).  ^2  {5  very.  ^^  pressed  with  (cf.  ver.  20).  ^*  betraying  of  the  succours. 

"  And  the  expectation  from  within,  being  less,  counteth  the  ignorance  more  than  the  cause  which  bringeth  the  tor- 
ment. (A.  V.  has  a  parenthesis  inclosing  vers.  11-13.)  But  they  sleeping  the  same  sleep  that  night,  which  was  indeed 
intolerable,  and  which  came  upon  them  out  of  the  bottoms  of  inevitable  hell  (for  iSui-dTou  qBov  ^v\wi'  106.  261. 
read  a5vvo.Tbiv  fx.).  were  partly  vexed  with  monstrous  apparitions,  and  partly  fainted,  their  heart  failing  them:  for 
a  sudden  fear,  and  not  looked  for,  came  upon  them  (Fritzsche  receives  eirfx^dij  from  X.  23.  106.  156.  253.     text,  rec.^ 

CTTTJAflei'). 

Vers.  16-21.  — '"  A.  V. :  So  then  (it  does  not  bring  out  the  transition  forcibly  enough  ;  Gr.,  eld*  ovro)?)  whosoever 
there  fell  down  (oq  S^ttot'  GUI'  ^v  e»cet,  KaTairiinuiv ;  the  last  word  seems  to  have  the  meaning  to  lose  courage)  was  straitly 
kept.  1^  a  labourer  (to)!'  ....  epyaTTjs  fioxduf)  in  the  field  (marg.,  desert).  '8  endured  that  [(tevio  seems  to  have  here 
the  peculiar  meaning  given  it  in  the  A.  V.  ;  so  Grimm  and  Wahl  ;  Bunsen's  Sibelwerk  renders  :  erlag  er^zgave  up  to, 
was  subjected  to).  '"  noise.  20  spreading  (ofi'ti\o(/)^?  =  taking  in  on  all  sides,  and  so,  thickly  grown).  21  ^  pleasing 
(pvd^6s).  22  sound  (ktuito?  often  refers  to  the  crash  of  thunder  or  the  clash  of  arms  ;  it  comes  from  ti'tttw).  23  sbjij, 
ping  beasts.  24  savage  (dm)(/^s  —  here  in  the  superlative  —  is  the  same  word  that  is  rendered  "  terrible,''  —  marg., 

"  hideous  ■'  —  a  few  lines  before.  It  means  "  rough,"  and  then  ''  fearful,'-  "  horrible."  For  the  gen.  plur. ,  III.  has 
the  nom.  sing.).  25  tiiQ  mountain  hollows.  Fritzsche  receives  koiAottjtos  from  11.  III.  X.  23.  55.  68.  106. 155.  248.  253. 
'.54.  296.  Co.  Aid. ;  text,  rec,  KoiKoTtxTtov.  28  A.  V. :  these  things  made  them  to.  27  shined.  28  none  were 

hindered  in  their  labour  (the  subject  of  avveCx^To  — cf.  Acts  xviii.  5  in  the  Greek,  the  A.  V.  not  rendering  it  correctly 
- —  is  clearly  6  Kotr/xos  of  the  preceding  line).  2ti  spread  (Cod.  II.,  with  111.  68.  106.  Aid.,  read  ejrtT-aTO  —  TreTavmjtii  — 
Vulg.,  ineTeraro,  pluperf.  pass,  of  CTTiTeiVw).         20  ygt  were  they. 

Chapter  XVII. 


Ver.  1.  Auo-5i^77)T0i,  difficult  to  make  out,  un- 
searchable.    The  word  is  not  elsewliere  found. 

Ver.  2.  For  the  historical  fact,  cf.  Ex.  x.  23. 
—  Banished  from  the  eternal  providence,  i.  e., 
excluded  from  t)ic  hcuefits  arisinj;  from  it. 


Ver.  3.  Although  not  in  harmony  with  the 
pointing  of  the  text,  rec,  it  seems  much  better  to 
connect  the  words,  "  under  a  thick  veil  of  forget- 
fuluess,"  with  "  to  be  hid,"  and  the  verse  would 
then  read  :   "  For  while  they  imagined  that  they 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


269 


were  hid  in  their  secret  sins  under  ;i  dark  veil  of 
forgetfulness,  they  were  fearfully  astonished  and 
thrown  into  great  confusion  by  phantoms." 

Ver.  4.  Mvx^s,  nook  {Lat.,  sinus,  recessus,  also 
penetrate).  It  refers  to  the  retired  part  of  the 
dwelling  to  which  tiiey  were  banished  by  the 
darkness.  Wliat  is  here  and  in  the  followiuf; 
verse  given  as  historic  fact  is  simply  a  fantastical 
enlargement  of  what  is  said  of  the  Egyptians  at 
Ex.  X.  21  ff. 

Ver.  5.  "tTrefiffoy,  avail.  The  verb  means 
to  remain  behind ;  also,  to  venture,  undertake,  and  to 
be  able. 

Ver.  6.  It  is  simply  meant  that  their  terror 
magnified  the  evil  not  a  httle.  They  saw  a  tire, 
without  anything  to  cause  it ;  and  their  fear  be- 
cause of  that  whicli  was  hidden  made  this  fire  and 
light  worse  than  the  darkness. 

Vers.  7,  8.  That  the  magicians  sought  through 
magical  arts  to  do  away  with  the  fears  of  the 
Egyptians  caused  by  the  darkness,  is  not  said  in 
the  Pentateuch.  But  cf.  Ex.  ix.  11,  from  which 
the  idea  may  have  been  derived. 

Ver.  9.  'EK(Tfao$Tiixeyoi  {ex  ffo/Beto),  soared  forth, 
i.  e.,  from  the  nooks  into  which  thoy  had  been  pre- 
viously driven  by  the  darkness.  —  Refusing  to 
see  the  air.  They  shut  their  eyes,  and  would  not 
look  at  the  reality,  and  so  died  of  terror  caused 
by  imagined  horrors. 

Ver.  11.     Tp   (TweiS-qaet.     This  is  the  first  ap- 


pearance of  this  interesting  word  in  Biblical 
Greek  in  the  present  sense.  It  means  literally  a 
knowing  with  one's  self,  i.  e.,  one's  own  consciousness 
comes  forward  as  witness.  "  It  expresses  the 
consciousness  man  has  of  his  behavior  {^vTifj.T)}, 
and  his  insight  into  its  relation  to  moral  obliga- 
tion ((rwfiris)  in  the  form  in  which  it  manifests 
itself, —  as  he  is  ..  witness  against  himself  {/idprvs, 
KcLT-nyopos,  ^vpifiaxos).  What  the  nature  of  this 
cousciou.sness  is  —  the  fact  that  it  is  more  than  a 
mere  function  of  the  intellect  or  memory  —  be- 
comes clear  where  the  word  is  used  in  its  full 
force  ;  to  wit,  as  adopted  in  the  New  Testament." 
8ee  Cremer's  Ltj;.,  sub  voce. 

Ver.  12.  Of  the  means  of  succor.  One  of 
these  is  the  habit  of  inquiry,  by  the  exercise  of 
which  a  person  would  not  be  frightened  to  death 
by  what  is  merely  phantasinagorial. 

Vers.  13-15.  The  idea  is  that  despair  of  help 
leads  to  depreciating  the  means  of  help  and  to 
the  concentration  of  the  thought  on  the  object 
that  causes  terror.  And  their  despairing  per- 
plexity, moreover,  becomes  to  them  a  greater  evil 
than  the  real  evil  that  causes  it. 

Ver.  18.  'PuS^ds  seems  to  be  used  of  the  water, 
on  account  of  the  rising  and  f.alling  of  the  sound 
according  to  the  direction  and  force  of  the  wind. 

Ver.  21.  They  were  a  "  burden  to  themselves  " 
on  account  of  the  stings  of  their  violated  con- 
sciences. 


Chaptek  xvni. 


1  But  '  thy  saints  had  clearest  ^  light,  whose  voice  they  indeed  heard,  but  saw  not 
their '   shape  ;  because  they  also  had  not  ■*  suffered  the  same  things,  they  counted 

2  them  happy.^    And  ^  that  they  did  not  hurt  them  now,  of  whom  they  had  been  wronged 

3  before,  they  thanked  ihem,  and  besought  pardon  that '  they  had  been  enemies.  On 
the  other  hand  thou  didst  furnish "  them  a  burning  pillar  of  fire,  as  well  a  guide  on 

4  an  unknown  journey,  as  *  a  harmless  sun  for  a  glorious  expedition.'"  Those  truly 
deserved  '^  to  be  deprived  of  light,  and  imprisoned  in  darkness,  wlio  had  kept  thy 
sons  shut  up,  by  whom  the  incorruptible  ^'^  light  of  the  law  was  to  be  given  unto 
the  world. 

5  And  having  determined  ^  to  slay  the  babes  of  the  saints,  and  ^*  one  child  having 
been  exposed,'^  and  saved  for  punishment,'^  thou  tookest  away  the  multitude  of 

6  their  children,  and  desoroyedst  them  altogether  in  a  mighty  "  water.  Of  that  night 
were  our  fathers  informed  beforehand,"  that  knowing  '^  unto  what  oaths  they  had 

7  given  credence,  they  might  safely  ■-"  be  of  good  cheer.  So  by  '"■  thy  people  was 
expected   first  salvation  for  ^-  the  righteous,  then  ^  destruction  for  their  -''  enemies. 

8  For  wherewith  -'  thou  didst  punish  our  adversaries,  by  this  '^'^  thou  didst  glorify  us, 

9  whom  thou  hadst  called.     For  the  holy  ''  chUdren  of  good  inen  '^  did  sacrifice  se- 
vers. 1-5.  —  ^  \.  V  :  Nevertheless.  2  a  very  great  [fxiynrrov,  but  as  the  context  demands  with  the  sense  given). 

3  hearing,  and  not  seeing  their.        *  (For  oCf,  III.  2.54.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  ov.)  5  (See  Com.)        "5  But  for.         ~'  them 

pardon  for  that  (Grimm  and  Reusch  recommend  the  reading  Tjvxapltrrovv ,  which  is  supported  by  all  the  Codd.  except 
n.  X.  68.,  which  support  the  text,  rec,  euxapitrrouo-if ).  «  Instead  whereof  thou  gavest.  »  both  to  be  a  guide  of 

the  ....  and  {fj.iv  —  &i).  lo  to  entertain  tkevi  honourably  (dpAa^jj  i^iKojiiiov  ^ecireia?  might  also  be  rendered,  with 

Orimm,  "  harmless  with  respect  to  a  glorious  expedition  ;  '-  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  "  which  did  not  injure  the  glorious 
expedition  ;'■  see  Co;?!.).  "  For  they  {^ev  yap  eiceicot)  were  worthy.  ^- \incoTVVi^t[Tas.rg.,  incorruptible).  ^^  when 
they  had  determined.  »  omils  and.  «  being  cast  forth  (see  Com.).  '«  to  reprove  them  (see  Com.).  "mighty 
{<r<i)o5p^,  the  idea  of  "  tumultuous,"  "  acting  with  violence,''  is  also  involved). 

Vers.  6-11.  —  18  A.  V   :  certified  afore.  rj  assuredly  (a(T<^aAu»?  ;  but  it  should  be  joined  to  k-rrev&vtiriataat  ;  X.  106. 

248.  26.3.  254.  261.,  i7ri9vfi>i(rcu<rii')  knowing.  ^  afterwards  (see  previous  note).  2'  of.  ==  accepted  both  the 

<wpo(re5e\d7j  .  .  .  (ne'v)  salvation  of.  "^  and.  -*  of  the  (the  pronoun  is  not  found  in  the  Greek,  but  i^  involved  in  the 
context).  'I  wherewith  (cj  yip  —  is  yap,  II.  (from  first  hand)  III.  X.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Ar. ;  but  the  true  reading  is 

fixed  by  the  folkwing  tovto*).  su  the  same.  27  rigl.ceous  (ocrtoi  ;  it  is  omitted  by  III.).  ^  good  men  iaya^Htv  ; 

the  usage  of  the  writer  is  against  rendering  as  masculine      «.,  this  is  not  the  term  he  is  wont  to  apply  to  the  Israelites  ; 


270  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


cretly,  and  with    one  consent  bound  themselves  to  the  *  holy  law,  that  the  saints 

should  be  in  like  manner  -  partakers  in  the  same  goods  and  dangers,  having  al- 
10  ready  beforehand  joined  in  the  sacred  songs  fif   praise  of  the  fathers.^     But  on  the 

other  side  there  sounded  an  ill-according  cry  of  the  enemy  ;  *  and  a  voice  of  lamen- 
H   tation  *  was  carried   abroad  for  chUdren  that  were  bewailed.     Master  and  servant 

were  punished  together  with  like  punishment ;  ^  and  the  common  person  suffered 

12  the  same  things  as  the  king.'  And  all  together  had  dead  in  countless  numbers  who 
had  died  with  one  kind  of  death  ;  and  indeed  the  living  were  not  sufficient  '  to  bury 

13  them;  for  in  one  moment  their  noblest  offspring  were ^  destroyed.  For  whereas 
they  would  not  believe  any  thing  by  reason  of  the  enchantments,  upon  the  destruo- 

14  tion  of  the  firstborn,  they  acknowledged  this  people  to  be  God's  son.'"  For  while 
all  things  were  in  deep  "  silence,  and  night '-  was  in  the  midst  of  her  swift  course,'* 

15  thine   almighty  word  leaped  "  down  from  heaven  from  thy ''  royal  throne,  as  a  fierce 

16  man  of  war  into  the  midst  of  the  land  devoted  to'^  destruction,  bearing"  thine  un- 
feigned commandment  as  a  sharp  sword  ;    and  standing  it  filled  '*  all  things  with 

17  death  ;  and  while  it  touched  heaven,  it  stood  upon  earth."  Then  suddenly  im- 
ages -"  of  fearful  '^  dreams  troubled  them  sore,  and  unexpected  -^  terrors  came  upon 

18  them.-'     And  one  thrown  here,  another  there,  half  dead,  shewed  the  cause  of  his 

19  death.  For  the  dreams  that  troubled  them  did  foreshew  this,  lest  they  should  per- 
ish, and  not  know  why  they  suffered  Ul.-'' 

20  Yea,  the  trial  '^  of  death  touched  the  righteous  also,  and  there  took  place  a  de- 
struction of  a  -^  multitude  in  the  wilderness  ;  but  the  wrath "  endured  not  long, 

21  for  a  ^*  blameless  man  made  haste  to  contend  for  them.  Bringing  the  weapon  ^°  of 
his  proper  ministry,  even  prayer,  and  propitiation  of  incense,  he'"  set  himself 
against  the  wrath,  and  so  brought  the  calamity  to  an  end,  making  it  evident "'  that 

22  he  was  thy  servant.  But  he  ^'^  overcame  the  anger, ''  not  through  '*  strength  of 
body,  nor  force  of  arms,  but  through  ^°  a  word  subdued  he  him  that  punished,  remind- 

23  ing  of  "'  oaths  and  covenants  of ''  the  fathers.  For  the  dead  having  already  fallen 
down  in  '*  heaps   one  upon   another,  standing   between,  he  stayed  the  wrath,  and 

24  cut  off  ^  the  way  to  the  living.  For  upon  ■""  the  long  garment  was  the  whole 
world,  and  upon  *^  the  four  rows  of  engraved  stone  *"  was  the  glory  of  the  fathers,^* 

25  and  thy  majesty  upon  the  diadem  of  his  head.  Unto  these  the  destroyer  gave 
place,  and  these  were  feared  ;  **  for  it  was  enough  that  they  had  the  bare  trial  of  *^ 
the  wrath. 

Bee  Com.)  1  made  a,  etc.  (marg.,  a  covenant  of  God^  or  league ;  Gr.,  rbi'  ....  votiov  ....  Sifdevro  ;  for  9€t6rTjTOi, 

limiting  v6iL0Vy  X.  106.  155.  253.  261.  have  the  nearly  synonymous  otrioTTjTos).  ^  alike  (o^oi'ws).  ^  of  the  same 

good  and  evil,  the  fathers  now  ."dinging  out  the  songs  of  praise  (Fritzsche  adopts,  with  Grimm  and  Reuseh,  Trpoai-a^eA- 
,roiTK  from  III.  56.  106.  165.  157.  248.  253.  264.  296.  Co.  OM  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  npotivau.e>'w6ino>i',  as  also  II.  68.  261.  Ar., 
and  apparently  -\rm.  ;  see  Com.).  *  enemies  (plur.,  but  used  collectiTely).  ^  lamentable  noise  {(txityi)  is 

not  found  in  the  text,  rec,  tut  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  HI.  X.  23.  55.  106.  155.  167.  248.  254.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Ar. 
Arm.)        6  The  master  and  the  servant  were  punished  [afia  is  omitted  by  23.  253.  Jun.)  after  one  manner.  ^  like  as 

the  king  so  suffered  the  common  person. 

Vers.  12-19.  — ^  A.  V.  :  So  they  altogether  [biio9v^LaS6v)  had  innumerable  dead  with  one  kind  of  death  ;  neither  were 
the  living  sufficient.  ^  the  noblest  ....  of  them  was  (sing.,  but  used  collectively).  ^^  the  sons  of  God  {deov  vlbv 
Kaov).         ^  quiet  (lit.,  for  while  deep  silence  invested  —  Trepiexovayj^ — the  All).  ^^  that  night.  i3  ijt.^  her  own 

swiftness.  "  A.  V. :  leapt.  ^^  out  of  thy.  '"  a  land  of.  '"  and  brought.  is  standing  up  filled.  ^^  and  it 
touched  the  heaven  ....  but  it    .  .  .  the  earth.  ^^  visions  {marg.,  imaginations ;  Gr.,  4tavTaa-iaL).  -^  horrible 

(Seiriv  is  adopted  by  Fritz.iche  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr. ;  text,  rec,  Scii/us).  ■'  omits  unexpected. 

23  them  unlooked  for.         ^  were  afflicted. 

Vers.  20-25.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  tasting  (:rerpa).  ^0  „a.s  a  destruction  ....  the  ^  itrm  is  added  after  opy^  by  23.  65. 

157.  264.  Old  Lat.)         ^  then  the.         »  and  stood  forth  to  defend  them  :  and  bringing  the  shield.  3'  the  propitia- 

tion ....  omits  he.  3'  declaring.  32  go  he.  33  destroyer  (toc  oXoSpeuoi-Ta,  167.  248.  Co.  ;  Jun.,  vastatorem  ;  the 
reading  of  the  text.  rec.  is  oxAof  —  as  II.  X.  23.  Vulg.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.  ;  for  this  Bauermeister  conjectured  that  xoAor 
should  be  written,  and  his  opinion  was  adopted  by  Grimm,  Reuseh,  and  Fritzsche).  34  with.  35  with.  3<;  alleg- 
ing the  ivnofj-vricrai).  37  made  with.  3S  when  the  dead  were  now  fallen  down  by.  39  parted  (marg.,  cut  off). 
<"  in  (ciri).  "  in  (eiri').  "  the  stones  (the  plur.  of  XiSou  is  found  in  III.  C.  23.  56.  248.  254.  Co.).  "  father* 
graven.  **  was  afraid  of  them  ;  for  ( et^op^^trai'  of  the  text,  rec,  Fritzsche,  with  Grimm  and  Reuseh, adoptse0o^>j^ 
from  III.  23.  66.  106. 155.  248.  253.  296.  Co. ;  Cod.  X.  has  the  same  by  a  second  hand ;  see  Com.).  «  tasted  of  (cf. 
ver.  20). 

Chapter  XVIII. 


Ver.  1.  'Whose  voice  they  indeed  heard. 
The  Egyptians  are  represented  as  hearing  the 
voices  of  the  Isriielites.  Cf.  Ex.  x.  23.  The  ren- 
dering of  the  la.st  part  of  ilie  veree  in  the  A.  V. 


was  based  on  the  reading  oh  for  oZv,  which  alw 
Grimm  adopts.  This  critic,  moreover,  jilaces  oi 
after  iireTrSveaaav.  —  They  counted  them  happjt 
(i.  e.,  the  Israelites)  that  they  also  had  not  su* 


THE  WISDOM  OF   SOLOMON. 


271 


fered.  With  the  common  reading  the  rendering 
would  be  :  They  held  it  accordimjly  for  a  good  for- 
tune [i.  c,  for  themselves]  that  they  [the  Israelites] 
also  had  suffered.  The  Old  Latin  has :  "  Et  quia 
non  et  ipsi  eadem  passi  erant  magmjicabant  te." 

Ver.  3.  Hei/iTcfa.  Lit.,  a  living  abroad.  It 
was  especially  u-ed  of  the  life  of  a  soldier  in  for- 
eign .service.  Here  the  expedition  of  the  Israelites 
to  the  promised  land  is  meant,  —  their  wandering 
in  the  wilderness. 

Ver.  .5.  'ZKTeSei/Tos,  exposed.  This  was  the 
common  word  used  for  the  exposure  of  children 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  them.  Cf.  Herod., 
i.  112.  —  For  punishment  {eh  e\eyxof}  is  joined 
by  some  to  whiit  precedes,  and  by  others  to  what 
follows.  In  either  case  it  makes  good  sense.  In 
the  former  case,  which  seems  to  us  less  natural, 
it  would  refer  to  what  Moses  afterwards  became 
as  the  avenger  of  his  people,  —  was  saved  with 
reference  to  punishment ;  in  the  latter,  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  first-born  of  the  Egyptians.  The 
antithesis  between  the  one  child  and  the  multitude 
of  children,  the  rescue  of  the  one  from  the  water 
and  the  destruct'on  of  the  many  in  the  water,  is 
worthy  of  notice. 

Ver.  6  Of  that  night,  i.  e.,  the  night  on  which 
the  first-born  of  the  Egyptians  were  slain. 

Ver.  9.  'AyaOwv  may  be  taken  as  the  genitive 
plural  neuter,  in  the  sense  of  good  things,  of  sidra- 
lion,  instead  of  of  good  men.  The  latter  seems 
somewhat  strained,  and  is  contrary  to  the  usage 
of  the  writer,  who  never  elsewhere  applies  this 
epithet  to  the  Israelites.  Cf.  for  the  historical 
groundwork,  Ex.  xii.  1.3,  46. — ^  To  the  holy  (rbv 
T^s  6f((iT7)Tos  vifjLov)  law.  &€t6Tr]s=Th  eJyat  ti, 
Ttyi  6uov.  —  N6/J.01' ....  SUdevTo.  Cremer  [Lex., 
ad  voc.)  gives  a  similar  interpretation  to  tliese 
words  to  the  one  given  in  the  translation  above. 
He  says:  "  It  is  clear  that  this  does  not  simply 
correspond  to  v6/xoi'  riSeVai,  '  to  institute  laws,'  or 
to  i>6nov  TtSeaBat,  ' to  gi\e  laws  for  one's  self,'  or 
■  for  the  State '  in  classical  Greek  ;  and  it  cannot 
therefore  be  explained  according  to  Judith  v.  18, 
where  it  is  to  send,  to  appoint.  The  accusative 
with  the  infinitive,  which  follows,  shows  that  it 
must  he,  to  come  to  terms  ov  an  agreement  with.  It 
cannot  mean  'to  carry  out,'  'to  execute,'  on  ac- 
count  of   the   infinitive   future."  —  Beforehand, 


i.  e.,  before  the  paschal  supper  was  celebrated.  — 
Of  the  fathers.  The  fathers  meant  are  the  patri- 
archs, and  they  were  either  themselves  praised,  or 
songs  transmitted  from  their  time  are  meant. 
The  latter  is  the  more  probable. 

Ver.  13.  The  use  of  the  singular,  "son,"  as 
applying  to  the  whole  of  Israel,  is  found  also  at 
Ex.  'iv.  22;  Hos.  xi.  1. 

V^er.  16.  T^i*  avujr6Kpirov  dniTayTjv  frov,  thine 
unfeigned  commandment.  The  idea  is  that 
it  was  no  simulated  matter,  in  which  he  threat- 
ened something  that  he  would  not  really  do.  Cf. 
V.  18  :  and  for  the  historical  ^illusion,  1  Chron. 
xxi.  16.  The  word  (i.e.  will)  of  God  is  personi- 
fied, as  at  Hos.  vi.  5. 

Ver.  18.  Showed  the  cause  of  his  death. 
As  some  suppose,  it  was  the  manner  in  which  they 
lay  and  their  general  appearance  which  showed 
that  their  death  had  been  unnatural  and  fearful. 
But  it  is  more  likely  that  a  time  before  their 
death  is  referred  to,  and  their  own  language  re- 
specting the  premonitions  which  they  had  re- 
ceived. This  seems  evident,  indeed,  from  what 
immediately  follows. 

Ver.  21.  A  blameless  man.  Aaron  is  called 
blameless,  only  as  having  had  no  part  in  the 
idolatry  of  the  people.  —  The  wrath,  rf  dv/of. 
In  verse  20  the  same  rendering  is  given  to  fi  op-fh. 
In  Attic  Greek  the  former  word  meant  the  feeling 
of  wrath,  while  the  latter  was  its  active  expres- 
sion. Cf.  Thucyd.,  ii.  11,  and  remarks  at  1  Mace. 
iv.  49,  and  Pr.  of  Man.,  ver.  10. 

Ver.  22.  AiaS-qxas,  covenants.  In  the  Apoc- 
rypha (cf.  1  Mace.  ii.  .'54;  2  Mace.  viii.  15;  Ecclus. 
xliv.  II,  20)  this  word  means  covenant,  ani  not 
testament,  as  it  afterwards  came  to  mean  in  the 
New  Testament,  and  as  it  was  used  also  by  Philo, 
who  gave  it,  in  fact,  uo  other  signification. 

Ver.  24.  'Wa.a  the  whole  world.,  /.  e.  repre- 
sented. Cf.  Josephus  {Anliq.,  iii.  7,  §  7)  :  "  And 
as  for  the  epliod,  it  showed  that  God  had  made 
the  universe  of  four  "  [elements],  etc. 

Ver.  25.  The  reading  iipo^riBTiaau  would  re- 
quire that  the  Israelites  be  represented  as  fearing 
before  the  destroyers,  which  was  in  fact  true ; 
but  to  say  it  at  this  point  would  have  been  out  of 
place.  Hence  i<po0T]Bri  is,  with  the  critical  au- 
thorities above  mentioned,  to  be  adopted. 


Chaptek  XIX. 


Bdt  ^  as  for  the  ungodly,  wrath  came  upon  them  without  mercy  unto  the  end  ; 
for  he  knew  also  ^  beforehand '  what  they  would  do  :  that  after  *  having  given 
them  leave  '  to  depart,  and  sent  them  with  zeal "  away,  they  would  repent  and  pur- 
sue them.  For  whilst  they  were  still  engaged  with  their'  mourning  and  making 
lamentation  at  the  graves  of  the  dead,  they  formed  another  foolish  resolution,*  and 
pursued  them  as  fugitives,  whom  they  had  driven  out  with  entreaties.^  For  their 
deserved  fate  "  drew  them  unto  this  end,  and  made  them  forget  the  things  that  had 
already  happened,"  that  they  might  fill  up  '-  the  punishment  which  was  wanting  in 
the  plagues  ;  ^^  and  that  while  thy  people  carried  out  a  wonderful  expedition  they 
should  find  ^*  a  strange  death.     For  the  whole  creation  in  its  proper  '^  kind  was 


Vers.  1-7.  — '  A.  V. :  omits  But  [ii).  =  omits  also  (itai ;  it  is  omitted  by  106.  261.).  ^  before.  *  how  that. 

(See  Co7«  )  6  hastily.  '  were  yet  (en  . . .  .  ^i/ XepatF  exoiTc?  to).  9  added  anotlier  foolish  device.  ^  intreatod 
to  be  gone  (marg.,  cast  out  by  intreaty  ;  lit.,  whom  entreating  they  cast  out).  i"  the  destiny,  whereof  they  were  worthy, 

u  Lit.,  threw  in  —  induced  —  a  forgetfiUness  of  the  things  that  had  taken  place.  i-  A.  V. :  fulfil.  ^^  to  their  torments. 
*  and  that  thy  people  might  pass  a  wonderful  way  :  but  they  might  find.  ^  creature  in  his  proper  (instead  of  ifiioi 


272  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


fashioned  again  anew,  serving  these  ^  peculiar  commandments,^  that  thy  children 

7  might  be  kept  without  hurt.     One  saw  the  '  cloud  shadowing  the   train ;  *  and 
where  water  stood  before,  dry  land  ;  ^  out  of  the  Red  sea,  a  way  that  could  not  be 

8  shut  up  ;  ^  and  out  of  a '  violent  stream,  a  green  field,  through  which  a  whole  na- 
tion *  went  that  had  been  protected   by  '  thy  hand,  beholding  "  marvellous  '^  won- 

9  ders.     For  they  went  at  large  ^'  like  horses,  and  leaped  like  lambs,  praising  thee, 

10  O  Lord,  who  hadst  delivered  them.  For  they  were  mindful  of  the  things  that 
had  been  done  while  they  were  yet  sojourners  :  '^  how  the  ground  brought  forth  flies 
instead  of   other  living   things,"  and  how  the  river  cast  up  a  multitude  of  frogs  in- 

11  stead  of  fishes.'^     But  afterwards  tliey  saw  also  '^  a  new  species  "  of  fowls,  when  "* 

12  being  led  by  "  appetite,  they  asked  delicacies  as  food.-"     For  quaUs  came  up  unto 

13  them  from  the  sea  for  their  satisfaction.^'  And  punishments  came  upon  the  sinners 
not  without  signs  which  had  appeared  beforehand  in  tlie  powerful  lightnings  ;  '"^  for 
they  suffered  justly  on  account  of  the  wickedness  peculiar  ^  to  them ;  for  they  had 

14  shown  the  most  violent  hatred  ^  towards  strangers.  For  they,  on  the  one  hand,'^^  did 
not  receive  those  whom  they  knew  not,"^  on  their  arrival ;  ^  while  these,  on  the  other 

15  hand,^'  brought  friends  into  bondage,  that  had  well  deserved  of  them.  And  not  only 
so,  but  —  for  wliich  they  shall  be  punished  ^^  —  because  tliey  received  ^  strangers 

16  hostilely  ;  '^  but  these  very  grievously  afflicted  them,  whom  they  had  received  with 

17  feastings,  and  were  already  made  partakers  of  the  same  rights.'^  And  ^  with 
blindness  were  these  also  '*  stricken,  as  those  were  at  the  doors  of  the  righteous 
man ;  when,  being  compassed  about  with  deep  ^^  darkness  each  °^  one  sought  the 

18  passage  to  °'  his  own  doors.  For  although  the  elements  are  changed  among  them- 
selves—  just  as  notes  on  a  psaltery  change  the  name  of  the  tune — they  remain  in 
quality  always  the  same  ;  which  indeed  may  clearly  be  perceived  from  the  sight  of 

19  the  things  that  have  taken  place.*'      For  land  animals  were  changed  into  water 

20  animals,  and  things  capable  of  swimming  went  on  land.     Fire  exceeded  in  water 

21  its  natural  strength,  and  water  forgot  its  power  to  quench.  On  the  other  hand, 
flames  wasted  not  the  flesh  of  destructible  living  things,  though  they  walked 
therein ;  neither  melted  they  **  the  ice-like  kind  *"  of  heavenly  food,*'  that  was  of 
nature  apt  to  melt. 

22  For  in  every  way,*^  O  Lord,  thou  didst  magnify  thy  people,  and  glorify  them  : 
and  didst  not  overlook  them,*'  but  didst  stand  by  them  ■**  in  every  time  and  place.** 

III.  X.  106.  155.  157.  261.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Arm.  read  (rais,  but  it  is  rejected  by  the  best  recent  critics).  •  the  (the 

article  is  found,  but  with  the  force  of  a  demonstrative  pronoun).  2  commandments  that  were  given  unto  them  (the 

words  in  italics  are  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  la.'^t  change).  =*  as  namely  a  (the  word  fiflewp^^,  in  the  next  line, 

is  the  predicate,  with  still  other  subjects).  '  camp  (Trape/x^oX^i-,  here  apparently  used  for  the  whole  procession,  or 

train).  "^  dry  land  appeared  {fd^ojpridyi,  see  note  just  above),  find  {3u  Kai  is  found  in  248.  Co.  and  Old  Lat.).  8  with- 

out impediment  (ofejaTrdfitoTOs  ;  Buusen's  Bibelwerk,  nicht  zu  versperrenden)  ''  the. 

Vers.  8-13.  —  '  A.  V. :  wherethrough  all  the  people  (n-i^  l«»os  ;  Fritzsche  adopts  this  reading  from  II.  —  by  a  second 
hand  — III.  X.  C.  55.  68.  155.  157.  2W.  254.  296.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  ;  text,  ree.,  travcin).  '  were  defended 

with.  "  seeing  (Ay.  ii  marvellous  strange.  ^^  {seeCo?n.}  la  yet  mindful  (see  Com.)  of  the /A/ng«  that  were 
done  while  they  sojourned  in  the  strange  land  (see  Com.).  "  cattle  (^C|!«i').  ^&  fishes  ikvvS>fmv,  i.  e.  t/iings  living  in 
water).  *«  omir*  also  (*eai).  '^  generation.  i*  (Fritzsche  adopts  ore  —  instead  of  ori  of  the  text.  rec.  —  from  II 
ni.  X.  C.  23.  65.  106.  165.  248.  253.  254.  296.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Arm.).  '•  with  their.  «>  delicate  meats  (lit., 

food  as  delicacies).  '"  Their  contentment  (marg.,  comfort).  22  former  signs  (instead  of  ytyovoriay  of  the  text,  rec., 
TrpoyeyoTOTiui'  is  to  be  adopted,  with  Reusch  and  Fritzsche,  from  III.  X.  C.  66.  106.  155.  157.  248.  263.  264.  261.  Co.  Old 
Lat.  Sjr.  Ar.  Arm.)  by  the  force  of  thunders.        23  according  to  their  own  wickedness.  -*  insomuch  as  (the  yip  of 

the  text.  rec.  is  omitted  by  X.  261.)  they  used  a  more  hard  and  hateful  behaviour. 

Vers.  14-18.  —  25  A.  V.  :  the  Sodomites  (see  Com.).  ''"  (Grotius  conjectured  that  iyvwras  should  be  read  for  ayvoovf- 
Tas  ;  Old  Lat.  ignotos.)  ■'  when  they  came  (Codd.  106.  261.,  ibs  naptovrai  for  Trapoi-Tas).  '■^  but  these.  '•  perad- 
venture  some  respect  shall  bo  had  of  those.  ■''"  used.         »'  not  friendly.         "'  laws  ISiKaiwy)  with  them  (see  Com.). 

M  Therefore  even  {Si  Kat ;  the  Ko.i  appears  in  our  translation  as  "  also,''  after  these).  "  omits  also.  '»  horrible 

great.  ^o  every.  ^^  of.  ss  j'or  the  elements  were  changed  in  themselves  by  a  bind  of  harmony,  like  as  in  a 

psaltery  notes  change  the  name  of  the  tune,  and  yet  are  always  sounds  j  which  may  well  be  perceived  by  the  sight  of 
the  Mm^.-i  that  have  been  done. 

Vers.  19-22.  —=»  A.  V. :  earthly  things  were  turned  into  watery,  and  the  things  that  before  swam  in  the  water,  now 
went  upon  the  ground.  The  fire  had  power  (Fritzsche  adopts  l<T\vev  —  for  laxvtrev -- irom  HI.  X.  C.  65. 155. 15 (.  254. ; 
but  it  is  possible  that  it  arose  from  a  desire  to  bring  it,  in  tense,  into  uniformity  with  the  following  verb)  in  the  water, 
•orgetting  his  own  virtue  tSvv6.ij.tus ;  after  this  word  III.  C.  55.  165.  157.  248.  263.  254.  296.  Co.  flave  added  ii!i\e\ri(r- 
JuVov  ;  Fritzsche  adopts  for  2d  Sv.'i)xea,5,  (f.i  o-tojs,  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  65. 165.  248.  264.  296.  Co.  Old  Ut.  Ar.  Arm.) :  and  th« 
water  forgat  his  own  quenching  nature.  On  the  other  side,  the  flames  ....  the  corruptible  ....  neither  melted  thev 
(Nannius  conjectured  that  oiS' ETTjKor— Old  Lat.,  m«  rfisso(tif6an( —  should  be  written  for  oiiSt  T,|«Tiii',  which  Qrimm 
ttUs  sehr  ansi,rerhend).  «»  icy  kind.  "meat.  ''- M  tilings  {Kara  rrivTa).  «  neither  didst  thou  lightly  regar* 
llum.  "  assist  them.  '»  Cod.  C.  has  rh  npiui  for  to;ti|..  Cf.  Bel  and  Drag.  Ter.  16  ;  1  Mace.  iv.  62  ;  vi.  83  j  xi.  67 
xri.5. 


THE   WISDOM   OF   SOLOMON. 


273 


Chapter  XIX. 


Ver.  2.  Grimm  would  retain  the  reading  tVi- 
TTpe^avres  (Fritzsehe  adopts  firiTpdi^tavres  from 
III.  55.  157.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.)  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  probably  changed  ou  account  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  construing  it.  He  takes  it  .is  reflexive, 
with  the  signification  to  turn  one's  attention  to  some- 
thing, think  of-,  or  provide  fur.  Here,  having  prO' 
vided  for  their  departure.     Comp.  Wahl. 

Ver.  3.  'Y.'KiaTrafravTo  \oyi(Tfx6f.  This  verb 
means  to  draw,  drag  after  one  ;  and,  in  the  middle, 
to  draw  to  one's  selj]  to  win.  Here  the  thought 
eeems  to  be  that,  in  addition  to  their  previous 
gniilt,  they  had  brought,  fastened  upon  themselves 
this  additional  crime.  It  can  be  rendered,  how- 
ever, only  with  the  utmost  freedom  by  some  such 
word  as  "formed,"  or  "adopted,"  "a  [another 
foolish]  resolution."  —  Entreated  to  be  gone. 
Lit.,  cast  forth,  entreating  (them  to  be  gone),  Uerev 
ovTis  4^€Qa\ov. 

Ver.  4.  For  their  deserved  fate.  So  it 
ia  not  simply  predestination  to  destruction  which 
is  here  taught,  but  a  destruction  which  the  Egyp- 
tians had  brought  upon  themselves  by  their  hard- 
ness of  heart,  and  which,  moreover  (verse  5),  was 
overruled  to  the  magnifying  of  the  divine  power 
and  mercy  in  Israel.  Of.  Ex.  viii.  15,32;  Zech. 
vii.  U  ;  Rom.  i.  24  ;  Eph.  iv.  19. 

Ver.  6.  'Ey  i6/^  yeVei,  in  its  proper  hind,  genus,  i.e., 
in  its  natural  peculiarities.  The  ground  is  given 
for  the  miracle  that  had  just  been  mentioned. 

Ver.  7.  Out  of  a  violent  stream.  The  thought 
is  doubtless  based  ou  later  traditions  and  enlarge- 
ments of  the  history  of  the  Pentateuch. 

Ver.  9.  'Ei/efi'i}dTja-ay.  A  secondary  meaning  of 
this  verb,  especially  in  the  middle  form,  is  to  feed, 
go  to  pasture,  graze.  The  sense  is  here  modified 
by  the  following  clause,  and  is  sufficiently  well 
given  in  the  A.  V.  The  suggestion  (Nannius) 
that  (xp^t^^rifjav,  they  neighed,  should  be  read  in 
place  of  the  present  word,  does  not  seem  to  take 
into  account  the  lowness  of  the  comparison.  The 
horses  ought  not  to  be  made  the  principal  feattire 
in  the  figure.  Cf.  Ps.  cxiv.  6.  Eritzsche  would 
place  a  full  stop  after  SteaKlprtiatw. 
18 


Ver.  10.  Sojourners.  'E.y  ry  irapoiKlif.  Lit., 
in  the  place  of  sojourning.  —  SKflip  =  Kyl\f/.  It  means, 
first,  a  small  kind  of  emmet  that  gnaws  figs  ;  then 
{Kvtwes),  several  kinds  of  insects,  especially  such  as 
live  in  wood.  In  the  LXX.  it  is  used  to  translate 
C33,  gnats,  a  collective  form  from  the  singular, 

Ver.  13.  Xa\€TrwT€pai/  fiiao^^vtav,  i.  e.,  a  more 
violent  hatred  against  strangers  than  they  ought 
to  have,  or  than  was  ever  shown  before,  and  so 
the  most  violent. 

Ver.  14.  A  comparison  is  made  between  the 
Egyptians  and  some  other  people  and  (as  most 
suppose)  the  Sodomites,  as  an  introduction  to 
what  follows. 

Vers.  15,  16.  For  which  they  shall  be  pun- 
ished. This  is  parenthetical,  and  refers  to  the 
Sodomites.  The  thought  is  that  the  Egyptians 
were  worse  than  the  Sodomites,  because  they  had 
received  the  Israelites  with  festivities  and  the 
gift  of  full  citizenship,  while  afterwards  they 
turned  about,  and  bitterly  oppressed  them.  The 
Sodomites,  on  the  other  hand,  were  consistent 
from  tlie  first.  The  two  verses  might  be  ren- 
dered as  follows:  15,  "And  not  only  so,  but  for 
this  shall  suitable  punishment  be  laid  upon  the 
former  in  that  they  received  strangers  in  an  un- 
friendly way  ;  16,  but  the  latter  afflicted  with  fear- 
ful tasks  those  whom  they  had  received  with 
feastings,  and  already  made,"  etc. 

Ver.  18.  Just  as  notes  on  a  psaltery.  The 
thought  is  :  just  as  the  different  notes  on  a  psal- 
tery —  as  high  or  low,  soft  or  loud,  —  give  charac- 
ter and  names  to  different  tunes  while  always 
remaining  musical  tones,  so  the  elements,  although 
acting  in  an  apparently  paradoxical  way,  remain 
essentially  {iixf,  in  their  sound,  i.  e.,  nature)  the 
same. 

Ver.  19.  Cf.  Ex.  viii.  1,  ff.  Some  suppose 
that  the  Israelites  are  represented  by  our  author 
as  having  become  water  animals,  because  they 
passed  through  the  Red  Seal 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICUS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  name  Ecclesiasticus,  borne  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  by  the  largest  book  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament Apocrypha,  first  came  into  use  about  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Like  the 
books  with  which  it  is  associated,  it  was  generally  regarded  as  "ecclesiastical"  rather  than 
"  canonical,"  and  on  account  of  its  size  and  the  high  appreciation  in  which  it  was  held  in  the 
church  as  a  book  for  general  reading  and  instruction,  it  received  individually  the  title  which 
is  properly  applicable  to  the  entire  class.  In  the  Greek  MSS.  and  Fathers  it  is  commonly 
styled  2o(i>la  'IrjiTov  Tou  Sfipc^x,  and  sometimes,  apparently  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  simply  Sofia 
26ipox.  ')  co(pla,  or,  by  way  of  honorable  distinction,  i)  iraviperos  (ro(p{a;  and  even  Trandperos  and 
naiSayoiySs  alone. 

The  assertion  of  Jerome^  that  in  the  Hebrew  the  book  had  the  title  "Proverbs" 
(□■"btl'Si)  is  open  to  .serious  question,  although  it  has  the  support  of  the  Tanchuma,  a  certain 
commentary  to  the  Mishna.''  That  the  original  Hebrew  work  continued  in  circulation  for 
some  centuries  is  indeed  possible,  and  even  not  improbable,  considering  the  numerous  refer- 
ences to  it  in  the  rabbinical  and  Talmudic  writings.  Still,  it  is  more  likely  that  Jerome  saw 
some  Aramaic  collection  having  the  name  he  mentions,  than  that,  contrary  to  the  unanimous 
testimony  of  all  other  witnesses,  this  solitary  Jewish  one  alone  excepted,  it  was  borne  by  the 
present  work.  Moreover,  the  connection  in  which  Jerome  speaks  of  our  book  is  quite  re- 
markable, not  to  say  suspicious.  He  says  of  it  :  "  Quorum  priorem  Hebraicum  reperi,  non  Ec- 
clesiasticum  ut  apud  Latinos,  sed  Parabolas  prcenotatum,  cui  juncti  eranl  Ecclesiastes  et  Canticum 
Canlicorum  ut  similitudinem  Salomonis  non  solum  librorum  ntimero,  sed  etiam  materiarum  genere 
cofEquaret. ' '  How  did  it  happen  that  in  the  MS.  which  Jerome  professes  to  have  seen  Ecclesi- 
asticus had  the  place  which  properly  belonged  to  the  Book  of  Proverbs,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  bearing  the  title  by  which  the  latter  was  commonly  designated  ? 

The  Author. 

Not  a  little  that  has  been  said  by  different  writers  concerning  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus 
is  pure  speculation.  Some,'  for  instance,  on  account  of  his  speaking  at  considerable  length 
and  in  laudatory  terms  of  the  priesthood,  maintain  that  he  himself  was  a  priest.  Others,* 
again,  see  in  him  the  high  priest  Jason  (b.  c.  175-172),  a  theory  obviously  inconsistent  with 
the  fundamental  character  of  the  book.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iv.  7-26  ;  4  Mace.  iv.  15-17;  Jos., 
Antiq.,  xii.  5,  §  1.  And  still  others  (Grotius),  solely  on  the  ground  that  the  medical  profes- 
sion is  commended  (xxxviii.  1-15)  hold  that  the  writer  must  have  been  a  physician.  The 
author  names  himself  (1.  27)  simply  "Jesus,  Son  of  Sirach  of  Jerusalem,"  and  his  grand- 
son, in  his  prologue,  says  of  him  that  he  was  a  zealous  student  of  the  Law,  Prophets,  and 
Other  Books  of  the  fathers,  and  felt  impelled  in  consequence  to  write  a  work  himself, 
whose  object  should  be  to  encourage  a  life  according  to  the  Law.  The  name,  Sirach,  is  not 
found  in  Hebrew,  and  the  Jewish  rabbins,  in  speaking  of  the  author,  name  him  "  the  Son  of 
Sira."  In  the  Syriac  version  he  is  called,  in  the  title  which  is  given  to  the  present  work,  the 
"  Son  of  Simeon  Asiro,"  and,  at  the  end,  simply  "  Son  of  Asiro."  Whence  this  title 
originated  it  is  not  now  possible  with  certainty  to  say.     Probably,  however,  it  is  based  on 

1   Praf.  in  Libr.  Sal.,  in  lot.  2  Fol.  69a. 

8  Ltnde,  Glaubens-  unit  Sitlenhhre,  etc.,  Einleit.,  p.  ix.  ;  so  also,  ZunK  and  Scholi. 
4  Georg.  Syiicellus,  Chrono^.  (eJ.  Dindorfj,  i.,  p.  626. 


THE  BOOK  OF   ECCLESIASTICUS.  275 

later  trnditions.  The  Simeon  meant  seems  to  be  the  high  priest  of  that  name,  for  whom  the 
writer  showed  special  predilections.'  According  to  chap,  xxxiv.  11,  12,  our  author  did  not 
remain  his  entire  life  in  Jerusalem,  but  travelled  to  some  extent  in  foreign  lands.  He  seems 
also  to  have  been  a  person  of  considerable  importance.  He  represents  in  one  place  (li.  1-12) 
that  his  life  was  broutjht  into  great  danger  through  misrepresentations  that  had  been  made 
concerning  him  to  some  king.  He  was  well  versed  in  the  Scriptures,  and  a  diligent  student 
of  other  learnin'^.  as  far  as  it  prevailed  in  Palestine  (li.  13  f.,  23  f.).  His  attitude  towards 
the  Law,  as  well  as  his  friendly  way  of  speaking  of  the  Scribes  (x.  5;  xxxviii.  24  f. ;  xliv.  4), 
give  a  color  of  probability  to  the  supposition  of  Fritzsche  that  he  himself  belonged  to  this 
class.  His  views,  at  least,  are  too  broad,  and  his  pen  too  bold  and  free,  to  have  faithfully 
represented  the  already  stiffening  Pharisaism  of  his  day. 

The  Translator. 

Of  the  translator  of  Ecclesiasticus  still  less  is  known  than  of  the  author.  He  speaks  of 
himself  in  the  preface  as  grandson  of  the  latter,  but  does  not  give  his  name.  According  to 
Jewish  tradition,  he  was  called  Joseph,  and  his  father  Usiel.  A  somewhat  later  Christian 
tradition,  on  the  other  hand,  which  finally  assumed  in  the  false  preface  to  our  work  a  semi- 
official character,  names  him  like  his  grandfather,  Jesus  the  Son  of  Siraeh.  But  while  it 
was  undoubtedly  true  that  in  Jewish  usage  a  grandson  often  received  the  name  of  the  grand- 
father, in  the  present  case  it  is  most  likely  that  the  opinion  that  our  translator  was  so  named 
is  based  on  a  misunderstanding.  In  his  prologue  he  calls  his  grandfather  simply  Jesus ;  but 
at  chap.  1.  27,  it  is  said  that  one  "  Jesus  the  son  of  Siraeh  of  Jerusalem  "  had  written  in  the 
book  "the  instruction  of  iknderstanding,"'  etc.  Hence  it  seems  to  have  been  supposed  that 
two  different  persons  were  referred  to,  and  that  the  latter  was  the  name  of  the  translator, 
and  that  he  had  not  only  made  the  Greek  version,  but  had  shared  also  in  the  composition  of 
the  work. 

So  much  is  at  least  clear  from  the  translator's  own  testimony,  that  he  went  to  Egypt,  and 
there  performed  the  work  which  introduced  the  composition  of  his  grandfather  to  the  world 
of  Greek  learning.  That  he  was  capable  of  writing  idiomatic  Greek,  his  prologue  sufficiently 
proves.  And  it  is  therefore  much  to  his  credit  that  he  translated  so  faithfully  and  literally, 
and  that  he  retained  to  such  an  extent  in  his  work  the  Hebraistic  style  and  coloring  of  the 
original.  His  modesty,  also,  in  asking  the  indulgence  of  his  readers  for  any  defects  of  the 
version  on  the  ground  that  "  the  same  things  uttered  in  Hebrew  and  translated  into  another 
language  have  not  the  same  force  in  them,"  cannot  but  make  a  most  favorable  impression  as 
it  respects  his  real  ability  and  honesty. 

Contents  and  their  Arrangement. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  aim  of  the  book,  in  general,  is  to  represent  wisdom  as  the  source  of 
all  virtue  and  blessedness,  and  by  warnings,  admonitions,  and  promises  to  encourage  the  pur- 
suit of  the  same.  There  is,  however,  so  little  inward  connection  of  thought  that  the  greatest 
diversity  of  opinion  prevails  respecting  the  manner  in  which  its  materials  are  arranged,  some 
critics  even  declaring  that  there  is  no  logical  order  observed  whatever.  But  this  is  an  ex- 
treme opinion,  and  not  justified  by  the  facts. 

The  view  of  Eichhorn-  that  the  work  is  naturally  divided  into  three  parts  (i.-xxiii.;  xxiv.- 
xlii.  14;  xUi.  15-1.  24),  marking  three  distinct  collections,  has  been  satisfactorily  disproved 
by  Bretschneider.'  Ewald*  defends  the  opinion  that  the  last  author  of  the  book  made  use  ot 
two  earlier  works,  the  first  (i.-xvi.  21)  being  left  unchanged,  the  second  (xvi.  22-xxxvi.  22) 
appearing  only  in  fragments,  while  his  own  composition  (xxxvi.  23-li.)  makes  up  the  re- 
mainder. But  the  grounds  on  which  the  theory  is  supported  prove  on  closer  examination  to 
be  wholly  untrustworthy,  and  the  theory  itself  is  rendered  quite  untenable  by  the  fact  that 
one  and  the  same  spirit  rules  in  the  work  from  beginning  to  end,  and  that,  a  spirit  of  the 
most  marked  and  individual  character.  Fritzsche  ^  holds  that  the  book  is  made  up  for  the 
most  part  of  distinct  groups  of  proverbs  and  reflections  composing  sections  of  greater  or  less 
dimensions.  He  divides  it,  consequently,  omitting  the  conclusion  (1.  27-29)  and  the  appen- 
dix (li.),  into  seven  sections,  as  follows  :  i.-xvi  21 ;  xvi.  22-xjdii.  27,  xxiv.  1-xxx.  24,  xxx. 

1  Cf.  chap.  1.  a  EMcil.,  p.  50  ff. 

8  Liber  Jesu  SU-aeida  Grace,  Prolegom.,  20  ff. 

t  Bib   Jahrb.,  iii.  125  B. ;  x.  215  ff.  and  GeschiMe  d.  Volkis  Is.,  iT.  342.  6  EinUit.,  p.  xxiii. 


276  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


25-27;  XXX.  28-xxxiii.  11;  xxxiii.  12-xxxvi.  16a.;  .xxxvi.  1G6-22;  xxxvi.  23-xxxix.  11; 
xxxix.  12-xlii.  14;  xlii.  15-1.  26.  With  such  examination  as  I  have  been  able  to  give  the 
theory  in  my  study  of  the  work  —  making  due  allowance  for  minor  irregularities  naturally  to 
be  expected  in  so  large  a  book,  and  one  requiring  so  much  time  in  its  composition,  and  for 
detached  portions  here  and  there  which  apparently  admit  of  no  logical  association  with  the 
remainder  —  it  seems  to  me  to  answer  reasonably  well  to  the  facts. 

Original  Language. 

The  testimony  of  the  translator,  in  his  preface,  that  our  book  was  written  in  the  Hebrew 
('E/3pai(7Tf)  language  is  almost  universally  accepted  as  the  truth.  Indeed,  it  was  to  have  been 
expected.  For  although  at  the  time  when  the  son  of  Sirach  lived,  Hebrew  had  ceased  to  be 
vernacular  in  Palestine,  the  Aramaic  having  supplanted  it  as  such,  still  it  was  then,  and  for 
a  considerable  period  afterwards  remained,  the  language  in  which  all  learned  works  were 
written.  Besides,  the  professed  object  of  the  writer  being  similar  to  that  aimed  at  in  the 
sacred  books  of  his  people,  and  his  work  being  constructed  on  the  same  general  principles  as 
some  of  them,  as  well  as  steeped  in  the  spirit  of  the  whole,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should 
choose,  if  there  had  been  really  any  occasion  for  choice,  to  clothe  his  thoughts  in  the  same 
historic,  venerated  language  in  which  they  were  written.  The  Talmud,  moreover,  offers  im- 
portant testimony  in  confirmation  of  the  same  supposition.  It  contains  in  its  two  forms, 
Jerusalem  and  Babylonian,  not  a  few  citations  from  Ecclesiasticus,  in  fact,  including  those  of 
the  various  Midrashim,  not  less  than  forty, '  all  of  which,  except  possibly  three,  are  written 
in  Hebrew.  And  although  these  citations  are  by  no  means  literally  made,  still  it  would  be 
impossible  to  deny  that  the  original  Hebrew  form  of  expression  has  been  to  a  good  degree 
retained,  at  least  so  far  as  to  fix  the  point  that  it  was  Hebrew,  and  not  Aramaic,  or  Syro- 
Chaldaic.  But  even  without  appealing  to  any  of  these  reasons  as  valid,  touching  the  point 
at  issue,  the  character  of  the  translation  itself  would  be  a  sufficient  justification  of  the 
assertion  that  the  original  could  not  have  been  Greek.  The  Hebrew  idiom  is  in  some  in- 
stances so  closely  followed  that  the  Greek  of  the  translator  is  almost  wholly  divested  of  its 
characteristic  qualities.  Besides,  there  are  passages  here  and  there  which  can  be  made  intel- 
liL'ible  only  by  presupposing  a  Hebrew  original,  and  translating  them  back  into  that  language. 
The  translator  has  made  obvious  mistakes  in  his  efforts  to  put  the  work  of  his  grandfather 
into  a  presentable  form  for  Hellenistic  readers. 

For  example,  at  xxiv.  27,  we  read  :  "  He  maketh  the  doctrine  of  knowledge  appear  as 
the  light,  as  Geon  in  the  time  of  vintage."  In  the  two  verses  next  preceding,  mention  is 
made  of  the  Tigris,  Euphrates,  and  Jordan,  and  we  might  have  reason  to  expect  that  the 
Nile  would  not  be  overlooked.  And  we  believe,  in  fact,  that  it  was  not.  The  word  trans- 
lated "  light,"  in  the  verse  quoted,  would  be,  in  the  Hebrew,  "lis,  and  it  is  probable  that 
our  translator  read  this  word,  instead  of  liS'',  which  the  original  really  contained.  The 
latter  word  means  "  river,"  by  which  title  the  Nile  is  sometimes  known  in  Scripture.  Ac- 
cordingly, this  part  should  read  :  "  as  the  river,  Gihon  [  =  Nile],  in  the  time  of  harvest." 
It  would  have  Been  very  easy  to  make  this  mistake,  if  in  the  original  the  yodh  of  the  latter 
word  was  elided,  as  at  Amos  viii.  8,  "I'SS,  as  a  Jlood.  Again,  at  xxv.  15,  the  translator,, 
without  doubt,  found  in  the  text  from  which  he  translated,  tTH"),  but  gave  it  the  meaning; 
"head"  (xecpaA-^),  when  he  should  have  rendered  it  "poison,"  since  the  latter  translation 
alone  makes  good  sense,  and  is  equally  in  place.  So,  at  xxxviii.  28,  we  read  that  the  smith 
sits  by  the  anvil  and  "  considereth  the  iron  work,"  etc.,  an  idea  which  has  hut  very  little 
force.  It  would  appear  that  V'V^  was  translated,  while  the  word  in  the  text  was  VT,  tires 
himself  with.  Further,  at  xlii.  22,  we  find  the  scarcely  intelligible  words,  "  Oh,  how  desir- 
able are  all  his  works!  and  that  a  man  may  see  even  to  a  spark."  The  want  of  clearness 
seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  the  word  meaning  "  flowers,"  niSa,  was  mistaken 
for  V'i-"'?>  meaning  "  spark,"  which  was  read  in  its  place.  Once  more,  at  xlvi.  18,  we 
have  the  passage,  "  And  he  destroyed  the  rulers  of  the  Tyrians  [Tup/ax]."  Now  history  gives 
us  no  information  concerning  any  hostilities  between  the  Israelites  and  Tyrians.  Hence,  it 
is  more  than  likely  that  we  have  here  also  a  false  rendering  of  the   Hebrew   text.     The 

1   ZUOI,  Vorlrage,  p.  101  t 


THE   BOOK  OF   ECCLESIASTICUS.  277 

translator  had  the  word  D''~S  before  him,  as  is  probable,  and  he  rendered  it  as  though  it  wai 
to  be  pointed  D''"l'2,  "  Tyrians,"  instead  of  C""]!;',  "  enemies." 

The  Greek  Version. 

One  of  the  greatest  merits  of  the  Greek  translation  of  Ecclesiasticus  is  its  extreme  literal- 
ness.  The  translator  was  sufficiently  well  acquainted  with  the  Greek  then  spoken  in  Egypt, 
as  we  have  before  seen,  to  have  given  his  work,  as  it  respects  choice  of  words,  grammatical 
forms,  idioms,  and  style  throughout,  a  more  thoroughly  Greek  stamp.  He  happily  chose, 
however,  at  the  expense  of  smoothness,  and  sometimes  even  of  clearness  and  good  sense,  to 
reproduce  in  a  Greek  dress,  as  far  as  possible  the  original  text  itself.  It  was  a  high  compli- 
ment for  Hellenic  culture  to  pay  to  a  Hebrew  book,  especially  to  one  which,  as  was  ad- 
mitted, had  no  place  in  the  sacred  canon.  What  he  read  in  the  text,  that  this  translator  gave 
in  his  version,  apparently  whether  he  understood  it  or  not.  His  most  glaring  faults,  conse- 
quently, are  those  of  an  occasional  misconception  respecting  the  true  reading  and  the  right 
understanding  of  single  words  or  letters  of  the  original,  and  in  a  failure  to  punctuate  and 
divide  his  sentences  properly. 

The  Septuagint  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  was  already  current,  and  we  are  not 
surprised  to  find  that  it  exercised  considerable  influence  upon  the  present  one.  Sometimes, 
indeed,  the  translator  seems  to  have  made  direct  use  of  the  same.  The  following  passages 
furnish  good  evidence  of  it:  cf.  xx.  29  with  Deut.  xvi.  19  (Supa  aTroTvipXol  o(p6a\ijLovs  aixpSiv); 
xliv.  16  ('Efoix  ■  •  •  .  /i«T6Te'fl7|)  17,  19,  21,  with  Gen.  v.  24,  vi.  9,  xvii.  4,  xxii.  18;  xlv.  8  f.  with 
Ex.  x.xviii.  35  f.  (ir€p£o-iteA^,  tpyov  woikiXtov,  AoyETo;'  Kplcreais) ;  xlix.  7  with  Jer.  i.  10.  There  are 
also,  here  and  there,  single  passages  in  the  LXX.  translation  of  the  Proverbs,  that  have  left 
their  impression  upon  the  work  of  our  translator.  Cf.,  for  instance,  li.  23  (^v  otKif  iraiSslas) 
with  Prov.  ix.  1;  li.  28  with  Prov.  iv.  5  (in  HI.);  li.  26  (^77us  ccttij'  fupfTv  ainriv').  So  too,  in 
chap.  xlvi.  19,  we  have  an  allusion  to  the  speech  of  Samuel,  in  which  he  gives  an  account  of 
his  stewardship  for  Israel.  (Cf.  LXX.  at  1  Sam.  xii.  3.)  There  is  such  a  similarity  in  the 
Greek  of  the  two  passages  as  to  suggest,  at  least,  a  reminiscence,  although  the  whole  is  also 
evidently  strongly  colored  by  the  proverbial  words  of  Abraham  to  the  king  of  Sodom  (Gen. 
xiv.  23).  A  very  clear  dependence  of  the  present  translation  on  the  LXX.  is  furnished  at 
chap,  xlviii.  18.  The  words,  koI  cnrripfv,  are  used,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  at  first  sight,  quite 
unnecessarily  and  out  of  place,  so  that  some  vacillation  in  the  MSS.  has  been  caused  thereby, 
although  the  present  text  is,  notwithstanding,  well  supported.  But  we  find,  at  Is.  xxxvii.  8, 
where  the  same  historical  fact  is  described,  the  very  same  words  employed  (dir^pev  aTrii  Aax's). 
Moreover,  the  added  clause  in  the  apocryphal  work,  koI  iniipe  {x^^p'^  avrov  M  iiiiv),  so  far  from 
raising  a  suspicion  respecting  the  former  one  on  account  of  its  similarity,  furnishes  a  beauti- 
ful example  of  a  play  upon  words. *  The  word  7ropEKoAe<re,  too,  used  by  the  translator  at 
chap,  xlviii.  24,  in  speaking  of  the  prophet  Isaiah,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  has  reference 
to  the  solemn  vapaKa\(7Tf,  TrapaKaXelTe  rirr  \a6v  /lov,  with  which  the  so-called  second  part  of  the 
prophecy  opens  (xl.  1). 

The  edition  of  the  LXX.  by  Holmes  and  Parsons  gives,  besides  the  text  of  the  Roman 
edition,  the  readings  of  fourteen  MSS.  of  the  present  book  as  follows  :  III.  23.  55.  68.  70. 
106.  155.  157.  (closing  with  the  word  4K(rir^a-at,  li.  21)  248.  253.  254.  296.  (parts  of  chaps, 
xviii.,  xix.,  xxiii.,  xlviii.,  xlix.  and  the  whole  of  li.  are  wanting)  307.  308.,  the  last  two  being 
also  in  certain  parts  defective.  Fritzsche,  in  his  critical  apparatus,  furnishes  in  addition, 
the  readings  of  three  other  MSS.:  C,  H.,  and  X.  The  first  is  the  well-known  Code.x 
Ephraemi;  the  second,  a  certain  Codex  Augustanus,  first  collated  (1604)  by  Hoeschel  in  his 
edition  of  Ecclesiasticus;  and  the  third,  the  Sinaitic  Codex.  The  commonly  received,  te.xt, 
t.  e.,  that  of  the  Vatican  MS.  (II.)  is,  in  general,  well  preserved,  and  its  failures  are  often 
due  less  to  corruptions  than  to  the  imperfections  of  the  translation  itself.  The  remaining 
MSS.  fall  into  two  general  classes.  The  great  majority,  including  III.,  C,  and  X.  contain  a 
text  in  which  attempts  have  been  made  at  correcting  supposed  mistakes,  but  it  is  one  which 
was  most  current  in  the  early  church.  On  the  other  hand,  the  MS.  248.  —  literally  repro- 
duced in  the  Compluteusian  Polyglot  —  together  with  253.,  H.,  and  106.  in  a  less  pure  form, 
represent  an  emended,  text.  In  Fritzsche's  opinion,  these  emendations  betray  in  character 
and  method  the  hand  of  a  single  critic,  who,  moreover,  since  his  emendations  were  adopted 

1  Cf.  Bdhl,  p,  38  a. 


278  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


by  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  the  Old  Latin,  cannot  have  lived  later  than  the  second  cen- 
tury. The  headings  of  sections  contained  in  the  latter  part  of  the  book,  although  found  both 
in  the  MSS.  and  in  the  old  versions,  have  no  critical  value  whatever.  They  were  obviously 
added  at  a  later  date  simply  as  a  means  of  assisting  the  reader. 

Date  of  the  Greek  Version  and  of  the  Original  Work. 

For  determining  the  time  of  the  composition  of  Ecclesiasticus,  and  of  its  translation  into 
Greek,  we  may  derive  the  following  data  from  the  book  itself.  (1)  The  author  was  a  con- 
temporary of  the  high  priest,  "  Simon  son  of  Onias  "  (1.  1-26).  (2)  The  translator  says  in 
the  preface,  which  is  universally  acknowledged  to  be  genuine,  that  he  came  to  Egypt  iv  r^ 
6yS6tfi  Kcl  rpiaKO(rr^  €T€t  itrl  tov  Euepy^rov  $afTi\€tM}s.  This  Avould  seem  to  be  sufficiently  definite. 
But,  on  the  contrary,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  critics  who  accept  these  statements  and  make  them 
the  basis  of  their  reasoning  differ  from  one  another  by  a  hundred  years  in  the  date  which 
they  ascribe  to  the  composition.  For  some  of  them  think  that  the  high  priest,  Simon  I.  (b.  c. 
310-290),  and  the  king  Ptolemy  III.  (b.  c.  247-221)  are  meant,  which  would  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  work  was  written  about  B.  c.  280,  and  translated  about  B.  c.  230.  Others 
maintain  that  Simon  II.  (b.  c.  219-199)  and  Ptolemy  VII.  (b.  c.  170-116)  must  be  meant, 
which,  as  we  have  said,  would  make  a  difference  of  somewhere  near  a  hundred  years  in  the 
respective  dates.  The  first  view  is  represented  by  such  scholars  as  Hug,  Scholz,  Welte, 
Keil,  Vaihinger,^  Bohl,  and  Ziindel,^  the  second  by  Eichhorn,  Dillmann,'  Ewald,  Delitzseh,^ 
Bretschneider,  De  Wette,  Fritzsche,  Hitzig  (thinks  it  was  composed  during  the  Maccabsan 
period!),  Holtzmann,'  and  Herzfeld. 

What  adds  to  the  uncertainty  is  the  fact  that  the  same  scholars  are  not  agreed  respecting 
a  proper  rendering  for  the  words  of  the  translator  quoted  above.  Those  holding  the  first 
opinion  generally  render  :  "  in  my  thirty-eighth  year,  under  king  Euergetes,"  while  the 
latter  class  would  translate  :  "  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  king  Euergetes,"  i^  e.,  of  his 
reign.  And  bow  tenaciously  these  two  opinions  are  held  and  defended  may  be  illustrated  by 
quoting  the  language  of  two  well-known  writers  on  opposite  sides.  Westcott,  for  instance,' 
says:  "  It  is  strange  that  any  doubt  should  have  been  raised  about  the  meaning  of  the  words 
[the  Greek  above  quoted]  which  can  only  be,  that  the  translator  '  in  his  thirty-eighth  year 
came  to  Egypt  during  the  reign  of  Euergetes.'  ....  The  translation  of  Eichhorn  (1.  c.  40) 
and  several  others,  '  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Euergetes,'  is  absolutely  at 
variance  with  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  sentence."  Whereas  Stanley'  asserts  :  "  It 
is  strange  that  any  doubt  should  ever  have  arisen  on  the  date  of  Ecclesiasticus.  ITie  com- 
parison of  Hag.  i.  1,  ii.  1;  Zech.  i.  7,  viii.  1;  1  Mac.  xiii.  42,  xiv.  27,  makes  it  certain  that 
ev  T!f  oySov,  etc.,  in  the  prologue  can  only  mean  '  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  king  Euergetes,' 
and  as  the  first  Euergetes  only  reigned  twenty-five  years,  the  date  of  the  translation  is  thus 
fixed  to  the  thirty-eighth  of  the  second  Euergetes,  B.  c.  132." 

It  would  seem  to  be  a  hopeless  task  to  mediate  between  these  two  sharply  antagonistic 
opinions.  Still  it  appears  to  me  that  the  truth  may,  after  all,  lie  in  a  combination  of  the 
two  views.  The  grammatical  point  of  Westcott,  upon  which  Winer  ^  also  insists,  is  not 
proved.  Winer  says,  if  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Euergetes  were  meant,  the 
Greek  would  not  have  been  M  T<ji  0780^,  etc.,  but  cV  .  .  .  .  erei  t^  eVl  toC  EuepyeVou.  But  the 
passages  from  the  LXX.  cited  by  Stanley,  and  still  others  adduced  by  Abbot  in  his  note  in 
the  American  edition  of  Smith's  Bible  Dictionary,  have  a  direct  bearing  on  the  question  ;  and 
if  alloweil  the  full  weight  that  belongs  to  them  in  a  grammatical  point  of  view,  they  approach 
the  binding  force  of  a  rule.  Hence,  the  opinion  that  Euergetes  I.,  who  reigned  but  twenty- 
five  years  (b.  c.  247-222),  is  not  meant,  but  that  Euergetes  II.,  Physcon,  is  meant,  who 
reigned  jointly  with  his  brother  twenty-five  years  (b.  c.  170-145)  and  alone  twenty-nine 
years  (b.  c.  145-116),  must  be  accepted  as  probable. 

in  the  next  place,  we  cannot  well  believe  that  any  other  high  priest,  "  Simon  son  of  Onias," 
would  be  introduced  into  our  book  as  among  the  national  worthies  to  be  held  in  remembrance 
»nd  extolled,  than  the  well-known  Simon  who  bore  the  surn.ame,  the  Just  (  ?  B.  c.  310-290). 

1  Studien  u.  Kritik.,  1857,  pp.  93-98.  2  AbfassungszeiX  des  Bmhei  Daniet,  p.  23& 

8  Jahrh.  fur  tleitlsrhf  T/uolo^ie,  1858,  iii.  4   Gesckickte  d.  Jiidischen  Pocsif,  p.  20. 

*  Einltit.  in  d.  Apoc.  BB.  in  Buuf>en's  Bibelwerk,  TOI.  vii.,  p.  54. 

0  Smith ■«  Bib.  Did.,  art.  "  Ecclesiaeticus. ,"  vol.  i.,  p.  479,  foot-DOte  ;  Am,  ed.,  p.  651. 

7  Tilt  Jrwith  Church,  ill.,  p.  268.  8   De  ulriusgue  Siracida  JEtate  (Erlang.  1832) ;  and  Bih.  Rtalwiirieri. ,  ad  «M 


THE   BOOK   OF  ECCLESIASTICUS.  279 

The  other  high  priest  so  called  appears  in  Jewish  liistory  only  in  connection  with  the  fabulous 
stories  in  3  Maccabees  as  having  lived  at  the  time  of  Ptolemy  IV.,  Philopator,  and  among 
other  improbable  things,  prevented  that  king,  by  his  prayer,  from  entering  the  temple  at  Je- 
rusalem. He  is,  in  fact,  wholly  unworthy  of  mention  in  comparison  with  his  illustrious  name- 
sake, who  is  recognized  as  among  the  last  celebrated  teachers  of  the  Great  Synagogue,  and  as 
marking  an  epoch  in  the  later  Israelitish  annals.  Josephus,  moreover,  does  not  give  a  single 
favorable  feature  in  bis  delineation  of  the  former's  character.  On  the  contrary,  he  says  of 
him  that  he  sided  with  the  sons  of  Tobia,  who  were  violent  supporters  of  Hellenism  as  op- 
[losed  to  the  strict  interpretation  and  practice  of  the  Mosaic  law.'  The  opinion  that  the  title 
"  the  Just  "  was  applied  not  to  Simon  I.,  but  Simon  H.,  as  some  maintain,  rests  on  no  other 
basis  than  uncertain  and  confused  Talmudic  traditions,  and  is  directly  opposed  to  the  testi- 
mony of  Josephus,  who  applies  the  title  solely  to  the  former.  It  is  with  surprise,  therefore, 
that  we  read  in  the  late  excellent  work  of  Dean  Stanley,^  just  referred  to,  that  "  Derenbourg 
has  conclusively  established  that  the  Simon  of  Ecclesiasticus  was  Simon  the  Just,  and  that 
this  Simon  was  Simon  II."  Derenbourg  makes  no  claim  in  his  work  to  writing  a  history  of 
the  Jews  for  the  time  which  his  book  covers,  but  simply  makes  a  collection  of  rabbinical  tra- 
ditions, relating  to  that  history  as  found  in  the  Talmud  and  Midrash.  The  view  he  supports 
is  the  traditional  one,  and  in  the  past  has  had  the  most  defenders.  But  the  tendency  of  late 
has  been  quite  in  the  other  direction.  Were  it  otherwise,  we  should  scarcely  expect  from 
Professor  Scburer,  for  instance,  the  assertion  that  "  there  is  no  doubt  that  Simon  the  Just 
wiis  the  high  priest,  Simon  I."  ^ 

The  argument  that  since  our  book  speaks  in  a  number  of  instances  (xxxi.  11,  xxxvi.  17-22 
of  the  Greek  text,  li.  1-12)  of  bitter  hardships  which  the  Jewi.-ih  nation  had  to  suffer,  and  of 
tyrants  that  oppressed  them,  and  since  such  complaints  would  have  been  out  of  place  in  the 
period  immediately  following  the  death  of  Simon  I.,  when  the  Jews  were  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  that  therefore  Simon  II.  must  be  meant,  is  without  any  real 
force  for  the  following  reasons:  The  expressions  referred  to  are  far  from  being  as  strong  aa 
they  are  represented.  Moreover,  there  was  a  time  of  trial  for  the  Jews  also,  in  the  earlier 
part  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  I.,  Soter,  and  his  good-will  towards  them,  as  far  as  it  existed, 
was  probably  more  manifested  towards  those  living  in  Egypt  than  in  Palestine.  Still  further, 
there  is  nothing  in  the  expressions  referred  to  that  might  not  be  expected  from  the  pen  of  a 
Jewish  patriot,  so  long  as  his  people  were  under  a  foreign  yoke  at  all,  however  mild  and 
peacefully  inclined  the  alien  government  may  have  been. 

Again,  Fritzsche,^  referring  to  what  is  said  of  the  high  priest  Simon  (1.  1-13),  that  "  he 
repaired  the  house  again,  and  in  his  days  fortified  the  temple,"  etc.,  says  that  tradition 
knows  nothing  of  this,  so  far  as  it  concerns  Simon  I.,  "a  silence  which  also  points  to  Simon 
II."  But  this  critic  does  not  tell  us  where  we  may  learn  that  Simon  II.  ever  engaged  in 
work  such  as  is  here  described  and  praised.  The  silence  of  history,  if  it  be  silent  on  this 
point,  in  itself  therefore,  would  be  no  more  favorable  to  Simon  II.  than  Simon  I.  But  history 
is  not  wholly  silent.  Though  it  does  not  give  us  information  so  definite  as  we  could  wish  on 
this  subject,  it  does  give  us  certain  important  hints,  and  these  fall  out  much  more  in  favor  of 
the  earlier  than  the  later  Simon.  We  know  that  in  his  wars  with  Demetrius,  Ptolemy  I., 
Soter,  found  it  necessary  at  one  time  to  leave  his  possessions  in  Coele  Syria  and  Phoenicia, 
and  in  doing  so,  in  order  to  give  his  opponent  no  advantage  on  account  of  the  fortified  places 
which  they  contained,  he  caused  such  fortifications  to  be  destroyed.  This  we  know  to  have 
been  true  of  Acco,  Joppa,  Gaza,  and  Samaria,  and  there  is  good  reason  for  supposing  that  it 
was  true  also  of  Jerusalem.^  Here,  then,  would  be  found  the  needed  occasion  for  Simon  I. 
"  to  repair  the  house  again  and  fortify  the  temple."  For  these  reasons,  briefly  stated,  we 
must  regard  the  points  as  settled  :  first,  that  the  "  thirty-eighth  year"  refers  to  the  reign 
of  Euergetes ;  and  second,  that  Simon,  the  high  priest,  can  only  mean  Simon  I.,  whom  Jo- 
sephus names  Sixmos,  the  Just. 

Now  it  is  further  clear  that  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus  wrote  his  work,  in  which  he 
describes  with  such  a  glow  of  enthusiasm  Simon  I.  as  the  last  in  the  long  line  of  Jewish 
worthies,  not  long  after  the  latter's  death.  Still,  just  how  long  an  interval  separated  these 
two  events  it  is  not  now  possible  with  certainty  to  say.     It  would,  however,  seem  from  the 

1  Cf.  Antiq.,  xli.  2,  §  6j  4,  §  10.  »  ITatary  of  the  Jewisk  Cfiurck,  vol.  iii.,  p.  247. 

a  G£  Neutest.  ZeitgeschJehte,  p.  453,  and  the  citations  there  made.     See  especially,  Qraetz,  (resckichte,  ii.,  p.  2.35. 

4  Eijileii.f  ad  loc,  and  in  Schenkel's  Bibel-Lexicon,  art.  "Jesus  Sohn  Sirachs."  5  Graetz,  1.  c.  p.  230 


280  •  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


language  used,  that  the  Son  of  Siraeh  must  himself  have  been  eye-witness  to  the  glory  which 
he  depicts.  ,\  limit,  at  least,  is  fixed  by  what  is  said  of  the  version  made  by  the  grandson. 
It  was  during  the  time  that  "  Euergetes  was  king  "  in  Egypt,  and  in  tlie  thirty-eighth  year  of 
his  reign.  Hence  it  is  clear  Ptolemy  VII.,  Physcon  (b.  c.  1  70-116),  must  be  meant.  If  we 
took  the  words,  6  iriinros  /xov,  in  their  usual  sense,  as  meaning  "  grandfather,"  and  regarded 
the  author  of  the  book  as  a  contemporary  of  Simon  I.,  we  should  not  naturally,  indeed,  think  of 
this  Ptolemy,  since  in  that  case  too  long  an  interval  would  intervene  between  the  composition 
and  its  translation.  But  neither  of  these  suppositions  is  absolutely  necessary.  The  words, 
d  iraTTTros  fiov,  may  be  used  in  a  general  sense,  and  mean  simply  ancestor,  while  the  vividness 
and  warmth  of  coloring  with  which  the  great  Simon  is  described  may  be  due  to  something 
else  than  the  personal  observation  of  a  contemporary.  Then,  as  cow,  it  is  likely  the  nobility 
and  grandeur  even  of  a  truly  great  character  showed  to  best  advantage  at  a  short  remove 
from  it. 

Is  there  not,  then,  some  other  more  decisive  factor  in  the  problem?  Such  a  factor  as,  we 
think,  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  translator,  as  we  have  already  seen,  made  considerable 
use  of  the  LXX.  version,  not  alone  of  the  five  books  of  Moses,  but  of  the  Proverbs,  the  Book 
of  Joshua,  and  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah.  This  version  was  begun  in  the  time  of  the  early 
Ptolemies  (circa  B.  C.  280).  At  the  time  of  Ptolemy  III.  it  could  hardly  have  come  into  such 
general  use  as  our  translator's  work  would  indicate.  In  the  year  B.  c.  132,  however,  the 
thirty-eighth  of  Ptolemy  VII.,  Physcon's  reign,  this  would  have  been  easily  possible.  At  this 
point,  consequently,  we  feel  justified  in  fixing  the  date  of  the  Greek  translation  of  Ecclesias- 
ticus  which  was  written  by  the  grandfather,  or  ancestor,  of  the  translator,  a  man  who  was  con- 
temporary with,  or  lived  not  long  after,  the  high  priesthood  of  Simon  I. ,  surnamed  the  Just. 

Other  Ancient  Versions. 

Of  the  other  ancient  versions  of  our  book  the  Old  Latin  is  the  most  important.  It  was  not 
revised  by  Jerome  on  being  adopted  into  the  Vulgate.  It  seems  to  have  been  made,  at  first, 
by  one  person,  but  has  become  much  changed  from  its  original  form.  There  is  not  only  in 
many  places  a  different  arrangement  of  sentences,  but  considerable  additions  are  also  found, 
including,  in  some  cases,  entire  verses.  A  part  of  these  changes  are  doubtless  due  to  copyists 
and  self-appointed  editors  ;  but  inasmuch  as  there  are  also  certain  late  and  less  trustworthy 
MSS.,  like  248.,  with  which  this  text  preserves  a  tolerable  uniformity,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  origin  of  some  of  these  peculiarities  is  to  be  sought  in  them.  That  the  translation  was 
made  from  the  Greek,  and  not  from  the  Hebrew,  is  generally  acknowledged,  and  is  proved 
by  the  retention  in  a  Latinized  form  of  many  Greek  words,  as  :  lingua  eucharis  for  y\aia<ra 
eSxapis  (vi.  5);  in  eremo  for  iv  ipiiiiif  (xiii.  19);  homo  acharis  for  Sz/flponros  Sx»P"  (xx.  18). 
Many  Latin  words  also  were  formed  with  reference  to  the  Greek  which  they  were  meant  to 
render,  as  :  obductio  for  iTrayuyi]  (ii.  2,  v.  8)  ;  apostatare  faciunt  for  amffT^jo-ouo-i  (xix.  2);  as- 
fiduare  for  fxSeAexeiv  (xxx.  1).'  In  Fritzsche's  opinion,  the  critical  value  of  this  version  may 
be  easily  placed  too  high.  Its  gold  is  mixed  with  much  dross,  which  requires  the  most  care- 
ful sifting  process. 

The  Syriac  translation  had  also  the  Greek  for  its  basis,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  also  the 
text  represented  by  248.  and  the  Compluiensian  Polyglot.  It  is  rendered,  however,  with  the 
utmost  freedom,  so  that  the  original  thought  is  scarcely  recognizable,  and  often  grossly  mis- 
represented. This  is  true  particularly  of  the  latter  part  of  the  book,  from  chap.  xxx.  to  the 
end. 

The  Arabic  version  was  made  from  the  Syriac,  and,  in  general,  represents  it  quite  faith- 
fully. There  is  also  an  old  Ethiopian  version  preserved  at  Tiibingen,  whose  worth,  however, 
has  not  yet  been  subjected  to  the  tests  of  modern  criticism. 

An  Armenian  translation  of  Ecclesiasticus,  moreover,  exists,  which,  as  Welte  thinks,  may 

have  been  made  from  some  Greek  MS.,  but  it  presents  the  book  in  a  very  different  form  from 

the  oldest  MSS.  and  versions.     The  first  part  is  much  condensed,  chap,  xxxvi.,  for  instance, 

having  but  twelve  verses,  and  the  last  eight  chapters  are  omitted  entirely.     There  are  also 

a  few  additions  here  and  there.     In  the  critical  edition  of  the  Armenian  Bible,  published  in 

Venice  in  1805,  this  version  was  placed  in  the  appendix  with  other  acknowledged  apocryphai 

works. 

1  Of.  Welte,  EittUU.,  p.  216. 


THE   BOOK  OP   ECCLESIASTICUS.'  281 

»  " ■ 

Dogmatical  and  Ethical  Character. 

The  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus  is  Palestinian  in  its  spirit  as  well  as  in  respect  to  its  author  and 
the  place  of  its  composition.  Aside  from  occasional  evidences  of  the  author's  acquaintance 
with  the  LXX.  version,  as  already  noted,  there  are  too  few  traces  of  Alexandrian  influence 
in  his  work  to  justify  even  the  mild  words  of  Stanley  :  "  it  is  evident  that  the  Grecian  spirit 
has  touched  it  [the  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus]  at  its  core  and  raised  it  out  of  its  Semitic  atmos- 
phere. The  closed  hand  of  the  Hebrew  proverb  has  opened  into  the  open  palm  of  Grecian 
rhetoric."'  Although  the  author  had  traveled  in  foreign  lands,  it  is  only  through  a  casual 
allusion,  not  at  all  in  the  spirit  or  form  of  the  work,  that  we  recognize  the  fact.  Marks  of 
the  influence  of  the  Alexandrian  philosophy,  which  Gfrbrer^  and  Dahne  '  think  they  discover 
in  it,  either  disappear  before  a  proper  exegesis,  or  prove  to  be  as  much  Palestinian  as  Alex- 
andrian in  their  character.  The  two  passages  most  relied  on  to  show  such  influence  are  xvii. 
17  and  xliv.  16.  Tu  the  first,  each  n;ition  is  represented  as  having  a  guardian  angel  :  "  For 
in  the  division  of  the  nations  of  the  whole  earth  he  set  a  ruler  (nyoiiievov)  over  every  people."* 
It  has  not  been  shown,  however,  that  this  view  was  confined  to  Alexandria.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  clear  that  the  idea  was  a  familiar  one  in  Palestine  in  the  later  times. ^  In  the 
other  passage,  Enoch  is  set  forth  as  an  example  of  repentance  :  "  being  an  example  of  re- 
pentance to  all  generations."  In  the  Hebrew,  at  Genesis  v.  24,  there  seems,  at  first  sight, 
to  be  no  foundation  for  an  allusion  to  Enoch's  repentance.  The  Alexandrian  Philo,  however, 
makes  a  point  of  it  in  his  writings,  and  allegorizes  on  the  basis  of  the  following  expression  : 
2ti  ^€Tt'eT)K6i/  avrhv  li  fleiis.  The  question  now  arises.  Whence  did  the  idea  originate  ?  Philo 
may  have  found  it  in  our  book.  It  was  at  least  current  long  before  his  time.  But  was  it 
current  only  in  Alexandria?  If  the  passage,  as  found  in  the  Hebrew,  is  carefully  examined 
it  will  be  found,  as  Fritzsche  has  shown,'  that  it  might  easily  have  suggested  the  idea  even 
to  a  Palestinian  reader.  It  is  said  (v.  22)  that  "  Enoch  walked  with  (iod  after  he  begat  Me- 
thuselah three  hundred  years."  Certainly,  it  would  not  be  strange  if,  to  an  oriental  mind, 
the  thought  should  occur  that  Enoch  did  not  walk  with  God  until  after  he  begat  Methuselah, 
and  that  hence  he  might,  in  consideration  of  his  later  life,  be  properly  cited  as  a  distinguished 
example  of  repentance. 

We  have  said  that  our  book  is  Palestinian  in  its  form  and  spirit ;  but  by  that  it  was  by  no 
means  meant  that  it  was  thoroughly  Biblical.  The  same  general  ideas  and  expressions  are 
indeed,  to  some  extent,  met  with  that  one  finds  in  the  Scriptures,  but  moving  upon  a  de- 
cidedly lower  plane,  and  often  bearing  (juite  another  stamp.  The  idea  of  God,  for  instance, 
which  the  son  of  Sirach  presents  is  not  without  elements  of  truth,  and  even  of  subhmity 
{.xlii.  15-xliii.),  but  it  is  greatly  lacking  in  spirituality.  It  is  principally  in  his  relations  to 
the  outward  world  that  He  is  thouglit  of.  Moreover,  there  seems  to  be,  here  and  there, 
(xxxiii.  IS,  xlii.  24),  the  positively  unscriptural  representation  that  God  contains  in  Himself 
antagonistic  elements,  although  the  charge  that  our  author  declares  Him  to  be  the  creator  of 
"error  and  darkness  with  the  sinner"  (ttAoVt) /tal  (rK(<Tos  ofiopraiXorj,  xi.  16)  made  by  Keerl 
and  Diihne,  rests  on  defective  MS.  authorities. 

Of  the  Messiah  and  the  Messianic  kingdom  there  is  no  certain  trace  in  the  work.  The 
passages  sometimes  cited  as  showing  the  contrary  (iv.  15;  x.  13,  17;  xi.  5,  6;  xxxvii.  25, 
26;  xlviii.  15)  are  of  a  wholly  general  character,  and  have  no  such  meaning  as  is  thus  im- 
puted to  them.  Still,  the  author  doubtless  looked  forward  to  better  days  for  Israel,  and  his 
hope  in  this  respect  seems  to  have  culminated  in  the  predicted  coming  of  Elijah,  who  should 
restore  peace  and  prosperity  to  his  afflicted  country  (xxxii.  17-19;  xxxiii.  1-11;  x.xxvi.  16-2 
—  all  according  to  the  arrangement  of  the  Greek  text  —  and  xxxix.  23  ;  xlviii.  10-11).  The 
Messianic  hope  in  the  later  time,  in  fact,  seems  generally  to  have  taken  this  direction.  And 
it  was  not  a  spiritual  but  a  temporal  restoration  that  was  looked  for.  It  will  be  remembered 
how  prevalent  this  idea  of  the  return  of  Elijah  was,  in  Palestine,  at  the  time  of  Christ. 
"  WTiy  say  the  Scribes  then,  that  Elias  must  first  come?  "  was  a  question  which  the  disciples 
themselves  once  put  to  Him. 

As  in  Job  (chaps,  xxviii.,  xxxviii.),  and  particularly  in  Proverbs,  wisdom  had  been  per- 

1  History  of  the  Jewish  Churchy  vol.  iii.,  p.  269.  2  xi,  p.  18 ff. 

8  u,  p.  141  ft.  4  Cf.  the  LXX.  &t  Deut  xxzU.  8. 

<  Cf.  Dan.  X.  13,  20,  21 ;   Is.  ixiT.  21,  22,  and  Riehm'a  HandwSrcerb.,  art  "Engel." 

«  Einleit,.  p.  sxxvi. 


282  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


sonified,  so  our  author  does  the  same,  and  evidently  strives  to  outdo  his  mode's  in  the  bold- 
ness and  brilliancy  of  his  metaphors.  But  that  he  simply  personifies  is  clear  from  the  fact 
that  in  one  place  he  himself  makes  an  explanation  of  the  figure  used  (xxiv.  23)  :  "  All  these 
are  [true  of]  the  book  of  the  covenant  of  the  most  high  God;  "  as  also  from  the  circum- 
stance that  this  wisdom  is  represented  as  being  "  exalted  like  a  tree  in  Lebanon,"  "  shooting 
upwards  like  a  palm-tree  on  the  sea-shore,"  as  "  yielding  a  pleasant  odor  like  the  best 
myrrli,"  etc.  Such  language  could  hardly  have  been  employed  if  an  actual  person  had  been 
meant.  Israel,  as  the  elect  people  of  God,  had  been  made  the  special  abode  of  wisdom  as 
revealed  in  the  Mosaic  law.  This  law  was  the  highest  development  of  such  wisdom,  and 
everything  depended  upon  one's  attitude  toward  it.  One  was  free  to  choose  his  course.  If 
he  chose  the  fear  of  God,  the  result  would  be  happiness  and  prosperity;  if  the  opposite, 
misfortune  and  misery.  Still,  alike  the  penalty  and  the  reward  are  looked  upon  as  temporal, 
and,  though  sometimes  coming  late,  as  surely  coming,  if  not  upon  the  man  himself,  then 
upon  his  offspring  (xli.  5-9).  The  passage  which  is  sometimes  adduced  as  showins;  what 
the  son  of  Sirach  thought  on  the  doctrine  of  the  future  endless  punishment  of  the  wicked 
(vii.  17;  cf.  Is.  xlvi.  24)  seems  to  refer  simply  to  the  consuming  and  wasting  away  of  the 
body  in  the  grave.  Of  life  and  immortality  beyond  the  grave,  our  book  contains  not  the 
slightest  undisputed  intimation  (cf.  xvii.  25-29,  with  Ex.  iii.  15,  and  Heb.  xi.  13-16).  On 
the  contrary,  the  highest  motives  to  human  conduct  are  drawn  from  the  present  life.  Great 
stress  is  laid  in  particular  upon  the  name  which  one  might  leave  behind  him  :  "  A  good 
life  hath  but  few  days  ;  but  a  good  name  endureth  forever  "  (xli.  13). 

Our  author  has  none  too  low  an  estimate  of  his  own  position  and  abilities  as  a  teacher. 
He  compares  himself,  indeed,  in  one  place,  to  one  that  gathereth  after  the  grape-gatherers 
(xxxiii.  16)  ;  but  elsewhere  gives  himself  out  for  a  prophet  (xxiv.  33),  likens  himself  to  the 
full  moon  (xxxix.  12),  and  says  his  teachings  enlighten  like  the  morning  (xxix.  32).  Not  a 
few  of  his  maxims  were  written  from  a  purely  worldly,  and  some  from  a  positively  selfish, 
point  of  view.  Consider,  for  instance,  the  treatment  he  recommends  for  an  uncongenial 
wife  (vii.  2G)  ;  also,  for  a  congenial  one  (ix.  2,  xxvi.  16-18);  his  principles  concerning  the 
loaning  of  money  (viii.  12)  ;  why  he  would  advise  one  to  show  kindness  to  others  (xii.  2,  4, 
xxii.  23);  how  he  thinks  enemies  should  be  treated  (.xii.  10,  12,  xxv.  7,  xxx.  6);  what  he 
says  of  sadness  (xxx.  24,  25),  and  of  wine  and  music  (xx.xi.  27-31,  xxxii.  4-6);  how  far  he 
would  go  in  the  punishment  of  servants  (xlii.  5);  what  treatment,  in  his  opinion,  should  be 
accorded  to  children,  especially  to  daughters  (vii.  24)  ;  and  how  one  should  conduct  himself 
when  a  friend  dies  (xxxviii.  17-19).  In  some  instances,  in  fact,  his  teaching  is  not  only 
very  human,  it  is  also  coarse  and  degrading.  Whether  he  himself  is  to  be  regarded  as  the 
author  of  all  that  appears  in  his  book  is  a  matter  of  minor  consequence.  What  he  diil  not 
write,  he  collected  and  sanctioned.  And  it  certainly  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  very  high 
order  of  inspiration  which  could  feel  sufficient  interest  in  it  to  give  currency  to  such  advice 
as  we  find  at  xxxi.  21,  concerning  what  might  be  called  the  art  of  eating  to  excess. 

Dean  Stanley  says  of  our  book  :  ^  "  There  is  a  tender  compassion  which  reaches  far  into 
the  future  religion  of  mankind,"  and  cites  the  passages:  "  Let  it  not  grieve  thee  to  bow  down 
thine  ear  to  the  poor,  and  give  him  a  friemlly  answer  with  gentleness."  "  Be  as  a  father 
o  the  fatherless,  and  instead  of  a  husband  to  the  widow:  so  shalt  thou  be  as  the  son  of  the 
Most  High,  ami  He  shall  love  thee  more  than  thy  mother  doth."  But  it  is,  after  all,  extremely 
doubtful,  judging  from  other  parts  of  Ecclesiasticus,  whether  it  was  really  a  spirit  of  ■'  tender 
compassion  "  that  led  the  son  of  Sirach  to  write  such  things.  Moral  duties  may  indeed, 
here  and  there,  be  urged  as  superior  to  rites  and  ceremonies  ;  but  there  is  also  a  marked 
and  peculiar  emphasis  laid  by  our  author,  as  by  the  writer  of  the  Book  of  Tobil,  on  almsgiv- 
ing in  itself  considered,  — in  fact,  an  anti-Biblical  efficacy  ascribed  to  it.  At  chap.  iii.  11, 
15,  for  example,  we  read  :  "  For  kindness  toward  the  father  shall  not  be  forgotten,  and 
in  spite  of  sins  (icr!  o/iopriaJv)  thy  prosperity  shall  bloom  again.  In  the  day  of  thine  afflic- 
tion thou  shalt  be  remembered;  as  ice  in  mild  weather,  so  shall  thy  sins  melt  away."  And 
in  the  third  verse  of  the  same  chapter  the  same  idea  occurs:  "  Whoso  honoreth  his  father 
maketh  an  atonement  for  his  sins."  Also,  in  the  thirtieth  verse  :  "  Water  will  quench  a 
flaming  fire;  and  alms  (^iXftifioaiini)  maketh  an  atonement  for  sin."  Likewise  at  chap.  xl. 
24  :  "  Brethren  and  help  [i.  e. ,  helpers]  are  against  time  of  trouble;  but  alms  deliver  more 
than  both."     Cf.  also  xl.  17. 

1    Hiitury  of  the  Jftvtsfl   Cfiurdi,  vol.  iii.,  p.  271. 


THE  BOOK  OF  ECCLESIASTICUS.  283 

Nothing  is  here  said  of  any  deep-lying  spiritual  motive  from  which  these  works  should  be 
prompted.  It  is  evidtnt,  rather,  from  the  whole  tenor  of  the  book,  that  they  are  regarded  as 
simply  external  in  thtdr  character,  "works  of  righteousness  that  we  have  done,"  wholly 
lacking  in  that  all-pervading  spirit  of  love  and  compassion  which  Paul  declares  (I  Cor.  .\iii.) 
to  be  an  essential  factor  of  true  charity.  Naturally,  the  high  moral  standard,  the  clearness 
and  precision  of  doctrinal  teaching,  that  we  find  in  the  New  Testament,  we  should  have  no 
right  to  expect  in  the  present  book.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  a  right  to  demand  of 
a  book  for  which  even  deutero-canonical  rank  is  claimed  that  it  shall  not  contain  what  is 
positively  contradictory  to  the  most  fundamental  teachings  of  the  canonical  Scriptures  and 
subversive  of  them. 

Recognition  by  Jexos  and  Christians. 

Fritzsche  seeks  to  answer  the  question  why  the  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus  was  not  received 
into  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament,  as  he,  with  Van  Gilse,'  thinks  it  might  well  have  been. 
In  his  opinion,  it  was  not,  as  Hitzig  supposes,  because  the  original  text  was  lost  at  so  very 
early  a  period,  —  for  of  this  we  cannot  be  so  sure,  —  but  for  a  variety  of  other  reasons  :  such 
as  that  the  author  bore  no  one  of  the  old,  revered  Israelitish  names  ;  the  time  of  composition 
was  late;  and  the  work  brings  forward  nothing  new,  no  need  being' felt  for  a  second  book  of 
Proverbs.  Moreorer,  he  thinks  that  while  the  book  contains  nothing  positively  heterodox 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Old  Testament  [V],  still,  its  silence  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
resurrection,  and  its  evident  leaning  towards  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  might  also' have 
been  of  influence  in  effecting  its  exclusion  from  the  list  of  sacred  books.  There  is  certainly 
much  force  in  some  of  these  reasons;  but  we  must  also  give  to  the  Jewish  readers  of  the 
book,  even  at  that  early  date,  credit  for  a  wiser  discrimination  and  a  finer  sense  of  propriety 
than  seems  to  characterize  some  of  its  modern  critics.  It  could  not  well  have  escaped  them 
that  in  its  mass  of  material,  much  of  which  is  worthy  of  all  consideration,  there  are  also 
found  elements  of  coarseness,  of  egoism,  of  a  merely  worhlly  philosophy,  such  as  appear  in 
none  of  the  divine-human  productions  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  that  the  entire  composition 
mores  on  an  entirely  different  plane  from  that  of  the  Hebrew  Bible.  It  is  at  least  certain 
that  the  book  was  never  actually  reckoned  by  the  Jews  among  their  Scriptures,  althouo-h 
frequently  quoted  in  both  the  Jerusalem  and  Babylonian  Talmuds,  and  sometimes  with  a 
formula  which  otherwise  was  employed  only  in  making  quotations  from  the  Bible.  A  com- 
plete list  of  such  quotations  is  given  by  Delitzsch,^  comprising  about  forty  in  all;  some  of 
which,  however,  are  anonymous,  and  others  of  doubtful  authority,  bein"  found  in  neither  the 
Greek  nor  Syrian  text.  Of  literal  citations  there  are  very  few,  and  it  is  likely  that  no  small 
part  of  the  entire  number  are  simply  of  traditional  origin,  the  later  Jewish  writers  beinor  wont 
to  ascrilje  proverbs  whose  authorship  was  unknown  to  the  distinguished  Ben  Sira, 

In  A.  D.  1519  there  appeared  in  Constantinople  (Venice,  1544;  Sulzbach,  1697)  what 
purported  to  be  the  "  Book  [or  Alphabet]  of  the  son  of  Sirach,"  —  a  work  which  contained 
scarcely  a  trace  —  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  proverbs  —  of  the  Palestinian  original,  the 
remainder  being  made  up  from  the  Talmud  and  Midrashim.  In  an  ostensible  bioo-raphy  of 
the  author,  it  makes  him  out  to  be  both  son  and  grandson  of  the  prophet  Jeremiah.  It  con- 
tains two  collections  of  proverbs  in  alphabetical  order,  the  second  one  beginning  with  the 
Hebrew  letter  joclh.  Still  another  collection  of  proverbs  bearing  the  name  of  the  son  of 
Sirach  was  published  by  P.  Fagius  in  Latin,'  and  in  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  Latin,  by  J. 
Drusius.*  The  same  collection  is  found  in  Steinschneider's  Alphabetum  Sirce  Utruinqiie* 
It  is  of  late  origin,  and  wholly  different  from  the  work  now  under  consideration.  The  Book 
of  Ecclesiasticus  is  in  no  instance  cited  in  the  New  Testament,  —  a  fact  the  more  worthy  of 
remark  as  it  could  scarcely  have  remained  unknown  to  the  writers  and  readers  of  the  latter, 
especially  if  the  supposed  reference  to  Ecclus.  iv.  31  in  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  (.\ix.;  cf. 
Apostol.  Const.,  vii.  11)  be  admitted  to  have  any  force.  The  overheated  effort  of  Stier, 
during  the  controversies  on  this  subject  in  Germany  a  quarter  of  a  century  since,  to  prove 
the  contrary,  as  against  Keerl,  signally  failed.  Irena>us  and  Justin  Martyr  pass  over  the 
book  in  silence,  leading  some  to  conjecture  that  it  did  not  get  into  circulation  in  the  Chris- 
tian church  until  the  end  of  the  second  century.  Clement  of  Alexandria  makes  a  direct 
citation  from  Ecclesiasticus,  and  is  the  first  Christian  writer  who  does  so.     He,  as  well  as 

1    Commmalie  qua  Libri  Sir.,  etc.,  p.  102. 

1  Utm,  pp.  20,  21,  204.     Cf.  also  Zunj,  trfem,  pp   100-104.  8  Ben  Sira  et  aliorum  Orientaiium  Stnltntia 

*  franwi.,  1597  5  BerUn,  1858. 


284  THE  APOCKYPHA. 


Cyprian  of  the  Latin  church,  seemed  to  regard  it  as  the  work  of  Solomon,  and  more  than 
once  quotes  it  as  Scripture.  Other  writers,  as  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  follow  their  example. 
Even  Oriijen  uses  the  formula  -yiyfiairrtii  in  citing  passages  from  it,  and  Athanasius  quotes  the 
passage  xv.  9,  as  ra  inrh  Tov  iri/eu/uaTos  eis  airhv  elpTifieya.  Still,  it  was  well  known  that  the  work 
was  not  to  be  found  in  the  Hebrew  canon  ;  and  it  does  not  appear  in  the  catalogues  of  Melito, 
Origen,  Cyril,  Hilary,  or  Rufinus.  Eiisebiiis,  Athanasius,  Jerome,  and  Augustine  all  dis- 
tinguish it  from  the  canonical  books  proper;  and  Jerome  asserts  that  it  ought  not  to  be  used 
for  the  support  of  doctrine,  but  simply  for  instruction.  But  theory  and  practice  did  not 
always  harmonize,  and  it  was  sometimes  so  employed.  In  the  Abyssinian  church  it  was 
regarded  as  uncanonical,  but  was  used  for  the  instruction  of  the  young.' 

In  the  Alexandrine  Codex  (III.),  Ecclesiasticus  is  found  at  the  end  of  the  Old  Testament, 
immediately  after  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  In  the  Vatican  (II.),  it  has  the  same  position 
relative  to  the  latter  book,  but  is  followed  by  Esther  (with  the  Additions),  Judith,  and 
Tobit,  at  the  close  of  the  Hagiographa.  In  the  Sinaitic  (X.),  it  is  the  last  book  but  one  of 
the  Old  Testament,  the  Book  of  Job  being  the  last.  In  the  list  in  the  Codex  Claromontanus 
it  is  found  in  the  order:   Ecclesiastes,  Canticles,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus. 

In  the  church  of  the  MMdle  Ages  we  find  Bishop  Junilius,  of  North  Africa  (e.  A.  D.  550), 
•scribing  "perfect  authority '' to  Ecclesiasticus;  while  Thomas  Aquinas  (t  A.  D.  1274),  of 
the  Italian  church,  seems  in  doubt  about  its  authority.  Isidore  of  Seville  (f  A.  D.  636) 
recognized  the  fact  of  its  not  being  foimd  in  the  Hebrew  canon,  but  (like  Augustine)  held 
that  it  had  received  the  indorsement  of  the  church.  Other  Christian  scholars  of  Spain, 
however,  preferred  to  foUow  the  lead  of  Jerome  :  for  example,  Bishop  Tostatus  of  Avila 
{a.  d.  1450).  In  France,  also,  Alcuin  (f  A.  D.  804),  the  spiritual  adviser  of  Charlemagne, 
asserted,  on  the  authority  of  Jerome  and  Isidore  of  Seville  [!]  that  Ecclesiasticus  was  not  to 
be  used  in  support  of  Christian  doctrine.  In  the  Greek  church,  the  catalogue  known  as  the 
"  SLxty  Books"  excluded  Ecclesiasticus;  and  the  Stichomeiry  of  Nicephorus  (c.  A.  D.  828) 
reckoned  it  among  the  books  "  dispnted." 

In  Great  Britain  the  first  writer  to  make  any  special  investigations  touching  the  canon 
was  Alfric  (t  a.  d.  1005),  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Westcott  ^  quotes  him  as  saying: 
"  Now  there  are  two  bookes  more  placed  with  Solomons  workes,  as  if  he  made  them  :  which 
for  liUenesse  of  stile  »nd  profitable  use  have  gone  for  his ;  but  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach, 
composed  them.  One  is  called  ....  the  Booke  of  Wisdome ;  and  the  other  Ecclesias- 
ticus. Very  large  bookes  and  read  in  the  Church,  of  long  custome,  for  much  good  instruc- 
tion." The  later  history  of  our  book  is  for  the  most  part  identical  with  that  of  the 
remaining  apocryphal  works,  and  has  already  received  sufficient  attention. 

The  Unauthentic  Preface. 

In  the  Synopsis  Scriptures  Sacrce,  falsely  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  as  also  in  Codex  148.  and 
the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  is  contained  a  second  preface  to  Ecclesiasticus,  which  treats  of 
the  origin  and  contents  of  the  work.  In  Credner's  opinion  '  this  synopsis  is  a  product  of  the 
ninth  or  tenth  century.  And  it  seems  probable  both  from  the  form  and  substance  of  the 
second  preface,  which  speaks  of  the  translator  in  the  third  person  —  "  this  Jesus  was  the  son 
of  Sirach,  and  grandson  to  Jesus  of  the  same  name  with  him,"  etc.  —  that  it  was  at  first 
designed  to  be  a  sort  of  re'sume  of  the  contents  of  the  book,  and  was  written  by  the  author  of 
the  Synopsis.  But,  whether  emanating  from  him  or  not,  it  is  evidently  simply  the  opinion 
of  some  third  person,  and  cannot  by  any  means  be  considered  as  having  the  value  which 
would  attach  to  a  recognized  historic  tradition.  In  the  book  itself  (1.27)  the  grandfather 
is  called  "Jesus  son  of  Sirach."  Here  the  grandson  receives  this  name  also,  which  in  itself 
would  cause  no  surprise,  since  grandchildren  not  infrequently  received  the  name  of  the 
grandfather.  But  in  the  present  instance,  as  we  have  already  seen,  it  is  clear  that  the 
assertion  rests  on  a  misunderstanding  of  the  passage  just  mentioned,  it  being  supposed  that 
the  translator  was  there  meant,  since  elsewhere  the  grandfather  and  author  is  called  simply 
'Jesus."  On  this  error  is  based  another,  viz.,  that  the  grandson  shared  in  the  composition 
jf  the  work,  completing  and  editing  it  after  the  death  of  the  first  Jesus.  "When  now  the 
nrst  Jesus  died,  leaving  this  book  almost  [rxfSiy  ti]  collected,  Sirach  his  son  [another  less 
trustworthy  reading  is  o£t»»  instead  of  *  vUs},  receiving  it  after  him,  left  it  likewise  [ToAd-J 

1   Ewald,  Jahrb.  d.  Bibl.  Wissenschafl,  T.,  pp.  147,  149.  a  Bib.  in  the  Church,  p.  208. 

«    Ueschichte  d.  Neutat.  Kanon,  p.  225. 


THE  BOOK   OF  ECCLESIASTICUS.  285 

to  his  own  son  Jesus,  who  then,  when  he  had  come  into  possession  of  it,  arranged  it  all  in 
one  orderly  volume,  giving  it  the  title  Wisdom,  with  the  name  not  only  of  himself  and  his 
father,  but  of  course  also  [a\Ai  /iiiv  xaQ  that  of  the  grandfather." 

It  is  said,  moreover,  of  the  grandson  that  he  lived  in  "  the  later  times,  after  the  Captivity 
and  the  return,  and  after  nearly  [o-x^Wi',  better,  however,  omitted]  all  the  prophets."  The 
writer  seems  purposely  thus  to  leave  the  date  of  the  composition  indefinite.  The  preface 
closes :  "  This  Jesus  was  an  admirer  [oiraSiis,  literally,  attendant]  of  Solomon,  and  was  no  less 
famous  for  wisdom  and  learning,  having  both  the  repute,  and  being  in  fact,  a  man  of  great 
learning."' 

1  I  dD  not  ftUow  the  A.  T.    Ot  p.  SM 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


Prologue.' 

Whereas  many  and  important  °  things  have  been  handed  down  to  us  through  the 
law  '  and  the  prophets,  and  the  others  who  followed  after  them,^  for  which  '  things  Is- 
rael ought  to  be  commended  for  learning  and  wisdom  ;  and  since  °  not  only  must  the 
readers  become '  skillful  themselves,  but  also  they  that  desire  to  learn  be  able  to  profit 
them  who  are  abroad,"  both  by  speaking  and  writing  :  my  grandfather  Jesus,  who  had 
given  himself  more  and  more  °  to  the  reading  of  the  law,  and  the  prophets,  and  the 
other  ">  books  of  our  fathers,  and  had  gotten  therein  no  little  proficiency,"  was  drawn 
on  also  himself  to  write  some  work  '^  pertaining  to  learning  and  wisdom,  to  the  intent 
that  those  who  '^  are  desirous  to  learn,  becoming  attached  to  this  also,"  might  make 
much  more  progress  '^  in  living  according  to  the  law.  Let  me  intreat  you  now  '*  to 
read  it  with  favor  and  attention,  and  to  be  indulgent,  in  that  where,  perchance,  with  all 
the  care  bestowed  on  the  translation,  we  may  seem  to  have  failed  in  some  words."  For 
what  was  originally  uttered  in  Hebrew,"  has  not  the  same  force  when  translated  into  '* 

1  The  "  Prologue  made  by  an  uncertain  author,"  found  in  the  A.  V.  before  the  present  one,  I  omit  from  the  text  and 
give  here.    See  remarks  at  the  close  of  my  Introduction  to  this  book. 

*'  This  Jesus  was  the  son  of  Sirach  and  grandchild  to  Jesus  of  the  same  name  with  him.  This  man  therefore  lived 
[arose]  in  the  latter  (later,  Karui]  times,  after  the  people  had  been  led  away  captiTe  and  called  home  again  [after 
the  Captivity  and  calling  back],  and  almost  [om i(  almost]  after  all  the  prophets.  Now  his  grandfather  Jesus,  as  he 
[also]  himself  witnesseth,  was  [re,  i.  e.,  as  well]  a  man  of  great  diligence  and  wisdom  (as  of  the  greatest  insight)  among 
the  Hebrews  [omit  among  the  H.],  who  did  not  only  gather  the  grave  and  short  sentences  of  wise  [gathered  not  only  the 
apothegms  of  sagacious]  men,  that  had  been  before  him,  but  himself  also  uttered  some  of  his  own,  full  of  much  under- 
standing and  wisdom.  When  as  therefore  [When  now]  the  first  Jesus  died,  leaving  this  book  almost  perfected  (collected], 
Sirach  hii  son  [omit  ital.]  receiving  it  after  him  [likewise]  left  ti  to  his  own  son  Jesus  ;  who,  (then]  having  gotten  it  into 
his  hands,  compiled  «  all  orderly  into  one  volume,  and  called  it  (as)  Wisdom,  intituling  i<  both  [not  only]  by  his  own 
name  (and]  his  father's  name  [omit  name],  and  [but  of  course  also)  his  grandfather's  ;  alluring  the  hearer  [belter  reader] 
by  the  very  name  of  wisdom  to  have  a  greater  love  to  the  study  of  this  book  [of  the  book  itself).  It  containeth  there- 
fore wise  (now  sagacious]  sayings,  [both]  dark  sentences,  and  parables,  and  certain  particular  ancient  godly  stories  of 
(stories,  and  those  about)  men  that  pleased  God ;  also  his  prayer  and  song ;  moreover  [also],  what  benefits  God  had 
[omit  had]  vouchsafed  his  people,  and  what  plagues  he  had  [omit  had]  heaped  upon  their  enemies.  This  Jesus  did  im- 
itate Solomon,  and  was  no  less  famous  for  wisdom  and  learning  (than  he],  both  being  indeed  a  man  of  great  learning, 
and  JO  reputed  also,''^ 

»  A.  V. :  many  and  great  (ney.iAoii',  but  clearly  with  the  sense  of  "  important  ").  '  delivered  unto  us  by  the  law 

etc.  (Sci  Tov  i/ofiou  ....  atSo/ieVuri/ ;  the  context  requires  the  rendering  given.  There  is  usually  found  for  the  last  word 
the  same  compounded  with  irapi).  '  by  others  that  have  followed  their  steps.  6  tor  the  which.  «  whereof  (cos  ; 
the  A.  V.  must  have  read  i(  !>v  —  Rob.  Stephens  and  Badwell  —  or,  !>v  —  Cod.  H.  —  cf.  Bretschneider  and  Com.,  ad  loc.) 
'  not  only  the  readers  must  needs  become  (for  yireirfoi,  X.  C.  II.  55.  156.  read  ytviaeax).  '  which  are  without  (marg., 
of  another  nation.     The  reference  is  to  the  Jews  dispersed  in  other  lands).  •  when  he  had  much  given  himself  («,7i 

irXeioi',  more  and  more.  I  adopt  Kritzsche's  rendering,  and  not  that  of  VVahl  —diutius  —  who  refers  to  Judith  xiii.  1). 
l»  and  other.  "  good  judgment  (Irai/i)!'  i^iv.  The  latter  word  has  for  a  secondary  meaning,  skill  as  a  result  of  experi- 
ence, practice.  The  first  meaning  is,  a  state,  habit,  of  body  or  mind).  '=  write  something  (<rvyypii//ai  Tt).  "  which. 
»  and  are  addicted  to  these  things  (the  word  li-oxot  means  rather  bound  lo,  while  Toiirai'  obviously  refers  to  the  work 
just  spoken  of).  "  profit  much  more.  (On  the  force  of  the  verb  cf.  Com.  Fritzsche,  De  Wett«,  and  Bunsen's  BibeU 
vtrk  render  rrohX^  niAAoi/  by  immer  mehr.     See  Com.)  "  Wherefore  let  me  intreat  you  {wapaiciKXrioie  oiv). 

1'  pardon  us  {avyyv^fj.iji'  exfi^)  wherein  {e<it'  oTs)  we  may  seem  lav  SoKuifiev)  to  have  come  short  of  some  words  (vtcrl  rwr 
Xe'f fcoi'  iSwapie'Ly ;  X.  23.  omit  the  last  word  ;  cf .  Com.  |  which  tee  have  laboured  to  interpret  (riay  Kara  riji'  epixTjKeiaF 
rt^iXoiroiTj/ieVuv.  My  rendering  is,  for  the  most  part,  the  same  except  in  the  order  of  the  words.  Fritzsche  renders  : 
"  and  to  have  indulgence  where  we  perchance— since,  really  the  translation  was  worked  out  with  zeal  — might  seem  to 
have  failed  in  some  words."  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk:  "  and  to  have  indulgence,  if  it  should  appear  that  we,  with  all  the 
diligence  expended  on  the  translation,  in  some  words  have  not  fully  hit  the  sense  ").  "  the  same  things  uttered  in 

Hebrew  (auri  iv  (ovtok  «^pai■^^^i  keybiitva.  The  first  pronoun  seems  to  refer,  in  general,  to  the  book  just  spoken  of  ; 
the  reflexive  =  in  their  oum,  i.  e.,  language,  the  Hebrew.  I  have  rendered  freely.  Of.,  just  below,  "  uttered  is 
the  original,"  iv  iavTOtc  XeyofMi'a).  "  and  translated  into  .      .  .  have  not  the  same  force  in  them. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


287 


another  tongue.  And  not  only  this  book/  but  the  law  itself  also,^  and  the  prophecies  ' 
and  the  rest  of  the  books,  have  no  small  difference,  uttered  in  the  original.  For  in  the 
eight  and  thirtieth  year  under  King  Euergetes,*  coming  into  Egypt,  and  continuing 
there  some  time,  I  found  no  small  difference  of  learning.^  Therefore  ^  I  thought  it 
most  necessary  for  me  also '  to  bestow  some  zeal  and  diligence  on  the  translation  of 
this  book  ;  *  using  indeed,  in  the  mean  time,  great  watchfulness  and  skill,'  in  order, 
having  brought  the  book  to  an  end,  to  '°  publish  it  for  those  abroad  also,  who  wish  to 
learn  and  prepare  themselves  to  live  in  their  customs  ^^  after  the  law. 

*  A.  V. ;  these  t/iiTigs.  -  omits  also,  ^  prophets  (marg.,  Gr.fProphecies;  here,  n-pof^TjTetai ;  ot  Trpo^^roi,  C.  Old  Lat.). 
»  when  they  are  spoken  in  their  own  language  ....  coming  into  Egypt,  when  Euergetes  was  king.  (Cf.  our  Introd.  on 
this  passage. )  '*  a  book  (d'^o^oioi' ;  but  55.  254.,  ai^op/nif  ;  III.,  ci^oSiov  ;  the  Vulgate  renders  the  clause,  invent  i6i 
iibros  relictos ;  marg.  of  A.  V.,  help  of  learning;.  The  A.  V.  seems  to  have  taken  a<t6^oioi'  in  the  sense  of  "  a  copy  "  of  a 
work)  of  no  small  learning.  «  Fritzsche  receives  ovv  from  X.  C.  H.  55.  106.  and  the  Old  Lat.  ^  A.  V.  (ymits  also 

(Fritzsche  receives  a  Kai  from  HI.  X.  C.  H.  55.  106.  al.  Old  Lat.     It  is  also  found  in  II.).  8  diligence  Wirovhriv)  and 

travail  [^iKoiTovlav]  to  interpret  it  [rrivie  Ti)v  fii^Xov.    Cf.  note  5,  above).  »  using  {omits  yap  with  III.  55,  106.  155. 

253.  Old  Lat.)  great  watchfulness  and  skill  in  that  space.  ^^  to  bring  ....  and  (oyayoi'Ta  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche 

from  UI.  X.  C.  H.  66. 106.  156.  253.  254.  296.  for  oyon-a  of  the  text.  rec).  "  set  it  forth  for  them  also,  which  in 

a  strange  country  {iv  Tp  n-apoiiciti,  i.  e.,  Egypt ;  but  cf.  above,  tois  ekto?)  are  willing  to  learn,  being  prepared  before 
(jrpotcoTaffjtevafo/ieVois  ;  II.  III.  C.  68.  106.  al.  the  accus.)  in  manners  to  live. 


Pbolooub. 


In  II.  in.  155.  the  title  is  simply  Xlpi\oyos ;  in 
C.  Sipix  '3  added  ;  in  X.  there  is  no  title.  — 
This  introduction  to  the  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
unlike  the  book  itself,  was  originally  written  iu 
Greek,  as  is  clear  both  from  the  circumstances 
and  the  style.  Its  genuineness  is  undoubted.  — 
The  law  and  the  prophets  and  the  others. 
These  are  the  well-known  three  parts  into  which 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  were  early  di- 
vided. By  the  last  {toiv  &\\av)  doubtless  the 
writers  of  the  Hagiographa  are  meant.  Just 
below,  the  formula  for  the  Old  Testament  canoni- 
cal books  is  given  in  its  more  usual  form  :  the  law 
and  the  prophets  and  the  rest  of  the  books  {ra  Xonra 
raiv  ^L&Kit»v).  Cf.  Luke  x.xiv.  44,  and  Josephus, 
Contra  Ap.,  i.  8.  —  Those  who  are  abroad.  The 
Jews  who  had  emigrated  to  other  countries  are 
meant,  particularly  those  of  Egypt. —  And  the 
other  books  of  our  fathers.  This  circumlocu- 
tion seems  to  have  been  employed  because  at  this 
time  the  Hagiographa  were  designated  by  no  one 
special  title.  —  Becoming  attached  to  this  also, 
i.  e.,  the  book  that  lies  before  us,  from  the  pen  of 
Jesus.  The  Greek  is  TotjTaii'  ^foxot  yev6fi€voi. 
This  adjective  in  the  present  sense  is  usually 
followed  by  the  dative.  But  cf.  Heb.  ii.  15,  and 
Buttmanu,  p.  170;  Winer,  p.  202.  —  'Eirmpoo-ewin, 
might  make  progress.  Some  would  translate 
add  to,  and  derive  from  the  passage  the  idea  that 
the  son  of  Sirach  wished  to  stimulate  to  further 
effort  in  the  way  of  composing  something  that 
might  be  regarded  as  completing  the  works  neces- 
sary for  such  as  would  live  after  the  law.  The 
verb  certainly  has  this  meaning  in  its  transitive 
sense  ;  but  the  thought  which  one  would  thus 
smuggle  in  for  dogmatic  reasons  is  wholly  incon- 
gruous and  foreign  to  the  context.  Hence  it  is 
better  to  suppose  that  the  word  is  employed  here 
in  an  intransitive  sense,  with  the  meaning  given 
to  it  above  by  ns.      This  view  is  supported  by 


Fritzsche,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk.  Bretschneider 
has  the  following  note  on  the  word  :  "  Insuper 
addant,  i.  e.,  projiciant,  ulterius  proqredianttir." 
Linde  translates ;  "  Damit  Freunde  der  Weisheit 
aiich  durch  dieses  Stadium  in  der  Frommigkeit 
immer  vollhonimener  werden;"  and  De  Wette ; 
"  Und  sich  immer  inehr  vervoUkommnen  mochten 
durch  ein  gesetzliches  Leben."  There  is  no  evi- 
dence in  our  passage,  in  short,  that  the  son  of 
Sirach  regarded  his  work  as  on  a  level  with  the 
Jewish  Scriptures,  or  thought  that  it  might  per- 
haps be  received  among  them.  The  im|iressiou 
made  by  this  explanatory  introduction  of  his 
grandson,  as  a  whole,  is  quite  the  contrary. — 
'E(f>'  oU  tit/  hoKwfjiiv  ....  aZwajiitVy  in  which  we 
might  appear  to  be  unable  ;  meaning,  as  the 
context  shows,  where  I  might  se^m  not  to  have  hit 
the  mark.  —  In  Hebrew.  As  this  prologue  con- 
tains the  first  allusion  to  the  Old  Testament 
canon  as  a  whole,  so  also  it  makes  the  first  use  of 
the  word  "  Hebrew  "  which  occurs  in  extant  his- 
tory. —  And  not  only  this  book,  but  the  law. 
It  is  to  be  inferred,  then,  that  the  Old  Testament 
had  already  been  translated  into  Greek  at  the 
time  these  words  were  written.  —  Difference  of 
learning  (TraiSf/as).  This  Greek  word  means 
much  the  same  as  our  word  "  culture"  (German, 
Bildung) ;  but  it  is  doubtless  used  here  in  a  more 
limited  sense  as  referring  to  those  subjects  of 
whicli  the  Old  Testament  and  the  present  book 
treat.  —  ' fk.<f>6hi.otov  has  been  variously  rendered. 
It  means  what  is  unlike,  different,  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  was  of  a  later  sort, 
Hellenistic.  —  Some  zeal.  It  is  modestly  spoken. 
—  ''Ev  T^  TTapoiKia.  See  Text.  Notes.  The  word 
means  living  in  a  place  as  irdpoiKos,  a  sojourner. 
Cf.  Jud.  v.  9  ;  Wisd.  xix.  10.  I  have  given  it 
here  the  rendering  "  abroad,"  to  correspond  with 
e'KTiis  above,  the  same  persons  being  evident!/ 
meant. 


Chapter  I. 


1  AxL  wisdom  comefh  from  the  Lord, 
And  is  with  him  for  ever. 

2  Who  can  number  the  sand  of  the  sea,  and  the  drops  of  rain, 


288  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


And  the  daj's  of  eternity  ? 

3  Wlio  can  trace  '  out  the  height  of  heaven,  and  the  breadth  of  the  earthy 
And  the  deep,  and  wisdom  ? 

4  Wisdom  was  ^  created  before  all  things. 

And  prudent  understanding  ^  from  everlasting.* 
6       To  whom  was  the  root  of  wisdom  revealed  ?  ' 
And  who  knew  her  subtile  plans  ?  * 

8  '  One  is  wise,  greatly  '  to  be  feared, 
The  Lord  sitting  upon  his  throne. 

9  He  created  her,  and  saw  her,  and  made  her  known,* 
And  poured  her  out  upon  all  his  works 

10  Together  with  '"  all  flesh  according  to  his  gift. 

And  he  bestowed  her  abundantly  on  ^*  them  that  love  him.** 

11  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  honor,  and  glory, 
And  gladness,  and  a  crown  of  rejoicing. 

12  The  fear  of  the  Lord  contents  the  ^'  heart. 
And  giveth  joy,  and  gladness,  and  a  long  life." 

13  With  him  who  feareth  the  Lord,  it  shall  be  well  ■''  at  the  lasti 
And  he  shall  be  blessed  ^^  on  the  day  of  his  death. 

14  To  fear  the  Lord  '"  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom  ; 
And  it  is  ^*  created  with  the  faithful  in  the  womb. 

15  She  prepared  for  herself  an  everlasting  dwelling-place  "  with  meOf 
And  she  will  continually  remain  ^  with  their  seed. 

16  To  fear  the  Lord  is  fullness  of  wisdom. 

And  she  maketh  them  drunken  '■'^  with  her  fruits. 

17  She  filleth  all  her  house  with  things  desirable, 
And  the  garners  with  her  products.^ 

18  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  a  crown  of  wisdom, 
Making  peace  and  restored  health  -'  to  flourish ;  ** 

19  And  he  saw  and  revealed  her  ;^^ 

She  pours  forth  skill  and  practical  knowledge, 

And  heightens  the  honor  of  them  ^^  that  hold  her  fast. 

20  Tlie  root  of  wisdom  is  to  fear  the  Lord, 
And  the  branches  thereof  are  long  life.^ 

Vers.  1-6.  —  i  A.  V. :  find.  ^  jj^th  been.  s  the  understanding  of  prudence.    (The  Greek  is  trvvttrti  ^pov^tnuf 

Wahl  would  render  by  jumma  cogTii(/o  ;  Buneen's  Biic/uferit,  veretandige  Eineicht ;  Fritzsche,  Hug-*  Einsichi  ;  Oaab 
hochjle  Versland ;  Bretschneider,  svmma  sapientta.)  *  (ver.  5)  The  word  of  God  most  high  is  the  fountain  of  wisdom; 
And  her  ways  are  everlasting  commandments.  (It  is  found  only  in  H.  23.  55.  70.  106.  (with  a  Tariation),  248.  263.  (with 
a  variation),  Co.  Old  Lat.,  and  I  have  omitted  it.)  ^  hath  ....  been  revealed.  ^  Or  who  hath  known  her  wise 

counsels  ? 

Vers.  7-12.  —  '  A.  V. ;  (ver.  7)  Unto  whom  hath  the  knowledge  of  wisdom  been  made  manifest  ?  And  who  hath  under- 
stood her  great  experience?  (It  is  found  in  H.  23.  55.  70. 106.  253.  Old  Lat.)  ^  There  is  one  wise  and  greatly.  (The 
force  of  the  Greek,  ets  ecrrt  troi^d?,  (i>ofiepoq  (r^dSpa,  is  not  sufficiently  well  brought  out.  In  the  following  line,  Codd. 
55.  70.  106.  253.  and  the  Old  Lat.  have  supplied  the  words  nal  mptevtuv  before  Kvpco9,  probably  for  the  reason  that  in 
important  authorities  — II.  III.  X.  C.  H.  —  the  last  word  is  joined  to  what  follows.  The  context  seems  to  be  decidedly 
against  both  changes.)  o  numbered  her  (e^Tjptfi^Tjaef.  It  is,  apparently,  a  false  rendering  of  our  translator.  Cf. 
the  LXX.  at  Job  xxviii.  27,  totc  elSev  avTi)v  koX  ^rjYna-aTO  avTJjv,  which  probably  lay  at  the  basis  of  the  present  expres- 
sion ;  also,  just  before,  150)1/  TjpiBurjae.  See  Com,).  ^^  She  is  with  (the  A.  V.  places  a  full  stop  at  the  end  of  the  previ- 
ous line).  "  hath  given  her  to  (txopTJyTja-ev  ;  cf.  ver.  26).  ^  There  is  an  addition  of  two  lines  to  ver.  10  found  in 
H.  70.  253.  and  it  is  found  also,  in  a  corrupt  form,  in  the  Old  Lat.  '3  A.  V. :  The  fear  .  .  .  maketh  a  merry  (repi/fei). 
1*  Following  ver.  12  the  codd.  just  mentioned  have  an  addition  of  two  lines. 

Vers.  13-18.  —  ^^  A.  V. ;  Whoso  ....  go  well  with  him.  ^*  find  favour.  (For  eup^trct  xapiv  of  the  text,  rec,  Codd 
m.  X.  0.  H.  23.  70.  al.  Old  Lat.  have  evAoyij^^o-cTat,  which  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche.  The  A.  V.  notices  it  in  the  mar- 
gin.) "  (Instead  of  rov  Qeov  of  the  text.  rec.  and  II.,  Fritzsche  receives  from  III.  X.  H.  23.  55.  al.  Co.  to*-  fcupioc , 
which  we  find  has  been  already  adopted  in  the  A.  V.)  '^  was  (a  general  truth).  '*  hath  built  an  ...  .  founda- 
tion. (Lit.,  hatched  ....  foundation.  But  the  verb  —  votraevui  —  is  not  used  as  transitive,  and  hence  Fritzsche  would 
take  0e^i(\iov  as  nom.,  and  in  apposition  with  the  verb,  i.  e.,  she  nested,  prepared  a  nest  with  men,  an  eternal  founda- 
tion, dwelling-place.)  20  shall  continue  (not  quite  strong  enough  for  ^/iTri(rrevd^(r€Tat .  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  BibeU 
werk,  dauernd  bteiben  ;  Wahl,._^(/cs  ei  habebitur  versanti  inter  posleros  eorum.  See  Com.).  21  fiUeth  men.  23  their 
(as  111.  H.  248.  2.53.  Co.)  house  ....  increase  {yewfttLartav .  "  Increase  '*  is  not  sufficiently  definite).  ^3  perfect  health 
'vyieiav  i.6nreta<;  :=  health  of  healing,  from  healing.  A  remark  of  Gaab  throws  light  on  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V. :  "  Per 
Uapsvyteia  signified  perfection,  as  vytijy,  according  to  Suidas,  is  Tc'^eios ;  so  that  it  might  be  translated,  perfect  heal 
Ing.'*)  M  Following  ver.  18  there  is  the  following  addition  in  the  A.  V. :  "  Both  which  are  the  gifts  of  God  :  And  il 
anlargeth  their  rejoicijig  that  love  him."'     This  is  found  in  H.  70.  248.  Co. 

Ver^.  19-24.  —■-•■  A.  V.  omit.«  this  line  (with  248.  253.  Co.).  »>  Wisdom  (.so  H.  70.  108.  248.  al.  Co.)  rainelh  down 

(kill  and  knowledge  of  understanding  (yvZxrtv  (rvi/eo-ews ;  cf.  ver.  4),  and  exalteth  them  to  honour.  27  (Ver.  21)  The 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


289 


32  Unrighteous  anger  ^  cannot  be  justified ; 

For  the  sway  of  his  anger  is  to  his  fall.^ 

23  A  patient  man  holds  out  until  his  '  time, 
And  afterwards  joy  springs  ^  up  unto  him. 

24  He  hides  his  words  until  his  ^  time, 

And  tlie  lips  of  many  will  speak  fully  of  his  sagacity.* 

25  The  intelligent  proverb  is ''  in  the  treasures  of  wisdom  ; 
But  godliness  is  an  abomination  to  a  sinner. 

26  If  thou  desire  wisdom,  keep  the  commandments, 

And  the  Lord  will  bestow  her  abundantly  upon  '  thee  ; 

27  For  the  fear  of  the  Lord  is  wisdom  and  instruction, 
And  fidelity  and  humility  ^  are  his  delight. 

28  Be  not  disobedient  to  the  fear  of  the  Lord,^" 
And  come  not  unto  it  ^'  with  a  divided '-  heart. 

29  Be  not  a  hypocrite  in  the  sight  of  men, 
And  take  heed  ^^  what  thou  speakest. 

30  Exalt  not  thyself,  lest  thou  fall. 
And  bring  dishonor  upon  thyself," 
And  God  reveal  '^  thy  secrets. 

And  cast  thee  down  in  the  midst  of  the  congregation, 
Because  tliou  earnest  not  to  '*  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
And  thy  heart  was  "  full  of  deceit. 

feir  of  the  Lord  driveth  away  sina  :  And  where  it  is  present  it  turneth  away  wrath.    (The  addition  is  found  in  H.  70. 
106.  248.  253.  Co.  Old  Lat.,  with  more  or  less  variation.)         '  A  furious  man  (as  H.  70. 106.  348.  Co.).  =  Inry  ihall 

ie  his  destruction.  ^  will  bear  for  a.    (The  words  ews  Kaipov  dcelcTai  have  a  different  force.    The  Terb  Fritzsche 

idopts  from  2-3.  243.  253.  Co.  Old  Lat.  tor  ii-SefeTai  of  the  text,  rec,  and  II.)  <  joy  shall  spring.  ^  will  hide  .... 

for  a.  "-  many  (iroAAwi'  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X.  U.  55.  70.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.,  for  Tmrriav  of  the  text.  rec. 

ftnd  II. ;  cf.  xsxix.  9)  shall  declare  his  wisdom  (practical  wisdom,  intelligence,  sagacity,  trvvitriv). 

Vers.  25-30.—'  A.  V. :  The  parables  (The  plur.  is  found  in  X.  II.  70.  al.  Old  Lat.  Co.  ;  but  the  sing,  is  probably 
used  collectively)  of  knowledge  are.  (Cod.  II.  also  supports  the  reading  ejri0v^jj(ras,  received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X. 
C.  H.  248.  Co,  Aid.  Old  Lat.,  instead  of  €7re0ufi^(ras  of  the  text,  rec.)  »  shall  give  her  unto  (cf.  ver.  10).  »  faith 

(TTiffTi?,  but  here,  as  it  would  seem,  in  the  sense  of  "  faithfulness  '')  and  meekness.    (I  follow  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk.)  ^o  distrust  not  (marg..  Be  not  disobeiiient  to)  ...  .  when  thou  art  poor  (ii/Seij?  we,  found  in  H.  70.  248. 

Co.  after  Kvpiov).        ^i  him  {avriZ  refers  to  the  preceding  (fto^u).        12  double  (cf.  5ii/nj;^o5  at  Jas.  i.  8,  iv.  8).        "  good 
heed.  "  thy  eoul  {i.  e.,  by  Hebrew  usage,  and  as  better  suiting  the  context,  "  thyself  ").  »5  so  God  discover 

(meaning,  in  the  earlier  English,  uncover,  revent).  w  not  in  truth  (ei-  iATjeei'ij,  supported  by  248.  253.  Co.  Old  Lat.) 

to.        1^  But  (Jun.,  serf)  thy  heart  M. 

Chapter  I. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  Piov.  iii.  13-20.  —  Wisdom.  On 
:0  idea  of  wisdom  as  illustrated  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, see  Bruch,  Weisheits-Lehre  der  Hebraer ; 
Oehler,  Die  Gnmdzllge  der  Altestametitlichen  W'eis- 
heit :  Theologie  d.  Alt.  Test.,  ad  he. ;  and  in  Herzog's 
Real-Eitcyk.,  v.  236  ff.  On  the  meaning  of  the  word 
as  used  by  Philo,  cf.  Herzog's  Real-Enci/k.,  xi.  588. 
594  ;  also,  Excursus  iii.  in  Bretschueider's  Liber 
Jesu  Siraridce.  I  will  give  here  some  remarks 
found  in  the  opening  chapter  of  Fritzsche'.s  Com. 
on  the  present  book.  "  To  our  author  wisdom  — 
ao(t)ia,  n^2n,  as  whose  correlated  idea,  in  par- 
allelism, <pp6vriffts,  tTvv€(ns,  (TTitnijixi}.  naiSeia  .  .  .  . 
appear  —  is  a  person's  objective  knowledge  ;  so. 
first,  something  purely  theoi'etical,  ihat  has  its 
oljject  in  the  essence  of  things,  the  world  as  com- 
plex. In  this  respect  it  is  tlie  rerum  coyitvscei-e,  or 
rather  coffnoi'isse,  caitsas.  Considered  in  detail,  it 
is  of  course  infinitely  manifold.  Then,  further, 
it  comes  into  consideration  in  a  double  relation, 
as  nnlimited  and  limited,  as  original  and  derived. 
As  unlimited  (efs  itrri  (ro(p6$,  i.  6)  and  original, 
it  is  with  God  from  eternity  and  to  eternity  (i.  4) ; 
through  it  He  knows  and  pervades  all  things  (xv. 
18,  19).  It  is  itself,  in  this  aspect  of  it,  not  to  be 
foimd  out.  As  limited  and  derived  it  comes  from 
God  (i.  1)  ;  He  poured  it  out  over  all  his  works, 
md  imparted  it  to  them  who  love  him  (i.  9  ;  ro  s 
19 


(iireSintv,  xliii.  33) ;  suffered  it  however,  particu- 
larly, to  havea  dwelling  in  Jacob  (xxiv.  8,  10,  ff.). 
cf.  Bar.  iii.  36).  In  order  to  obtain  it,  one  must 
seek  it,  go  after  it  (iv.  11,  14,  22-24;  li.  13  ff.). 
Since  it  teaches  discipline,  one  must  at  the  outset, 
through  conflict,  submit  himself  to  it  (iv.  17  ;  vi. 
17).  But  he  who  possesses  it  is  blessed  and  safe 
(xiv.  20,  25-27);  is  exalted  and  made  glad 
through  good  fortune  of  all  sorts;  loves  himself 
(his  own  life),  serves  and  loves  the  Lord,  and 
is  by  Idm  beloveil  (iv.  11-14).  It  is  so  [i.e., 
proves  itself  practically  to  be)  the  fear  of  God, — 
<p6^os  Kupi'ou,  =  piety  and  fulfilling  of  the  law, 
TToti)(Tis  v6p.ov.  xix.  18,  just  as  further  it  has  re- 
vealed itself  in  the  Mosaic  law.  From  this  it  can 
be  seen  in  what  close,  interchangeable  relations 
it  stands  to  the  fear  of  God  :  just  as  theory  and 
practice,  knowledge  and  life,  permeate  each  other 
to  the  \'Qry  innermost  degree.  When  it  is  said, 
'The  fear  of  (5od  passeth  all  things'  (xxv.  11), 
is  also  higher  than  that  which  wisdom  possesses 
(xxv.  9,  10),  that  it  is  the  crown,  the  fullness  of 
wisdom  (i.  14,  16),  it  is  meant  that  it  is  the  higher, 
the  highest  object  for  men  ;  that  the  wise  are  not 
yet  necessarily,  on  account  of  their  wisdom  in  it- 
self considered.  God-fearing,  but  that  in  it  wis- 
dom first  finds  its  true  dedication  and  transfigura- 
tion.     Man  will,  moreover,  strive  after   insight 


290 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


into  the  essence  of  things  and  the  rule  of  the 
Iiord,  in  order  to  put  himself  in  the,  consequently, 
alone  reasonable  • —  i.  e.,  pious  —  relation  to  the 
Lord.  Wisdom  leads  to  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
and  with  it  will  it  also  increase  itself  ;  as,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  keeping  of  the  commandments 
leads  to  wisdom  (i.  26).  But  there  still  rises  the 
question,  whether  the  author  thought  of  wisdom 
simply  as  an  attribute.  As  it  is  said  that  it 
'  came  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  Most  High  ; '  was 
'  created  before  all  things  '  (i.  4,  9  ;  xxiv.  9) ;  that 
with  it  God  made  glorious  his  creative  activity 
(xxiv.  5,  6  ;  xxvi.  8  [all  according  to  the  Greek 
text];  xlii.  21),  and  continually  sustains  and 
rules  the  world  in  connection  with  it  (xlii.  21)  — 
so  to  our  sober  sense  the  first  impulse  would  be  to 
think  of  it  as  from  eternity  resting  in  God,  but 
through  Him  coming  into  being  before  any  cre- 
ated thing  as  personal  (fcTiir/ia).  And  yet  nothing 
would  be  more  false  than  this.  Hence  it  is  clear 
that  if  wisdom  is  regarded  as  an  attribute  which 
both  God  and  men  have,  only  in  a  different  de- 
gree and  for  a  different  period  ;  and  if  in  the  pas- 
sages where  it  appears  as  a  person  there  is  rec- 
ognized a  simple,  close-at-hand,  and,  moreover, 
already -indicated  personification,  —  how  every- 
thing falls  into  beautiful  harmony !  While,  on 
the  contrary,  the  bypostasizing  of  wisdom  would 
stand  in  the  boldest  contradiction  to  the  the- 
istic  stand-point  of  the  author,  as  it  otherwise 
appears,  and  must  have  awakened  in  him  doubts, 
which  he  is  so  far  from  raising  that  he  nowhere 
once  lets  even  a  glimmer  of  them  appear.  His 
point  of  view,  consequently,  is  in  this  respect 
essentially  the  same  as  that  in  Proverbs,  Job, 
and  Baruch.  The  irporfpa  irdvrwv  eKTiffrot  (i.  4) 
has  its  parallel  in  Prov.  viii.  22.  As  Wisdom  was 
active  in  the  creation  of  the  world,  so  it  must 
have  been  already  in  being  before  the  same. 
But  in  that  view  to  the  poetic  fancy  it  trans- 
formed itself  into  a  person  —  though  from  eter- 
nity there  was  only  God,  and  all  things  were  shut 
np  in  Him  —  so  it  surrendered  itself  as  trpdrepa 
vdvrav  ....  to  have  itself  created.  The  poetic 
■tripped  off,  the  thought  is  :  From  eternity  wisdom 
rested  to  a  perfect  degree  in  God.  At  the  crea- 
tion, as  he  revealed  his  power  and  glory,  so  par- 
ticularly his  wisdom,  those  attributes  which  as  a 
limited  but  glorious  inheritance  also  attained  to 
by  the  human  race,  especially  by  Jacob,  stood  be- 
fore the  eyes  of  the  later  Jews  as  the  foremost 
thing." 

Ver.  2.  Days  of  eternity.  Some  would  trans- 
late aliiv  by  world  (Luther,  Bretschn'eider),  and 
others  by  the  lime  past  (Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
loerk).  De  Wette  and  Wahl  agree  with  our  ver- 
sion. In  its  primary  idea  the  woi'd  refers  to  the 
life  which  lapses  away  with  tlie  breath  (sec  Hum., 
//.,  xxiv.  725  ;  and  hence,  in  a  secondary  sense, 
may  refer  to  the  space  of  a  human  life.  Again, 
it  may  designate  that  which  is  filled  by  life,  a 
space  of  time,  a  seciiluiii ;  and  tlien,  uiibounJrd 
time.  In  the  later  Greek  it  was  em])loyed  more 
and  more  to  denote  the  period  of  human  history ; 
and  that  is  possibly  the  meaning  here.  Cf. 
Cremer,  sub  voce. 

Ver.  3.     Height  of  heaven.     Cf.  Ps.  ciii.  11. 

Ver.  6.  Tlatiovpyfv{ri}fiaTa.  Tlie  first  meaning 
is  craPy,  villainous  tilings,  coiiti.'<i'ls,  plans.  Here. 
in  a  go04t  sense,  subtile,  sagaciou.^i  /ilnus.  The  word 
u  found  in  a  bad  sen.se  at  xxi.  12. 

Ver.  9.  Made  her  known.  Lit.,  numbered, 
I.e.,  with  reference  to  revealing  it  in  iis  ordrr. 
Cf.  LXX.  at  Job  xxviii.  27.     Grotius  says  :  "  JJi- 


jiumeravit,   nempe    ut    solemus    illa^    qua    elargir 
volumus.'* 

Ver.  10.  According  to  his  gift.  Cf.  Eph. 
iii.  7  :  "  according  to  the  gift ; "  and  It.  7  :  "  ac 
cording  to  the  me.tsure  of  the  gift." 

Ver.  11.  Crown  of  rejoicing.  An  allusion  to 
a  custom  which  prevailed  of  wearing  crowns  or 
garlands  at  joyous  festivals. 

Ver.  12.  Long  Ufe.  This  was  one  of  the 
blessings  promised  to  godliness  even  in  the  Mo- 
saic books.  Cf .  Deut.  iv.  40,  vi.  2 ;  also,  Prov. 
iii.  2,  X.  27. 

Ver.  14.  Is  created  with  the  faithful  in  tho 
womb.  niVris  seems  to  be  used  here,  as  in  versa 
26,  in  the  sense  of  the  faithful,  loyal,  true.  A 
general  truth  is  announced.  "  Perhaps  the  early 
beginning  of  wisdom  is  meant  here  to  be  poeti- 
cally described,  or,  in  accordance  with  the  Jewish 
philosophy,  as  in  Ps.  li.  7,  the  early  beginning  of 
sin."     Liude. 

Ver.  15.  Sef^e\iov,  with  fv6<TiTtv(Tf,  can  scarce- 
ly mean  anything  else  than  dwelling-place.  Cf. 
Prov.  ix.  1  ;'  1  Tim.  vi.  19 ;  2  Tim.  ii.  19.  Gram- 
matically, as  the  verb  only  occurs  in  an  intransi- 
tive sense,  the  substantive  is  to  be  regarded  as  be- 
ing in  appo.sition  to  the  preceding  verbal  idea.  — 
Shall  continually  remain,  ifxTnarevBrifffTat.  D© 
Wette  translates:  "And  finds  faith  (credit)  with 
their  seed."  Luther,  following  the  Latin  :  "  And 
one  finds  it  with  the  righteous  and  faithful," 
"  Cumjusiis  et  fidelibus  agnoscitur." 

Vers.  16,  17.     Cf.  Prov.  viii.  18. 

Ver.  18.  A  crown.  In  verse  20,  the  same  is 
called  "  the  root  "  of  wisdom.  Hence  both  taken 
together  include  it  entirely.  —  Perfect  health 
(A.  v.).  Lit.,  "health  through  healing,"  vyitimr 
Idfffus.  According  to  Wahl,  the  two  words  to- 
gether mean  health  sed  fortius,  as  the  translators 
of  the  A.  V.  seem  also  to  have  thought.  But  fee 
Fritzsche's  Com.,  and  our  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  19.  TvaiiTiv  auveaftDs.  The  yvuKris  is  "the 
insight  which  manifests  itself  in  the  thorough 
understanding  of  the  subject  with  which  it  meets, 
and  in  the  conduct  determined  thereby  ;  which 
hits  on  what  is  right  in  that  it  allows  itself  to  ba 
guided  by  the  right  knowledge  of  the  object 
with  which  it  has  to  do."  See  Cremer,  under  th« 
word.  Of  the  words  prefixed  above  (cf.  verse  25 
in  Text.  Azotes)  to  this  verse  in  our  translation, 
Fritzsche  remarks  that  "they  are  rejected  by  th« 
commentators  with  cousideralile  unanimity.  Still, 
their  genuineness  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted.  Thejr 
are  wanting  only  in  2.'>3."248.  and  Co.;  and  if 
they  might  not  be  found  in  oilier  related  manu- 
scripts, still  one  recognizes  the  arbitrary  altera- 
tion. And  as  they  are  externally  fully  supported, 
so  they  are  also  required  exesjetically.  If  they 
are  left  out,  what  is  the  subject  in  what  follows  ?  '' 

Ver.  22.  On  evfi6s  cf.  remarks  at  Prayer  of 
Manassee,  verse  10. 

Ver.  23.  "E«$  xaipov,  =  nV'lV.  Cf.  Dan.  xi. 
24.  It  means  here  up  to  the  right,  opportune, 
time. 

Ver.  24.  Hides  his  words.  It  refers  to  what 
precedes.  He  is  not  hasty  to  speak,  waits  till  the 
proper  time  comes. 

Ver.  25.  Tlapa^oX-ti.  Parable,  or,  as  used  collec- 
tively, parables  ;  Heb.,  btffa.  A  secondary  mean- 
ing is  proverb,  since  this  generally  contained  a 
witty  comparison. 

Ver.  28.  Obedience  is  here  made  the  result  of 
[trust.      If  they  did   not  distrust  the  fear  of  the 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  291 


Lord,  they  would  follow  it.  —  Unto  it,  i.  e.,  t$ 
pi$if  Kwpfou.  —  A  divided  heart.     Cf.  Pa.  xii.  2. 
Ver.  30.    In  the  midst  of  the  congregation 


((Twaywyrts).  The  court  for  trying  offenses  was 
held  openly  at  the  gate.  Cf.  Nnmb.  xxxr.  12, 
24  ;  Prov.  v.  14. 


Chapteb  n. 

1  My  son,  if  thou  dost  set  out '  to  serve  the  Lord, 
Prepare  thy  soul  for  temptation. 

2  Set  thy  heart  aright,  and  be  stedfast,' 
And  make  not  haste  in  time  of  visitation.' 

3  Cleave  unto  him,  and  withdraw  not  thyself,* 
That  thou  mayest  become  great  in  thy  last  days.' 

4  All  that  cometh  upon  thee  accept,' 

And  be  patient  in  the  vicissitudes  of  thy  humiUation.* 

5  For  gold  is  tried  in  the  fire, 

And  acceptable  men  in  the  furnace  of  humiliation.' 

6  Trust '  in  him,  and  he  will  espouse  thy  cause ;  " 
Make  thy  way  straight,  and  hope  "  in  him. 

7  Te  that  fear  the  Lord,  wait  for  his  mercy ; 
And  go  not  aside,  lest  ye  fall. 

8  Te  that  fear  the  Lord,  trust  in  '^  him, 
And  your  leward shall  not  fail. 

9  Te  that  fear  the  Lord,  hope  for  good, 
And  for  everlasting  joy  and  mercy. 

10  Look  at  the  generations  of  old,  and  see  : 

Who  trusted  in  the  Lord,  and  was  made  ashamed  ?  " 
Or  who  abode  ^*  in  his  fear,  and  was  forsaken  ? 
Or  who  called  upon  him,  and  he  overlooked  him  ?  ^ 

11  For  the  Lord  is  compassionate  and  merciful," 
And  forgiveth  sins,  and  saveth  in  time  of  affliction. 

12  Woe  be  to  fearful  hearts,  and  hands  that  hang  down," 
And  a  sinner  who  entereth  on  two  paths  !  '* 

13  Woe  unto  him  that  is  fainthearted  !  for  it  trusteth  not ; 
Therefore  shall  it  "  not  be  defended. 

14  Woe  unto  you  that  have  lost  patience !  ^ 

And  what  will  ye  do  when  the  Lord  shall  visit  you  ? 

15  They  that  fear  the  Lord  will  not  disobey  his  words ;  '^^ 
And  they  that  love  him  will  keep  strictly  ^^  his  ways. 

16  They  that  fear  the  Lord  will  seek  his  good  pleasure  ;  * 
And  they  that  love  him  will  observe  fully  ^  the  law. 

17  They  that  fear  the  Lord  will  prepare  their  hearts, 

Vers  1-6. — i  A.  V. :  come  iTrpoirepxr},  comfstfortvard,  i.  e.^  showest  a  purpose,  iettest  out),  *  constantly  endm 

[KapTeprjiTov.  It  is  from  KapTOi  (<cpaTo?),  and  mean.=,  Be  staunch^  brave,  strong,  i.  e.,  to  stand,  and  so,  stedfast.  Cf.  Heb. 
xi.  27,  he  endured).  ^  trouble  (erraywy^s  ^  a  bringing  in ,  or  on,  so  a  visitation,  in  the  usual  sense  of  that  word). 

*  depart  not  away.  6  increased  at  thy  last  end.  o  Whatsoever  is  brought  ....  take  cheerfully  (H.  106.  248.  253. 
add  a(TjLtei'ius).  '  when  thou  art  changed  to  a  low  estate  [iv  aWayp.a<Ti  Taireicwcreuj?  <rou.    The  word  aAAay^a  means 

that  which  is  changed  or  interchanged,  the  price  to  be  paid  :  also  scares  ;  but  here  it  can  only  refer  to  the  reTerses  of  for- 
tune, and  I  render  in  harmony  with  Wahl,  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bihehverk,Wechsetf  alien).  8  adversity  (raireii'too-etos, 
fts  in  the  second  line  before).  ^  Believe  {Trifrrcvcrov).  '*•  help  thee  {afTtAa^^avw,  here  better,  take  part  with,  on  be- 
kaifof;  ci.Com.).        "  Order  thy  way  aright,  and  trust  {cKtcictov). 

Vers.  7-13.  —  ^^  a.  y.  ;  believe  {ef.  ver.  6).  '^  pjj  f  ygr  any  trust  in  ...  .  confounded.  **  did  any  abide 

whom  did  he  ever  despise,  that  called  upon  him  ?  ^'^  is  full  of  compassion  and  mercy  {oiKTipfjuav  «ol  eAeiJjawv), 

.  ong  suffering,  and  very  pitiful.    (These  words  are  added  by  H.  106.  243.  263.  with  Co.)  "  faint  hands  {I  have  rea- 

dered  n-apeijueVais  more  literally  ;  cf.  Heb.  xii.  12,  napctfieva^  \clpa^).  is  tjjg  sinner  that  goeth  two  ways  (the  preposi- 
tion iiri  is  omitted  before  5vo  Tpt'^ous  in  55.  248.  Co.).  '^  he  believeth  (the  reference  is  rather  to  the  heart ;  and  of. 
vers.  6,  7  for  the  force  of  Tncrrevci.)  ....  be. 

Vers.  14-17.  —  ™  A.  V.  :  patience  liwoij.ofijy  :  cf.  Com.).  ■'  word  {pruiirmv.    Codd.  165.  248.  296.  Co.  have  the 

dative.  But  the  genitive  is  found  .after  direi^eic,  also  at  xvi.  26  [Greek  test]  except  in  248.  Co.  which  change  to  the  ac- 
cusative, and  II.  which  has  the  dative).  22  keep  {tTvvTrjp-qtroviTi  is  more  emphatic).  23  tij^t  which  is  well-pleasing 
anto  him.  (For  avrov,  106.  248.  Co.  read  wap'  ainov.)  -*  shall  be  filled  with  (^/iTrA^ff^^o-oiTa*  ;  H.  106.  248.  Co.  omit 
Jie  prep.     Lit.,  will  beJUled  with,  i.  e.,  willfully  observe). 


292 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


And  humble  their  souls  in  his  sight, 
18       Saying,  We   will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Lord,  and  not  into  the  hands  ol 
men  ; 
For  as  his  greatness,  so  also  is  ''^  his  mercy. 


Ver.  18.  —  1  A.  V. :  majesty  is  (/XFyoAuffvyii),  80  if. 


Chapter  II. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  verses  11,  18;  Job  ix.  21  ;  1  Cor. 
X.  13  ;  Jas.  i.  2.  Satan  does  not  assault  a  soul 
that  has  nothing  to  lose.  —  Serve.  External 
worship  is  not  so  much  meant,  as  a  devoted  life. 
The  word  is  Zov\fvtiv. 

Ver.  2.  Set  thy  heart  aright.  Be  master 
over  it,  and  bring  it  into  the  proper  condition. 
Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Josh.  xxiv.  23.  tvBivaTt  t^v 
KapSlay.  —  'E-raymyrjs,  that  which  is  led  to  (the 
heart  in  the  way  of  proving,  trying  it).  —  Make 
not  haste,  i.  e.,  be  not  fearful,  but  calm  and  self- 
possessed.  See  Is.  lii.  12:  "  For  ye  shall  not  go 
out  with  haste."  Others  would  render  by  a  de- 
rived meaning  of  (rirfiSa  ;  but  it  seems  unneces- 
sary. 

Ver.  3.  In  thy  last  days,  hr^  iffx^rtav  trov. 
This  does  not  mean  the  very  conclusion  of  life, 
but  the  later  years  of  it.  Perhaps  the  experience 
of  Job  was  floating  before  the  author's  mind.  Cf. 
i.  13;  Job  xlii.  10;  Ja.s.  v.  11. 

Ver.  5.  For  the  figure,  cf.  Prov.  xvii.  3,  xxvii. 
21  ;  Zech.  xiii.  9  ;  Mai.  iii.  3  ;   1  Pet.  i.  7. 

Ver.  6.  'A^Ti\7)i(/jTai,  imll  lay  hold  to  help,  or 
wilt  hold  helpingly.  The  idea  seems  to  be  better 
brought  out  by  the  rendering  given  above.  Cf. 
iii.  12,  xii.  4,  7,  xxix.  9,  20;  Judith  xiii.  5  ;  2  Mac. 
xiv.  15  ;  Luke  i.  54  {A.  V.,  holpen) ;  Acts  xx.  35 
(A.  v.,  su)iport). —  Make  thy  way  straight.  Cf. 
Ps.  V.  8;  Heb.  xii.  13.  The  Language  is  figura- 
tive, and  means  very  much  what  we  mean  when 
we  speak  of  being  "  straightforward." 

Ver.  11.  Porgiveth  sins.  This  means  here, 
as  is  evident  from  the  context,  saves  from  the 
consequences  of  sin. 

Ver.  12.  Entereth  upon  two  paths.  In- 
stead of  going  straight  forward,  in  a  moral  sense, 
he  turns  to  the  right  and  the  left.  Cf.  1  Kings 
iviii.  21  ;  Jas.  i.  8,  iv.  8. 


Ver.  14.  TV  vTro/ioviiv.  The  capacity  for  hold- 
ing out  patiently  in  the  time  of  trial  ana  suffering. 
Fritzsche,  however,  would  give  to  the  word  here 
and  at  xvi.  13,  on  account  of  the  context,  the 
meaning  hope. 

Ver.  15.  His  words.  Note  the  interesting 
change  from  the  singular  to  the  plural  at  John 
xiv.  23,  24  :  "  If  a  man  love  me,  he  will  keep  ray 
words  "  ["  word,"  t}>v  \6yov\.  "  He  that  loveth 
me  not  keepeth  not  my  sayings"  [tovs  Arfyous]. 
So  much  discrimination,  however,  could  scarcely 
be  expected  in  the  present  writer. 

Ver.  17.  Prepare  their  hearts.  They  will 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  receive  whatever 
it  may  please  God  to  send.     Cf.  Ps.  x.  17. 

Ver.  18.  Fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Lord. 
Cf.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  14.  —  So  also  is  his  mercy. 
"  It  must  be  great  mercy  or  no  mercy  ;  for  little 
mercy  will  never  serve  my  turn."  Bnnyan.  The 
mercy  of  God  is  much  emphasized  in  the  present 
book.  It  is  characterized  by  eXeos  at  ii.  18,  v.  6, 
xvi.  11,  xlvii.  22,  li.  8;  4\eriij.o<rivv,  xvi.  14; 
f{i\a(7/ii)s,  xvi.  12  ;  and  x"?".  '•  '3  {text.  rec.  and 
II. )  Its  activity  is  indicated  by  ^Aeeii/  and  fiaxpo- 
dvfxt'iy,  xviii.  11,  14;  irK-qdiiveiv  rhv  i^i\a<Tp.6vt 
xviii.  12.  It  is  a  mercy  which  is  widespread  in 
its  exercise  and  divine  in  its  fullness  (xviii.  13  ; 
xxxii.  13  ff. ;  xxxiv.  16  ;  xxxix.  22  ;  .xlvii.  22  £f.) ; 
but,  in  this  respect,  the  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus 
cannot  be  regarded  (with  Merguet,  pp.  11,  12)  as 
superior  to  the  Old  Testament  canonical  literature, 
and  as  marking  a  transition  period  to  the  New 
Testament  universalism.  On  the  contrary,  there 
is  a  growing  narrowness  and  national  exclusive 
ness  of  spirit  evident,  not  only  in  the  present 
work,  but  in  aU  the  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  by  which  indeed  they  show  themselves 
to  be  faithful  representatives  of  their  time. 


Chapter  m. 


1  Hear  me  your  father,  O  children, 
And  so  do,  that  ye  may  be  saved.^ 

2  For  the  Lord  will  have  a  father  glorified  by  children,^ 

And  hath  established  over  sons  the  law  concerning  a  mother.' 

3  He  who  honoreth  ■•  his  father  sh.all  make  atonement  ^  for  his  sins  ; 

4  And  he  that  glorifieth  ^  his  mother  is  as  one  that  layeth  up  treasure. 

5  He  who  honoreth  his  father  shall  have  joy  from  children  ; ' 
And  on  the  day  of '  his  prayer,  he  shall  be  heard. 

Vera.  1-5.  — '  A.  V. :  And  do  thereafter  ....  safe  ((rw0^Te).  ^  hath  given  the  father  honour  {ti6^atre  iraripa} 

over  the  children  itn't  reVi/oty.  Not  clear  ;  rather,  "  hath  honored  a  father  in  the  case  of  children  ").  3  the  authority 
ixpivtv ;  cf.  Com.)  of  the  mother  {this  construction  in  adopted  by  some  ;  but  it  would  seem  better,  with  Fritzsche,  t« 
make  it  refer  to  God's  law,  ordinance  concerning  the  mother,  i.  «.,  concerning  that  which  is  due  to  her)  over  the  soni 
If*'  vloU  ;  «*'  uioOs,  II.  106.  248.  Co.).  '  Whoso  honoureth.  '  maketh  an  atonement  (for  i(tKiaeT<u,  Codd.  III.  C 
H.  Ifl6.  167.  have  the  pres.  indie,  here,  and  at  '-r.  3,  except  III.  C).  "  honoureth  (not  the  same  word  as  in  the  pre 

Mding  line,  but  Sofa^wi-).  ^  Whoso  honourerh  ....  of  his  oum  children  (ujrb  tckvuv  ;  «7rt  Te'icrots  III.  H.  248.  SO" 
>0.  ;  Old  Lat.,  injitiis.     See  Com.).        8  when  he  maketh  (see  Com.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  293 


6  He  that  glorifieth  ^  his  father  shall  have  long  ^  life  ; 

And  he  that  is  obedient  unto  the  Lord  shall  give  relief  to'  his  mother,* 

7  And  will  do  good  service  under  ^  his  parents,  as  under  °  mas^ors. 

8  Honor  thy  father '  in  word  and  deed, 

That  a  blessing  may  come  upon  thee  from  him.' 

9  For  the  blessing  of  a  °  father  establisheth  the  honses  of  children ; 
But  the  curse  of  a '°  mother  destroyeth  them  to  their  foundations." 

10  Glory  not  in  the  dishonor  of  thy  father  ;  ^'- 
For  thy  father's  dishonor  is  no  glory  unto  thee. 

11  For  the  glory  of  a  man  is  from  the  honor  of  his  father ; 
And  a  mother  in  disrepute ''  is  a  reproach  to  children." 

12  My  son,  help  thy  father  in  his  age. 
And  grieve  him  not  as  long  as  he  liveth. 

13  And  If  his  understanding  fail,  be  indulgent  towards  him ;  *• 
And  despise  him  not  in  the  fullness  of  thy  ^°  strength. 

14  For  kindness  towards  "  thy  father  shall  not  be  forgotten  ; 
And  in  spite  of ''  sins  thy  prosperity  shall  bloom  again.^' 

15  In  the  day  of  thine  affliction  thou  shall  ■"  be  remembered ; 
Thy  sins  shall  ^*  melt  away,  as  ice  in  mild  -'^  weather. 

16  He  that  forsaketh  his  father  is  as  a  blasphemer  ; 

And  he  that  angereth  his  mother  is  cursed  of  the  Lord.* 

17  My  son,  carry  out^^  thy  business  in  meekness,^ 
And  thou  shalt  °'  be  beloved  of  him  that  is  accepted.*' 

18  The  greater  thou  art,  the  more  humble  thyself. 
And  thou  shalt  find  favor  before  the  Lord ;  ^ 

20  For  the  power  of  the  Lord  is  great. 
And  he  is  glorified  by  ^  the  lowly. 

21  Seek  not  what  is  ^°  too  hard  for  thee. 

And  search  not  out  what  is ''  above  thy  strength. 

22  What  °^  is  commanded  thee,  think  thereon  ;  ** 
For  thou  hast  no  need  of  what  is  concealed.** 

23  In  that  which  goes  beyond  thy  occupations  waste  no  strength,** 

For  very  many  things  of  human  knowledge '°  have  been  made  known  to  thee. 

24  For  their  notion  hath  led  many  astray  ;  *' 

And  an  evil  fancy  ^'  hath  overthrown  their  judgment." 

26  A  stubborn  heart  shall  fare  ill  *°  at  last ; " 
And  he  that  loveth  danger  shall  perish  ^"  therein. 

27  An  obstinate  heart  shall  be  laden  with  troubles  ;  ** 
And  the  sinner  will  heap  sin  upon  sins. 

Vers.  6-10.  —  ■  A.  v. :  honoureth  (Sojifo);').  ^  a  long.  »  shall  be  a  comfort  to  (ovairavirei.    Frttzsoho  and 

Bunsen's  Bibelwtrk,  erquicket ;  Old  Lat.,  refrigerabit.  It  seems  better  to  retain  the  original  meaning  of  the  word  ;  sea 
Com.).  '  adds  (at  the  beginning  of  ver.  T),  he  that  feareth  the  Lord  will  honour  /iis  father  (with  H.  253.  Co.  Old 

Lat. ;  see  Com.).         e  unto  (er.    It  is  wanting  in  H.  23.  106. 157.  248.  253.  Co.).         »   to  his.  '  father  and  mother 

(H.  106.  248.  Co.)  iolA.  «  them  (H.  106.  263.).  »  the.  ■«  the.  "  rooteth  out  foundations  (lit.,  but  not  clear). 
*•  For  TraTpb?  aTi/ii'a,  II.  III.  C.  read  Trpby  aTifitai/. 

Vers.  11-16.  —  ^^  A.  V. ;  dishonour  (aSo^t'a.     The  word  used  in  the  two  previous  lines  is  artftc'if ).  n  the  children. 

16  have  patience  with  him  {(rvyyuiLfj-riv  exe  ;  see  Com.).  i"  when  thou  art  in  thy  full.  >7  the  relieving  of  (eAeTj^too-vVij, 
with  the  gen.).  "  instead  of  livrl ;  see  Com.).  »  it  shall  be  added  to  build  thee  up.  (The  verb  TrpocTai'oixoSofie'u 
means  to  add  in  rebuilding;  but  the  metaphorical  meaning  is  here  more  in  place  ;  cf.  Com.)  20  jt  shall  {see  Com.), 

21  also  shall.  22  the  ice  in  the  fair  warm  (lit.,  "  As  clear  weather  (works)  with  ice  '').  23  £5  cursed  of  God  (106. 

263.,  etoi). 

Vers.  17-25.  — 2' A.  V.  :  goon  with  (Sie'Jaye).  2=  meekness  (cf.  i.  27).  '"  So  shalt  thou.        ^^  a.pf^o^^i-(^'<''Ov, 

accepted,  i.e..  of  the  Lord).  28  adds  (as  ver.  19),  Many  are  in  high  place,  and  of  renown  ;  But  mysteries  are  revealed 
unto  the  meek  (as  H.  106.  248.253.  Co.).  29  honoured  of  (Sofaferai).  '^  oM  the  things  tkat  are.  m  Neither 

•earch  the  things  that  are.  =2  g^t  what.  =s  thereupon  with  reverence  (oaim,  H.  248.  253.  Co.).  s*  For  it  is  not 
ueedful  for  thee  to  see  with  thine  eyes  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  (SAe'ireii/  oiAeaAf^ois)  the  Ming's  that  are  in  secret.  st  Be 

not  curious  in  unnecessary  matters  (ei^  rots  ,repta-a-0L9  rZiv  epyutv  (H.  248.  Co.,  \6yiuv) ;  cf.  Com.}  36  For  more  things 

are  shewed  unto  thee  than  men  understand  (TrKeiova  —  TrAeioi',  253.  307. — yap  avfeVfius  afSpwirtuf  — 157.  omits  last 
word  — vireSetx^Tj  troi ;  155.  omits  erot).  37  uiany  are  deceived  by  their  own  vain  (248.  Co.,  ^  fiaraia)  opinion.  ss  bub- 
picion.  3»  adds  (as  ver.  25),  Without  eyes  thou  shalt  want  light :  Profess  not  the  knowledge  therefore  that  thon  hast 
not  (with  H.  248.  253.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.). 

Vers.  26-31.  —«  A.  V. :  evil.  *'  the  last.  «  perish  (ijroAetTot,  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  m.  X.  C  H.  23.  55. 
106.  156.  al.   Co.  in  place  of  eiirreiruTon  of  the  text.  ret.  and  II.).  *3  sorrows  {tt6voi%  ;    see   Com.)  wicked  man 


-294 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


28  The  punishment  ^  of  the  proud  doth  not  cure  hun,^ 
For  the  plant  of  wickedness  hath  taken  root  in  him. 

29  The  mind  of  a  sagacious  person  wiU  meditate  on  a  proverb ;  • 
And  an  attentive  ear  ?'s  the  desire  of  a  wise  man. 

30  Water  will  quench  a  flaming  fire, 
And  alms  make  ^  atonement  for  sins. 

31  He  ^  that  requiteth  good  turns  is  mindful  of  that  which  comes  after  ;• 
And  on  occasion  of  his  falling,'  he  shall  find  a  stay. 

■ball  ....  Bin  (as  248.  Co.)-  ^  In  the  punishment  (^v  en-aywyn,  H.  248.  Co. ;  uxt.  ree.,  the  nom.).  *  there  U 

no  remedy  (lao-ts.    Marg.  of  A.  V  ;  "  The  proud  man  is  not  healed  by  his  punishment  ").  s  heart  (see  Con  .)  of  the 

prudent  [avverov)  will  understand  (SiofoTj^jJaeTat)  a  parable  (see  Com.).  *  aluLs  maketh  an  (cf.  ver.  3).  ^  And  he. 
•  may  come  hereafter  (Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  thinks  —  i.  e.,  the  Lord,  as  H.  106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  —  thereon  in  the  time 
to  come).         '  when  he  (Fritzscbe  adopts  avroii  after  Trrwacuis  from  in.  X.  C.  H.  al.  Old  Lat.)  falletb. 

Chapter  III. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  Deut.  v.  16,  and  the  fifth  com- 
tnandment  of  the  Decalogue,  Ex.  xx.  12. 

Ver.  2.  Kpiaiv,  right,  law,  i.  e.,  the  law  to  obey 
and  honor  the  mother.  Cf.  Prov.  i.  8,  etcrtiovs 
fiT^rpSs  (Tov. 

Ver.  3.  Shall  make  atonement  for  (his) 
sins.  It  would  seem  that  the  reference  is  to  the 
temporal  consequences  of  sin.  Love  and  obedi- 
ence to  parents  are  never  found  as  solitary  vir- 
tues. See,  however,  remarks  in  the  Introduction, 
under  "  Dogmatical  and  Ethical  Character." 

Ver.  4.  Layeth  up  treasure,  aTroOn(Tavpl(!iiy. 
The  same  word  is  used  at  1  Tim.  vi.  19,  "  Laying 
up  in  store  "  (A.  V.). 

Ver.  5.  The  passive  liKppalvfaOai  with  wr<f  is 
said  not  to  be  found  elsewhere.  —  On  the  day  of 
his  prayer.  This  need  not  refer  to  the  time  of 
calamity  (Bretschneider,  Gaab),  but  to  prayer  in 
general. 

Ver.  6.  Give  relief,  avaiTavafi.  Lit.,  will  cause 
to  rest,  i.e.,  from  anxieties.  Following  this  verse, 
the  Old  Latin  has  the  addition  .  "  He  who  feareth 
the  Lord  honors  his  mother."  It  was  probably 
inserted  in  order  to  make  the  antithesis  complete, 
as  without  it  the  seventh  verse  would  seem  to  be 
superfluous.  But  there  are  other  instances  where 
a  similar  arrangement  of  sentences  occurs. 

Ver.  8.  In  word  and  deed.  Cf.  Luke  xxiv. 
19. 

Ver.  13.  Svyyvionrty,  fellow-feeling,  sympathy, 
and  so  secondarily  indulgence.  Cf.  Schmidt,  Si/n- 
oni/mik,\.,p.  196.  The  difficulty  of  obeying  this  in- 
junction is  p.articularly  great  when  one  is  himself 
m  the  enjoyment  of  his  full  strength. 

Ver.  14.  The  literal  meaning  of  avri,  in  place 
«/",  would  be  here  obscure ;  and  the  one  we  h.ive 
adopted,  with  Fritzsche,  better  suits  the  context. 

—  Shall  bloom  again,  lit.,  be  built  again.  It  is 
fi;;uratively  spoken,  as  of  a  house  that  has  fallen 
down.  Cf.  Deut.  xxv.  9  ;  Job  xxii.  23  ;  Mai.  iii. 
\5. 

Ver.  1 5.  Thou  shalt  be  remembered,  i.  e., 
of  God.  The  verb  is  not,  however,  to  be  regarded 
as  passive,  for  which  we  should  have  expected 
i.vaiiviin6i]crri,  but  middle  with  the  subject  under- 
stood, or  as  impersonal.  —  Melt  away.  avaXuBriaov- 
Toi.  This  word,  accortling  to  Fritzsche,  is  not 
elsewhere  used  of  sin.  But  \ieiv  is  frequently  so 
used.  Cf  xxviii.  2  ;  Is.  xl.  2  :  AeAuroi  outtjs  ri 
aiiapria;  Soph.,  Phil.,  1224.  Philo  [Vita  Mas., 
669)  :  Au<r«  afi.apT7]ij.drQ;v.  —  EuSt'a,  here  mild  (lit., 
:liar)  wealhiT.  Cf.  same  word  at  Matt.  xvi.  2 
(A..  \.),  fair  weather. 

Ver.   16.     Forsaketh,  i.  c,  leaves  uncared  for. 

—  Angereth.     By  leaving  her  unsupported. 


Ver.  18.  Cf.  Prov.  iu.  34 ;  1  Pet.  v.  5  ;  also,  in 
the  present  book,  xli.  24;  xlv.  1. 

Ver.  21.  Cf.  Jer.  xlv.  5  ;  Rom.  xii.  16.  Ac- 
cording to  Gutmann  (Com.,  ad  loc.),  this  is  the 
first  passage  of  the  present  book  which  is  quoted 
in  the  Talmud.  In  Tr.  "Chagiga"  (fol.  xi.)  it 
is  said :  "  The  law  concerning  incest  ranst  not 
be  explained  before  three  persons,  the  history  of  the 
creation  before  two,  and  the  appearances  of  higher 
beings  before  one,  if  this  one  be  not  a  learned 
m.an  and  one  of  good  understanding.  Whoever 
makes  observations  about  the  following  four 
things,  it  would  have  been  better  for  him  if  he 
had  iiever  been  born  :  about  what  is  in  the  heights, 
and  about  that  which  is  in  the  depths  ;  about  that 
which  was  before  the  world,  and  that  which  will 
come  after  it,"  etc.  At  the  end  of  the  passage 
occurs  our  verse,  nearlv  word  for  word. 

Ver.  22.     Cf.  Deut.  xxix.  29. 

Ver.  23.  lleptfpya(ov.  The  same  word  is 
found  at  2  Thess.  iii.  11,  and  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  (in  the  plural)  "  busybodies."  Other  trans- 
lations are  :  "In  thy  many  affairs,  pursue  nothing 
superfluous."  Fritzsche.  "  What  is  over  and 
above  thy  business,  that  do  not,  overforward, 
engage  in."  Bunsen's  Bibelxcerh,  and  De  Wette. 
—  Very  many  things.  There  are  too  many  for 
one  to  attempt  to  understand  them  all.  On  this 
verse  is  based  the  German  proverb  :  "  Was  deines 
Amtes  nicht  ist,  da  lass  deinen  Vorwitz." 

Ver.  24.  "ttrSvota,  like  vTr6\Ti^is,  fancy,  illusion 
notion.  The  illusion  is  that  they  suppose  them- 
selves capable  of  achieving  more  than  they  can. 

Ver.  26.  See  Matt.  xxvi.  52  :  "  They  that 
take  the  sword,"  etc.  Cf.  also  the  German  prov- 
erb :  "  Wer  sich  in  Gefahr  begiebt,  kommt  darin 
um." 

Ver.  27.  Hdvoi^,  troubles.  The  first  meaning 
of  this  word  —  labors,  cares — might  also  be  re- 
tained,  and  a  good  sense  secured.  It  will  give 
him  more  to  do  than  he  expects.  It  is  not  the 
easiest  way  to  get  along. 

Ver.  29.  KapSla.  mind.  The  understanding  is 
obviously  meant.  Cf.  the  very  full  and  interesting 
remarks  of  Cremer  on  this  word.  Lex.,  s.  v.  —  2iJy- 
ftrts  is  intelligence,  insight  into  anything;  also,  clev- 
ernes.':,  t/uicL-ness  of  apprehension,  acuteness,  sagacity. 
Cf.  i.  24. —  Tlapa&o\iiv,  Parable.  This  rendering, 
however,  would  seem  somewhat  too  broad  here. 
The  Hebrew  word  btTS,  to  which  it  is  probably- 
meant  to  correspond,  means  originally  "  com- 
p.-vrLscni,"  and,  while  including  the  parable,  may 
also  denote  simply  a  "  proverli,"  "  maxim,"  or  a* 
■•  example."     Cf.  i.  25. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  295 


Ver.  30.      'EXeTj/ioffuVj).     See  remarks  on  this   Just  that,  in  all  probability,  is  the  thought  of  the 
word  in  our  lutrod.  to  the  Book  of  Tobit.     Its  I  writer  here.      Cf.  1   Mace.  ii.  57,  and  Bar.  ii.  19. 


primary  meaning  was  "  pity,"  "  mercifulness." 
Through  a  degeneration  in  the  theological  idea 
during  the  later  periods  of  Jewish  history,  it 
came  to  mean,  as  in  the  LXX.,  the  "  showing  of 
mercy,"   and    then,   specifically,   "  alms-giving." 


Liude  remarks  on  the  present  passage :  "  Our 
author  ....  being  accustomed  to  make  sacrifices 
as  atonement  for  sins,  thought  of  his  charities  as 
representing  offerings  in  the  sight  of  God."  Com., 
ad  toe. 


Chapter  TV. 

1  My  son,  withhold  not  from  the  poor  man  *  his  living, 
And  make  not  needy  eyes  wait  ^  long. 

2  Make  not  a  hungry  soul  sorrowful ; 

And  provoke  not  a  man  in  his  embarrassment." 
8       Excite  not  still  more  a  heart  that  is  provoked ;  * 
And  defer  not  a  gift  to  one  in  need.^ 

4  Refuse  not  a  suppliant  in  distress  ;  ° 

And  turn  not  away '  thy  face  from  a  poor  man. 

5  Turn  not  away  thine  eye  from  him  that  asketh,' 
And  give  a  man  no  '  occasion  to  curse  thee  ; 

6  For  if  he  curse  thee  in  the  bitterness  of  his  soul, 
His  prayer  will  ^°  be  heard  of  him  that  made  him. 

7  Win  for  thyself  the  love  of  the  people," 
And  bow  thy  head  to  a  great  man. 

8  Incline  thine  ear  to  a  poor  man,'^ 

And  give  him  a  friendly  answer  with  mildness. 

9  Deliver  one  oppressed  from  the  hand  of  an  oppressor;" 
And  be  not  fainthearted  when  thou  judgest.'* 

10  Be  as  a  father  unto  the  fatherless, 

And  instead  of  a  husband  unto  their  mother  ; 
And  thou  shalt '''  be  as  a  son '"  of  the  Most  High, 
And  he  will "  love  thee  more  than  thy  mother  doth. 

11  Wisdom  exalteth  her  sons. 
And  helpeth '"  them  that  seek  her. 

12  He  that  loveth  her  loveth  life ; 

And  they  that  rise  early  to  seek  her  "  shall  be  filled  with  joy. 

13  He  that  holdeth  her  fast  shall  inherit  glory  ; 
And  where  he  entereth  in,  the  Lord  blesseth.'* 

14  They  that  serve  her  shall  serve  -^  the  Holy  One; 
And  them  that  love  her  the  Lord  doth  love. 

15  He  who  "  giveth  ear  unto  her  shall  judge  nations ;  ^' 
And  he  that  attendeth  ^  unto  her  shall  dwell  securely. 

16  If  one  trust  in  ^°  her,  he  shall  inherit  her  ; 

And  his  generations  shall  have  her  in  -^  possession. 

Vers.  1-6.  —  A.  V. :  defraud  (dTroerTep^oTjs.  It  ig  one  of  the  meanings  of  the  word,  but  does  not  as  well  suit  the  ooft- 
text  as  the  one  given)  not  the  poor  of.         •  the  needy  ....  to  wait.  3  Neither  provoke  a  ....  distress  (aTropi*, 

perplexity,  einharrassmenl ,  i.  e.,  in  business  matter?).  *  Add  not  more  trouble  to  ....  is  vexed.  6  defer  not  to 

give  to  him  that  is  in  need  (the  same  verb  is  rendered  in  ver.  1  make  ....  tfait  lort^).  "  Reject  not  the  supplica- 

tion of  the  afflicted  {iKerTjv  BKi^ofievov).        '  Neither  turn  away.  ^  the  needy  (an-b  Seofiepov.    I  adopt  marginal  read- 

ing).       ^  him  (acflpwJToj)  none.        lo  shall. 

Vers.  7-12.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  Get  thyself  ....  congregation.  12  x^et  it  not  grieve  thee  to  bow  down  (aAuirtu?  is  added  at 

the  end  of  the  line  by  H.  248.  253.  Co. ;  Old  Lat.,  si7te  trislifia)  ....  to  the  poor.  i^  meekness  ....  him  that 

suffereth  wrong  (a5i(foufiet'0»'      .  .  .  aStKovvTos)  ....  the  oppressor.  1^  eitteat  in  judgment.         '5  So  shalt  thou, 

w  the  son.  1^  shall.  ^^  children  .  .  layeth  hold  of  (tirtAa^jSaverat,  1.  e.,  lays  hold  of  to  help  ;  hence,  taketh  up, 
espouseth  the  cause  of,  helps  ;  see  Com.].        i9  that  seek  to  her  early  (op^pt^oi'Tes  ;  cf .  Com.). 

Vers.  13-16.  —  20  j^.  v.:  where-^oci-er  she  entereth  {o5  et»T7ropeveTat)  ....  will  bless.  (Instead  of  euAoy^crei  of  the 
text.  Tec.  and  II.,  Fritzsche  adopts  fvKoyel  from  III.  X.  C.  H.  23.  55. 106.  al.  Co.)  ^^  minister  to  (the  same  word  aa 

lU  the  first  part  of  the  line).  --  Whoso.  23  r^e  nations.  2*  attendeth  (Fritzsche  adopts  Trpoo-excof  from  III.  X. 
C.  H.  23.  56.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.  for  irpoa-eKSuiv.     It  wa.^  the  reading  of  the  A.  V.).  25  a  man  commit  (cf.  John  ii.  24, 

4iTitrm/€V  taVTOv)  himself  unto.         2'*  shall  hold  Iter  in  [if  KaTa(r\e<ret  euovTat  al  yeyeal  avrov  ;  H.  23.  248.  Co.,  aVTuic). 


296  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


17  For  at  first'  she  walketh  ^  with  him  in  '  crooked  ways, 
And  bringeth  fear  ■*  and  dread  upon  him, 

And  tormenteth  ^  him  with  her  discipline, 
Until  she  hath  confidence  in  him,^ 
And  hath  proved '  him  by  her  precepts.' 

18  And  again  she  returneth  to'  the  straight  way  with^'  him, 
And  gladdeneth  '^  him,  and  revealeth  to  '^  him  her  secrets. 

19  If  he  go  wrong,  she  will  forsake  him, 
And  give  him  up  to  his  fall.'* 

20  Observe  the  opportunity,  and  beware  of  evil, 
And  thou  will  not  need  to  be  ashamed  for  thyseK ; " 

21  For  there  is  a  shame  that  bringeth  sin. 

And  there  is  a  shame  ivhich  is  glory  and  grace. 

22  Have  no  respect  of  persons  to  the  injury  of  thyself, 
And  let  not  timidity  '^  cause  thee  to  fall. 

23  Refrain  not  from  speaking,"  when  there  is  opportunity  to  save," 
And  hide  not  thy  wisdom  as  a  beauty.'^ 

24  For  by  speech  wisdom  becometh  ^^  known ; 

And  instruction  by  the  utterance  ^'  of  the  tongue. 

25  Do  not  ^'^  speak  against  the  truth  ; 

And  be  modest  on  account  of  thy  want  of  learning." 

26  Be  not  ashamed  to  confess  thy  sins  ; 
And  force  not  the  course  of  a  ''*  river. 

27  Make  not  thyself  an  underling  to  a  fooKsh  man ; 
And  accept  not  ^^  the  person  of  the  mighty. 

28  Contend  ^^  for  the  truth  unto  death, 
And  the  Lord  God  will  '■"  fight  for  thee. 

29  Be  not  violent  with  -*  thy  tongue. 
And  in  thy  deeds  slack  and  remiss. 

30  Be  not  as  a  lion  in  thy  house. 

And  as  a  crazy  man  -^  among  thy  servants. 

31  Let  not  thine  hand  be  stretched  out  to  receive, 
And  held  back  in  repaying.'" 

Vers.  17, 18.— 1  A.V.:  the  first.  =  will  walk  (so  III.  C.  H.  65.  al.  Co.)  s  by.  «  wiU  bring  fear.  (The  Je  fonnd 
tfter  this  word  in  the  text.  rec.  and  II.  is  omitted  by  Fritzsche,  with  III.  X.  C.  23. 165.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.  The  verb  here 
and  those  following  (vers.  17, 18}  are  in  the  future,  but  better  represented  by  the  present  to  correspond  with  Tropeverai.) 
6  torment.  "^  may  trust  his  soul  itpvxrj  avrov,  but  with  the  common  derived  meaning.    Codd.  55.  254.  have  fwp  for 

^Xn)-  '  ^^y-         ^  laws.    (It  would  seem  to  be  too  strong  a  word  for  itKatufia^iv  here.)        •*  Then  (leal  ttoMv)  will 

Bhe  return.        i°  unto.        "  comfort  levftypavel).        '^  shew. 

Vers.  19-25.  — '^  A.  V.  :  But  if.  ^*  give  him  over  ....  own  ruin.  ^^  be  not  ashamed  when  it  concemeth  thy 
soul.  (Lit.,  be  not  ashamed  concerning  tky  soul :  but  the  thought  is  better  brought  out  by  the  rendering  given  Bun- 
Ben*s  Btbeliverk:  "  So  wirst  du  dich  nicht  vor  dir  eelbst  zu  schiimen  haben."  Fritzsche  :  "  Und  nicht  mogest  du  dich 
deiner  schamen  mvisseu.    See  Com.)  i*J  Accept  no  person  against  thy  soul,  And  let  not  the  reverence  (Jun.,  ne 

reverearis)  of  ant/  man  (ei-TpanT)?.  The  same  word  is  used  in  ver.  25,  and  rendered  in  the  A.  V. :  '*  be  abashed,"  and 
by  us,  *'  be  modest  *').         "  And  refrain  not  to  ppe.ik  (jlltj  KtoKva^-i  \6yof).  '^  occasion  to  do  good  [iv  Kaipui  emrripias  ; 

marg.,TH  tlvie  of  saving).  ^^  in /ler  beauty  (eis  KaAAotTJf.  This  entire  member  is  omitted  by  the  fexr.  rec.  and  11.,  but 
is  found  in  II.  106.  248.  2.53.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.,  and  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche.    See  Com.).  ^o  wisdom  shall  be. 

2^  learning  ....  word  (pTJ^art,  but  with  the  force  of  the  plural,  utterance).  -^  In  no  wise  (H.  248.  253-  Co.  add  icara 

inrfii  iv  ;  Old  Lat.,  ullo  inoilo)  speak.  "^  But  be  abashed  (cf.  ver.  22)  of  the  error  (iitaiiev<ria%  ;  106.  248.  263.  Co.  Old 
Lat.,  i^cv(T/.taTos  TTJs  6.TT.)  of  thlue  ignorance. 

Vers.  26-31.  —  ■■"  A.  V. :  the  (marg.,  "  And  strive  not  against  the  stream,"'  wliich  gives  the  sense  well).  ^  Neither 
accept.  (The  icat  found  at  the  beginning  of  this  verse  in  the  text.  rec.  and  II.  i.'  rejected  by  Fritzsche  with  56.  243.  264. 
ftl.  Co.  The  "  26  '■  is  a  misprint  in  Fritzsches  notes.)  ^g  strive  (ayiucio-at ;  cf.  Luke  xiii.  24,  6.yitivi^e<Tde).  "  Lord 
:6  &e<K  are  wanting  in  Syr.  Ar.  and  in  Origcn)  shall.  »  hasty  (Tax"!,  lU.  X.  155.  307.  30S.  Old  Lat. ;  tpcunis,  H.  23. 

66.  106.  al. ;  Syr.  Ar.,  jactabundus  ;  rpaxvt,  text.  rec.  and  II. ;  cf.  Com.)  in.  -"  Nor  frantick  ItjyayTtunoto^tii'  —  one 

who  ha.\  vain  fancies.  Fritz.«clie  would  render  \)y  argwoknisch, suspicious ;  but  it  does  not  so  well  agree  with  the  con- 
text; cf.  Com.).  ^  ahut{rrvvefTra\p.eyr],  drawn  together,  then  lessened,  shortened.  The  parallelism  seems  to  require 
here  the  meaning,  held  back)  when  thou  shouldest  repay  (marg.,  give). 

ClIAPTEU    IV. 

Ver.  1.  Living,  (wiiv.  Tho  thing  is  here  put  |  all  good,  the  result  of  the  divine  promises,  the 
for  that  which  contributfs  tu  it,  sustains  it.  final  fjoal  of  faith  and  hope.  And  this  is  not 
There  are  but  few  passitfies  in  the  New  Testa-  infrequently  the  ease,  al.<o,  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment where  this  word  refers  simply  ti>  the  earthly  ,  nient.  Sec  Deut.  xxx.  19  ;  Ps.  xxvii.  13,  xxxvi. 
existence.     It  iB  rather  used  to  denote  the  sum  Jf  i  9  ;   Piov.   xii.  28,  xiii.   14,  xiv.  27.      Hence,  ths 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


29' 


sense  of  the  word  in  the  present  instance  is  in- 
tentionally a  low  and  worldly  one.  C£.  Luke  xii. 
15:  "A  man's  life  consisteth  not  in  the  abun- 
dance of  the  things  which  he  possesseth."  — 
Needy  eyes.  The  language  of  the  eyes  is  often 
the  most  expressive.  —  XlapeAKiiaris.  Lit.,  to  draio 
aside,  or  to  one  side.  A  secondary  meaning  is, 
to  spiti  out  time.  See  Polyb.,  ii.  70,  3  ;  Horn.,  Od., 
xxi.  111.  There  is  a  Latin  proverb:  "He  gives 
double  who  gives  quick,  and  nothing  who  delays 
his  gift,  "  Bis  dat  qui  cito  dat,  nil  dat  qui  munera 
tardat." 

Ver.  2.  Fritzsche  quotes  Isocrates  :  "  Upbraid 
not  one  with  his  misforLuue,  for  what  falls  out  is 
common,  and  unknown  the  future  lot." 

Ver.  6.     Cf.  Ex.  xxii.  23  ;  Prov.  xiv.  21  ;  xvii.  5. 

Ver.  7.  Gain  the  love  of  those  on  a  level  with 
vou,  and  be  respectful  to  superiors.  An  old  prov- 
erb runs  :  "  If  the  monkey  reigns,  dance  before 
him."  The  latter  part  of  the  admonition  of  our 
author  does  not  contradict  what  is  said  in  verse 
27  about  not  "  accepting  the  person  of  the 
mighty."  Respect  and  politeness  are  by  no 
means  to  be  confounded  with  sycophancy.  The 
Old  Latin  gives  for  (Tvyayuyrj ,  congregalioni  pau- 
vernm. 

Ver.  9.  Be  not  fainthearted,  ;'.  e.,  to  the  ex- 
tent of  judging  the  rich  and  the  proud  —  because 
they  are  such  —  too  favorably. 

Ver.  11.  'EiriXo/i/3a«Tai.  Cf.  the  use  of  this 
word  in  Heb.  ii.  16,  and  the  remarks  of  Tayler 
Lewis  upon  it  in  his  work,  The  Divine-Human  in 
the  Scriptures  (New  York,  1860),  pp.  94,  389. 

Ver.  12.  Rise  early  to  seek  her  (A.  V.,  "  seek 
her  early").  One  is  at  once  reminded  of  the 
well-known  passage  in  Prov.  viii.  17.  The  same 
expression  is  also  found  at  Wisd.  vi.  14.  The  ob- 
vious idea  is  that  one  must  seek  earnestly,  and 
not,  as  is  generally  held,  early  in  life.  The  same 
word,  opdptCa  {=  opBpeijai),  is  often  used  in  the 
LXX.  to  render  the  Hebrew  ^HtT.  See  Prov. 
xi.  27. 

Ver.  13.  'Where  he  entereth,  i.e.  the  house 
of  him  who  cleaves  to  wisdom.  The  other  ren- 
dering: "where  she  (wisdom)  entereth,"  is  also 
possible,  but  seems  not  so  well  to  agree  with  the 
context. 

Ver.  15.  Judge  nations.  The  Jews  hoped 
not  only  to  get  possession  of  Palestine  again,  but 
finally  to  rule  over  all  nations.  Cf.  Wisd.  iii.  8; 
1  Cor.  vi.  2.  This  thought  was  more  or  less 
closely  connected  with  the  Messianic  hope,  so  far 
as  it  continued  to  exist,  to  which  they  gave  a 
material,  rather  than  a  spiritual,  cast. 

Ver.  17.  This  verse  and  the  following  are 
among  the  most  beautiful  in  sentiment  and  ex- 
pression of  the  entire  book.  Possibly  the  in- 
Btances  of  Joseph  and  Moses  were  before  the 
writer's  mind.  Gutmann  quotes  from  the  Mishna 
(Tr.  Aboth,  vi.  4)  a  similar  thought  respecting  the 
study  of  the  law :  "  Eat  bread  with  salt,  and 
drink  water  by  measure ;  sleep  on  the  ground  ; 
live  a  life  of  care;  give  thyself  trouble  for  the 
,aw.  If  thou  do  this,  blessed  art  thou,  it  shall  go 
v«ll  with  thee.     Blessed  art  thou  in  this  world. 


and  it  shall  go  well  with  thee  in  the  world  to 
come." 

Ver.  19.  This  verse  is  intended  to  show  the 
consequences,  if  one  be  unable  to  stand  the  tests 
which  wisdom  requires. 

Ver.  20.  The  translation  of  the  A.  V.,  with 
which  that  of  De  Wette  nearly  coincides  :  "  And 
be  not  ashamed  when  it  concerneth  thy  soul," 
i.  e.,  to  care  for  it,  is  not  allowed  by  the  parallel- 
ism. The  thought  is  rather  that,  if  one  be  not 
watchful  against  sin,  he  will  have  real  occasion  to 
be  ashamed  of  himself.  For  the  thought  of  the 
first  part  of  the  verse,  cf.  Eph.  v.  16,  i^ayopa(iiJ.- 
etfot  rhv  Katp6v. 

Ver.  21.  The  shame  that  induces  sin  is  that 
which  would  lead  one  to  refuse  to  express  his 
true  opinions  from  fear  of  being  in  the  minority 
or  of  being  ridiculed. 

Ver.  23.  The  last  clause,  although  not  sup- 
ported by  all  the  MSS.,  is  found  (as  it  will  be 
observed)  in  the  Old  Latin,  Syriac,  and  Arabic 
versions,  aiul  is  accepted  as  genuine  by  Linde, 
Bretschneider,  Fritzsche,  and  others.  Its  mean- 
ing is  that  when  silence  seems  to  be  "  golden," 
an  occasion  of  honor  to  a  person,  still  it  may  be 
best  to  speak  even  at  the  risk,  through  unpalat- 
able, though  good  advice,  of  falling  into  disgrace. 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  and  Fritzsche  render  els  Ka\- 
\ovr]v  by  zum  Ruhme,  for  fame. 

Ver.  25.  On  account  of  thy  want  of  learning. 
He  would  not  be  able  to  speak  the  right  word  at 
the  right  time,  or  would  be  hindered  from  doing 
it  through  a  false  shame.  A  really  cultivated 
person  does  not  hesitate  to  confess  his  ignorance 
of  many  things,  and  to  lament  it. 

Ver.  26.  This  proverb  seems  to  have  been 
curreut  in  all  times  and  languages.  In  Juvenal 
(iv.  89)  it  ran  :  "  Direxit  brachia  contra  torrentem.** 
The  sense  of  the  whole  verse  is :  **  Do  not  hesi- 
tate to  confess  thy  sins,  for  to  conceal  them  will 
in  the  end  be  impossible." 

Ver.  27.  Make  not  thyself  [(TiavTSv)  an  un- 
derling (uTToffTpwfTjjs,  from  uTToiTTpuivyv/xi  ^  iflTO- 
aropei/i'vui.  Lit.,  /  spread  a  mat  for  any  one). 
See  Is.  Iviii.  5  (LXX.)  ;  Luke  xix.  36,  where  it  is 
used  literally.  In  fact,  its  figurative  use,  as  here, 
is  not  common.     The  Hebrew  word  was  doubtless 

V2^,  found  also  at  Esth.  iv.  3  :  Ps.  cxxxix.  8  :  Is. 
xiv.  11. 

Ver.  29.  The  reading  rpaxu!  is  to  be  retained, 
although  the  immediate  conte.xt,  as  well  as  some 
first-rate  MS.  authorities,  favor  Taxi's.  The  au- 
thor seems  to  liave  had  already  in  mind  what  he 
was  about  to  say  in  the  following  verse.     Cf .  i.  29. 

Ver.  30.  *avTai7ioKo:rii/.  It  is  found  only 
here  ill  the  Apocryphal  books.  It  means  "to  in- 
dulge vain  opinions,"  "  give  way  to  groundless 
suspicions,"  and  then,  as  a  secondary  meaning, 
"  be  rough,"  ''  harsh,"  "  cruel."  The  first  mean- 
ing seems  here  most  in  place.     Cf.  Eph.  vi.  9. 

Ver.  31.  The  thought  is  not  without  force; 
but  in  both  strength  and  beauty  falls  far  short  of 
those  traditional  words  of  the  Master,  for  whose 
authenticity  Paul  vouches  :  "  It  is  more  blessed  to 
give  than  to  receive." 


298  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chaptek  V. 

1  Rely  not '  upon  thy  goods ; 
And  say  not,  I  have  enough.'' 

2  Give  not  rein  to  thy  inclinings  and  thy  lustincBS,* 
To  walk  in  the  desires  ^  of  thy  heart ; 

3  And  say  not,  Who  shall  control  me  ?  ° 
For  the  Lord  wiU  surely  punish  thee.° 

4  Say  not,  I  sinned,  and  what  happened  '  unto  me  ? 
For  the  Lord  is  longsufEering.' 

5  Concerning  propitiation,  be  not  without  fear 
Li  heaping  sin  upon  sins.' 

6  And  say  not,  His  mercy  is  great ; 

He  will  condone  ^^  the  multitude  of  my  sins ; 
For  mercy  and  wrath  come  from  him, 
And  his  indignation  resteth  upon  sinners. 

7  Make  no  tarrying  to  turn  to  the  Lord, 
And  put  it  not  '^  off  from  day  to  day  ; 

For  suddenly  wUl  '^  the  wrath  of  the  Lord  come  forth," 
And  thou  wilt  perish  ^*  in  the  day  of  vengeance. 

8  Rely  not  ^*  upon  goods  unjustly  gotten ; 

For  thou  wilt  have  no  profit  ^^  in  the  day  of  calamity." 

9  Winnow  not  with  every  wind, 
And  walk  not  in  every  path  ;  ^' 

So  the  sinner  who  is  double-tongued.^' 

10  Be  stedfast  in  thy  conviction,^ 

And  let  thy  speech  -^  be  one  and  the  same.** 

11  Be  swift  to  hear  ;  ^ 

And  with  deliberation  "  give  answer. 

12  If  thou  hast  insight,'^  answer  iky  neighbor; 
But  if  not,  lay  thy  hand  upon  thy  mouth. 

13  Honor  and  shame  are  ^^  in  talk  ; 
And  the  tongue  of  man  is  his  fall. 

14  Be  not  called  a  whisperer, 

And  lie  not  in  wait  with  thy  tongue  ; 

For  a  shame  '■"  is  upon  the  thief, 

And  an  evil  condemnation  upon  the  double  tongue. 

15  Err  not  in  a  matter  great  or  small. 

And  ^*  instead  of  a  friend  become  not  an  enemy. 

Vers.  1-5.  — '  A.  V. :  Set  not  thy  heart  (en-exe,  here  in  the  sense  of  leaning,  relying  upon).  '  enough  for  my  liis 

(ci«  ^turiv,  added  by  H.  248.  263.  308.  Co., Old  Lat.,  est  mihi  sujffidens  vita).  3  Follow  not  thine  own  mind  (see  Com  » 

and  thy  strength  (i.  e.,  what  might  be  the  natural  impulses  of  one  in  his  full  physical  strength).  *  ways  (^Tri^/Atat?  • 
H.  56.  106.  263.  254.,  the  sing. ;  248.  Co.,  oSois).  ^  me  for  my  works  (SiA  to  ifya  y.ov,  added  by  H.  106.  248.  263.  Co.  Old 
lAt.).  «  revenge  thy  pride,    (Instead  of  ere,  H.  106.  248.  253.  Co.  have  o-ov  ttii/ vppii/.    Codd.  III.  X.  55.  155.  al.  Old 

Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  omit  o-e.)  •  have  sinned  ....  harm  {Kvirtipov,  H.  106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.)  hath  happened.  *  long 

luffering  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  ou  ^tj  oe  av^  ;  Old  Lat.,  pattens  redditor),  he  will  in  nowise  let  thee  go.  *  To  add 

(irpotT^eifat.    I  have  rendered  so  as  to  be  in  harmony  with  jii.  27)  sin  unto  sin  (plur.  in  all  but  H.  248.  Co.). 

Vers.  6-10.  —  ^^  K.y .:  be  pacified  (^ftAdtreToi.  '*  2)  Ez  hebraica  loquendi  consuetudine.  A)  dt  Deo  usurpalum :  eondono.*^ 
Wahl,  J.  <j. )  for.         "  put  not.  "  shall.         "  forth  (23.  248.  263.  Co.  add  koI  ois  ifieKriotK  iicrpip^oT),  And  in  thy 

•ecnrity  thou  shalt  be  destroyed).  "  And  perish.  "•  Set  not  thy  heart  (cf .  ver.  1).  '^  they  shall  not  profit  thee 
(the  pronoun  is  added  after  Ctit>e\rioti  by  III.  X.  H.  106.  al.  Old  Lat. ;  248.  30".  Co.,  ciifuX^o-fi  alone;  text.  rec.  (and  II.) 
followed  by  Fritzsche,  Jx^eA^o-eis).  ^'  calamity  (en-a-ywy^s).  "  go  not  into  every  way  (arpaTre^).  "  For  M 

doth   .  .  .  that  hath  a  double  tongue.  -"  understanding  (see  Com.).  "  word  (X6y«,  but  with  the  general  signi- 

flcation  of  speech)  "  the  same  («Is,  one ;  but  here  used  like  our  one  and  the  same^  and  is  so  rendered  by 

Pritesche). 

VePB.  11-15.  —  ^  A.  V. :  hear  :  and  let  thy  life  be  sincere.    (The  last  member  is  found  in  H.  248.  Co.     After  crov,  ol 
the  first  member,  oyo*))  is  added  by  II.  106.  248.  253.  Co.)  '"  patience  (fiiucpo^ixii;  ;  but  the  context  requires  tha 

meaning  given     Bunsen^s  Bibelwerk,KTti¥T\t.z&ciie,  Beddchtigktit;  cf.  ver.  4).  "  understanding  ((nii/eirK  ;  here  tn- 

tight,  tagacity).  »  If  not  .  ii.  "  foul  (jio^Sripi,  as  H.  106.  248.  253.  Co.)  shame.  "  Be  not  Ignarant  ol 

(seeCOTn.)  any  thing  {null  iv,  H.  248.  Co.)  in  a  great  matter  or  a  small.  And  (A.  V.  omiu  And).  I  add,  with  FrltEsch©, 
to  chap.  15,  the  first  member  of  vi.  1,  to  make  the  parallelism  complete  Fritiaohe  also  adds  to  this  chapter,  aa  ver 
16,  the  remainder  «f  the  same  rerse. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


299 


Chaptek   V. 


Ver.  1.  Have  enough.  Cf.  Tob.  v.  19  ;  Luke 
xii.  19;  1  Tim.  vi.  17,  "trust  in  (^XTtKeVoi  iiri) 
uncertain  riches." 

Ver.  2.  Mind  (if/uxp).  Here  used  in  the  sense 
of  desire,  longing,  inclination.  —  Lustiness,  i.e., 
what  tliy  pliysical  powers  and  propensities  might 
lead  thee  to  do.  "  Noli  facere  rptidquid  potes  ac 
libet."     Grotius. 

Vers.  5,  6.  Gutmann  refers  to  a  similar  prov- 
erb of  the  Mishna  (Tr.  SaV,  viii.  9):  "If  one 
think  ;  '  1  will  sin,  and  then  repent,'  there  will  be 
given  him  no  help  to  repent.  If  one  think:  'I 
will  sin,  and  the  day  of  atonement  will  effect  the 
forgiveness  of  my  sin,'  the  day  of  atonement  will 
bring  him  no  forgiveness." 

Ver.  7.  It  is  the  old  and  universal  weakness 
of  procrastination,  so  well  described  by  Long- 
fellow :  — 

"  How  oft  my  guardian  angel  gently  cried, 
'  Soul,  from  thy  casement  look,  and  thou  ehalt  see 
How  he  persists  to  knock  and  wait  for  thee !  ' 
And  oh  I  how  often  to  that  voice  of  sorrow, 
'  To-morrow  1  will  open,*  I  replied  ; 
And  when  the  morrow  came  1  answered  still, 
'  To-morrow.' " 

Ver.  8.     Cf.  Prov.  x.  2.     The  German  proverb 

is:  "  Unrecht  ffiit  gedeihet  nicht." 

Ver.  9.  'WLrmow  not  with  every  wind.  "  The 
wheat  or  barley  is  separated  from  the  ear,  when 
the  quantity  is  small,  by  beating  it  out  with  a 
stick,  and  afterward  throwing  it  up  in  the  air, 
and  letting  the  wind  carry  away  the  stubble 
(Ruth  ii.  17) ;  and  with  smaller  quantities  we  not 
infrequently  see  men  rubbing  several  ears  in  the 
palms  of  their  hands,  and  blowing  away  the  chaff 
while  tossing  up  the  grain,  which  they  then  eat 


unground  and  raw."  Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands, 
p.  86.  —  Walk  not  in  every  path.  Keep  thine 
own  course  ;  and  do  not  try  to  please  everybody, 
like  the  man  who  says  "  yes  "  to  everything,  and 
is  as  chan«:;eable  as  the  wind. 

Ver.  10.  ^vviffft.  It  seems  to  be  used  here  in 
the  .sense  of  "  judgment,"  "  conviction,"  i.  e.,  what 
one  has  attained  to  bv  his  sagacity  and  insight. 

Ver.  II.  Swift  to  hear.  Cf.  Jas.  i.  19,  "For 
God  has  given  us  two  ears,  but  only  one  mouth." 
Grotius.     Cf.  Zeno,  ap.  Viog.  Laert.,  vii.  1,  23. 

Ver.  12.  Hand  upon  thy  mouth.  Cf.  Job 
xxi.  5,  xxix.  9 ;  Prov.  xxx.  32.  Similarly  iu 
Latin  :  Digito  compesce  labellum ;  and  the  Greek, 
^  Aeye  Tt  fftyris  Kpe'iaa'ov,  ^  tTtyi]y  €X«. 

Ver.  14.  A  whisperer,  ^IBvpos.  And  since 
one  who  whispers  about  others,  here  and  there,  is 
likely  to  exaggerate  and  falsify,  the  word  means 
also  "  slanderer."  In  fact,  the  root  of  the  word 
seems  to  be  allied  to  that  of  i|'eij5a>  (if/uS,  i(/t/9). 
At  first  thought  there  would  seem  to  be  no  com- 
mon ])oint  of  comparison  between  a  thief  and  a 
liar  or  slanderer.  But  it  lies  in  the  fact  that  both 
make  use  of  opportunities  to  do  behind  one's  back 
what  they  would  not  do  in  his  presence.  — KoTa-y- 
vtiiais.  (1)  Thinking  meanly  of  one,  then  blame, 
censure:   {2}  judgment,  condemnation. 

Ver.  15.  Err,  kyv6(i.  The  word  is  probably 
a  translation  of  the  Hebrew  HJEJ,  3207,  err,  fail, 

T   T     '  -  T    '  ^ 

offend.  The  admonition  has  reference  still,  it 
would  seem,  to  the  tongue.  Cf.  Heb.  v.  2  ;  Xen., 
Anab.,  vii.  3,  38,  for  similar  examples  of  the  use 
of  this  verb.  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  "  Be 
not  ignorant  (of  anything),"  arose  from  paying 
too  little  attention  to  the  requirements  of  the 
context. 


Chapter  VI. 

For  an  ill  name  shall  inherit  ^  shame  and  reproach  : 
So  the  ^  sinner  who  is  double-tongued.' 
Exalt  ^  not  thyself  in  the  purpose  ^  of  thy  soul,' 
That  thou  be  not  torn  in  pieces  as  a  palm.' 
Thou  wilt  consume  *  thy  leaves,  and  destroy  thy  fruits,* 
And  be  left  ^^  thyself  as  a  dry  tree. 
An  evil  ^'  soul  will '-  destroy  Mm  that  hath  it, 
And  will ''  make  him  the  "  scorn  of  his  enemies. 

Sweet  language  ^^  will  multiply  one's  friends  ;  ^' 
And  a  pleasant  "  speaking  tongue  will  increase  kind  greetings. 
Let  there  be  many  who  live  at  peace  with  thee  ; 
But  thy  counsellors,  let  him  be  one  ^'  of  a  thousand. 
If  thou  wouldst  get  a  friend,  get  him  through  testing,^' 
And  be  not  hasty  to  trust  in  ^  him. 


Vers.  1-7.  >  A.  V. :  thereby  thou  Shalt  inherit  ((cXTipofo^^treis,  H.  253.  Syr. )  an  ill  name.        '  Even  bo  ihaU  a.        •  tbfti 
oath  a  double  tongue.  *  Extol  (eirapj)?).         6  counsel  OouAjJ.    Not  clear.    It  seems  to  mean  here  cAoice,  purpoM). 

•  thine  own  heart.  '  thy  soul  ....  a  bull  straying  alone  (see  Coin.).  8  ghalt  eat  up.  »  lose  ....  fmik. 

'<>  leave  thyself  (a^ijaeis  treavrov ;   so  represented  because  it  is  the  result  of  his  foolish  pride.    The  sense  is  better 
given  by  the  paflsive).  "  A  wicked  (iroi^pii.     It  refers  rather  to  the  pride  which  has  just  been  spoken  of.     It  Is  in 

that  sense  evil).        ^~  shall.        "  shall.        "  to  be  laughed  to  (eir^xapfAa).         i"  language  (lit.,  larynx).         "  malti- 
tly  friends  (outou,  his,  one's).  i^  fair  ("  fair  speaking  "  has  come  to  mean  "  false  speaking  ").  ^^  Be  in  peace 

with  many  :  Nevertheless  have  hut  one  counsellor  (see  Com.).  i"  prove  him  first  {ev  ireipaxriLi^  Kjiiaat  oajtov  ;  marg., 

git  him  in  the  time  of  trouble,  which  would  also  be  a  good  rendering).        ^  credit. 


300  THE  APOCKYPHA. 


8  For  many  a  one  is  friend  in  a  time  opportune  for  him,* 
And  will  not  abide  in  the  day  of  thy  affliction." 

9  And  there  is  many  a  '  friend,  who  is  transformed  to  an  enemy, 
And  wUl  reveal  thy  disgraceful  strife.^ 

10  And  many  a  one  is  friend  as  companion  at  table,^ 
And  will  not  abide  ^  in  the  day  of  thy  affliction. 

11  Yea,'  in  thy  prosperity  he  will  be  as  thyself, 
And  will  speak  roughly  to  '  thy  servants. 

12  If  thou  be  brought  low,  he  will  be  against  thee, 
And  will  hide  himself  from  thy  face. 

13  Separate  thyself  from  thine  enemies, 
And  beware  of  ^  thy  friends. 

14  A  faithful  friend  is  a  strong  defence. 

And  he  that  hath  found  him  '°  hath  found  a  treasure. 

15  There  is  nothing  to  be  exchanged  for ''  a  faithful  friend, 
And  his  excellence  is  invaluable.*^ 

16  A  faithful  fi'iend  is  a  medicine  for  one's  life  ;  *' 
And  they  that  fear  the  Lord  shall  find  him. 

17  He  who  feareth  the  Lord  directs  "  his  friendship  aright ; 
For  as  he  is,  so  is  his  associate  also.*^ 

18  My  son,  delight  in  *^  instruction  from  thy  youth  up. 
And  thou  shalt  find  wisdom  till  old  age." 

19  Come  unto  her  as  one  that  ploweth  and  one  that  soweth, 
And  await  ■■*  her  good  fruits  ; 

For  thou  shalt  not  be  long  wearied  in  her  husbandry  ; 
Yea,  soon  thou  shalt  eat  of  her  fruits.*' 

20  How  rough  is  she  to  the  uninstructed !  ^ 

And  he  '■'*  that  is  without  understanding  '^  will  not  remain  with  her. 

21  She  will  be  upon  him  as  a  mighty  stone  of  trial ; 
And  he  will  not  delay  to  cast  her  from  him.^ 

22  For  wisdom  is  according  to  her  name. 
And  she  is  not  manifest  unto  many. 

23  Give  ear,  mi/  son,  and  accept  my  opinion,^ 
And  refuse  not  my  counsel ; 

24  And  put  thy  feet  into  her  fetters, 
And  thy  neck  into  her  yoke.'^ 

25  Put  under  "^  thy  shoulder,  and  bear  her, 
And  be  not  averse  to  ^^  her  bonds. 

26  Come  unto  her  with  thy  whole  soul,*" 
And  keep  her  ways  with  all  thy  power. 

27  Trace  out,^  and  seek,  and  she  shall  become  '"  known  unto  thee  ; 
When  thou  hast-  hold  of  her,**  let  her  not  go. 

Vers.  8-15.  —  i  A.  V  :  some  man  is  a  ....  for  his  own  occasion.  *  trouble  (OAti/'ews).  *  is  a.     (The  seiue  Ij 

better  giTen  by  our  rendcriug,  although  the  A.  V.  is  literal.)  *  being  turned  to  enmity  (e^dpay ;  exOpov,  III.  C.  H. 

65.  106.  al.)  and  strife  {the  A.  V.  adds  #cai  ^ax^>'  improperly  to  this  member)  Will  discover  thy  reproach  (cf.  preced- 
ing note  and  Com.).  '"'  Again,  some  friend  is  a  ...  .  the  table  {Tpan-e^oif).  "  continue  (cf.  Ter.  8).  ^  But 
{Kai).  8  i,e  bold  over  (eirl  ....  Trapprjo-taffeTai,  to  speak  freely ;  then,  a.s  here,  to  .•'peak  with  license^  boldly,  harshly, 
i.  e.,  as  their  lord).  ^  take  heed  of  {cf.  Greek  at  Matt.  vii.  15).  '•*  such  a  one  (auTOF).  ^i  Nothing  doth  counter- 
vail {see  Com.),        ^2  excellency  {lit.,  beauty,  jcaAAoiojs)  is  unvaluable  {lit.,  there  is  no  weight,  trraOfioi), 

Vers.  16-20.  —  13  A.  V. :  is  the  medicine  of  life.  (It  is  not  clear.  The  meaning  is  that  a  true  friend  wiU  make  our  cares 
and  troubles  less.)  "  \Vbo8o  ....  shall  direct  [evOvvel,  24S.,  instead  of  fvdvvet.    Fritzsche,  "  preserves  his  friend- 

ship ;  "  Bun6en*s  Bibehoerk,  "  leads  his  friend."  The  next  line  makes  it  clear  what  is  intended).  ^'^  shall  his  neigh- 
bour be  also  (6  TrATjtrtoc,  but  obviously  in  the  sense  of  comjyanioji ,  associate ;  cf .  CoTU.  Cod.  248.  with  Co.  read  ot  ttKi\<tLov). 
"J  gather  {iff  iXefai,  r/(oo^e  out,  have  pleasure  in).  *^  So  shalt  thou  ....  till  thine  old  age  (woAtwc,  i.e.,  gray  hair;  Aid., 
flw?  TToBC}v).         IS  and  .soweth     .  .  .  wait  for  {expectation  implied).  i"  toil  {«0Trta(rei5)  much  in  labouring  about 

her  lev  Tp  epya(rl(f  aVTTJs),  liut  ((cat)  ....  fruits  right  soon.  ^o  gj^g  y  y^j.y  unpleasant  (Tpaxeia.  Her  stern  discipline 
is  meant,  or  her  difficult  paths)  ....  unlearned.       21  He.        22  understanding  (marg.,  heart ;  aicdpUo^,  a  stupid  fellow) 

Vers.  21-27.  —  -^  A.  \.  :  lie  upon  ....  will  cast  her  from  him  ere  it  be  long.  2*  gon,  receive  {5e'fat  ;  Fritzsche,  witi 
III.  X.  165.  157.  307.,  eK5efat)  my  advice  {yvwfxriv  r=  (1)  a  means  of  knowing,  a  mark,  token  ;  (2)  that  by  which  one  knows 
judgment,  understanding ;  (3)  the  result  of  mental  operations,  &  judgment,  opinion).  2^  chain  {marg.,  collar,  kKowv 

It  migiit  also  be  of  wood,  and  I  have  therefore  preferred  the  rendering  yoke,  with  its  already  established  fignrativs 
[ueaning.  Cf.  ver.  29).  20  jjow  down  (uTrodes).  27  grieved  with  {irpoaoxOioTii.  It  is  a  word  peculiar  to  the  LXX 
andN.T.).        "heart.        20  ggarch.        »>  be  made.        »■  when  thou  haat  got  hold  of  Acr. 


ECCLESDVSTICUS. 


■  301 


For  at  last '  thou  shalt  find  her  rest, 

And  she  will  turn  to  thee  as  -  joy. 

And  hei-  fetters  will  be  ^  a  strong  defence  for  thee, 

And  her  yokes  a  splendid  robe.'' 

For  there  is  a  golden  ornament  upon  her, 

And  her  bands  are  of  hyacinthine  threads.' 

Thou  wilt  put  her  on  as  a  splendid  robe,' 

And  wilt  set  her  upon  thee  as '  a  crown  of  joy. 

iWy  son,  if  thou  wilt,  thou  shalt  become  instructed ; ' 
And  if  thou  wilt  apply  thy  mind,  thou  shalt  be  skillfal.* 
If  thou  lovest '"  to  hear,  thou  shalt  receive  ; " 
And  if  thou  bow  thine  ear,  thou  shalt  be  wise. 
Be  found  in  a  gathering  of  '^  elders. 
And  cleave  unto  him  that  is  wise. 
Be  desirous  '^  to  hear  every  godly  discourse. 
And  let  not  sagacious  proverbs  ■'^  escape  thee. 
If  '^  thou  seest  a  man  of  understanding,  rise  early  to  seek  him,** 
And  let  thy  foot  wear  the  steps  of  his  doors." 
Let  thy  mind  be  upon  the  ordinances  of  the  Lord, 
And  meditate  continually  on  "  his  commandments  : 
He  will  ^^  establish  thine  heart. 
And  thy  desire  for  wisdom  will  be  granted  thee.^ 

Vers.  28-33.  —  '  A.  V. :  the  last.  '  thai  shall  be  turned  to  thy.  s  Then  shall  her  fetters  be.         <  chains  (cf 

Ver.  24  ;  II.  reads  KAa5oi,  youn^  branches^  shootx,  for  kAoioi)  a  robe  of  glory.  6  purple  lace  (marg.,  a  ribband  of  bine 

silk  ;  cf.  Numb.  xv.  38,  "  ribband  of  blue  ;'■  Gr.,  KAuxr/xa  \iaxivdi.vov ,  i.  e.,  hyacinthine  thread.  Fritzsche  renders,  "  are  of 
purple-blue  threads  ;  ■'  Bunsen's  Btbelwerk,  "  For  she  wears  a  golden  ornament  on  her  head,  Surrounded  with  purple- 
blue  ribbons."  See  Corn.).  c  shalt  .  ...  as  a  robe  of  honour  (otoAtjv  6t>|)js,  as  in  Ter.  29).  '  shalt  put  her  about 
thee  OS  (irepiflijcret?  treavTtZ  ;  but  the  context  shows  that  a  crown  for  the  head  is  meant.  Only  307.  has  eniOriaeii.  See 
Com,).        *  be  taught.        "  prudent  {navovpyo^.     Cf.  Prov.  xiii.  1,  in  the  LXX.). 

Vers.  33-37.  —  i»  A.  V. :  thou  love.  "  receive  understanding  («5efn.    Codd.  H.  243.  253.  with  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat. 

add  avviffiv).  ^-  Stand  in  the  multitude  of  the  (the  context  requires  the  rendering  given.  Cf.  Com.).  "  willing 
(not  strong  enough  for  fleXe  here).         i*  the  parables  of  understanding.         ii"  And  if.  w  get  thee  betimes  (op^pife  ; 

cf.  Com.  at  iv.  12)  unto  him.  i^  steps  Oa^^ous.  Fritzsche,  Schwellen,  sills)  of  his  door  (Cod.  II.  has  rpt^v  for  dvpOtv). 
18  in.        i»  shall.        20  And  give  thee  wisdom  at  thine  own  desire. 

Chapter  VI. 


28 


29 


30 


31 


32 


33 


34 


35 


36 


37 


Ver.  2.  As  a  palm.  The  MSS.  give  as  Tavpos, 
as  a  ball.  But  Holtzniaim  (Bunseu's  Bibeiwerk, 
ad  loc],  on  a  supposition  of  a  false  rendering  of 
the  Hebrew  (HIS  having,  in  his  opinion,  been 
confounded  with  ~nti?  or  TIP),  has  suggested 
that  tlie  true  reading  is  probably  (TTavp6s,  palm, 
and  his  opinion  is  accepted  bv  the  best  critics. 
Cf.  Hitzig  on  Hos.  ix.  13. 

Ver.  G.  Lit. :  "  Those  living  in  peace  with 
thee,  let  them  be  many  ;  but  thy  counsellors,  one 
of  a  thousand."  One  t,aken  in  coun.<iel  must  be 
an  intimate  and  faithful  friend  ;  otherwise  there 
will  be  trouble  enough.  This  proverb  is  quoted 
in  that  passage  of  the  Talmud  where  a  large 
number  of  the  proverbs  of  "  Ben  Sira"  are  cited, 
but  with  the  following  addition  :  "  To  one  among 
a  thousand  reveal  thy  secret.  Before  the  wife 
that  rests  on  thy  bosom  must  thou  keep  the  gates 
of  thy  mouth."     Cf.  Micah  vii.  5. 

Ver.  9.  Disgraceful  strife,  i.e.,  a  strife  be- 
tween him  and  thee  which  in  his  representation 
of  it  will  result  in  thy  disgrace. 

Ver.  10.     Cf.  Prov.  xiv^  20  ;  xix.  4. 

Ver.  12.  Ovid,  quoted  by  Holtzmann  (Bun- 
sen's  Bibeiwerk),  says  similarly  :  **  As  long  as 
thou  art  prosperous,  thou  wilt  have  many  friends  ; 
•when  the  times  are  dark,  thou  wilt  be  alone." 

Ver.  15.  Exchansred  for.  The  same  word, 
avrdWay/ia..  is  fiiniul  in  Matt.  xvi.  26  :  '*  Or  what 


shall  a  man  give  in  exchange  for  his  soul  ?  "  Cf. 
Mark  viii.  37. 

Ver.  17.  The  idea  is  that  a  good  man  will 
make  his  friend  good,  if  he  remain  his  friend. 
There  are  many  proverbs  which  teach  the  same 
general  truth.  For  instance  :  "  Birds  of  a  feather 
flock  together  ;  "  "  A  man  is  known  by  the  com- 
pany he  keeps  : "  and  the  German,  "  Gteich  und 
yleich  yesellt  sick  gern.^' 

Ver.  21.  Stone  of  trial.  In  the  cities  of  Pal- 
estine there  was  an  old  custom  in  accordance 
with  which  a  heavy,  round  stone  was  kept  for 
testing  the  strength  of  the  young  men.  Some 
were  able  to  lift  it  but  a  little  ways,  others  to  the 
shoulders,  and  still  others  over  their  heads.  So 
Jerome  at  Zeeh.  xii.  3. 

Ver.  22.  According  to  her  name.  The  com- 
mon word  for  wisdom  was  HliDn.  But  it  is 
T  :  T 

supposed  he  derived  it  from  a  word  which 
means  "to  conceal,"  Q jl7  ;  D^V  (Arab.,  ilm, 
from  alama),  having  the  meaning,  understnnding, 
wisdom.  So  Bunsen's  Bibeiwerk,  ad  loc.  Cf .  Hitzig, 
at  Eccles.  iii.  II.  Fritzsche,  however,  supposes  that 
the  son  of  Sirach  is  alluding  simply  to  the  com- 
mon idea  of  wisdom,  namely,  that  it  is  something 
exalted  and  difficult  to  attain  ;  or,  if  he  refers  to 
the  etymology  of  the  word  as  it  is  found  in  He- 
brew, that  such  etymology  (i.e.,  with  such  a  sig 
nificaticni)  is  now  unknown  to  us. 


302  THE  APOCRYVHA. 


Ver.  20.  Hyacinthiiie  threads,  xXuirrixa  vaxlv- 
Btyov.  The  latter  word  is  found  also  in  Homer 
{Od.,  vi.  231  ;  xxiii.  15S).  Cf.  also  the  LXX.  at 
Ex.  xxvi.  4,  and  Numb.  xv.  38. 

Ver.  31.  ntpi6i)cr€is,  Set  her  upon  (thy  head). 
This  word  is  also  used  for  putting  ornamenta- 
tions on  the  head  by  the  LXX.  at  Is.  Ixi.  10  :  £s 


yvfjLtpicfi  Tr€pUBTjK€   fxot   /jLirpav.      Cf.    Acts   xiii.   3 
firideyrfs  Ttt?  x^^P°^^  aiiTo7s- 

Ver  32.  If  thou  wilt.  If  thou  art  ready  to 
make  tlie  sacrifices  which  mij;ht  be  needful. 

Ver.  34.  Gathering  of  elders.  The  public 
assembly  seems  to  be  referred  to  '^f.  vii.  14, 
He  was  to  go  where  he  would  be  'WA'  likely  to 
see  and  hear  what  was  profitable. 


Chapter  VTT. 

1  Do  not  evil  and  evil  will  not  befall*  thee. 

2  Depart  from  what  is  unjust,^  and  it  will '  turn  away  from  th' 
8       Ml/  son,  sow  not  upon  the  furrows  of  unrighteousness, 

And  thou  shalt  not  reap  them  seven-fold. 

4  Seek  not  of  the  Lord  leadership,* 
Neither  of  the  king  a  '  seat  of  honor. 

5  Justify  not  thyself  before  the  Lord ; 

And  play  not  the  wise  man  °  before  the  king. 

6  Seek  not  to  become  judge  : 

Lest  thou  shouldest  not  be  able  to  do  away  with  iniquities ; 
Lest  haply  tliou  shouldest  be  timid  before  the  mighty  man/ 
And  lay  a  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  thy  uprightness. 

7  Sin  *  not  against  the  multitude  of  a  city, 
And  cast  not '  thyself  down  among  the  people. 

8  Presume  not  to  sin  a  second  time  ; '" 
For  in  one  thou  shalt  not  be  unpunished. 

9  Say  not,  God  will  look  upon  the  multitude  of  my  gifts," 
And  when  I  offer  to  the  Most  High  God,  he  will  accept  it. 

10  Be  not  faint-hearted  in  '-  thy  prayer, 
And  neglect  not  to  give  alms. 

11  Laugh  at  no  man''  in  the  bitterness  of  his  soul ; 
For  there  is  One  who  "  humbleth  and  exalteth. 

12  Devise  '^  not  a  lie  against  thy  brother ; 
Neither  do  the  like  to  thy  friend. 

13  Be  unwilling  to  speak  any  lie  at  all,*' 
For  the  habit  of  it  comes  not  to  good." 

14  Speak  not  idly  in  an  assembly  **  of  elders. 
And  do  not  repeat  thyself  in  thy  prayer." 

15  Hate  not  a  toilsome  occupation,^" 

And  husbandry  appointed  by  the  Most  High.'^ 

16  Number  not  thyself  among  the  multitude  of  sinners. 
Remember  --  that  wrath  will  not  tarry.-' 

17  Humble  thy  soul  greatly, 

For  the  punishment  ^  of  the  ungodly  is  fire  and  the  worm." 

Vera.  1-5.  — i  A.  V. :  no  evil,  bo  shall  no  harm  come  unto.  *  the  unjust  (see  Com.).  *  iniquity  (106.  adds  KaxiM  , 
848.  253.  Co.,  a^apTi'a  ;  C,  oSiKt'a)  shall.  *  pre-eminence  {^ye/ioctai'.    See  Com.).  ^  the.  *  boast  not  of  thy 

wi.adom  (/xTj  (Toi^i^ou). 

Vers.  6-11.  — '  A.  V.  :  be  judge,  being  not  able  to  take  away  iniquity  ;  Lest  at  any  time  thou  fear  (cf.  Com.)  the  per- 
fon  of  the  mighty  (cf.  the  Gr.].  '  Offend.         "  then  thou  shalt  not  cast.     (It  is  too  esplanatory.    The  parallelism 

itself  giTCB  the  sense  with  sufficient  clearness.    See  Com.).  'o  Bind  not  one  sin  upon  another.    (The  verb  (caToSeo-- 

ueuw,  means  (1)  ro  tinrf/o.';/ ;  [2)  to  bind  up  —  as  a  wound  ;  so  at  Ecclus.  xxx.  7  ;  seeCom.)  '^  oblations.  "when 
thou  makest.        '^  Laugh  no  man  to  scorn.        '*  one  which. 

Vers.  12-16.  —  "A.  V. :  DeTisc  (aporpia  ;  ma.rg.,  plough;  but  probably  for   ^*TT,  and  used  in  the  sense  ol /or^e, 

llfvise.  Cf.  Prov.  iii.  29,  xiv.  22).  i"  Use  not  {JA'rj  deKe)  to  make  any  manner  o/lie  (i/*ev5eo^oL  n-af  i/<eu5o?).  "  the 
custom  (lit.,  continuance,  Fritzscho  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  "  dauemdes  Liigen,"  "  continued  lying,")  thereof  u  not 
good  («U  ayaQov).  '8  Use  not  many  words  (juij  afioX€<rxet)  in  a  multitude  (cf.  vi.  34).  *8  make  not  much  babbling 
(marg.,  vain  rrpetilion  ;  Or.,  (xij  5eUTepw(rT)T  Afiyoi.)  when  thou  praye-^t.  -'^  laborious  work.  ^i  Neither  (cf.  Com. 

husbandry  which  the  moat  High  hath  ordained.         -^  But  remember.         ^  tarry  long. 
Vers.  17-24. —  "*  A.  V.  ;  Teneeanri  ^''  and  worms  (the  sing,  is  used  in  the  Greek,  and  has  more  force  in  English 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  303 


18  Exchange  '  not  a  friend  for  a  great  treasure  ; ' 
Neither  a  real '  brother  for  the  gold  of  Suphir/ 

19  Turn  not  away  from'  a  wise  and  good  woman, 
For  also  her  attractiveness  is  °  above  gold. 

20  A  servant  who  worketh  faithfully,  treat  not  ill,' 
Nor  a  hireling  who  is  wholly  devoted.* 

21  Let  thy  soul  love  an  intelligent^  servant. 
Defraud  him  not  of  his  release.^" 

22  Hast  thou  cattle  ?  have  an  eye  to  them  ; 

And  if  they  be  for  thy  profit,  let  them  remain"  with  thee. 

23  Hast  thou  children  ?  discipline'-  them, 
And  bow  down  their  neck  from  their  youth. 

24  Hast  thou  daughters  ?  have  a  care  for  '*  their  body. 
And  carry  not  a  cheerful  face  '*  toward  them. 

25  Marry  off  a  daughter,  and  thou  wilt  have  completed  *°  a  weighty  matter ; 
And  give  her  to  a  man  of  understanding." 

26  Hast  thou  a  wife  after  thy  mind  ?  do  not  put  her  away;" 
But  do  not  resign  thyself  to  one  who  is  hateful.'* 

27  Honor  thy  father  with  thy  whole  heart, 

And  forget  not  the  birth-pangs  "  of  thy  mother. 

28  Remember  that  thou  camest  into  being  through  them  ;  ^ 

And  how  canst  thou  repay  them  for  what  '■"  they  have  done  for  thee  ? 

29  Fear  the  Lord  with  all  thy  soul, 
And  reverence  his  priests. 

30  Love  him  that  made  thee  with  all  thy  strength, 
And  forsake  not  his  ministers. 

31  Fear  the  Lord,  and  honor  the  priest ; 

And  give  him  his  portion,  as  it  is  commanded  thee  ; 
Firstfruits,  and  trespass  offering,  and  gift  of  the  shoulders, 
And  holy  offering,"^  and  firstfruits  *'  of  the  holy  things. 

32  Also  stretch  forth  tliine  hand  unto  a  poor  man,^ 
That  thy  blessing  may  be  perfected. 

33  A  gracious  gift  for  every  one  living, 
And  from  the  dead  withhold  not  favor.^ 

34  Fail  not  to  be  with  them  that  weep, 
And  mourn  with  them  that  mourn. 

35  Be  not  slow  to  visit  a  sick  person,-^ 

For  through  such  things  wilt  thou  be  '"  beloved. 

36  Li  all  that  thou  ^^  takest  in  hand,  remember  thy  end," 
And  thou  wilt  not  sin  forever.'" 

See  Com.)-  'Change.  =  for  any  good  by  no  means  (Ji-eitei' iSiacJopou  ;  106.  248.  Co.  add  itaTa  nTjSf  ti-.    Othen 

render,  '*  for  a  trifle,"  which  does  not  so  well  suit  the  context.    I  follow  Wahl  and  Fritzsche).  8  faithful  {rather, 

genuine,  real,  yvrjiriov  ;  cf.  Phil.  iv.  3,  irn^vye  yyrjiTie).  *  Ophir  (of.  Com.).  ^  Forego  not  [fty]  a(rr6x€i  ;  lit..  Do 

not  miss  the  -mark,  fail  of.  But  the  word  seems  here  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  neglect,  turn  away  from  (cf .  Polyb.  ssix. 
91).     So  Bunsen's  Bibetwerk,  and  Fritzsche).  »  For  (III.  X.  H.  23.  55.  al.  omit  Kai)  her  grace  is  ix'^pis,  here  in  the 

sense  of  charm,  attractiveness).  t  Whereas  thy  servant  worketh  truly,  entreat  him  not  evil.  8  the  hireling  that 

bestoweth  himself  wholly /or  thee  (cf.  Coin.).  ^  good  (cruverif  ;  II.  63.  157.,  ayadoy).  '»  And  («at,  155.  167.) 

....  liberty  (cf.  Com.).       ^^  keep  them  {e/iiieverw).       ^2  iustruct.        '3  have  care  of.        i*  shew  not  thyself  cheerful 

Vers.  25-28.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  Marry  thy  (106.  adds  <tov)  daughter  .  ...  so  shalt  ....  performed  (cf.  Com.).  is  But  .... 
understanding  (cf.  ver.  21).  "  forsake  her  not  (cf.  Co?n.).  '«  But  give  not  thyself  over  (e^Trio-TeuCTTj?  ;  eit&iZq,  H.  248. 
Co.)  to  a  light  (marg.,  hateful)  woman.  This  second  member  is  received  by  Fritzsche  from  X.  H.  23.  106.  248.  307.  Co. 
Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  Some  of  the  less  important  of  them  (23.  excepted),  however,  have  Kat  at  the  beginning,  instead  of  8e 
after  nicrovfxerifi).  "^  sorrows  {wBivat).  2"  wast  begot  of  them  (5t'  avTutv  eyevyrfOr]^,  with  III.  X.  H.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.  ; 
text,  rec,  eyev^eijv).        -^  recompense  .     .  ,  the  things  that  {lit.,  just  as,  as,  Ka9to^). 

Vers.  29-36.  —  —  A.  V. :  The  firstfruits  ....  the  trespass  ....  the  gift  ....  the  sacrifice  of  sanctification  (cf.  Com.), 
"  the  firstfruits.  "  And  {<cai,  but  to  be  rendered  with  Gaab,  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  "  Also  "  on  account  of 
its  close  relation  to  what  precedes)  stretch  ....  the  poor  (sing.  —  106.  plur.  —  and  without  the  article).  ^^  A  gift 

hath  grace  in  the  sight  of  every  man  living ;  And  for  the  dead  detain  it  not  (cf .  Co?n.).  26  the  sick  (ap'pitttnov  has 

av6ptaTT0v  before  it  in  55.  106. 155.  al.).  "  that  shall  make  thee  to  be.  *8  Whatsoeyer  thou.  2*  the  (307.  omita 
rou)  end.        ^^  shalt  never  do  amiss  (cf.  Com.) 


304 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


chapteb  vn. 


Ver.  1.  Like  the  Latin  proverb  :  "  Nisi  essent 
oeccata,  non  essent  flagella." 

Ver.  2.  'a5(kou  is  to  te  constrned  as  neuter, 
and  not  as  in  the  A.  V.  as  masculine.  Cf.  Jas.  iv. 
7  :  "  Resist  the  devil,  and  he  will  flee  from  you. 
The  peculiar  appropriateness  of  the  verbs  in  the 
two  clauses  (oTTiiffTTjei  ....  iKKKiVfi)  to  express 
the  idea  intended  is  to  be  noted. 

Ver.  3.  Essentially  the  same  figure  is  found 
at  Prov.  xxii.  8  ;  Hos.  x.  12  ;  Gal.  vi.  8. 

Ver.  4.  'Hyifioviav.  It  might  he  used  as  refer- 
ring to  a  special  office,  as  that  of  proconsul  (cf. 
X.  1 )  ;  but  it  seems  better  here  to  retain  the  gen- 
eral meaning  of  leadership,  supreiiiacy.  See  Herod., 

Hi.  65.  ,  .         ,      ., 

Ver  6.  Those  that  seek  great  things  for  them- 
selves should  not  forget  the  new  burdens  and 
temptations  that  would  thus  come  upon  them.  — 
%t,\aevev5,  thou  mlghtest  be  timid.  The  word 
means  originally  to  be  thoughtful,  cautious.  In 
Attic  Greek  it  was  used  as  synonymous  with 
AvXirrtaeat;  in  later  Greek,  with  <po&iiaeai.  Lt 
xxii.  22,  xxvi.  25,  xli.  3  ;  Wisd.  xii.  11  ;  1  Mace. 
xii.  42;  2  Mace.  vili.  16,  — where  it  is  similarly 
employed.  ,  j  ^ 

Ver.  7.  A  person  in  office  might  be  led  to  op- 
press or  do  injustice  to  the  common  people  in  con- 
sideration of  the  powerful,  and  so  prepare  the 
way  for  his  removal  bv  the  people. 

Ver.  8.  M^  KaraSecriievaris.  The  translation 
of  the  A.  V.  is  scarcely  allowable,  although  sm- 
ning  is  in  fact  like  a  chain  in  which  one  link  after 
another  is  forged  on.  Others  (De  Wette)  would 
render  "palliate  not;"  Bretschneider  (followed 
by  Wahl)  :  "  Bind  not  up"  (as  a  wound),  t.e.  to 
heal  the  sting.  In  other  words :  Do  not  indulge 
thyself  in  sin  Fritzsche,  "  Siihne  nicht  zweimal, 
"  Atone  not  t^vice  for."  The  following  verse  shows 
what  was  in  the  miud  of  the  author.  He  would 
reprove  those  who  thought  that  they  might  keep 
on  sinning,  if  they  kept  on  sacrificing;  and  1 
have  rendered  accordingly.     Cf.  1  Sam.  xv.  22. 

Ver.  9.  i^oipav,  gifts.  This  word  is  used  tor 
sacrificial  gifts  several  times  in  the  Gospel  of 
Matthew,  and  in  Mark  it  is  once  employed  to 
translate  corhan.  The  word  "  oblation"  doubtless 
came  into  the  A.  V.  through  the  Vulgate. 

Ver  10.  Cf.  Jas.  i.  6.  From  the  first  half  ot 
this  verse,  some  have  thought  the  Talmud  derived 
the  admouition  :  "  He  that  is  not  serene  m  spirit 
should  not  pray  ;  for  it  is  written,  '  In  anxiety 
should  one  not  pray.'  "  But  it  is  most  likely  that 
the  words  had  another  origin. 

Ver.  14.  Cf.  Matt.  vi.  7  :  "  Use  not  vain  repe- 
titions," etc.  ;  hut  there  fj.^  RarroXoyhanre. 

Ver.  15.  And  husbandry.  <»r,  nnmrhj,  even 
(koi)  hushnnrlry.  iiririndture.     Cf.  Gen.  ii.  15. 

Ver.  1 6.  It  is  meant  that  one  should  not  reckon 
himself  among  sinners  as  being  one  with  them  and 
of  them,  and  so  be  led  on  from  bad  to  worse. 

Ver  17.  Fire  and  the  worm.  Cf.  Is.  Ixvi. 
24;  Judith  xvi.  17  ;  Mark  ix.  48.  In  the  valley 
Df  Hinnom,  ne;ir  Jerusalem,  the  Jews  at  one  time 
practiced  the  horrible  idolatry  of  making  their 
children  pass  through  the  fire  to  Moloch.  Hence 
it  was  defiled  bv  Josiali  (2  Kings  xxiii.  10,  14). 
And  it  would  sJem  that,  afterwar.ls,  the  carcases 
of  dead  animals  were  thrown  out  there,  and  that 
it  became  the  burying-place  of  the  poor  and  the 
outcast  of  Jerusalem.      Hence  this  place  where 


fires  burned  continually  and  worms  preyed  on  tha 
dead  became  to  the  Jew  the  image  of  aU  that  was 
dreadful.  .   ,  .        ,  .  ,   . 

Ver.  18.  Gold  of  Suphir,  i.  e.  Ophir,  which  is 
the  Hebrew  form  of  the  word.  In  the  LXX.  it 
is  not  only  spelled  as  here,  but  in  several  other 
ways.  Cf.  also  Jos.,  Aniiq.,  viii.  6,  §  4.  It  has 
been  recently  identified  with  the  Taprobane  of  the 
Greeks.  See  Transactions,  etc.,  ii.  267  ff.  ;  but  cf. 
S(uf/.«nrfA>iV.,  1878,  pp.  458-475.       _    _ 

Ver.  20.  AiS6vTa  tV  il/ux^"  ""toi/,  is  whoU? 
devoted.  This  seems  to  render  the  idea  truly, 
although  somewhat  liberally.  Bretschneider  sup- 
poses that  the  reference  is  to  those  who  sold  them- 
selves into  slavery.  See  Dent.  xv.  12  ;  cf.,  how- 
ever Dent.  xxiv.  15.  A  Jewish  commentator 
remarks  on  the  passage  :  "  The  day-laborer  risks 
his  lite  for  his  pay,  since  he  exposes  himseU  to 
the  most  dangerous  employments."  _ 

Ver  21  Of  his  release.  After  a  service  of 
six  years,  or  in  the  year  of  JubUee,  the  slave 
among  the  Hebrews  was  manumitted.  Cf.  x.  25, 
and  Jer.  xxxiv.  9.  .  ,        ^u 

Ver  23  The  Svriac  version  renders  the  sec- 
ond member:    "and   give  them   wives  in  their 

^"ver  "4  A  care  for  their  body,  namely,  with 
respect  to  chastity.  —  An  Oriental  proverb  runs: 
"  He  that  strikes" not  his  daughter  vnU  stnke  his 
own  knees,"  i.e.,  in  mourning.  The  propriety  of 
such  admonitions,  however,  it  requires  little  dis- 
crimination to  deny.  Simple  seventy,  without 
tenderness,  might  be  expected,  as  the  world  goes, 
to  have  quite  the  contrary  effect  from  the  one 
here  sought.  .,     .  ... 

Ver  95  A  weighty  matter.  It  is  possible, 
though  not  absolutely  necessary,  that  the  idea  of 
obtaining  a  down'  is  meant  to  be  here  included, 
since  this  was  an  invariable  part  of  the  transac- 
tion.    See  Van  Lennep's  Bible  /.ands,  p  540  1±. 

Ver.  26.  Do  not  put  her  away.  1  he  matter 
of  divorce  seems  to  be  referred  to.  See  xxv.  26, 
xxviii.  15  ;  Lev.  xxi.  7  ;  Mark  x.  4.  The  second 
member  is  rendered  in  the  Old  Latin  :  "  Et  odibxh 
non  credas  te;"  the  Syriac  :  "  Q"»,f '/"  ""P™^" 
ne  te  cona-edas  iUi;"  the  Arabic  :  "Necfidemad- 
hibeas  nil  sifuerit  impudlca."  Gaab  (  Com.,  m  he) 
thinks  that  by  |JLi,rov^.4vr,  that  wife^  among  the 
many  is  meant  who,  for  the  time  being,  liad  not 
the  first  place  in  the  harem.  But  it  is  doubtful 
whether  such  a  definite  meaniug  can  be  ascribed 
to  the  words.  In  the  later  periods  of  Judaism 
there  ruled  even  greater  looseness  m  the  marriage 
relation,  polygamy  being  very  ^mraonly  prac- 
ticed. Josephus  {Anti/j.,  xv.i.  1,  §  2)  wrote. 
"  From  the  father's  times  to  ours  it  is  customary 
amons  us  to  have  several  wives  at  once. 

Ver  29.  @ai^La(,.  The  Old  Latin  has  sanct,- 
flea  The  word  seems  to  mean  here,  hold  in  hiyli^ 
estimation.  Luther  renders  :  "  Hold  in  all  honor 
Cf  xxxviii.  3.  The  priests  were  very  bkely, 
i„  the  midst  of  the  various  political  revolutions 
which  the  Jews  passed  through  in  the  last  cen- 
tnries  before  Chi^ist,  to  suffer  not  a  little  m  their 
means  of  support.  .. 

Ver  31  As  it  is  commanded  thee.  i^v.  vn 
30-  Deut.'xviii.  3.  — Holy  offering,  ev<rla.v  a-yiM 
„„D.  Bretschneider  renders  the  latter  «ord  by 
"  temple,"  but  improperly.  A  special  holy  offer 
ing  is  ra^ant,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  the  bloodies. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  '     305 


meat  offerinj;  of  Lev.  ii.  3.  —  First  fruits  of  the  I      Ver.  36.     Thy  end.     The  tiual  result  of  alL 
holy  things,  namely,  the  tithes  which  were  .ip- '  Cf.  vi.  28,  where  a  similar  thought  is  found.     A 


portioned  among  the  priests.  See  Lev.  xxvii 
30;  Numb,  xviii.  21  f, 

Ver.  33.  Xdpis  SiJ^aros  %vavTi  -Kavrhs  ^wvros, 
KaX  eVl  veKpw  fjiTj  airoKuXvaris  x^P^^-  *'  Grace  of  a 
gift  [be]  over  against  every  living  person,  and 
toward  the  dead  witlihold  not  favor  [respect,  good- 
will]." The  meaning  seems  to  be:  "Be  ready 
graciously  to  show  favors  to  every  one  living,  and 
to  the  dead  refuse  not  the  rites  of  honorable 
burial."     Cf.  Tob.  ii.  4. 

Ver.  34.  A  very  similar  precept  is  found  at 
Rom.  xii.  15. 


well-known  proverb  runs  :  "  All 's  well  that  ends 
well."  See  also  Is.  iii.  10,  11.  —  'WUt  not  sm 
(aiiapriiaas)  forever.  Evidently  quite  too  sweep- 
ing a  statement,  arising  not  only  from  an  inade- 
qiJate  view  of  the  nature  of  sin,  but  also  from  a 
very  imperfect  comprehension  of  what  was  needed 
to  prevent  and  atoue  for  the  same.  This  Greek 
word  belongs  to  the  moral  sphere,  meaning,  from 
the  time  of  Homer  downwards,  to  miss  the  right, 
to  transgy-ess,  to  sin.  Ci.  Ciemei'a  Lex.,  s.  v.  The 
form  for  the  fut.  act.,  a/idpTriam,  is  Alexandrian, 
and  not  common. 


Chapter  VIII. 

1  Strive  not  with  a  mighty  man, 
Lest  thou  fall  into  his  hands. 

2  Be  not  at  variance  with  a  rich  man,  lest  he  outweigh  *  thee ; 
For  gold  corrupteth  "  many. 

And  perverteth  ^  the  hearts  of  kings. 

3  Strive  not  with  a  man  that  is  full  of  tongue, 
And  heap  not  wood  upon  his  fire. 

4  Jest  not  with  a  rude  man, 
Lest  thy  ancestors  be  disgraced. 

5  Reproach  not  a  man  that  turneth  from  sin, 
Remember  that  we  are  all  worthy  of  punishment.* 

6  Dishonor  not  a  man  in  his  old  age, 
For  some  of  us  also  are  growing  ^  old. 

7  Rejoice  not  over  the  death  of  any  one," 
Remember '  that  we  die  all. 

8  Neglect  *  not  the  discourse  of  the  wise, 
And  employ '  thyself  with  their  proverbs  ; 
For  of  them  thou  shalt  learn  discipline,^' 
And  to  serve  great  men.^^ 

9  Miss  not  the  discourse  of  old  men,'^ 
For  they  also  learned  of  their  fathers  ; 
For  of  them  thou  shalt  learn  insight,*' 
And  to  give  answer  as  need  requireth. 

10  Kindle  not  the  coals  of  a  sinner. 
Lest  thou  be  burnt  by  his  flaming  fire." 

11  Do  not  get  excited  before  an  insolent  '^  person, 

Lest  he  seat  himself  as  one  who  lieth  in  wait  at  thy  mouth.** 

12  Lend  not  to  a  man  "  mightier  than  thyself. 
And  if  thou  hast  lent,  count  it  as  '*  lost. 

13  Be  not  surety  above  thy  power. 

And  *°  if  thou  be  surety,  take  care  to  pay  it. 

Vers.  1-5.  —  i  A.  V. :  overweigb  (cf.  Com.),  2  hath  destroyed  (aTrwXeae,  iterative  aorist ;  cf.  Buttmanii,  p.  201). 

perverted.  *  But  remember  ....  punishment  (Codd.  II.  (by  first  tiand)  III.  X.  23.  68.  Aid.,  inirlfioti.    Bom.  ed. 

(with  n.  by  a  second  hand)  eiriTi^tiois). 

Vers.  6-10.  —  ^  A.  V. :  even  some  of  us  wax.  ^  thy  greatest  enemy  (tw  ex^poTarw  o-ou,  H.  248.  Co. ;  Old  Lat.,  inimiea 
<uo)  being  dead.  '  Bur  remember.  «  Despise  (n-opiSj)?).  ^  But  acquaint  (icat  ....  ii/aoTpe^ov).  lo  instruc- 
tion {iTtu6eia.v.  It  is  used  here,  as  the  next  line  shows,  in  the  sense  of  "  discipline  ").  n  how  ....  men  with  ease 
(106.  248.  Co.  add  cii^apu>c  ;  H.,  eufiadws  ;  Old  Lat.,  sine  querela).  ^-  the  elders  iyepoviiav).  is  And  of  ...  .  under- 
Btanding  {avveaiv  j  cf.  following).        '*  with  the  flame  of  his  fire  (Iv  irvpl  (^Ao-yos  outou). 

Vers.  11-13.  —  ^^  A.  V.  ;  Rise  not  up  in  anger  at  the  presence  of  an  injurious  (see  Com.).        lo  lie  in  wait  (Iva  nrj  eyKa' 

fitrji)  to  entrap  thee  (ws  ivfSpov,  but  probably  for  iveSpeviov  —  ^"^S  —  as  Fritzsche  supposes)  in  thy  words  (marg.,/or 

thy  month).        i'  unto  him  that  is.         "  For  (leai)  if  thou  lendest  hirn,  count  it  but  (w«  an-oAwAeKujs  -yiVov).         '^  For 

'«u). 

2U 


306 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


19 


Go  not  to  law  with  a  judge, 
For  they  will  decide  ^  for  him  according  to  his  high  standing.' 
Travel  not  in  ^  the  way  with  a  hold  fellow, 
Lest  he  become  burdensome  *  unto  thee  ; 
For  he  wUl  do  according  to  his  pleasure,^ 
And  thou  wilt  ^  perish  with  him  through  his  folly. 
Strive  not  witli  an  angry  man, 
And  go  not  with  him  through  the  waste,' 
For  blood  is  as  nothing  in  his  sight. 
And  where  there  is  no  help,  he  will  strUie  thee  down.' 
Consult  not  with  a  fool. 
For  he  cannot  be  silent  about  a  matter.' 
Do  no  secret  thinff  before  a  stranger, 
For  thou  knowest  not  what  he  will  bring  to  light.'" 
Open  not  thine  heart  to  every  man, 
Aid  so  get  an  Ul  return.^' 


Vere.  14-19.  — ^  A.  V. :  judge.  2  honour  Ui^av.    It  refers  to  his  high  rank  as  ruler,  or  judge).  »  by  (cr). 

'  grieTouB.         B  own  will.        ^  shalt.        '  into  a  solitary  place  {fiiawopcuou  ....  ■nj*'  eprjtLov,    The  preposition  is  omit, 
ted  by  106.  248.  254.  307.  Co.).  «  overthrow  {Kara^aXtl)  thee.  «  keep  connsel  (A^yov  o-rtfai).  i»  forth  (of 

Ci>m.].      "  Lest  he  requite  thee  with  a  shrewd  turn  (to  xdptv  is  added  in  H.  23.  106.  248.  Co.,  ^ev£^  ;  Old  L&t.f  gratiam 
ftUsam.    It  is  an  obvious  though  correct  gloss) 

Chapter  VIII. 


Ver.  2.  Outweigh  thee,  atnuTTiiaTi  crov  t^" 
SKK-qv.  Put  over  against  thee  the  weight,  namely, 
the  weight  of  his  money.  He  would  he  able, 
through  bribery,  to  prevail,  although  his  cause 
might  be  unjust. 

Ver.  4.  Ancestors  be  disgraced.  Such  a 
man  has  no  respect  for  anything,  and  one  might 
therefore  be  wounded  in  his  most  sacred  feelings 
by  his  thoughtless  remarks. 

Ver.  5.  See  the  account  of  the  woman  taken 
in  adultery,  John  viii.  7  ff.  ;  as  also  the  conduct 
of  the  elder  son  in  the  parable  recorded  in  Luke, 
chap.  XV. 

Ver.  6.  See  Lev.  xix.  32.  —  In  his  old  age ; 
Bnnsen's  Bibebrerk,  "  on  account  of  his  old  age," 
which  is  correct  as  a  gloss. 

Ver.  11.  Mt;  e^oratrrps  aTrh  irpoadyjrov  v&ptffrou. 
The  sense  seems  to  be  :  "  Do  not  allow  thyself  to 
get  excited  in  the  presence  of  a  reckless  blas- 
phemer, and  so  be  led  to  say  things  which  he 
might  use  against  thee."  It  might,  however, 
mean  :  "  Rise  not  up  (reverently)  before,"  ;.  e.,  in 
order  to  win  him  over  by  moderation  and  indul- 


gence. But  the  context  favors  the  rendering 
given,  which  is  also  essentially  that  of  Wahl,  and 
Bunsen'.s  Bibelwerk. 

Ver.  12.  To  a  man  mightier.  He  would 
exercise  against  thee  the  right  of  the  stronger. 

Ver.  16.     Cf.  xxviii.  8  ;  Prov.  xv.  18,  xxii.  24. 

Ver.  18.  A  stranger.  Not  necessarily  here  a 
heathen,    but    one    who   is    unknown.  —  TlicTetv. 

Probably  for  the  Hebrew  T"''",  and  here  figura- 
tively used  for  bring  to  light.  Cf.  Job  xv.  35  ; 
Ps.  vii.  14.  A  Latin  proverb  runs  :  "  Fide,  sed 
cui  vide;"  German,  "  Trau,  schau,  wem." 

Ver.  19.  Kai  fj.^  avatpeperai  ffoi  x^P**'-  The 
sense  is  given  correctly  by  the  A.  V.  In  this 
case,  as  the  context  shows,  x«P'*'  means  an  ill  turn  ; 
el  care,  ne  male  libi  rependat.  Wahl's  Clavis,  ad 
vac.  Bnnsen's  Bibelwerk  renders  (with  De  Wette, 
less  truly  and  forcibly ) :  "  He  will  not  thank  you  for 
it ;  "  Fritzsche,  "  So  shalt  thou  not  have  ill  thanks 
(schlechten  Dank)  for  it."  On  the  force  of  a  second 
imperative  connected  by  /co(,  as  here,  cf.  Winer, 
p.  311. 


Chapter  IX. 


1  Be  not  jealous  over  ^  the  wife  of  thy  bosom, 
And  teach  her  not  an  evil  lesson  against  thyself. 

2  Yield  not  thyself  to  a  wife, 

To  cohabit  with  her  beyond  thy  strength." 

3  Go  not  to  meet  ^  a  harlot, 
Lest  thou  fall  into  her  snares. 

4  Be  not  long  with  a  female  singer,^ 
Lest  thou  be  taken  by  her  arts.* 

5  Gaze  not  on  a  maid. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  '  A.  V. :  over  for  with  respect  to.  The  word  yvvalKa  has  no  prep,  before  it).  *  Give  not  thy  soul  unto  • 
Toman  (/i>)  fiats  yvvaticc  rriv  ^v\rjv  o-ou)  To  set  her  foot  upon  thy  substance  (cf.  Com.  It  might  also  be  rendered 
*  That  she  set  herself  ;tg!iinst  thy  power  '').  s  Meet  not  with  (viravro. ;  anavra,  248.  307.  Co.).  *  Use  not  much 

he  company  (ei'fieAc'xtC^)  of  a  woman  that  is  a  singer  (cf.  Com.).        ^  with  her  attempts  (eiriTTjSeufxaat*',  H.  106.  248. 
Oo.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  307 


Lest  thou  be  annoyed  with  penalties  on  her  account.* 

6  Yield  not  thyself  unto  harlots,^ 
That  thou  lose  not  thine  inheritance. 

7  Do  not  look  around "  in  the  streets  of  a  *  city, 
And  wander  not  in  the  abandoned  ^  places  thereof. 

8  Turn  away  thine  eye  from  a  woman  of  beautiful  form,' 
And  look  not  upon  a  beauty  that  is  another's  ; ' 

Many  have  been  led  astray '  by  the  beautj  of  a  ^oman ; 
And  hereby  *  love  is  kindled  as  a  lire. 

9  Sit  not  at  all  with  a  married  woman,'" 

I  And  be  not  given  to  feasting  and  wine-drinking  with  her,** 

Lest  thine  heart  incline  unto  her. 
And  through  thy  passion  thou  plunge  "  into  destmction. 

10  Forsake  not  an  old  friend. 

For  the  new  is  not  equal  '^  to  him. 

A  new  friend,  new  '*  wine  ; 

If  it  has  become  old,  thou  wilt  ^'  drink  it  with  pleasure. 

11  Envy  not  the  glory '°  of  a  sinner, 

For  thou  knowest  not  what  vdll ''  be  his  end. 

12  Delight  not  in  that  which  the  ungodly  delight "  in, 
Remember  they  will  not  be  unpunished  till  death.** 

13  Keep  thee  far  from  the  man  that  hath  power  to  kill, 
And  thou  shalt  not  be  in  suspense  through  ■"  fear  of  death ; 
And  if  thou  come  unto  him,  make  no  mistake,^* 

Lest  he  take  away  thy  life.'^^ 

Know  -^  that  thou  goest  "*  in  the  midst  of  snares. 

And  that  thou  walkest  about  ^  upon  the  battlements  of  a  city." 

14  As  near  as  thou  canst,  study  out  those  around  thee,'" 
And  consult  with  the  wise. 

15  Let  thy  conference  '^'  be  with  men  of  insight,^ 

And  all  thy  communication  ^  in  the  law  of  the  Most  High. 

16  Let  ^*  just  men  eat  and  drink  with  thee  ;  ^^ 
And  let  thy  glorying  be  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord. 

17  By  reason  of  the  hand  of  artificers  the  work  will ''  be  commended. 
And  the  wise  ruler  of  the  people  by  reason  of  ^*  his  speech. 

18  A  man  full  of  ^  tongue  is  feared  "'  in  his  city ; 
And  he  that  is  rash  in  his  talk  will^  be  hated. 

Vers.  5-9.  —  *  A.  V  :  That  thou  fall  not  (crKai'SaAta^;,  Wahl  gives  it  here  the  sense  of  indi^nor)  by  those  things  that 
are  precious  in  her  (see  Com.).  8  Give  not  thy  soul  (see  ver.  1)  unto  harlots  {see  Com.).  ^  Look  not  round  about 
thee.  *  the.  ^  Neither  wander  thou  ....  solitary  {rat?  fprjuoti,  i.  e.,  the  disreputable  portions).  s  thine  (eroi*  ifl 
added  by  106.  254. 2o7.)eye  from  a  beautiful  woman  (yvvtuKiyj  €vfi6p<^ou).  '  another's  beauty  (see  Com.).  ^  For  (2i8. 
Co.  have  ydp)many  ....  decei-ved  {inKavriSriaax').  ^  For  herewith.  ^^  another  man's  wife  (^ero  VTraj-Spou  YVvaiicA?,  i.e., 
a  woman  who  is  under  the  control  of  a  man,  has  a  husband  ;  cf .  Rom.  vii.  2,  t)  yap  VTravSpo^  ywrt.  These  words  were 
also  sometimes  used  for  a  loose  woman,  but  that  is  clearly  not  the  meaning  here.  Codd.  H.  248.  Co.  add  leal  |utj  Kara- 
KkiSn^  eir'  ayKoXHiv  ^cT*  auTTjs,  which  were  adopted  by  the  A.  V.,  "  Nor  eit  down  with  her  in  thhie  arms).  "  spend  not 
thy  money  (<rv^l^o\olto7^^a^]S)  with  her  at  the  wine  {iv  olvi^.  A  more  free  rendering  seems  preferable).  ^  3o  through 
thy  desire  (see  Com.)  thou  fall  (oAicr^^i^js.  It  means  to  slip,  slide  in  a  slippery  path,  and  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  ifl 
not  strong  enough). 

Vers.  10-13.  —  ^^  A.  V.  ;  comparable  (e<^i(ros  ;  III.,  Iffio-os  ;  11.,  **'  to-os  ;  H.,  e<^'  Iotjs  ;  248.  Co.,  eir'  Itnjy).  "  is  as 

new.        ^^  When  it  is  old,  thou  shalt.        i*^  glory  (BeeCom.).        ^^  shall.        ^^  the  thing  that  ....  have  pleasure  (euSo- 
K^rfii  evSoKtaK  ;  tt*t.  rec.,  iv  eifioKc'if).  ^^  But  remember  they  shall  not  go  unpunished  (lit.,  "  shall  not  be  declared 

just'')  unto  their  grave  (lit.,  "as  far  as  Hades  ").  ^o  So  shalt  thou  not  doubt  (lit.,  "  suspect ")  the.  ^i  fault. 

^  life  presently  (H.  348.  Co.  add  n-apaxp^fta).        23  Remember  (en-iyvtu^t)-        ^  goest  (Sta^aiVeis).         25  walkest  (jrepi- 
iraTctc).        -^  the  eity  {text,  rec,  TroAetui' ;  Fritzsche  receives  the  gen.  sing,  from  X.  C.  H.  23.  106.  248.  254.  307.  Co.). 

Vers.  14-18.  —  2'  A.  V. :  guess  at  ((noxiKTaL.  It  means  here,  take  the  measure  of,  study  out)  thy  neighbour  (C.  H.  248. 
307.  Co.,  ToO  —  for  tous  —  irKr^alov  ;  cf.  Com.).  -^  talk  (StoAo-yicrfiis  =  (1)  a  balancing  of  accounts  ;  (2)  reasoning, 

conversation;  {S)  H.T.,  doubt).  2a  the  wise  {(rvverwy).  so  communication  (fii^YTjo-i?,  lit.,  narration).  31  J^nd 

let.        S3  eat  and  drink  with  thee  (avvSeiirvoi  trov,  i.  •.,  thy  table  companions).         S3  for  the  hand  of  the  artificer 
thall  (55. 106  167.  254.  have  the  sing.  ;  cf.  Com.).       "  for        s^  of  an  ill  {yXivvutit ;  «£  Till  3.    1  have  remdered  to 
lorrespond)         se  dangerous  (i^ojicpof )         S7  g^aii 


108 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IX. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  Numb.  v.  14.  —  An  evil  lesson, 
i.  e.  a  lesson  of  unfaithfulness  to  thee. 

Ver.  2.  We  have  given  above  two  render- 
ings of  the  latter  clause  of  this  verse  :  'E7ri/37J;'oi 
avTT^v  firi  t}}v  lax^v  (Co.,  ^^vx^lv)  trov.  The  one  in 
the  text  is  perhaps  on  the  whole  preferable. 
Fritzsche  objects  to  it  that  the  verb  in  this  sense 
is  used  only  of  animals,  and  that  in  this  case,  too. 
inrfp  should  stand  in  the  place  of  eVi.  But  neither 
objection  can  be  considered  as  necessarily  having 
force  in  the  present  case.  The  preposition  might 
be  translated  in  its  ordinary  sense  without  im- 
pairing the  meaning  of  the  verb.  And  it  would 
not  be  beneath  the  level  of  our  book,  in  other 
respects,  to  suppose  that  it  purposely  used  here 
i-nt^TJifai  rather  than  the  usual  ava^rivai.  The 
rendering  given  is  in  harmony  with  the  context, 
and  was  adopted  by  Bretschneider  and  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk. 

Ver.  4.  Singer,  xf/ahXoia-ris.  Properly  a  dancer 
as  well  as  a  singer.  Van  Lennep,  in  speaking  of 
the  professional  dancing  of  single  persons  in 
Eastern  lands,  says :  "  As  it  existed  in  Egypt 
from  time  immemorial,  and  is  copiously  pictured 
on  the  monuments  of  that  country,  even  upon 
some  that  are  older  than  the  exodus  of  the  Israel- 
ites, it  is  highly  probable  that  it  was  thence  intro- 
duced into  Western  Asia  and  India.  Still,  it 
appears  to  have  been  long  confined  to  the  volup- 
tuaries of  the  tireat  monarchies  of   Assyria  and 

Egypt It  is  very  common  among  the  rich 

in  Cairo  to  call  in  one  of  these  women  to  dance  be- 
fore their  guests  after  dinner,  and  scenes  of  the  most 

revolting  character  not  infrequently  ensue 

When  dancing  before  a  private  company,  they  wear 
the  ample  shintian  or  trousers,  and,  in  addition 
only  a  tunic  of  gauze-like  texture.  Libations  of 
wine  and  arrack  are  offered  them  by  the  spectators, 
of  which  they  freely  partake,  and,  laying  aside  the 
last  vestige  of  modesty,  the  consequences  may  be 
easily  imagined."     Bible  Lands,  p.  626  ff. 

Ver.  5.  2Kai'5aXi(rfi^s  iv  to?s  eVtTz^iots  auT^s. 
The  Syriac  and  Arabic  translate  ;  "  Ne  ad  du- 
plicern  ejtis  dotem  da?u7ieris."  According  to  Deut. 
xxii.  19,  the  seducer  was  obliged  to  pay  the  se- 
duced a  hundred  shekels,  twice  as  much  as  was 
usually  demanded  of  the  bridegroom,  by  the  par- 
ents, in  case  of  marriage.  Others  translate  : 
"  lest  thou  fall  into  sin  with  her ; "  and  still 
others :  "  lest  thou  fall  throngh  her  charms." 
Fritzsche  thinks  it  possible  that  the  word  may 
have  been  originally  eKi9vfiiots,  as  a  translation  of 
iT^wP,  of  which  a  secondary  meaning  is  "charm" 
or  "  beauty." 

Ver.  6.  '  Cf.  Prov.  v.  10;  vi.  26  ;  xxix.  3.  The 
word  used  for  "  harlot "  here  is  iropv-qv  (from 
»fpi'<£a>,  Greek  prostitutes  being  generally  slaves). 
Cf.  yvyaiKl  eratfji^oixev^,  ver.  3. 


Ver.  7.  Cf.  Prov.  vii.  8.  Tho  dangers  into 
which  curiosity  concerning  evil  leads  oue  are  illus- 
trated by  many  proverbs,  one  of  which  is :  "  Talk 
of  the  Devil,  and  he  is  sure  to  appear."  The 
Israelites  were  not  allowed  even  to  make  inquiries 
concerning  heathenism  and  the  service  of  Strang© 
gods,  lest  thev  should  be  led  iuto  sin.  See  Deut. 
xii.  29,  30. 

Ver.  8.  Ka\Aos  i.K\6Tpioy,  namely,  of  a  woman 
that  is  not  thy  wife,  and  that  belongs  to  another. 
The  Talmud  has  cited  this  pa.ssage,  with  varia- 
tions, aud  an  addition  from  Jeremiah :  "  Turn 
away  thy  eyes  from  a  beautiful  woman,  lest  thou 
be  caught  in  her  snares.  Visit  not  her  husband 
in  order  to  drink  wine  or  strong  drink  with  him. 
For  the  form  of  a  beautiful  woman  has  already 
ruined  many,  and  numerous  are  they  who  have 
beeu  destroyed  by  her.  The  dealer  in  ornaments, 
who  stimulates  to  unchastity,  receives  many 
wounds.  As  a  spark  kindles  the  flame,  as  the 
cage  is  full  of  birds,  so  her  house  is  full  of  craft." 
Gutmann,  Com.,  ad  loc. 

Ver.  9.  Cf.  Numb.  v.  29;  Prov.  vi.  24  f. 
Grotius  :  "  Conjuncta  sicnt  conuivia  et  amores*'  — 
Desire,  Trreu/taTi.  This  word  may  mean  "  inclina- 
tion," "  passion,"  (animal)  "  desire,"  and  is  prob- 
ably given  as  a  reudering  of  H^l.  Old  Lat., 
Syr.,  Ar.,  and  Clem,  of  Alex,  read  alfian  for  it. 

Ver.  10.  A  new  friend,  new  wine,  i.  e.,  both 
are  unproved,  are  simply  in  process  of  develop- 
ment, and  less  pleasant  than  afterwards. 

Ver.  11.  Cf.  Ps.  Ixxiii.  throughout,  but  espe- 
cially verse  17.  —  A<i{ai'  seems  here  to  be  used  in 
the  sense  of  "  good  fortune." 

Ver.  13.  There  were  periods  in  the  history  of 
the  Jews  when  to  be  cited  before  a  judge  was  in 
itself  equivalent  to  a  sentence  of  death.  There  is 
an  Oriental  proverb :  "  If  the  judge  be  your 
enemy,  God  help  you  ! "  It  is  possible,  however, 
that  the  admonition  relates  simply  to  one's  eon- 
duct  in  general,  in  the  service  of  kiugs  and  others 
of  high  rank. 

Ver.  14.  Toils  nKnffloy,  those  near,  in  order  to 
find  out  whether  they  are  persons  suitable  to  be 
intimate  with. 

Ver.  15.  In  the  law,  4v  rSfjuf.  The  rendering 
of  the  A.  V.  is  correct.  It  does  not  mean  "  con- 
cerning the  law"  (Linde),  but  to  be  within  its 
bounds,  —  in  harmony  with  it,  not  against  it. 

Ver.  17.  The  thought  is  that  as  an  artist's 
hand  is  shown  in  his  work,  so  a  ruler's  langu.age 
will  show  whether  he  is  wise  or  not.  Luther  : 
"  Das  Werk  lobt  den  Meister,"  "  The  work  praises 
the  master." 

Ver.  18.  An  Oriental  proverb  runs:  "  A  fool 
cast  a  stone  into  a  well,  which  forty  men  could 
not  draw  out  again." — npoTreriii ^Jailing  for- 
ward;  then,  prone  to  a  thing,  rash. 


Chapter  X. 


1  A  WISE  ruler  ^  will  discipline  '^  his  people, 

And  the  government  of  a  sagacious  man  '  is  well  ordered. 

Twi.  1,  2.  —  *  A.  V. :  judge  ((tpiT^t,  but  clearly  for  t^^C,  and  meaning  here  rvler,  regent ;  cf.  WiBd.  1. 1).       •  !»• 
•tract  (iKuJcuffti ;  irai8»v«i,  II.  68.  248.  Co.).         »  prudent  man  {<ruvtTo\i ;  cf.  i.  4, 19,  24,  and  ver.  23  below,  with  Otm 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  309 


2  As  the  ruler  ^  of  his  ^  people,  so  liis  servants,' 

And  as  the  chief  person  ■*  of  the  city,  so  ^  all  they  that  dwell  therein. 

3  An  uniustructed  "  king  destroyeth  his  people. 

And '  through  the  sagacity  of  the  powerful  a  city  will  flourish.' 

4  The  domiuiou  ^  of  the  earth  is  in  the  liaiid  of  the  Lord, 
And  in  due  time  he  will  set  over  it  liim  who  is  qualified.*" 

6       In  the  hand  of  the  Lord  ^^  is  the  prosperity  of  a  man,*^ 
And  to  '^  the  person  of  an  official  he  lendeth  its  dignity." 

6  Bear  not  hatred  to  t/tt/  neighbor  over  any  '°  wrong, 
And  do  nothing  at  all  if  violence  is  practiced.'" 

7  Pride  is  hateful  before  the  Lord  "  and  before  men," 
And  against  "  both  doth  it  -"  commit  iniquity. 

8  Because  of  wrongs,  and  violence,  and  greed  of  gain, 
Dominion  passes  from  nation  to  nation.*' 

9  What  -'-  is  earth  and  ashes  proud  of  ?  ^* 

For  while  alive  he  maketh  him  inwardly  tremble.^ 

10  A  long  disease,  the  physician  jokes  ;  ^' 

Yea,  to  day  a  king,  and  to  morrow  he  will  die.*' 

11  For  when  a  man  is  dead, 

He  shall  have  as  his  portion  maggots,  and  jackals,  and  worms." 

12  The  beginning  of  pride  is  when  a  man  "''  departeth  from  the  Lord,'* 
And  his  heart  is  turned  away  from  his  Maker. 

13  For  the  beginning  of  pride  is '"  sin. 

And  he  that  holdeth  it  fast  will  pour  out ''  abomination. 
Therefore '-  the  Lord  made  his  calamities  extraordinary,'* 
And  overthrew  them  utterly. 

14  The  Lord  cast^*  down  the  thrones  of  princes," 
And  set '"  the  meek  in  their  stead. 

15  The  Lord  plucked ''  up  the  roots  of  nations," 
And  planted  the  lowly  in  their  place. 

16  Lands  of  nations  tlie  Lord  overthrew,'' 

And  destroyed  them  to  the  foundations  of  the  earth. 

17  He  took  some  of  them  away,^"  and  destroyed  them. 
And  made  *^  their  memorial  to  cease  from  the  earth. 

18  Pride  is  not  meant  *^  for  men, 

Nor  furious  anger  "  for  them  that  are  born  of  women." 

at  that  place.).  ^  judge.  -  the  {ovtov  is  omitted  by  X.  — through  a  corrector  —  H.  106. 157.  248.  254.  Co.  OW 

Lat.).  3  is  himself,  so  (icai  after  outuj?  is  omitted  by  Fritzsche  with  III.  X.  C.  106.  155.  307.)  are  hia  officers  (Xetrovp- 
Yol  aiiTov).        *  what  manner  of  man  the  ruler  (here  riyovfi.€vov).         ^  is,  such  are. 

Vers.  3-6.  —  "A.  V. :  unwise  (ajraiSeuTos).         ^  But  (icac).  8  prudence  (trvfeVei ;  cf.  Ter.  1)  of  them  which  are  in 

authority  {Svvatrritv)  the  city  shall  be  inhabited  (cf.  Com.].  ^  power  (e^ovffi'a  with  the  article  in  III.  X.  H.  23.  55. 

106.  155.  157.  Co.,  which  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche).  *o  one  that  is  protitable  [tov  xp'io't/^oi')  i.  e.,  useful  as  it  respects 
the  objects  for  which  one  should  rule,  and  so,  qualified).  ii  God.  ^-  of  man.  is  upon  (dat.  without  a  prep. ;  307., 
accus.}.  "  the  scribe  (cf.  Com.)  shall  he  lay  (eTri^o-et,  but  expressing  a  general  truth)  his  honour  (fid^ac,  here  the 
respect^  dignity  inhering  in  his  office).  ^^  for  (ctti  ;  ec,  106.  155.)  every  [rravTi,  but  the  sense  can  only  be  as  given 

above.     It  means  every  wrong,  even  the  least,  and  so,  any  wrong).         !*■  by  injurious  practices  (see  Corn.). 

Vers.  7-9.  —  1^  A.  V. :  God.  ^^  and  man  (plur.).  '^  by  (.see Co'«.).  ^'^  one.  21  unrighteous  dealings  (oStKias), 
injuries  (kol  u^pett),  and  riches  got  by  deceit  ixprnxara ;  248.  Co.  add  86\ta.  The  context  makes  it  clear  that  the  love  of 
gold  is  meant  which  leads  to  robbery  and  violence),  the  kingdom  (^ao-tAcia,  a  kingdom,  or  rule,  dominion  in  general) 
is  translated  from  one  people  to  another  (curb  e^fous   eis  eflfos).  --  Why  (ri).  23  proud  (see  Co7n.     There  fol- 

low in  the  A.  V.  the  words  "  There  is  not  a  more  wicked  thing  than  a  covetous  man:  For  such  an  one  setteth  his  own 
Boul  to  sale."  They  are  found  in  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  ;  also  in  106.,  but  in  that  MS.  as  a  conclusion  to  ver.  8,  where 
they  would  more  properly  be  found).  ^*  Because  while  he  liveth  {on  iv  ^uijj ;  106.  248.  Co.  add  avroit)  he  casteth 

away  hia  bowels  (eppii/'a  —  plur.,  III.  157.  248.  Co.  —  ra  ivBoadia.  avrov  ;  cf .  Com.). 

Vers.  10-16.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  The  physician  cutteth  oif  {(TKwTrret ;  157.  248.  Co.,  leon-Tet ;  iKKinrfi,  55.  254.  Cf  Corn.)  a 
long  disease  (vaxpbr  dppwimj^a.  These  words  begin  the  line,  and  are  followed  by  a  comma  in  Fritzsche's  te:tt) 
**  And  he  that  is  to  day  a  king  (not)  to-morrow  shall  die.  -'  inherit  creeping  things,  (koL)  beasts  (see  Com.),  and 

(Aid.  omits)  worms.  ^^  one  (di'dpuiirov).  2a  (jod  (xvpiiSu  ;  cf.  vers.  4,  7).  ^*^  pride  is  the  beginning  of  sin  (so  248. 
Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.).  si  hath  it  (6  Kpariitv  avTJi<i)  shall  pour  out  (e^oju/Sp^o-ei).  32  ^,t£f  therefore.  33  brought  upon 
them  strange  calamities  {ffopeSi^mre  xiiptos  Ta«  ^n-ayuiyos).  ^*  hath  cast.  ^^ proud  (H.  and  Old  Lat.  add  vwepri^dviav) 
princes.  ^  set  up  («(i«i(re).  "'  hath  plucked.  =8  the  proud  (H.  23.  106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  inrepitifiyiDv) 

Bations.        *•  The  Lord  overthrew  countries  of  the  heathen. 

Vers.  17, 18.  — *o  A.  V.  :  took  jome  (contained  in  the  prep,  with  the  gen.)  ....  away  (efijpev  was  read,  which  Fritzsche 
adopts  ;  cf.  Com.).  *i  hath  made.  *^  was  (perf .  pass,  in  the  sense  of  the  pres.)  not  made  (better  rendered  by  the 

Idiomatic  expression  given  above).  *^  furious  anger  (opyij  eunoi) ;  cf.  BvntK  opy^s,  Ecclus.  xlv.  19,  &ntiCom.  at  Prayer 
ef  Manas,  ver.  10, 1  Mace.  ii.  49).        **  a  woman  (plur.  in  Or.). 


810  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


19  What  generation  is  honored  ?     The  generation  of  man. 
What  generation  is  honored  ?     They  that  fear  the  Lord. 
What  generation  is  unhonored?     The  generation  of  man. 

What  generation  is  unhonored  ?     They  that  transgress  the  commandments.' 

20  Among  bretlii-en  he  that  is  their  chief  is  honored  ;  ^ 
So  are  they  that  fear  the  Lord  in  his  eyes.' 

22  A  rich,  and  a  noble,  and  a  poor  man,* 
Their  glory  is  the  fear  of  the  Lord. 

23  It  u  not  right  ^  to  despise  a  ^  poor  man  that  hath  sagacity ; ' 
And  it  is  not  fitting  to  honor  '  a  sinful  man. 

24  A  great  man,  and  a  judge,  and  a  potentate,  will  °  be  honored, 

And  there  is  '"  none  of  them  greater  than  he  that  feareth  the  Lord. 

25  Unto  the  wise  servant  will  the  free  ^^  do  service, 
And  an  intelligent  man  will  not  grumble.'^ 

26  Be  not  overwise  in  doing  thy  business. 
And  boast  not  '^  in  the  time  of  thy  distress. 

27  Better  is  he  that  laboreth,  and  aboundeth  in  all  things. 
Than  he  that  boasteth,"  and  wanteth  bread. 

28  jVy  son.  glorify  thyself  in  meekness,'^ 

And  honor  thyself  "^  according  to  thy  worth." 

29  Who  will  justify  him  that  sinneth  against  himself  ?  *' 
And  who  will  glorify  him  that  dishonoreth  himself  ?  " 

30  A  '■"'  poor  man  is  honored  for  his  skill. 
And  a'"  rich  man  is  honored  for  his  riches. 

31  But  he  "-  that  is  honored  in  poverty,  how  much  more  ^  in  riches  ? 
And  he  that  is  unhonored  ^  in  riches,  how  much  more  in  poverty  ? 

Vers.  19-23.  —  ^  A.  V. :  They  that  fear  the  Lord  are  a  sure  seed, 

And  they  that  love  him  an  honorable  plant : 

They  that  regard  not  the  law  are  a  dishonourable  seed  ; 

They  that  transgress  the  commandments  are  a  deceivable  seed. 
\So  248.  Co. ;  H.  inserts  it  before  ver.  19).        2  jg  chief  w  honourable.         s  eyes  (106.  248.  Co.  have  an  addition  to  thij 
Terse  appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as  Ter.  21,  as  follows  :  The  fear  of  the  Lord  goeth  before  the  obtaining  of  authority  (n-potr- 
kriif/etii^  apxri ;  248.  Co.  for  the  former  7rp6  A^fews) :  But  roughness  and  pride  is  the  losing  thereof).  *  Whether  he  bt 

rich,  (*tai)  noble,  or  {*cai)  poor.  ^  meet  (6tKaior).  «  the.  '  understanding  (see  Com.}.  s  Neither  is  it  conTen> 
lent  to  magnify. 

Vers.  24-31.  —  *A.V.:  Great  men,  and  judges,  and  potentates  (H.  248.  Co.  hare  the  plur.)shan.  lo  y,.r  1.5  there 

^  the  servant  Ihat  is  wise  (o-o^oj ;  H.  23.  106.  248.  307.  Co.,  trvvsTt^}  shall  they  that  are  free.  ^  he  that  hath  knowledge 
iayrip  eTTicTT^fiiui') ....  grudge  (yoyyuaet ;  H.  2iiS.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.  add  naiSevotxevos  ;  Old.  Lat.,  correptus)  when  he  is  reformed. 
13  not  thyself  (ef.  Com.}.  "  boasteth  himself.  '°  glorify  thy  soul  in  meekness  [fv  irpavrrtrt  Sofoaoc  ttjv  >ifvx^i' 

trov).  1*^  give  it  (auTTJ,  thy  soul,  or  thyself)  honor.  ^'  the  dignity  thereof.        '8  tig  own  soul.        ^^  his  own 

life  {ttiv  ^WTji-  avTOu.  The  substantive  seems  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  ^xt^v  in  the  previous  versel.  -'*  The.  21  the. 
•2  He  (III.  C.  106.  157.  248.  296.  307.  Co.  join  the  Si  to  the  verb,  i.  e,,  instead  of  6  Se  aofofojieros  read  6  SeSoiaaiiiyot). 
i^  how  much  7rjore  (*eal  ....  jro(ra\iaq  ;  lit.,  in  how  many  ways.  On  icat,  in  such  a  construction,  cf.  Winer,  p.  437.  It 
might  be  rendered  here  '*  also  ").  ^  he  that  is  dishonourable. 

Chapter  X. 
Vers.  1,2.     Cf.  Prov.  xx.  8,  and  ix.  17  of  the  |  rec.  and  II.,  the  last  member  would  read:  "and 


present  book.  The  Latin  proverb  is  familiar : 
"  Qualis  rex,  talis  lex  *'  (or  grtx). 

Ver.  3.  OiKiaOiitriTai.  Lit.,  "  shall  be  built," 
i.e.,  shall  grow,  thrive.  See  the  use  of  the  same 
word  at  xxxviii.  32. 

Ver.  5.  Prosperity,  doSla.  As  the  context 
shows,  prosperity  with  reference  to  the  attainment 
of  high  position  is  meant.  — Ilpoo-ccTrij)  ypaiifiaTeics. 
The  connection  requires  the  seu^e  "  official,"  "  to 
im  in  otiicial  po.-iition,"  corresponding  to  the 
Jebrew  ");;tr.      Cf.  Gen.  v.  6,  10;  Josh.  i.  10. 

Ver.  6.  If  violence  is  practiced,  i.  e.,  against 
thee.  Lit.,  "  in  works  of  violence."  This  render- 
ing of  iv  Iffois  uPpeus  is  iixed  hy  ihe  context. 

Ver.  7.  We  have  emended  the  translation  in 
harmony  with  Grotius's  and  Fritzsche's  sugges- 
:ion  that  th  should  stand  for  e'£  before  an^orfptuv. 
If  aStKla  (with  IH.  X.  23.  5.").  106.  I.S.5.  157.  254. 
296.  307.  308.)  is  substituted  for  iSiHa  of  the  text. 


against  both  injustice  wiU  do  wrong."  But  it  seems 
better  to  have  the  same  subject  for  both  members 
of  the  verse.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  retaining  the 
common  text,  renders :  "  and  through  both  must 
he  rue  it   (TrATi^/xeAe'o;,  a  supposed  rendering  for 

D^S)  in  vain." 

Ver.  9.  Earth  and  ashes.  Cf.  xvii.  27,  and 
Gen.  xviii.  27.  The  Syriac  and  Arabic  texts 
render  by  "  Cur  siiperbiat  puhls  ac  cinis  f  "  Old 
Latin:  "  Quid  superbit,"  etc.  But  the  Greek  is: 
Tl  {nrepricj>av(v(Tat,  etc.  —  "I  [God]  make  him  in- 
wardly tremble."  So  Fritzsche,  who  Buppo.-es  the 
verb  to  be  a  rendering  for  Tf^vtt'n,  Hiphil  of 
T[  J'tf,  in  the  sense  of  concutere.  I  have  adopted 
the  third  person  singular  of  the  aorist,  uistead  of 
the  first.  Bnnsen's  Bibtlu-erk  renders:  "In  life 
are  his  entrails  emptied  out." 

Ver.  10.     Jokes,  makes  light  of,  <r»c^Tei.     The 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


311 


physician  thinks  the  disease  or  weakness  tliat 
comes  through  the  judgment  of  God  of  little  ac- 
count;  but  —  to-day  a  kini;,  to-movrow  dead.  If 
the  suggestion  of  Hitzig,  that  laTp6v  be  read  for 
taTp6s,  be  received,  the  first  member  would  be,  "  A 
long  sickness  mocks  the  physician,"  and  greater 
clearness  of  thought  secured.  The  passage  has 
been  thought  by  some  to  refer  to  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Cf.  1  Mace.  vi.  8,  9  ;  2 
Mace.  ix.  9.  Bretschneider,  adopting  this  theory, 
would  consequently  reject  the  whole  verse  as  a 
later  addition.  But  it  is  probably  genuine,  and 
has  ouly  a  general,  nud  not  a  specific,  refercTice. 

Ver.  11.  Jackals,  flTjfjio.  Theocritus  (i.x.  161) 
uses  the  word  of  bees ;  Hippocrates  of  worms  in 
the  bowels,  and  it  might  here  mean  "  worms." 
But  it  is  probable  that  that  pest  of  Oriental  coun- 
tries, the  jackal,  is  meant.  So  Bretschneider  and 
Wahl  versus  Fritzsche. 

Ver.  17.  'E|7)pai/ei»,  tt'3)',  lets  dry  up,  wither,  go 
to  ruin.  The  reading  e(ripei'.  Old  Latin,  amovit, 
was  adopted  by  the  A.  V.  It  has  also  been  re- 
ceived bv  Fritzsche  from  III.  X.  C.  H.  23.  106. 
1 55.  1 57.'  248.  254.  296.  307.  Co.,  and  I  have  there- 
fore left  the  translation  unchanged. 

Ver.  18.  The  meaning  is  that  man  was  not 
made  for  pride.  Luther,  falsely ;  "  The  man  is 
not  made  evil."  —  Born  of  women.  Men  are 
spoken  of  in  this  way  as  being  in  their  origin  of 
one  flesh  and  blood  (cf.  Matt.  xi.  11  ;  Luke  vii. 
28),  and  also  as  weak  and  mortal.  The  word 
yevvrifMa  is  used  for  ichat  is  produced  by  plants 
and  animals,  especially  the  former,  Cf.  1  Mace. 
i.  38,  iii.  45,  where  it  is  employed  as  here. 

Ver.  19.     Generation,  ffire'/j/ta  =  ^HT- 

Ver.  22.     Cf.  Jer.  ix.  23,  24. 

Ver.  23.  ^vverSv,  inteiligeiit,  sagacious.  Here 
the  word  is  contrasted  with  a/jLapTuXiv  in  the  fol- 
lowing clause,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say  that  a 
sagacious  man  will  not  be  a  sinner.  It  is  inter- 
esting, indeed,  to  note  what  a  variety  of  ideas  our 
Buthor,  through  the  titles  he  applies,  associates 


with  the  character  represented  in  Hebrew  by  tha 
terms  ,12  and  b''1K.  We  find,  for  instance, 
fi!iip6s,  viii.  17;  &(ppuv,  xxi.  23  ;  iaivfTos,  xxi.  18; 
aviiriros,  xxi.  19;  iiroiSeuros,  axapSios,  vi.  20;  fii/- 
flptoiros  Sxapis,  XX.  19.  All  these  words  emphasize 
the  fact  of  the  lack  of  wisdom.  A  second  group 
sets  forth  the  false  relation  which  such  a  person 
sustains  to  God  and  divine  things  :  iafBvs,  vii. 
17  ;  <S  KaTaXiwiiv  rhv  Kvpiov,  xxviii.  23  ;  Trapa^alvuii/, 
xl.  14;  &VO/J.OS,  xvi.  4  ;  S5ikos,  xl.  13  ;  4x^p6s.  xii. 
8,  9  ;  aKK6TpiOS,  xi.  34.  A  third  series  of  titles 
represent  the  activity  of  such  a  person  as,  in  gen- 
eral, a  false  one  :  ap.apTu\6s,  xi.  30  ;  atxaprdvuv, 
xix.  4 ;  6  &v0ptaTros  TT\avw^ivos,  xvi.  23  ;  &  Kouck 
ipya^6fj.evos,  xxvii.  10;  Trovrjpfv6fX€Vo^,  xix.  26. 
Still  another  series  of  words,  by  which  a  more 
definite  characterizatiou  of  the  "  fool  "  is  pre- 
sented, are  :  Ka/cds,  xx.  17  ;  ^  i|'ux')  'roi-Tjpa,  vi.  4  ; 
liirepri<t>avo!,  xi.  30  ;  SSAios,  xi.  29  ;  cTwaTaK6s,  xxi. 
15;  \oiSopos,  xxiii.  8  ;  anaiS-fis,  xl.  30.  Cf.  Mer- 
guet,  pp.  26,  33. 

Ver.  25.  "Will  not  grumble,  i.  e.,  at  that  which 
had  just  been  asserted  ;  since  it  was  quite  right, 
if  one  were  wise  enough  to  see  it.  There  was  no 
real  want  of  propriety  in  it. 

Ver.  26.  Overwise.  Do  not  try  to  be  very 
fine  and  very  clever,  and  do  everything  after  the 
most  wonderful  way  ;  for  then  nothing  at  all  will 
be  accomplished.     Cf.  LXX.  at  Ec.  vii.  16. 

Ver.  27.  The  text  of  the  vulgate  and  II.  is 
Kpitaawv  {248.  254.  Co.  add  ytip)  ip'ya^6ixiVos  eV 
wairii' fi  TrepiiraTwp  ("  thou  a  loafer  ")  ^  So^(i(6fxei/os, 
etc.  Fritzsche  adopts  from  X.,  by  a  corrector, 
H.  23.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  tcpelirffav  iyya- 
^6fisvos  Kal  nepKTffevwv  4v  watriv  ff  (6,  H.  248.  Co.) 
Solafrf/zei/os,  etc.,  which  was  the  reading  of  the 
A.  V.  ;  III.  106.  157.  296.  agree,  except  that  they 
add  fi  Tepi-n-arHy  after  iraffii',  and  III.  C.  55.  106. 
155.  157.  296.  omit  ^  before  So^a^ifievos. 

Ver.  29.  AiKaicu<rei,  set  forth  as  righteous,  justify. 
Cf.  ix.  12;  xiii.  22.  —  Dishonorelili  himself,  de- 
grades himself,  namely,  by  doing  that  which  ia 
disgraceful,  or  by  having  had  little  self-respect. 


Chapter  XI. 


1  The  wisdom  of  a  lowly  man  lifteth  up  his  head,* 
And  giveth  him  a  seat  -  among  great  men. 

2  Praise  '  not  a  man  for  his  beauty, 

And  abhor  not  ■*  a  man  for  his  appearance.* 

3  The  °  bee  is  little  among  such  as  fly, 
And '  her  fruit  is  chief  *  of  sweet  things. 

4  Boast  not  in  the  putting  on  of  clothing,' 
And  exalt  not  thyself  in  the  day  of  honor  ; 
For  the  works  of  the  Lord  are  wonderful. 
And  his  works  among  men  are  hidden. 

5  Many  rulers  came  to  sit  on  "  the  ground. 

And  he  '^  that  was  not  thought  of  '-  wore  ^'  the  crown. 

Vers.  1-6.  —  l  A.  V.  :  Wisdom  lifteth  up  tlie  head  o£  him  that  is  of  low  degree  (marg.,  o/  the  lowly;  a-Off)ia  rairtivoi 
awtititati  {aw't/tiuTt,  text,  rec.)  ice0aAi)i'  aVToO  [text.  rec.  omits  ovToy).  Fritzsche  adopts  this  form  of  the  text  from  HI. 
X.  C.  H.  65.  106.  248.  al  Co.).  '  maketh  him  to  sv..  ^  Commend  (alveoTjs,  with  II.  HI.  X.  C.  157.  248.  296.  307. 

Co.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  alvdtreii).       *  Neither  abhor.        6  outward  appearance  (opairet).        ^  The  (the  article  is  found 
in  X.  C.  H.  55.  106.  157.  248.  Co.,  and  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche).  'But.  »  is  the  chief .  »  of  ^Ay  clothing  anil 

raiment  (ef  irepi/SoApifxaTicoi').  ii*  kings  (rupoci-ot)  have  sat  down  upon  (iKaOicrav  en-i).  'i  one  (6).  ^  never 

thought  of  (ai^iroi'oijTos).        ^^  hath  worn  (aor. ). 


312  THE  APOCKYPHA. 


6  Many  mighty  men  were  '  greatly  disgraced, 
And  honored  ones  '^  delivered  into  other's  ^  hands. 

7  Blame  not  before  thou  hast  examined ;  * 
Think  over  ^  first,  and  then  rebuke. 

8  Answer  not  before  thou  ^  hast  heard,' 

And  do  not  break  in  *  in  the  midst  of  what  is  said.' 

9  Strive  not  about  ^^  a  matter  that  coucerneth  thee  not,^^ 
And  sit  not  in  judgment  along  with  '■  sinners. 

10  My  sou,  employ  not  thyseK  about  ^^  many  matters, 

For  if  "  thou  multiply  pzirsidts,^^  thou  wilt  not  come  off  blameless  ;** 
And  though  thou  follow,"  thou  wilt  not  overtake,^' 
And  though  thou  run  away,  thou  wUt  not  escape.^' 

11  Many  a  one  '"*  laboreth,  and  taketh  pains,  and  maketh  haste, 
And  is  so  much  the  more  behind. 

1 2  Many  a  one  is  ^'  slow,  and  in  need  ^'^  of  help. 
Is  beliind  in  strength,''^  and  in  poverty  rich ;  ^ 

And  the  eyes  '^  of  the  Lord  look  '^  upon  him  for  good, 
And  he  raiseth  ^'  him  up  from  his  low  estate, 

13  And  lifteth  ^s  up  his  head  ;  ^ 

And  many  are  in  wonderment  over  '"  him. 

14  Prosperity  and  adversity,  life  and  death, 

Poverty  and  riches,  come  from  the  Lord.'^  ' 

17  What  is  given  ^"  of  the  Lord  remaineth  with  the  godly, 
And  his  favor  bringeth  prosperity  for  ever. 

18  Many  a  one  is  rich  through  ^^  his  wariness  and  pinching, 
And  this  is  his  portion  as  reward  i^* 

19  In  his  saying,'^  I  have  found  rest, 
And  now  can  eat  of  my  good  things.'* 

And  *'  he  knoweth  not  how  time  passeth  away," 

And  that  he  shall  ^  leave  these  things  to  others,  and  die. 

20  Be  stedfast  in  thy  covenant,  and  pass  thy  life  ^  therein. 
And  so  grow  ^'  old  in  thy  work. 

21  Marvel  not  at  the  works  of  a  sinner,** 

But  trust  in  the  Lord,  and  abide  in  thy  labor ; 
For  it  is  an  easy  thing  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord 
On  the  sudden  to  make  a  poor  man  quickly  *'  rich. 

22  The  blessing  of  the  Lord  is  the  reward  of  the  godly, 
And  in  a  swift  hour  "  he  maketh  his  blessing  flourish.* 

Vira.  6-10.  —  *  A.  V. :  have  been.  ^  the  boaourable.  ^  other  men''s,  *  examined  the  truth  (H.  adds  to 

ue>i^  the  words  6i' oxoij?}.         ^  Understand  (i-otjaof).  '^  thou.  ^  hn&Td  the  cause.  «  Neither  interrapt  men 

/iTj  1rape^■^(iAAou  ;  H.  ^8.  Co.  add  prjiia  ;  Old  Lat.,  ne  adjicias  loqui).  ^  their  talk  {\6yuv).  lo  in  (irepi) 

-1  thee  not  (xpefa,  found  in  the  text.  rec.  after  trou,  is  stricken  out  by  Fritz.sche,  as  a  later  addition,  in  harmony  with  TTT. 
X.  C.  23.  248.  al.  Co.).  ^^  with  {the  verb  is  avveSpevt ;  maJg.  of  A.  V.,  in  the  judgment  of  sinners).  ^3  meddle  not 

{ttnfuaav  aX  jrpafets  aov)  with  (jrept).  "  For  if  [iav  yap,  X.  II.  55.  106.  167.  248.  254.  Co.,  and  Fritzsche  adopts  ;  text, 

rec.  omits  yap).  ^^  meddle  much  (jrAij^iii/jjs).  ^^  sbalt  not  be  innocent.  i^  if  thou  follow  a/ler.  18  ebalt 

not  obtain  (/xij  KaroAa^ij;.  The  meaning  given  is  quite  as  legitimate,  and  it  strengthens  the  parallelism),  ^^  Neither 
halt  thou  escape  by  fleeing  (marg.,  escape  hurt). 

Vers.  11-16,  —  -o  A.  V. :  There  is  one  that.  21  Again,  there  is  another  that  is.  s^  hath  need.  's  Wanting 

(vcTTepuiv.  I  have  rendered  as  it  was  rendered  in  ver.  11)  ability  {Itrxvi.  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  render  by 
Thalkraft,  enterprise,  power  to  achieve,  to  correspond  with  their  rendering  of  vinQpo-;,  lazy,  in  the  previous  line.  Both 
renderings  seem  to  me  to  be  out  of  harmony  with  the  context.  Why  should  God  help  a  lazy  man,  and  one  who  has  no 
energy  ?     He  never  does,  except  by  heavier  burdens).  ^  full  of  poverty  (irr«xeiif  irepicrtrevei,  hcu  an  excess,  is  rich  i» 

poverty).  26  yet  (Kai)  the  eye  (plur. ;  sing.,  X.  248.  307.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  «  looked  (histor.  aor.).  "  Aud  set. 

s>  lifted.  »  bead  from  misery  (H.  248.  253.  Co.  add  iirb  oKi^piMs).  »  So  that  many  that  saw  it  (23.  248.  253.  Co. 
add  6eu)p^(7a»n'es  ;  Old  Lat.,  et  honoraverunt  deum)  marvelled  at  {aTre^au^affai').  ^^  of  the  Lord.    (In  H.  23. 106.  248. 

253.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  is  found  here  an  addition,  which  appears  in  tbe  A.  V.  as  follows :  "  Wisdom,  knowledge,  and 
understanding  of  the  law,  are  of  the  Lord  :  Love,  and  the  way  of  good  works,  are  from  him.  Error  and  darkness  had 
their  beginning  together  with  sinners :  And  evil  shall  wax  old  with  them  that  glory  therein.") 

Vers.  17-22.  — 32  a.  V. :  The  gift  (56ats,  not  simply  one  gift,  but  what  is  given  of  the  Lord  in  general ;  or  particularise 
riches  that  come  from  him).  '^  There  is  that  waxeth  rich  by.  ^i  is  tbe  pootion  of  his  reward  (^  ^epls  (11.  23,  248 
Co.,  /jiepW  avToO  arro)  ToO  fxccrdou  avTou).  ^G  Whereas  he  saith.  ^e  yi\\\  pat  continually  (0ayu>^ai ;  t^ayo^tu,  X.  III. 
H.  106.  807.  Aid. ;  H.  106.  248.  Co.  add.  afiioAein-Twy)  of  my  goods  (cie  rdv  ayoBdv  ^ov,  1.  e.,  the  good  things  accumu- 
lated). '^  And  yet.  ks  what  time  (tic  Katpoc  ;  cf.  Com.)  shall  come  upon  him  (irapeAfvo-erai ;  U.  248.  263.  Co.  add 
avriv).  '»  mygt  leave  those.  *"  be  conversant  (o^i'Aet  ;  see  Com.).  *' And  («ac  fcwi5fcu/(rwm)  wax.  *' sinnera 
*■  omits  quickly  (cfdn-ifa,  which  follows  £id  7a\mn).  **  «  in  (i.  «.,  the  reward  is  that)  the  reward  ....  sudienly  (f» 

mp^  raxiv^)        "  to  flourish. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


813 


23  Say  not,  "What  profit  have  I  ?  ' 

And  what  good  things  shall  I  have  from  now  on  ?  * 

24  Say  •  not,  I  have  enough,' 

And  what  evil  can  come  to  me  from  now  on  ?  ' 

25  In  the  day  of  prosperity  there  is  °  forgetfulness  of  adversity,' 

And  in  the  day  of  adversity '  there  is  no  remembrance  of  prosperi^. 

26  For  easy  is  it '  before  the  Lord,  in  the  day  of  death, 
To  reward  a  man  according  to  his  ways. 

27  An  hour's  adversity  caiiseth  forgetfulness  of  pleasure,*' 
And  at  a  man's  end  his  deeds  are  uncovered.''* 

28  Pronounce  none  blessed  '-  before  his  death, 
And  "  a  man  will  "  be  known  in  his  children. 

29  Bring  not  every  man  into  thine  house, 

For  the  deceitful  man  huth  many  lurking-places." 

30  A  decoy  partridge  in  a  basket,  so  '^  the  heart  of  the  prond. 
And  as  the  *'  spy,  he  hath  an  eye  *'  for  a  *'  fall ; 

31  For  he  lieth  in  wait,  turning  the  "^  good  into  evil, 
And  on  things  worthy  of  praise  putteth  a  blot.'^ 

32  By  ^  a  spark  of  fire  a  heap  of  coals  is  set  ablaze,'* 
And  a  sinful  man  lieth  in  wait  ^  for  blood. 

33  Take  heed  of  an  evil  doer,'-^  for  he  deviseth  evils,-' 
Lest  he  bring  upon  thee  a  perpetual  blot. 

34  Receive  a  stranger  into  thine  house,  and  through  quarrels  he  will  unsettle  thee," 
And  turn  thee  out  of  thine  own.^ 

VeTS.  23-28. —  '  A.  V. :  profit  is  there  of  my  eerTice  (H.  248.  Co.  add  apeo-Keiac  to  xpfCa).  *  hereafter  {airo  tov  vvv; 
cf.  Ter.  24).  ^  Again  (Aid.  has  icoi)  say.  *  and  possess  many  things  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  a4d  koI  iroAAd  ^oi  &  €x<o), 

5  hereafter  (see  ver.  23).  ®  there  is  a.  '  affliction  ((caKfeif,  I  render  as  the  parallelism  requires).         8  affliction. 

*  it  is  an  easy  thing  unto  [Kov<pov  Svavri).  i"  The  affliction  {Kajt<ti(rt^)  of  an  hour  malseth  a  man  forget  pleasure. 

'1  in  his  end  (iy  ffvcreAeta  avdfauTrovi  ....  shall  be  discovered  (Old  Eng.  for  uncovered).  12  judge  .  .  .    hles.sed  {^a- 

icipifc).        "  For.        n  shall. 

Vers.  29-31.  —  '^  A.  V. :  trains  (lit.,  "  For  many  are  the  ambuscades,  lurking-places  of  the  deceitful  man  ;  "  106.  248. 
Co.  read  Biafi6\ou  for  SoAt'ov).  "^  Lilce  as  a  partridge  taken  anU  kept  in  a  cage,  so  is  (of.  Com.).  l^  like  as  a. 

18  watcheth  he  (e7r()3Aeirei ;  248.  Co.,  ^771^09  ejri).  'w  thy  (a  fall,  any  fall,  overthrow.  He  is  on  the  lookout  to  catch 
eome  one).        =0  and  tumeth  (pres.  particip.,  turning.    That  is  a  part  of  his  secret  plan).  21  in  things  worthy  praise 

•nill  lay  blame  upon  thee  {seeConi.  and  ver.  33  below).  22  Of.  23  jg  kindled  (lit.,  increased,  multiplied,  i.  e.,  en- 

larged to  a  great  matter).  24  layeth  wait.  2u  a  mischievous  77ian  {Koxovpyov).  26  worketh  {reKraivei ;  reicTaiVcTa*, 
H.  106.  248.  307.  Co. )  wickedness  (roviipa).  !"  and  he  will  disturb  thee  (Siairrpcifict  <re  —  296.  Aid.,  SioKrrpiipeti  —  In 

rapaxaii  ;  X.  H.  23.  248.  253.  Co.,  iv  rapaxff  ',  Old  Lat.,  in  turbine  ;  see  Com.).        28  ggg  Com, 


Chapter  XI. 


Ver.  2.     Cf.  1  Sam.  xvi.  7. 

Ver.  4.  The  works  of  the  Lord  are  wonder- 
ful. Hence  he  may,  almost  unawares,  bring 
about  a  change  in  one's  circumstances. 

Ver.  8.  Cf.  Prov.  xviii.  13.  The  Mishna  also 
(7'r.  Abolfi,\.  9)  numbers  among  the  seven  things 
in  which  the  wise  are  distinguished  from  others 
these  two:  "He  does  not  interrupt  another  in 
speaking,  and  does  not  answ^er  too  quick." 

Ver.  y.  In  judgment  along  with  sinners, 
:'.  e.,  where  he  is  judge.  The  danger  would  be 
that  he,  too,  would  be  led  to  judge  falsely. 
"  When  a  man  takes  a  crow  for  his  leader,  his 
mouth  must  be  ever  full  of  carrion."  Oriental 
proverb. 

Ver.  10.     Cf.  Eccles.  ix.  11,  12  ;  1  Tim.  vi.  9. 

Vers.  11-13.  The  more  behind,  namely,  with 
respect  to  what  he  seeks.  He  is  all  the  more  in 
want.  Cf.  Ps.  cxxvii.  1,2;  Prov.  xi.  24  ;  also, 
the  Greek  proverb :  "  The  net  of  the  sleeping 
(fisherman )  takes,"  —  evSovri  Kvpros  alp^l,  —  and 
the  story  connected  with  it  in  Plutarch's  Lives, 
"  Sulla,"  chaj).  vi. 

Ver.  17.  Given  of  the  Lord.  According  to 
the  context,  riches  are  meant,  worldly  prosperity. 
>-  Eii(Tf8*<n,  with  the  godly.     The  word  occurs 


only  in  the  later  Greek,  and  but  seldom  in  the 
LXX.,  though  comparatively  often  in  the  present 
book.  See  verse  22  ;  xii.  2,  4  ;  xxviii.  22 ;  xxxix. 
27  ;  xliii.  33.  It  means  one  who  is  ruled  by  the 
fear  of  God,  while  aat$ri!  denotes  the  contrary 
The  noun  fl/treSiais  found  at  xlix.  3. 

Ver.  18.  Pinching,  mpiyytas.  This  form  of 
the  word  is  found  only  here  in  Biblical  Greek.  But 
cf.  Sophocles'  Lez.,  s.  v.  The  verb  with  which  it 
is  allied  means  "  to  draw  together."  —  This  is  his 
portion,  namely,  what  is  subsequently  mentioned. 
It  might  include  also  the  very  narrowness  and 
littleness  here  spoken  of.  —  As  reward.  Cf. 
Matt.  vi.  2,  where  the  Master  speaks  of  the  hypo- 
crites as  having  "  their  reward." 

Ver.  19.  Can  eat  of  my  good  things.  Cf. 
Luke  xii.  16  ff. ;  also,  .Job  xxvii.  16  ff.  — T/s 
Kaip6s,  Tffhat  time,  i.e.,  how  short  a  time;  or, 
possibly,  what  sort  of  a  time.  —  what  troubles, 
what  poverty.  The  first  thought,  however,  cor- 
responds better  with  the  context. 

Ver.  20,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk-,  with  Schleusner 
and  Breitschneider,  renders:  "Be  steadfast  in 
thy  calling,"  taking  SiaOriKr!  in  the  sense  of  a  busi- 
ness contract  between  two  persons.  It  appears  to 
us  better,  however,  to  give   the  word   its  usual 


314 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


meaning;  in  which  case,  too,  it  would  more  natu- 
rally refer  to  a  covenant  made  with  God  than  to 
one  made  with  man.  Cf.  xliv.  U  of  the  present 
book  and  1  Mace.  ii.  20.  The  idea  is  :  "  Be  stead- 
fast to  walk  in  the  way  that  God  has  ordained." 

Ver.  21.  Marvel  not.  Do  not  he  led  astray 
by  them.  Judge  not  simply  from  appearances. 
"  The  night  is  in  travail,  hut  who  can  tell  wh.at  it 
will  bring  forth  ?  "  See  for  this  and  some  other 
Oriental  proverbs  cited  by  us,  Append,  i.  of  Van 
Lennep's  Bihie  Lands. 

Ver.  25.  Forgetfulness,  eViXrjo-^oi'^v.  Cf. 
Jas.  i.  25,  oiiTOs  ovk  aKpoarr^s  iTri\riafj.ovris  yefSfj-evos. 

Ver.  28.  Pronounce  none  blessed  before  his 
death.  This  was  a  current  Greek  proverb,  .and 
it  is  not  likely  that  our  author  uses  it  here  with 
reference  to  what  might  be  expected  after  death. 
The  following  clause,  rather,  shows  that  it  was 
life  taken  as  a  whole,  and  the  life  in  its  conse- 
quences to  one's  family  and  the  world  in  general, 
which  was  to  determine  whether  it  had  been 
really  successful.  Bunsen's  Blbelwrrk  renders : 
'*  And  the  man  is  known  from  his  exit,"  namely, 
the  circumstances  nnder  which  he  dies.  Cf.  xiv. 
16.  There  is  an  old  Spanish  proverb  :  "  Call  me 
Dot  an  olive  till  you  see  me  gathered." 


Ver.  29.  The  Talmud  cites  this  proverb  as 
from  the  "  book  of  Ben  Sira,"  but  in  an  altered 
form  :  "  Keep  away  the  multitude  from  thy  house, 
and  bring  not  every  one  within." 

Ver.  30.  A  decoy  partridge.  BTipevTi]s,  with 
irepSiJ,  is  used  in  this  sense  by  Aristotle  {Hist.  An., 
ix.  S,  S). —  KapraKAo!.  A  basket  with  a  pointed 
bottom.  It  is  a  late  word,  and  standj  for  SSU. 
Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Deut.  xxvi.  2,  4  ;  2  Kings  x.'7  ; 
Jer.  vi.  9  ;  and  Coin,  at  1  Esd.  ii.  13. 

Ver.  31.  Putteth  a  blot  (^a/iov).  I  render  as 
rendered  in  verse  3.3.  This  Greek  word  is  used 
in  Homer  { Od.,  ii.  86)  in  the  sense  of  a  brand  that 
is  put  upon  one.  In  the  later  Greek  prose  it  was 
personified  as  Momns,  the  critic  God.  Cf.  Hes., 
Theog.,  214. 

Ver.  32.  Cf.  Jas.  iii.  5.  Great  results  flow 
from  apparently  insignificant  causes.  "  The  pas- 
sage of  a  rat  is  nothing,  but  it  soon  becomes  a 
thoroughfare."     Oriental  proverb. 

Ver.  34.  Turn  thee  out  of  thine  own,  diraV 
\0Tptfi>fT€i  at  Twv  (248,  Co.,  ix  rmy)  ISlwy  aov.  Ot, 
taking  iSlav  as  masculine,  "  estrange  from  tbeA 
thine  own  household." 


Chapter  XTT. 


10 


If  thou  wouldst '  do  good,  know  to  whom  thou  doest  it, 
And  thou  wilt  -  be  thanked  for  thy  benefits. 
Do  good  to  a  godly  man,^  and  thou  wilt  *  find  a  recompense ; 
And  if  not  from  him,  yet  from  the  Most  High. 
There  is  no  good  for  ^  him  that  is  bent  on  *  evil, 
Nor  to  liim  that  giveth  not  alms  gladly.' 
Give  to  the  godly  ma?i, 
And  help  not  the  '  sinner. 

Do  good  to  a  lowly  man,  and  ^  give  not  to  an  ungodly  one  ;  •* 
Hold  back  his  '^  bread,  and  give  it  not  uuto  him, 
Lest  he  get  the  upper  hand  of  ^"  thee  thereby  ; 
For  thou  '^  shalt  receive  twice  as  much  evU 
For  all  the  good  thou  mayest  have  done  ^*  him.^° 
For  also  '*  the  Most  High  hateth  sinners, 
And  will  repay  with  punislmcient  ^"  the  ungodly." 
Give  unto  the  good, 
And  help  not  the  sinner. 

The  "  friend  will  not  be  punished  -"  in  prosperity. 
And  the  "^  enemy  will  not  ■-  be  hidden  in  adversity. 
In  the  prosperity  of  a  man  his  -^  enemies  are  in  sorrow, ** 
And  ^  in  his  adversity  even  the  "^  friend  wUl  depart. 
Never  trust  thine  enemy, 
For  as  the  metal  '■"  rusteth,  so  "^  his  wickedness. 


Vera.  1-6.  —  J  A.  V.  :  Wlien  thou  wilt  CEaf  e5  ffotps).  ^  So  shalt  thou.  3  the  godly  man.  *  shalt.  6  can  n* 
good  come,  {ftntv  ;  Fritzpche  adopts  e<rrac  from  111.  X.  U.  23.  loo.  157.  248.  253.  264.  Co.)  to.  ^  jg  alwava  occupied  in 
tiv6e\exi^oini  tU).  '  giveth  no  alms  (t<P  Moj^otn'inji'  —  Co.,  eAojjaotjvKTjy  —  ^ij  x^ptfoMf *'1»  ~~  Co.,  xupi^otievia.     Bun- 

sen's  Bibelwerk,  following  Bret*chneider,  renders,  And  for  him,  who  is  not  thankful  for  favors.  The  verb  is  used  in 
the  classics  often  with  the  accus.  to  denote  doing  a  thing  gladly.  CI  Hom.,  Od.,  xxiv.  283  ;  Herod.,  i.  91).  *  a  (t^). 
•  well  (fv;  cf.  ver.  1)  unto  him  that  is  lowly  (Fritz.sche  strikes  out  ry  befor*  raireivf,  with  III.  X.  H.  55.  al.)  and 
to  the  ungodly.  "  thy  (crou,  23.  248.  Co.).  ^-  overmaster.  ^^  else  thou.  '*  shalt  have  done  (ac  Troi»j(rns)- 

^  unto  him.  l"  omits  also.  '^  vengeance  unto.  '^  ungodly  (II.  106.  248.  263.  Co,  add  i^vAdaaci  (H.,  trvi^kdwaci 
ii  oiiTous  «is  rjnipav  eKfiix^o-ew;  oi'Tul^'.     A.  V. :  .4nd  keepeth  them  against  the  mighty  day  of  their  punishment). 

Vers.  8-10.  —  •"  A.  V.  ;  A.        ^  cannot  be  known  (e(c5iic7]0)jo-€Tai ;  iK^XridritrtTat,  155.  248.  Co.  ;  III.,  the  same,  except 
in  the  prep,  prefixed,  it  having  iv  ;  106  253.,  fntyvwtr^ritreTai. ;  Old  Lat.,  agnoscetur ;  cf.  Com.).         *'  an  (6).        22  can- 
not (fut.).  23  omirt  his.  21  ^,7/ i,f  gritjved  (ej- AujiTj).  25  But  (jeat).  20^(6).  27  xjke  as  iron  (6  ;^aAxot 
nuurg.  of  k.  v.,  brass;  cf.  Com.)         2«  go  kv. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


316 


11  And  though  ^  he  humble  himself,  and  go  crouching, 
Take  heed  to  thyself  and  beware  of  him, 

And  thou  wilt  be  with  respect  to  ^  him  as  one  who  hath '  wiped  a  lookingglasi. 
And  wilt  ^  know  that  he  covered  not  himself  forever  with  rust.' 

12  Set  him  not  by  thee, 

Lest,  having  overthrown  ^  thee,  he  stand '  in  thy  place ; 

Seat  him  not  *  at  thy  right  hand, 

Lest  he  seek '  thy  seat. 

And  thou  at  last  find  true  "  my  words, 

And  have  remorse  over  my  sayings." 

13  Who  will  pity  a  charmer  bitten  by  ^''  a  serpent, 
And  all  those  who  '^  come  nigh  wild  beasts  ? 

14  So  none,  him  "  that  goeth  to  a  sinner, 
And  mixeth  in  with  '^  Ms  sins." 

15  For  awhile  he  will  abide  with  thee, 

And  "  if  thou  begin  to  fall,'*  he  vrill  not  tarry. 

1 6  And  the  ''  enemy  speaketh  sweetly  with  his  lips,* 

Ajid  -'  in  his  heart  he  is  planning  '^'^  to  throw  thee  into  a  pit ; 

The  enemy  ^  will  weep  with  his  eyes. 

And  ^  if  he  find  opportunity,  he  will  not  be  satisfied  with  blood. 

17  If  adversity  meet  ^  thee,  thou  wilt  '■''  find  him  there  before  thee ; " 
And  as  though  helping,  he  will  trip  thee  up.'" 

18  He  will  shake  his  head,  and  clap  his  hands. 

And  whisper  ^  much,  and  change  his  countenance. 

Vers.  11-15.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Though.  2  Yet  take  good  heed  {evitm/jirov  ttji*  ifnjxriv  <rov)  ....  Bhalt  be  unto  {literal,  but  it 
lacks  clearness).  ^  if  thou  hadst.  *  thou  shalt.  (•  his  rust  hath  not  been  altogether  wiped  away  {ovk  eU  TeKo<;, 
KariuxT-e  ;  see  Com.).  a  when  he  hath  OTcrthrown  (fiij  ayaTpetfta^  ;  ^»)  ai/atrrpei/'as,  III.  X.  165. 167.  308.;  248.  Co.,/x^irOTe 
(caTowTTpe'fas).         '  stand  up,         s  Neither  let  him  sit.  ^  seek  to  take  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  XafieZv).         ^o  the  last 

remember  (cTriycwoT)).  "  be  pricked  therewith  {inl  toik  p^jfidTajv  ^ov  Karawyriaji.    Codd.  II.  — in  the  upper  margin 

—  88.,  with  Aid.,  add  ^i)  Setr/ienjtret?  Sis  aii.apTia.v,  ev  yap  fii^  ovK  adwoidijtrr) ;  cf.  vii.  8).  ^^  that  is  bitten  with.  ^^  Or 
any  such  as.  ^*  one.  •'>  is  defiled  (marg.,  mingled)  with  him  in.  ^^  adds  w/io  wUt  pity.  i'  But  {*cat). 

■«  fall  (UnKivjp  ;  ct.  Com.). 

Vers.  16-18.  —  "  A.  V. :  An.  »  lips  (68.  Aid.,  with  II.  in  the  lower  margin,  add  koX  iroXAi  <iii»xipl(ici.  (cf.  ver.  18) 

icai  £pec  o-oi  KaXa.  keyoiv).  21  gut,  2s  imagineth  how.  23  jie  (H.  248.  253.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  omit 

o  lxBp6%).         24  But.        25  come  upon  ({),ravT^<rp).        20  shalt.  2T  fin(j  him  there  first  (n-poTcpoi/  crou  ^icei,  with  many 

MSS. ;  text.  Tec.  has  e«r  first ;  III.  156.  have  it  between  the  other  two  words).  28  though  he  pretend  to  help  Mee, 

yet  shall  he  undermine  (marg.,  supplant)  thee.  Gr.,  ««  fionOZtv  virtxTxairet  irripav  trov.  Lit.,  "  as  one  helping,  he  will 
trip  up  thy  foot."    See  Com.).        29  Whisper  (lit.,  hiss,  but  used  for  malicious  whisperings  by  Polyb.) 


Chapter  XII. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  XX.  15,  and  the  contrast  in  Rom. 
xii.  20. 

Ver.  2.  See  the  quite  different  counsel  of  our 
Lord  at  Luke  vi.  27  ff. 

Ver.  5.  Hold  back  his  bread.  These  words, 
as  far  as  verse  7  inclusive,  Bretschneider  thiui^s 
must  he  a  later  addition,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk 
agrees  with  him.  Tlie  reasons  given,  Itowever, 
are  insufficient ;  namely,  that  the  same  ideas  are 
reptated,  and  that  the  renderini>;  of  the  old  trans- 
lations (Old  Latin,  Syriac,  and  Arahic)  is  con- 
fused. The  repetition  is  obviously  for  emphasis  ; 
while  the  variations  in  the  old  versions  may  be 
looked  upon  as  attempts  to  soften  somewhat  the 
inexcusable  harshness  of  the  counsel  given.  The 
Syriac,  for  instance,  instead  of  "  Hold  back  his 
Dread,"  has  "  Intrust  not  to  him  thy  weapons." 
Luther  also  omitted  verse  7. 

Ver.  6.  Toit  atreffetriv,  the  ungodly.  This 
word  has  not  simply  a  negative  force,  uilthoul  god- 
liness, but  positive,  and  represents  one  who  in 
character  and  life  is  opposed  to  that  which  the 
fear  of  God  would  require.  Cf.  Wisd.  iii.  10  ;  iv. 
16;  xix.  1. 

Ver.  8.  Cf.  Prov.  xix.  4,  7.  It  is  not  improb- 
able that  the  translator  of  our  book  misunder- 


stood his  text  at  this  point,  since  some  such  idea 
as  be  jiianifest,  be  knoum,  seems  to  be  required  by 
the  context,  as  the  various  readings  show.  If  the 
text  be  retained  as  it  is,  however,  and  the  trans- 
lation be  punished  adhered  to,  there  could  still  be 
a  passable  sense  obtained  from  the  passage  :  A 
friend  will  not  be  punished  in  prosperity,  i.  e.,  a 
supposed  friend,  who  is  not  really  .such,  will  give 
no  occasion  for  punishment  as  long  as  one  is 
prosperous.  The  latter  clause  of  the  following 
verse,  in  fact,  gives  support  to  this  remlering. 
Linde,  Bunsen's  Bibehverk,  and  others  render: 
"  Not  in  good  fortune  is  the  friend  known." 

Ver. -10.  Iron  (A.  V.),  xiAf^s.  rather  bronze, 
though  the  word  is  not  infrcijuently  used  in  the 
later  (ireek  poets  for  tn'STjpoy.  Usually,  however, 
the  word  x"''"'''  "as  applied  to  a  mixture  of  cop- 
per and  tin,  answering  to  our  bronze.  As  metal 
rusts,  and  is  nu  more  recognizable  as  such,  so 
wickedness  is  concealed  under  a  fair  exterior. 
Or,  as  rust  spoils  the  metal,  so  wickedness  tho 
man,  —  the  ostensible,  but  not  real,  friend. 

Ver.  11.  You  will  learn ,  if  you  are  pmisnt, 
that  he  is  always  the  same  base  man.  and  has 
only  taken  on  a  different  guisf.  Cf.  Prov.  xxvi. 
24  ff.  —  As  one  who  hath  wiped  a  looking-glass. 


316 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


etc.  When  the  metallic  mirror  ha.s  been  wiped 
clean,  and  the  true  image  appears,  that  will  be 
evident  which  was  concealed  before.  The  last 
clause  of  this  verse  Bunsen's  Bibdiocrk  translates  : 
*'  So  wilt  t/iou  letini  whether  he  is  not  rusted  forever." 
Fritzsche  :  "  And  Jind  out  that  he  covered  not  him- 
self to  '^6  ^"^  (always)  with  rnst"  i.  e.,  that  he  has 
not  forever  played  false,  since  you  have  already 
discovered  his  hypocrisy.  Gaab  would  prefer  the 
reading  of  III.,  Karitorai,  which  would  jiive,  how- 
ever, much  the  same  sense  :  "And  thou  wilt  find 
out  that  he  is  not  altop:ether  covered  with  rust,'* 
/'.  c,  one  can  discover  what  his  true  inward  condi- 
tion is.  Liude  renders  the  whole  verse  very 
loosely :  "  Thou  art  for  him  a  polished  mirror, 
Therefore  he  will  not  always  show  his  rust,"  and 
remarks :  "  Wise  reserve  and  watchfulness  to- 
wards the  enemy  brintrs  him  at  last  to  this,  that 
he  is  obliged  to  conceal  his  blotches.  But  this 
purity  is  not  natural,  but  forced,  and  therefore 
dangerous." 

Ver.  12.  At  thy  right  hand.  The  place  of  honor. 

Ver.  13.  There  are  even  at  the  present  day, 
in  Egypt  and  India,  persons  who  capture  and 
train  serpents  for  exhibition.      They  are  some- 


times made  to  dance  to  the  music  of  a  flute. 
"  At  Bombay,  in  India,  the  celebration  of  the 
'  Feast  of  Snakes '  presents  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  some  three  hundred  '  charmers  '  each 
wearing  a  basket  with  about  twenty  cobras, 
gathered  in  a  Hindoo  temple,  when  the  creatures 
are  fed  with  buffaloes'  milk  furnished  by  the  su- 
perstitious people.  The  men  handle  them  with 
perfect  unconcern."  —  Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands, 
p.  .306. 

Ver.  15.  Begin  to  fall  {4KK\lirris).  Fritzsche, 
with  Gaab,  would  translate  by  abbiegest  (Heb. 
(""ID  or  nt;3),  tumest  aside,  withdrawesl  from  him. 
on  the  ground  that  the  meaning  to  fall  is  improp- 
erly given  to  the  word ;  but  it  is  adopted  for 
substance  by  Dnisius,  Luther,  De  Wette,  Bret- 
schneider,  Wahl,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk. 

Ver.  16.     'With  blood  =  with  thy  blood. 

Ver.  17.  According  to  Fritzsche,  the  word 
lnro(rx'^(f"'t  ^^  compound,  is  found  only  here.  Cf. 
the  LXX.  at  Jer.  ix.  4,  Tnfpvji  irTtpvifl. 

Ver.  18.  For  similar  examples  of  the  varions 
tokens  of  diabolical  joy,  see  xiii.  7  ;  Job  xvi.  4 ; 
Nah.  iii.  19  ;  Matt,  xxvii.  39. 


Chapter  XIII. 


1  He  that  toucheth  pitch  will  ^  be  defiled,* 

And  he  that  hath  fellowship  with  a  proud  man  wiU  become  like  '  him. 

2  Burden  not  thyself  above  thy  power,* 

And  have  no  fellowship  witli  a  man  ^  mightier  and  richer  than  thyself ; 

What  fellowship  hath  "  kettle  with  '  earthen  pot  ?  ' 

This  hitteth  against,  and  that  is  shivered.^ 
8       A  rich  man  doeth  ^°  wrong,  aud  he  threateneth  besides  ;  ^* 

A  poor  man  ^^  is  wronged,  and  he  intreateth  besides.^' 
4       If  thou  be  for  his  profit,  he  will  use  thee  ; 

And  "  if  thou  have  want,"  he  will  forsake  thee. 
6       If  thou  have  any  thing,  he  will  live  with  thee, 

Yea,  he  will  empty  thee,'^  and  he  will  not  trouble  himself." 

6  If  he  have  need  of  thee,  so  will  he  lead  thee  astray,'* 
And  smile  upon  thee,  and  put  thee  in  hope  ; 

He  will  speak  fine  things  to  thee,'"  and  say,  "What  is  thy  need?* 

7  And  he  will  shame  thee  by  his  feasts,^' 
Until  he  hath  emptied  thee  ""  twice  or  thrice, 
And  at  last  -^  he  will  laugh  at  thee.^ 
Afterward,  he  will  see  thee,  aud  '^  will  forsake  thee, 
And  shake  his  head  over  thee. 

8  Beware  lest"^  thou  be  led  astray,-' 
And  brought  low  by  -"  thy  jollity. 

Vers.  1-3.  —»  A.  V. :  shall.  =  defiled  therewith  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  ir  axvff).  '  shall  be  like  unto  (ijio'"*!'""- 
rai).  *  power  while  thou  livest  (H.  248.  Co.  add  iv  ^mjt  trov).  ^  one  that  w.  «  For  how  acree  the.  '  and  the 
s  pot  together.  ^  For  if  the  one  be  smitten  against  the  other,  it  shall  be  broken.  ^'*  The  rich  man  hath  dona 

(hist.  aor.).         ^i  yet  he  threateneth  withal  [npoffeve^ptfJ-riaaTO  ;  cf.  Com.].         12  The  poor.  "  he  must  iutreat  also 

(7rpo<r5e»)0iiffeTai ;  irpO(ramATjfl^<reTai,  X.  H.  248.  Co.). 

Vers.  4-8.  —  '*A.V.  ;  But.  ^'' ha.vG  nothing  {v(rTep-ri(rj)s, /alt  behind,  grow  poorer).  18  make  thee  bare  (an-oKevwart 
<re  ;  cf.  ver.  7).  "  be  sorry /or  it  (aiiTo?  ou  Troi'e'o-ei,  i.  e.,  "  he  himself  will  not  care").  ^^  he  will  deceire  the* 

(an-airAai^trci  o-e).         ic  speak  thee  fair.  2"  wantest  thou.  21  meats  Opul^taaiK,  the  abnndanee  and  variety  of  hlJ 

food).  22  ijave  drawn  thee  dry  {anoKfvuirp  ae  \  III.  X.  11.  157.  248.  Co.  Aid.,  an-ofcefucrti  <r«).  23  the  last. 

»<  laugh  thee  to  scorn  (cf.  Tii.  11;  .Judith  xii.  12  |  Wisd.  iv.  18.  The  expression  is  no  longer  well  understood). 
K  when  he  seeth  ....  he.  ="  at  thee  ....  that.  27  not  deceived  (cf .  ver.  6).  =8  brought  down  in  (Taireiraidps  iv 
i  e  ,  made  poor  through  excesses.  The  A.  V.  notices  the  reading  of  the  Vulgate,  ai^potn'iT],  having  in  the  margin,  tjf 
lAy  simplicity). 


ECCLESIASTIC  us.  317 


9  If  thou  be  invited  of  a  mighty  man,  appear  reluctant,* 

And  so  much  the  more  will  he  invite  thee. 

10  Press  thou  not  upon  him,  lest  thou  be  put  back, 
Stand  not  far  off,  lest  tliou  be  forgotten. 

11  Make  it  not  a  point  to  talk  with  him  as  an  equal,' 
And  trust  ^  not  his  many  words  ; 

For  with  much  talking"*  will  he  tempt  thee. 
And  as  a  smiling  friend  he  will  search  thee  out.' 

12  Cruel  is  he  who  keepeth  not  a  conversation  to  himself,* 
And  will  not  spare  injury '  and  bonds.* 

13  Look  out  for  thyself,"  and  take  good  heed, 
For  thou  goest  about  with  thy  fall.^° 

15  Every  animal  '^  loveth  its  ^^  like. 
And  every  man  his  '*  neighbor. 

16  All  flesh  consorteth  according  to  race,*^ 
And  a  man  will  cleave  to  his  like. 

17  What  fellowship  hath  a  "  wolf  with  a  "  lamb  ? 
So  a  "  sinner  with  a  godly  man.'* 

18  What  peace  between  a  hyena  and  a  "  dog  ? 

And  what  peace  between  a  rich  and  a  poor  man  ?  * 

19  Wild  asses  are  lions'  -'  prey  in  the  wOderness  ; 
So  poor  men  are  fodder  of  the  rich.^- 

20  An  abomination  to  a  proud  man  is  a  low  estate ;  ^ 
So  a  poor  man  is  an  abomination  to  a  rich  one.^^ 

21  A  rich  man  beginning  to  fall  is  held  up  by  ^  friends; 

But  one  in  low  estate  having  fallen  is  given  also  a  push  by  friends.^ 

22  If  a  rich  man  hath  slipped,'"  he  hath  many  helpers ; 

He  speaketh  things  not  to  be  spoken,  and  they  ^'  justify  him ; 

A  man  in  low  estate  -^  slipped,  and  "»  they  reproached  him  besides ;  ■ 

He  spoke  intelligently,"-  and  no  hearing  was  given  him.** 

23  A  *■*  rich  man  speaketh,  and  all  are  ^  silent,"* 
And "'  what  he  saith,  they  extol  "*  to  the  clouds  ; 

A  ^  poor  man  speaketh,  and  they  '"'  say,  Who  is  ^  this  ? 
And  if  he  stumble,  they  throw  him  down  completely.^ 

24  Riches  are  good  to  which  attacheth  "  no  sin. 

And  poverty  is  evil  in  the  mouth  "  of  an  ungodly  man." 

25  The  heart  of  a  man  changeth  his  countenance. 

Vers.  9-14.  —1  A.  V.  :  witlldraw  thyself  (iiroxupii/  y.Vou.  It  means  obviously,  Be  reserved,  Make  at  though  thou  art 
unwilling)-  =  Affect  not  {m  Inexe  ;  cf.  1  Tim.  it.  16)  to  be  made  equal  unto  him  in  talk  (ioTjyoperrfai  — to  speak  like 
i.  e.,  with  the  same  freedom  —  hct'  avToJ  ;  cf.  Com.).         3  beUeve.  *  communication  (AoAta?).  6  And  smillnc 

upon  t/iee  («oi  w  irpo(rycAii.)  will  get  out  thy  secrets  (e^triaei,  text.  rec. ;  III.  X  C.  65.  63.  165  al.  add  o-e  and  it  is 
received  by  Fritzsche  ;  H.  23.  106.  248.  253.  Co.  add  to  the  verb  ri  Kpv-^ri  <rou).  e  But  cruelly  he  will  lay  up  thy 

words  {iveKs^iiww  o  ^i)  (nivTripiif  (cf.  Com.)  Adyovs.  Gaab  and  Bretschneider  join  this  to  the  preceding  Fritzsche  and 
Bunsen'8  Bibelioerk,  on  the  other  hand,  more  properly  begin  with  it  a  new  sentence).  '  to  do  thee  hurt  (»fpl  ,axii. 

o-eios  ;  24S.  Co.  add  <rov).  »  and  to  put  thee  in  prison  (simply  Sea-fiiip,  the  preceding  n-epi  having  still  forcel.  «  Observe 
{<rvyriipiia-ov  ;  has  here  its  usual  meaning,  and  that  of  ver.  12).  i»  walkest  in  peril  of  thy  overthrowing  (^cri  rni 

m-cicreio?).  Oodd.  106.  248.  263.  Co.  Old  Lat.  have  an  addition  here  appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as :  "  IVhen  thou  hearest 
these  things,  awake  in  thy  sleep.  Love  the  Lord  all  thy  life,  And  call  upon  him  for  thy  salvation."  Cod.  11  also  has 
the  sign  for  an  addition,  but  none  is  made). 

Vers.  16-20.  -  "  A.  V. :  beast  (fJo,/).  i=  his.  "  man  loveth  his  (348.  Co.  add  iyairi).  u  jjind  (vei/ot) 

1=  the.      i«  the.      "  the.      "  the  godly.        i«  agreement  (etp^.^)  is  there  between  the  hyena  and  a       2"  the  rich 
the  poor.         21  As  the  wild  ass  (plur.)  is  the  lions'.         ^  the  rich  eat  up  the  poor  (more  forcible  if  rendered  literklly' 
w^ai  ,rAo..,7ii«^  ^TcoxoO.  ==  As  the  proud  hate  (/3JavyMa  i,^epr,<t,ivu, ;  348.  Co.,  gen.  plur.  of  latter)  humiUty  (rairJ 

►onjs.    The  context  seems  to  require  the  rendering  given  ;  cf.  ver.  21).        «  doth  the  rich  abhor  the  poor 

Vers.  21-25.  -==  A.  V. :  othis.  '<>  a  poor  man  {tc„,,^o,  -.  X.  248.  Co.,  tt^xos)  being  down  is  thrust  also  away  by 

Am  friends.  "  When  a  rich  man  is  fallen  (n-Aovo-i'ou  .j^aXivToi  ;  cf.  the  parallel).  28  y^  ^g^.  »  The  poor  man 
(Taireii/os)  slipt  (it  might  be  rendered  as  present,  but  as  aorist  it  is  not  without  force).  so  and  yet  3'  rebuked  him 
too  (,7poae.r.T.>T,<ra^,  scolded,  reproached  beside.^).  32  ^palse  wi,,ely  {avyecrty  ;  a:r6pp,,Ta,  in  the  paraUel,  might  mean 

foolish  things  ").         33  could  have  no  place  (cf.  Com.).         »  when  a.        =5  every  man  is.        3o  holdeth  his  tongue 
3'  And  toot.        as  extol  it.        39  But  if  the.        "  speak,  they.        "  What/e&w  ,s.        12    ,vm  help  to  overthrow  him 

(,rpoaii.'aTpei(,ov(T.v  a^:T6v,  lit.,  overthrow  him  besides).  «  Riches unto  him  that  hath  (this  rendermg  would  be 

allowable,  but  does  not  so  well  suit  the  context,  and  does  not  offer  so  natural  a  grammatical  construction  ■  b  itAoOtos  cI 
etc.).  «  mouth  (Fritzsche  receives  crronaTi  from  In.  X.  H.  55.  106.  al. ;  text,  ree.,  with  11.,  <rr6p.aa-i.i')  «  thj 

ungodly . 


818 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Be  it  to  pleasure  or  sadness  ;  ^ 
26       A  cheerful  countenance  is  ^  token  of  a  heart  in  *  prosperity, 
And  finding  ■*  out  proverbs,*  a  wearisome  labor  of  the  mind.° 

Vers.  25,26. — ^  A.  V.:  whether  ir  be  ior  good  or  eviUeoyTe  eU  ayaSaiav  eU  Ktuca).  Linde  would  render  :  nae/uUmergut 
tder  iibelgesinnt  ist,"  "  according  as  he  is  disposed  to  —  i.  e.,  aims  at . —  good  or  evil."'  But  the  reference  is  doubtless  to 
the  countenance,  and  the  contrasted  aya96i  and  Koxog  ma)-  properly  bear  the  figurative  meaning  given  them.  Codd 
106.  248.  263.  Co.  add  to  this  verse,  ifol  ayaBvvfi  n-pdcruTroi'  iv  Tfpif/ei  xapBia  SoAAoutra.    A.  V.,  **  And  a  merry  heart  mak- 

eth  a  cheerful  countenance  ").         '  is  a.         '  that  is  in.         «  the  finding.  '  of  parables  (vtiJO :  the  secondary 

meaning,  jen(cnce, — yvwp.yj  ~~  apothegm  ;  or  Trapoifjiiay  proverb,  seems  more  appropriate  here.  Of.  Luke  iv.  23,  iropa- 
3oA^,  "  proverb  "J.  ^  wearisome  labour  of  the  mind  (Ua\oyttTiJ.ot  —  6iaAoyi(r^6?,  H.  23.  253.  Co.  —  ficTa  korov.  Codd. 
III.  106.  157.  254.  296.  read  K6n<av,  which  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche.  The  A.  V.  gives  the  sense  correctly.  Literally,  it 
would  be,  "  thoughts  —  thinking  —  with  pains,"  >.  e.,  close,  painful,  wearisome  thought). 


Chapter  Xm. 


C£  1  Cor.  XV.  33.     There  is  a  German 
"  Wer  Pech  angreift,  der  besudell  sich 


Ver.  1. 

proverb : 
damit.^' 

Ver.  2.  The  X'^P"  ^^  *  cheap  earthen  pot, 
and  seems  often  to  have  been  employed  in  a  fig- 
urative sense.  Atitiav  x"tp<ui,  for  instance,  meant 
to  have  swellings  as  big  as  kitchen  pots  in  the 
corner  of  the  eye.  The  word  was  also  used  for  a 
kind  of  kiss,  in  which  one  person  held  the  other 
by  the  ears  as  by  handles.  The  Ae/Sjjro,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  a  large-sized  kettle  of  bronze  or 
copper,  and  sometimes  of  very  costly  workman- 
ship. —  This  ....  that.  The  Greek  translator 
has  used  auTjj  in  both  instances.  Grammatically, 
ixelvTi  was  to  have  been  expected  in  the  latter 
clause.  Probably  HT  •  •  ■  •  HT  stood  in  the  orig- 
inal text. 

Vers.  3-5.  Juvenal  (iii.  299),  as  cited  by 
Fritzsche,  has  the  following  analogous  thought :  — 

"  Libertas  pauperis  hme  est  : 

Pulsalus  rogat  et  pugnis  roneiaus  adorai, 
Ut  liceal  paucis  cum  dentibus  mde  reverti." 

The  Mishna  also  (TV.  Aboth,  ii.  4)  has  a  parallel 
passage  ;  "  Be  prudent  in  your  intercourse  with 
the  great!  They  are  condescending  towards 
men  only  for  selfish  reasons  ;  they  show  them- 
selves friends  when  they  can  take  advantage  of 
it,  but  stand  aloof  in  time  of  need."  —  TIpo<reye- 
fipi/ifltraTo,  threateneth  besides.  Fritzsche  ren- 
ders "  grumbles  besides,"  i.  e.,  as  though  some 
wrong  had  been  done  him.  The  Vulgate  has 
fremere.     The  word  is  Hellenistic  only. 

Ver.  7.  Feasts  {$ptifiLa(rtv).  Properly  victuah, 
food,  that  he  sets  before  him  at  the  entertainments 
to  which  he  invites  him.  — Emptied  thee.  Some 
suppose  the  meaning  to  be  that  the  jjoor  man  be- 
comes impoverished  by  attempting  to  give  similar 
rich  feasts  (Grotius,  Bretschneider) ;  others,  that 
it  comes  through  his  lending  the  supposed  rich 
man  money  for  such  entertainments  to  which  he 
himself  is  invited  (Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk). 

Ver.  8.  The  warning  seems  to  be  directed 
against  the  blinding  power  of  worhlly  pleasure. 

Ver.  10.  Press  thou  not,  ijl^  e^TiirTe.  Lit., 
Fall  not  on  or  in.  Tlie  idea  of  a  thoughtless, 
reckless  thrusting  one's  self  upon  the  notice  of 
the  great  is  contained  in  the  verb. 

Ver.  11.  'loTryopf'iaBai,  to  speak  like,  i.  e.,  to 
'peak  with  equal  freedom.  Its  use  seems  to  be 
confined  to  the  LXX.  'latiyopia  meant  equal 
freedom  of  Sfjeech  and  opinion  (Herod.,  v.  78), 
and  was  sometimes  used,  like  taoyoiila,  for  equality 
in  general. 


Ver.  12.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  gives  a  somewhat 
different  turn  to  these  words :  "  Cruel  is  he 
(against  himself)  who  does  not  watch  closely  his 
words;  he  will  not  be  spared  ill  treatment  and 
bonds."  Fiitzsche  :  "Cruel  is  he  who  does  not 
keep  words  to  himself,"  i.  e.,  such  as  are  spoken 
to  him  in  confidence.  2vin-r)puy  may  certainly 
have  the  latter  meaning,  and  it  harmonizes  well 
with  the  context.     Cf.  Polyb.,  xxxi.  6,  5. 

Ver.  13.  Inperilof  thy  overthrowing  (A.  v.). 
Lit.,  with  thy  overthrowing,  Jail,  as  with  an  enemy 
who  walks  at  thy  side.  Cf.  Job  xxxi.  5 ;  Prov. 
xiii.  20. 

Vers.  15,  16.  The  same  thought  as  in  the 
proverb,  "  Birds  of  a  feather  flock  together," 
common  in  many  languages.  Cf.  Matt.  x.  16, 
"  sheep  in  the  midst  of  wolves." 

Ver.  19.  'Wild  asses.  See  Job  xxxix.  5. 
"  The  ancient  kings  of  Nineveh  hunted  the  animal 
as  a  pastime  ;  so  do  the  Persian  nobility  of  our 
day.  Olearus  states  that  he  saw  no  fewer  than 
thirty-two  wild  asses  slain  in  one  day  by  the  Shah 
of  Persia  and  his  court,  the  bodies  of  which  were 
sent  to  the  royal  kitchens  at  Ispahan.  The  fleet- 
ness  of  this  animal  is  such,  however,  that  no 
mounted  horsemen  can  hope  to  overtake  it,  and 
the  only  successful  modes  of  htinting  it  are  by 
means  of  hounds,  or  of  relays  which  successively 
take  up  the  chase  as  the  game  passes  by,  as  de- 
scribed bv  Xenophon  (Anab.,i.  5)." — VanLennep, 
Bible  Lands,  p.  228. 

Ver.  22.  No  hearing  was  given  him,  o!ik  iS66T) 
aiiTtp  tSttos.  Lit.,  There  was  not  given  him  place, 
i.  e.,  no  opportunity  to  excuse  himself,  no  hearing. 
He  is  condemned  without  a  hearing,  though  he  is 
itble  to  give  an  intelligent  groimd  for  his  conduct. 
The  rich  mau,  on  the  other  hand,  has  only  foolish 
excuses.     Cf.  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  24.  The  thought  is  a  very  appropriate 
one  as  qualifying  and  limiting  what  has  gone 
before.  It  is  not  all  the  rich  who  are  to  be  placed 
in  the  category  of  tho.'ie  previously  described, 
but  the  rich  who  are  without  the  chastening, 
restraining,  and  guiding  influence  of  a  living 
faith  in  God.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  sinners 
who  condemn  ]ioverty  outright,  which  is  not  with- 
out its  prizes  and  its  pleasures. 

Ver  26.  The  writer  contrasts  the  cheerful, 
happy  countenance  of  a  person  free  from  care 
with  "that  of  one  who  labors  severely  with  the 
mind.  Grotius,  aptly  :  "  Inventio  sententiarum  labo- 
riosa  est  cogitatio,  i.  e.,  seri(V  meditationis  index 
vultut  severior,  frons  caperat.i,  adducta  supercilia 
oculi  quieti,  genas  stantes,  o«  tccitum." 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  319 


Chapter  XIV. 

1  Blessed  is  the  man  that  hath  not  offended  in  his  speech,* 
And  is  not  pricked  with  grief  for  sins.^ 

2  Blessed  is  fie  whose  conscience  hath  not  condemned  him, 
And  who  is  not  fallen  from  his  hope.^ 

3  Riches  are  not  comely  for  a  niggard, 

And  of  what  use  is  money  to  an  envious  man  ?  * 

4  He  that  gathereth  by  stinting  himself,*  gathereth  for  others. 
And  others  will  fare  sumptuously  ^  on  his  goods. 

5  He  that  is  evil  to  himself,  to  whom  will  he  be  good  ? 
And  he  will  take  no '  pleasure  in  his  money.' 

6  There  is  none  worse  than  he  that  envieth  ^  himself, 
And  this  is  a  recompense  of  his  baseness." 

7  And  if  he  doeth  good,  he  doeth  it  in  forgetfulness ; " 
And  at  last  he  showeth  out  '■'  his  baseness.'^ 

8  Base  is  he  that  hath  an  envious  eye ;  " 

He  turneth  away  his  face,  and  overlooketh  the  needy." 

9  A  covetous  man's  eye  is  not  satisfied  with  a  ^°  portion ; 
And  base  injustice  "  drieth  up  the  "  soul. 

10  A  penurious  "  eye  envieth  its  '^  bread, 
And  hath  want  at  its  ^^  table. 

11  My  son,  according  to  what  thou  hast '^  do  good  to  thyself 
And  give  the  Lord  proportionate  offerings.^ 

12  Remember  that  death  will  not  be  long  in  coming, 

And  that  the  covenant  of  Hades  ^*  is  not  showed  unto  thee. 

13  Do  good  unto  thy  friend  ^^  before  thou  die. 

And  according  to  thy  ability  stretch  out  thy  hand  and  give  to  him. 

14  Do  not  miss  a  •"  good  day. 

And  let  not  participation  in  a  proper  enjoyment  escape  ^  thee, 

15  "Wilt  ^  thou  not  leave  the  fruits  of  thy  toil  to  *  another, 
And  thy  labors  to  be  divided  by  lot? 

16  Give,  and  take,  and  beguile  ™  thy  soul. 

For  there  is  no  seeking  of  dainties  in  Hades.'' 

17  All  flesh  groweth  ^''  old  as  a  garment ; 

For  the  covenant  ^  from  the  beginning  is,  Thou  shall  surely  die.** 

18  As  green  leaves  ^  on  a  densely  covered  tree,'' 
Some  fall,  while  others  ^  grow  : 

Vera.  1-6.  — '  A.  V.  :  slipt  with  hU  mouth.    (It  is  more  common  now  to  speak  ol  a  "  slip  of  the  tongue  "    But  hen 
blasphemous,  calumnious,  or  corrupting  words  are  meant.)  2  with  the  multitude  of  sins  (for  \y^,  248  Co  read 

rA,9«..  The  A.  V.  not.ces  the  alternative  reading  in  the  margin,  Or,  sorrow.  Fritzsche  reads  i^apr.iK  instead  of 
the  smg    with  lU.  X.  H.  55.  165.  167.  248.  Co.)  =  hope  in  the  Lord  (28.  106.  248.  253.  Co.  add  rit  i„X  «vp.oi.). 

And  what  should  an  envious  (used  in  the  sense  of  "  grudging  ••  here,  and  in  the  context)  man  do  will,  money  (dv9pui™. 
Pa«a,.y  .var.  xpw«ra).        »  by  defrauding  his  own  soul  (see  Com.).  «  That  Wal  ....  irepo.)  shall  spend  his  goodi 

notously  (the  «ord     not  "  m  this  sense  is  obsolescent).  '  He  (Kai)  shall  not  take.  »  goods  (ypwara  which  I 

render  as  rendered  in  ver.  3).        »  envieth  (cf.  rem.  at  ver.  3).        i»  wickedness  (cf.  ver.  7). 

Vers.  7-12.  —  "  A.  V.  :  unwillingly  {iy  Ki,e^  ;  248.  Co.,  oix  U^v  \  Old  Lat.,  ignoranter  ct  non  voUm).  i>  the  lut 

he  wiU  declare  {t^^alvti ;  55.  248.  254.  Co.  and  X.,  by  a  corrector,  have  the  fut.).  1=  wickedness  Waxiov  whose  mean- 
ing IS  limited  by  the  context).  ^  n  The  envious  man  hath  a  wicked  eye  l.i,ovr,pK  o  ^M-icotVu^  —  248.  Co.  add  iSe^y  — 
b^floVv)-  ""' despiscth  men  (in-tpopSv^jjis,  i.e.,  needy  souls,  the  poor).  '^  his.  "  the  iniquity  of  the  wicked 
(i«.«;a  ironjpi  ;  248.  Co.,  non,poi  for  the  latter).  "  hU  (23.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  aiioi)  soul.  w  A  wicked  (i.on,pos, 
but  colored  in  its  meaning  by  the  context).         20  envieth  liis.         21  he  u  a  niggard  (iAAiTnjs)  at  his  (1  render  by  "  its  " 

to  correspond  with  the  first  member).         22  thy  ability  Uiv  exiJ!).  ^  his  due  offering  (^rpooi/iopM i^im,  i.  «., 

offerings  worthy  of  thy  prosperous  circumstances).        24  t^g  grave  (cf.  ver.  16). 

Vers.  13-18.  —  26  A.  V. :  thy  friend  (the  pronoun  is  wanting,  and  we  might  have  expected  ital.  in  the  A.  V.,  which  is 
to  particular  to  write  thy  hand  in  the  next  line).  26  Defraud  not  thyself  of  the  f^r,  i4,v<rrtf,Jjr(ii  =  do  not  come  too 

late).  ^  not  the  part  (used  in  the  sense  of  participation)  of  a  good  desire  (eiriSufiios,  here,  what  is  desired,  an  enjoy- 

ment) overpass.  2"  Shalt.  2b  thy  travails  (n-di-ovs)  unto.  =»  sanctify  ii„i-niaoy  ;  i-yiWoi-,  106.  248.  253.  296.  Co 
Aid. ;  Old  lja.t.,  justijica;  Grotius  would  read  iyairrjcroi',  but  the  common  test  is  right  as  it  stands.  SeeC4>m.).  a  th» 
grave  (I  transfer  the  Greek  word  here,  as  in  all  such  cases).  22  waxeth  (otherwise  than  as  applied  to  the  moon  obso- 
lescent). ^  S3  covenant  (SiaS^di),  but  used  here  apparently  in  much  the  same  sense  as  our  word  "  law  ■').  M  be- 
finning  (iir'  alivo!)  ....  die  the  death.  36  o/the  green  leaves  (sing.,  but  used  collectively).  so  thick  [Saireot} 
tee.        '"  and  some  (i*Aa  Si,  with  niv  ia  the  previous  clause.    Fritzsche  makes  both  verbs  transitive.) 


a20 


THE   AroCUYPIIA. 


So  also  '  the  generation  of  flesh  and  blood, 

The  one  cometh  to  an  end,  wliile "  another  is  born. 

19  Every  corruptible  work  ^  consumeth  away. 
And  the  worker  thereof  will  pass  away  with  it.* 

20  Blessed  is  the  man  that  doth  meditate  on  ^  wisdom, 
And  that  discourseth  about  it  in  his  sagacity ;  ° 

21  Who  '  considereth  her  ways  in  his  heart, 
And  pondereth  over  her '  secrets. 

22  Go  out  ^  after  her  as  one  that  traceth. 
And  lie  in  wait  in  her  ways. 

23  He  prieth  in  at  ^^  her  windows, 

And  hearkeneth  at  the  posts  of  her  doors." 

24  He  dwelleth  very  ^'-^  near  her  house, 
And  driveth  Ids  tent-pin  ^'  in  her  walls. 

25  He  pitcheth  ^*  his  tent  nigh  unto  her. 

And  dwelleth  in  a  dwelling  ^^  where  good  things  are. 

26  He  putteth  ^^  his  children  under  her  protection," 
And  lodgeth  ^*  under  her  branches. 

27  By  her  he  is  ^^  covered  from  heat, 
Aid  he  dwelleth  in  her  glory.^ 

Yer  18.  —I  A.  V. :  is  (The  Bame  critic  adopts  Kai  from  III.  X.  C.  H.  106. 155. 167.  248.  296.  807.  Co.,  whioh  is  no* 
found  in  the  text.  ric).         ^  One  ....  and  (Je,  corresponding  to  izev). 
Vers.  19-23.  —  ^  a.  V. :  Every  work  rotteth  and  {irav  ep-yov  cnjTro^evoi').  *  BhaU  go  withal  (^rr'  aiimv  ane\evvtTa*y 

*  good  things  in  (re^cvrijcrei.  Fritzsche  adopts  ^eAenjo-ei  from  106.  248.  253.  Co.  Old.  Lat.;  H.  106.  248.  253.  Co.  add  KoAd) 
6  reasoneth  of  holy  things  (StoAex^^acTat ;  H.  23-  248.  253.  Co.  add  a-yta)  by  his  understanding  {Bretschneider  and  Wahl, 
render  as  the  A.  V.  But  the  Greek  t^eems  to  be  a  rendering  of  3  ^31  =  say  something^  discourse  through,  or  in), 
'  He  that  (6.    It  is  a  continuation  of  the  previous  thought).  »  shall  also  have  understanding  {ewcnj&rjaerat)  in  her. 

*  Go  (l^eXfle).         *"  He  that  prieth  {bows  down  beside  in  order  to  look  through)  in  at.  "  ShaU  also  hearken  at  her 

doors  (€771  TblV  ^p^xl/laTWC  aUTT]?). 

Vers.  24-26. —  ^~  A.  V. :  that  doth  lodge  (6  K(VTaX.vojv  ;  cf.  ovAta-dTja-erot,  ver.  26).  ^3  Shall  also  fasten  a  pin  (see 

Com.).  14  shall  pitch.  i^  shall  lodge  in  a  lodging.  i®  shall  set.  i'  shelter.  ^^  gtiall  lodge.  i»  shall  be. 
2P  in  her  glory  shall  he  dwell  (for  consistency's  sake,  I  put  all  these  verbs  in  the  present,  although  in  some  instances 
the  future,  which  stands  in  the  text,  would  have  equal  force.    But  it  is  rather  a  fact  than  a  promise  that  is  meant). 


Chaptkb  XIV. 


Ver.  1.  'Ev  <TT6ij.aTi  (eV  yKtitTirri,  xxv.  8).  So 
Jas.  iii.  2  :  "  If  any  man  offend  not  in  word,  the 
game  is  a  perfect  man,  and  able  also  to  bridle  the 
whole  body." 

Ver.  2.  'Whose  conscience  {^vxfi)  hath  not 
condemned  him.  Cf.  1  John  iii.  21,  where  we 
find  KapSla :  "  Beloved,  if  our  heart  condemn  us 
But,"  etc. 

Ver.  3.  To  an  envious  man,  PatrKavip.  It  is 
not  easy  to  give  to  this  word  here  and  in  the 
following  verses  the  exact  shade  of  meaning  re- 
quired. Luther  translates  in  the  present  instance, 
a  slirii/y  doij.  Fritzsche  supposes  that  it  repre- 
Bents  the  Hebrew  ]''17  ^"1,  "evil  eye."  The  verb 
in  the  sense  of  to  bewitch,  to  fascinate,  which  occurs 
not  uncommonly,  is  usually  constructed  with  the 
accusative  (cf.  Gal.  iii.  1)  ;  in  the  sen.se  of  to  envy, 
with  the  dative.  See  Winer,  p.  223.  In  the  case 
liefoie  us,  the  word  seems  to  mean,  lo  be  penurious, 
stiny)/,  to  grudge  one's  self  or  others  anything,  as 
in  verse  sixth.  What  sliould  a  man  that  is  close 
and  stingy  do  with  property  ?  He  cannot  get 
any  enjoyment  out  of  it. 

Ver.  4.  By  stinting  himself.  Lit. .yj-om  him- 
self, atrh  TTis  '^uxh^  ainov. 

Ver.  5.  Evil,  trovTip6i.  Here  in  the  sense  of 
bard. 

Ver.  6.     Cf.  Prov.  xi.  17. 

Ver.  8.  The  "  evil  "  of  the  eye,  i.  e.,  the  base- 
ness of  the  man,  in  this  case  is  explained :  it  does 
not  see  [omiooks,  virepopuv)  ca.ses  of  need. 


Ver.  9.  It  is  remarkable  how  much  is  imputed 
to  the  eye  in  the  Old  Testament:  (1.)  All  the 
various  emotions  that  are  expressed  through  it, 
as  lofty  eyes  (Ps.  xviii.  27) ;  low  eyes  (Job  xxii.  29). 
(2.)  They  are  used  for  the  person,  the  presence 
of  any  one  (Gen.  xxiii.  10).  (3.)  They  are  put 
for  one's  judgment,  opinion,  as  wise  in  his  own 
eyes  (Prov.  iii.  7).  (4.)  The  expression,  to  set  the 
eye  upon  one,  is  used  for  showing  kindness  (Gen. 
xliv.  21) ;  also,  as  a  token  o£  disfavor  (Am.  ix.  4). 
(5.)  We  have  also  the  expression:  to  be  eyes  for 
another,  i.  e.,  to  lead  them.  —  'ASikIo.  novtipd,  base 
injustice.  The  words  obviously  refer  to  the 
natural  result  of  covetousness,  which  is  injustice 
and  wroug-doiufj.  Bunseu's  Bibelwerk,  with  De 
Wette,  renders  by  evil  appetites,  which  seems  less 
appropriate. 

Ver.  10.  Envieth  its  bread,  i.  e.,  he  be- 
grudges the  expense  of  even  the  most  necessary 
things  tli:tt  come  to  his  table. 

Vers.  II,  12.     The  Talmud  has  a  proverb  (Tr. 

]"'D'I^37,  fol.  53),  which  agrees  in  part  with  the 
present  one,  and  which  Zunz,  with  others,  thinks 
may  have  been  derived  from  it.  But  it  is  doubted 
by  Gutmann.  The  proverb  is  as  follows  :  "My  son, 
if  thou  hast  the  means,  do  well  by  thyself.  For 
in  the  underworld  there  is  no  pleasure,  and  death 
tarries  not.  If  thou  sayest,  however,  '  I  Will 
leave  to  my  sons  and  daughters  tlieir  siijiport,' 
how  will  you  know  in  the  underworld  ?  [whether 
they   make  a  right  use  of   the   properlyj.      Tht 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


321 


children  of  men  ai  e  like  the  plants  of  the  field : 
?onie  flourish,  others  perish." 

Ver.  14.  A  good  day.  A  day  of  feasting  and 
rejoicing.  Cf.  Ksth.  ix.  19.  —  Do  not  miss.  The 
word  a(pv(rTepe7i'  means,  literally,  to  come  too  late. 
And  so  Wahl's  Vlavis,  s.  i\  :  serins  veiiiens  de- 
fraudo  me  aliqiia  re.  Fritzsche,  however,  thinks 
that  it  was  usfd  in  the  later  times  actively,  with 
the  sense  let  want,  withhold,  and  would  render  : 
Withdraw  not  thyself  from  a  i/ood  day. 

Ver.  15.  The  sense  is  plain.  Cf.  Ps.  xxxix. 
6,  "  He  heapeth  up  riches,  and  knoweth  not  who 
shall  gather  them." 

Ver.  16.  Give  and  take.  Luther:  "Give 
willingly,  so  wilt  thou  atfatn  receive.  Some  such 
idea  may  be  contained  in  the  passage.  Of  two 
imperatives,  the  second  has  often  the  force  of  a 
future.  Cf.  for  the  thought,  Luke  vi.  38. — 
'AwaTTfaof,  beguile.  The  word  contains  both  the 
idea  of  deception  and  amusement.  The  meaning 
of  the  author  seems  to  be,  in  general :  There  is 
no  sense  in  denying  one's  self  all  right  enjoy- 
ments through  penurious  habits ;  for  if  one's 
money  is  not  put  to  good  use  during  bis  lifetime. 


when  will  it  bef  —  Seeking  of  dainties,  ^riTrjaai 
Tpv(piiv.  The  grave  is  no  place  for  physical  enjoy- 
ments. Cf.  the  language  of  the  Preacher,  Eccles. 
ix.  10. 

Ver.  17.  Cf.,  for  the  covenant  referred  to, 
Gen.  ii.  17,  iii.  19  ;  and  for  a  figure  similar  to  the 
one  used,  Ps.  cii.  26. 

Ver.  18.  Cf.  Homer,  //.,  vi.  146  ff.,  xxi.  464  flf. 
—  Flesh  and  blood.  Cremer  (Lex.,  under  at/ja) 
thinks  that  that  which  is  characteristic  of  the 
crap^,  the  alienation  of  human  nature  from  what 
is  higher,  spiritual,  divine,  is  hinted  at  in  this 
case.  Bretschneider  (Com.,  in  loc.)  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  figure  here  employed  is 
the  more  apt,  for  the  reason  that  trees  in  a  trop- 
ical climate  are  referred  to :  "  Recordentur  hie 
lectores,  quod  arbores  in  terris  tropicis  plerumgue 
nova  jam  gignant  folia  turn  priora  marcescunty 
novosque  fiores  producant,  cum  frnges  maturant.*' 

Ver.  24.  TldffcraAos  is  a  wooden  pin,  but  here 
clearly  tent-pin,  "^i^^.  The  meaning  is  that  he 
will  get  so  close  to  wisdom  that  his  own  tent-pin, 
as  it  were,  will  pierce  the  walls  of  her  tent. 


Chapter  XV. 


10 


11 


12 


He  that  feareth  the  Lord  will  do  this,' 
And  he  that  holdeth  fast  to  ''  the  law  shall  obtain  her. 
And  as  a  mother  shall  she  meet  him, 
And  receive  him  as  a  virgin  wife.* 
With  bread  of  insight  ■*  shall  she  feed  him, 
And  give  liim  water  *  of  wisdom  to  drink. 
He  shall  support  liimself  ^  upon  her,  and  shall  not  give  way,' 
And  shall  rely  upon  her,  and  shall  not  be  made  ashamed.' 
And  '  she  shall  exalt  him  above  his  neighbors. 
And  in  the  midst  of  the  congregation  shall  she  open  his  mouth. 
Joy  '°  and  a  crown  of  gladness, 
And  an  everlasting  name  shall  he  inherit.'^ 
Foolish  '-  men  shall  not  attain  unto  her, 
And  sinners  shall  not  see  her. 
For  she  is  far  from  pride, 
And  liars  will  not  be  mindful  of  '*  her. 
Praise  ^*  is  not  seemly  in  the  mouth  of  a  sinner, 
For  he  ^^  was  not  sent  from  ^°  the  Lord. 
For  praise  shall  be  uttered  in  wisdom. 
And  the  Lord  will  prosper  it. 

Say  not  thou.  Through  the  Lord  I  ■"  fell  away, 
For  thou  oughtest  not  to  do  what  ■"'  he  hateth. 
Say  not  thou,  He  himself  led  me  astray. 
For  he  hath  no  need  of  a  sinful  '^  man. 


Vera.  1-4.  —  •  A.  V. :  do  good  (auro  ;  avrd,  23.  106.  248.  253.  Co.).  ^  hath  the  knowledge  of  (6  ^-yKpoTTis  tou  fo/iov  ; 

248.  Co.,  ey.  ynu<re(D5  ;  23.  253.,  eiA,]<f)w9  yvw(Ttv].  ^  a  wife  married  of  a  virgin  (yvj^  n-apflei^i'os,  i.  e.,  a  wife  who  is  a 

virgin;  ci.Co?n.).         *  the  bread  of  under3*.anding  (oprof  ffweffecus).  ^  the  water.  8  be  stayed.  '  be  moved 

(jtAiep).        8  confounded. 

Vers.5-12.  — »A.  V.:omi'faAnd.  "  He  shall  find  joj  (at  the  end  of  the  line,  HI.  H.  106. 248.  Co.  add  evpio-ei)-  "  8l>» 
Fhall  cause  him  (aurif  is  added  by  248.  Co.;  cf. Co?/?.)  to  inherit  an  everlasting  name  {text,  tec,  ovop.ix  aXiliVLOv;  Fritzsche 
receives  oiii-os  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  155.  157.  248.  253.  Co.).  "  But  («ai,  24S.  253.  Co.)  foolish.  "  men  that  are 

liars  (avSpes  ^euorai,  best  expressed  by  the  one  word  "  liars  '")  cannot  remember  {ov  p.rj  fivrjaOriTovraL).  ^*  Praise 

;marg.,  "  A  parable,'"  i.  e.,  oXvck,  was  supposed  to  be  a  possible  rendering  of  ^Ct^72,  but  more  likely  of  H  vni*n). 
'6  it  (so  marg.  ;  see  Com.).  i"  sent  him  (auT(i>  is  added  by  U.  106.  248.  Co.)  of.  i'  It  is  through  ....  t/iM  L 

»  the  things  that.  ">  hath  caused  me  to  err  (oiros  ^e  .nAiiTio-ei- ;  lirXairtv,  55.  106.  243.  254.  296.  307.  Co.) ...  -  th« 

sinful. 


322 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


13  The  Lord  hateth  every  abomination, 
And  they  that  fear  him  '  love  it  not. 

14  He  himself  made  man  from  the  beginning, 
And  left  him  to  his  free  choice  ;  ^ 

15  If  thou  wilt,  thou  shall  keep  ^  the  commandments  ; 
And  to  act  with  fidelity  is  matter  of  liking.'' 

16  He  hath  set  fire  and  water  before  thee, 

Thou  shalt  stretch  forth  '  thy  hand  to  which  ever  '  thou  wilU 

17  Before  man  is  life  and  death. 

And  which  ever  he  '  liketh  shall  be  given  him. 

18  For  the  wisdom  of  the  Lord  is  great. 

And  he  is  mighty  in  power,  and  beholdeth  all  things  ; 

19  And  his  eyes  are  upon  them  that  fear  him, 
And  he  knoweth  every  work  of  a  man.' 

20  He  commanded  not  one  to  be  godless,' 
And  he  gave  not  one '"  license  to  sin. 

Vers,  13-15.  — ^  A.  V. :  all  abomination  ....  fear  Qod.  ^  in  the  band  of  bis  counsel  (Fritzsche  refers  the  prcmoOB 
JH  God,  but  it  makes  better  sense  to  suppose  that  man  is  meant,  "  left  him  in  the  power,  under  the  control,  of  his  fret 
*H11.*'     So  Wahl,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk)  8  to  keep  ((rufTTjpTja-ei!  ;  X.,  by  a  corrector,  (rvvnjpijire  ;  55.  157.  263. 

864.,  avynjpriirai ;  Vulg.,  si  volueris  mandata  servare).  *  to  perform  (n-oiiio-ai ;  106.,  jronjtrei?)  acceptable  faithfulness 
!ir('(mi'  IT.  eiiioKW,  iari,  being  understood.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  renders,  "  If  thou  wilt  keep  the  commandments,  And 
practice  well-pleasing  honesty  "). 

Vers.  16-20.  —  o  A.  V.  :  Stretch  forth  [eKTeveU  J  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  ejcreico*-).  ^  unto  whether  (o5  iav,  t.  «., 

to  which  place,  where  the  fire  is,  or,  where  the  water  is).  ?  whether  him  (o  iav  evSoK^ir|)).  *  of  man  (sing.,  and 

Oetter  so  rendered,  on  account  of  the  connection).  ^  hath  ....  no  man  to  do  wickedly  (oux,  —  om.  by  23. 106. 165. 

248.  al.  —  ....  ovSevc  acre^etf).        ^^  Neither  hath  he  given  any  man 


Chapter  XV. 


Ver.  1.  'Will  do  this,  namely,  what  had  just 
been  spoken  of,  —  zealously  pursue  wisdom.  — 
Holdeth  fast  to  (e'yicpoT^s).  adheres  to,  and  obeys 
its  precepts. 

Ver.  2.  As  a  mother.  Cf.  Is.  Ixvi.  13.  —  A  vir- 
gin wife.  The  Vulgate  renders  by  "  uxor  a  vir- 
Bi'ni(a<c"  (cf.  ProT.  ii.  17).  Grotius  :  "  uxor,  qtiam 
guis  virginem  duxit"     Wahl :  "  virgo  iimnaculata.'* 

Ver.  3.     Cf.  Is.  xliv.  3  ;  Jno.  iv.  14,  vi.  27. 

Ver.  6.  The  subject  of  KaraKK-qpovo^itirft  is  not 
wisdom,  but  the  God-fearing.  Our  translators, 
with  Grotius,  make  wisdom  the  subject,  and  are 
obliged  therefore  to  give  the  verb  a  causative 
sense,  corresponding  to  the  Hiphil  in  Hebrew. 
On  the  idea  of  everlasting  name,  cf.  Is.  Ivi.  5  ;  Ixiii. 
12. 

Ver.  7.  Not  see  her,  i.  e.,  not  even  see  her, 
much  less  attain  unto  her. 

Ver.  8.  Humility  is  a  necessary  prerequisite 
to  the  attainment  of  wisdom.  The  Bible  abounds 
in  passages  which  show  that  meekness  and  lowli- 
ness of  mind  are  an  indispensable  condition  to 
mental  and  spiritual  progress.  Cf.,  among  others, 
Ps.  ix.  12,  X.  17,  xviii.  27,  xxv.  9,  xxxvii.  11, 
cxxxviii.    6;    1   Cor.  iii.   18;    Eph.   iv.   2.      The 

Talmud  also  says  {Tr.  CT^",  fol.  66,  cited  by 
Gutmann)  :  "  He  who  lifts  himself  up  with  pride, 
though  he  be  wise,  his  wisdom  will  depart  from 
him  ;  and,  if  he  be  a  prophet,  the  gift  of  prophecy 
irill  forsake  him." 


Ver.  9.  He  was  not  sent.  In  other  words, 
was  not  commissioned  (iiretrTetATj).  With  Gaab,  I 
have  given  this  word  the  sense  indicated  (Heb., 
n_/Ci',  see  Ex.  iv.  13)  as  best  suited  to  the  con- 
text. The  sinner  has  no  commission  to  sing 
God's  praises,  i.  e.,  as  a  sinner. 

Ver.  11.  Cf.  Jas.  i.  13,  14  :  "  Let  no  man  say 
when  he  is  tempted,  I  am  tempted  of  God." 

Vtr.  12.  God  has  no  need  of  a  sinner  ;  hence 
he  makes  no  man  sin,  so  as  to  employ  him  in  evil 
things. 

Ver.  15.  *Ecti'  OfAps,  uvvri^piiaiis  ivroKhs,  koX 
■niariv  troiTJaai  eiiBoKlas.  The  translation  which  I 
have  given  of  this  ver.^e  above  seems  to  bring  it 
into  better  harmony  with  the  context,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  preserve  the  parallelism.  A  period 
is  placed  after  verse  14  by  Fritzsche.  We  should 
have  expected  to  find  vlanv  eiSoxlas  together,  if 
they  were  intended  to  be  read  together.  Cf. 
woiwf  TTiffTeir,  he  that  dea/eth  truly,  of  the  LXX., 
at  Prov.  xii.  22. 

Ver.  16.  Fire  and  water,  used  figuratively 
for  two  things  that  are  precisely  opposite. 

Vers.  17-20.  Our  author's  doctrine  of  the  will 
is  worthy  of  notice.  Cf.  on  the  general  subject, 
Professor  Shedd,  The  Doctrine  of  Original  Sin 
{Essai/s,  Andover,  Draper,  1859,  pp.  218  ff.) ; 
also,  Dr.  Marsh's  introduction  to  Coleridge's 
Works  (Harper  &  Brothers,  New  York,  1853 
vol.  1,  p.  87  ff.). 


Chapter  XVT. 


T«t.l.  — >A.V. 


DEsraE  not  a  multitude  of  unprofitable  children, 

Nor  have  joy  over  '  ungodly  sons. 

Neither  delight  in  {)i.riSi  —  lexl .  rtc.  omits  {«,  but  it  is  found  in  III.  X.  55.  al.  —  eiif p«fiw»  M 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  'i'-'6 


2  Though  they  multiply,  have  not  joy  over  ^  them, 
Except  the  fear  of  the  Lord  be  with  them. 

3  Trust  not  thou  in  their  life, 
And  do  not  rely  on  their  place  ; ' 
For  one  is  '  better  than  a  thousand, 

And  to  die  childless  *  than  to  have  ungodly  children ;  * 

4  For  by  one  that  hath  understanding  shall  a  city  be  peopled,* 
But  a  race  of  transgressors  shall  die  out.' 

5  Many  such  things  have  I  seen  with  mine  eyes. 
And  mine  ear  hath  heard  greater '  things  than  these. 

6  In  a  convocation  of  sinners  °  shall  a  fire  be  kindled, 
And  in  a  rebellious  nation  wrath  is  set  on  fire. 

7  He  was  not  pacified  respecting  ^^  the  old  giants, 
Who  fell  away  in  their  strength.^' 

8  He  spared  not  the  people  where  Lot  sojourned," 
Whom  he  abhorred  '*  for  their  pride. 

9  He  pitied  not  a  nation  devoted  to  destruction," 
Who  were  taken  away  '^  in  their  sins  ; 

10  And  so  '^  six  hundred  thousand  footmen, 

Who  were  gathered  together  in  the  hardness  of  their  heartSa 

11  And  if  there  be  one  stiffnecked," 

It  is  a  '*  marvel  if  this  one  '^  escape  unpunished ; 

For  mercy  and  wrath  are  with  him  ; 

He  is  mighty  to  forgive,^  also  '-'  to  pour  out  wrath  j  ^ 

12  As  his  mercy  is  great,  so  is  his  correction  also ; 
He  judgeth  '^  a  man  according  to  his  works. 

13  A  ^*  sinner  shall  not  escape  with  his  spoil,^ 

And  the  hope  '"  of  the  godly  shall  not  be  unfulfiUed.'" 

14  He  will  make  room  "*  for  every  mercy  ;  '^ 

Every  ^  man  shall  receive ''  according  to  his  works." 

17  Say  not  thou,  I  will  hide  myself  from  the  Lord ; 
And  who  from  above  will  be  mindful  of  ^  me  ? 

I  shall  not  be  thought  of  ^*  among  so  many  ^  people  ; 
For  what  am  I  in  the  immeasurable  creation  ?  ^^ 

18  Behold,  the  heaven,  and  the  heaven  of  heaven,*' 
The  deep,  and  the  earth,  are  shaken  at  his  visitation.** 

Vers.  2-5.  —  *  A.  V.:  rejoice  not  in.  *  Neitlier  respect  tlieir  multitude  {icaX  (lij  enex^  iirt  rov  toitov — rb  rrX^flo?,  m.  X. 
23.  al.  Co.  —  avTMv).  3  that  is  just  is  (to  ele,  248.  Co.  add  BiKauo%  ;  Old  Lat.,  linus  timeits  Deum.  Tlie  addition  is  correct 
if  understood  as  a  gloss  ;  but  by  making  it,  the  beauty  of  the  style,  which  consists  in  suggesting  the  thought  without 
clearly  stating  it,  is  marred  ;  cf.  ver,  4).        *  better  it  is  to  die  without  children.  5  them  that  are  ungodly.  ^  the 

city  be  replenished  {(TvyotKurBritTeTai  n-6At«  ;  cf.  following).  '  the  kindred  (marg.,  tribe  ;  Gr.,  <^uA7J,  but  probably  for 
Xin^W72^  tt  tribe,  dan^/arntly,  and  also,  a  whole  race]  of  the  wicked  (af o^<uf  ;  aae^dv,  248.  Co.)  shall  speedily  («V 
rdxet  is  added  by  106.  248.  Co.)  become  desolate  (lit.,  but  not  clear,  or  true  to  the  context).        ^  greater  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  6-12.  —  *  A.  V.  :  the  congregation  ^trvvayuy^ ,  but  here  in  the  sense  of  gathering,  or,  as  given)  of  the  ungodly 
i/xapTwAic).  ^  towards  (n-cpi).  "  the  strength  of  their  foolishness  (ttJs  aippoavvrii  are  inserted  in  H.  106.  248.  Co. 
•jfore  aurwf).  12  Neither  spared  he  the  place  where  Lot  sojourned  (n-apoiicia?  Awt.     Lit.,  Lot^s  sojourning  ;  but  the 

ontext  shows  that  the  people  of  Sodom  are  meant.  See  Com.).  i3  But  abhorred  them.  '^  the  people  of  perdition 
i6yo^  iirwAeias.  It  means  either  a  nation  worthy  of  destruction,  or  a  nation  devoted  to  destruction.  I  adopt  the  latter, 
■with  Wahl  and  Fritzsche  ;  cf.  Com.).  is  taken  away  (e'^Tjp^eVous  ;  others  render,  rose  up,  rebelled,  but  this  meaning 

is  uncommon  in  the  LXX.).  "  Nor  the  (itat  ouru?  ;  cf.  Com.).  "  stiffnecked  among  the  people  (248.  Co.  add  iv 

Aoifi).  ^^  is.  1^  he  (touto,  emphatic).  ^  mi^)xty  to  ioxgi^e  [\\t..  Lord  of  appeasings,atoneinents).  21  ^nd. 

22  displeasure  (opyTjf).        23  judgeth  (Fritzsche  adopts  the  fut.  from  55.  106.  248.  al.). 

Vers.  13-19.  —  "  A.  V.  :  The.  ■'  spoils  (Fritzsche  adopts  sing,  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  155.  al.).  2«  patience  (t.  e., 

the  result  of  patience,  and  what  is  hoped  for  ;  cf.  Com.).  2^  frustrate  (lit.,  remain  behind).  28  make  way  (jtoitj- 

vov, —  for  irot)j(ret  —  248.  Co.).  ^  work  of  mercy  [i\ertfi.oavv^.    As  a  human  virtue,  it  is  usually  so  rendered  ;  but 

here  the  mercy  of  God  is  meant).         ^  For  (106.  248.  Co.  have  yap  after  eVaoros)  every.  si  find  (lit.,  but  not  clear). 

M  works  (A.  V.  adds,  on  the  authority  of  106.  248.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.,  the  words  :  "  The  Lord  hardened  Pharaoh,  that  he 
should  not  know  him,  That  his  powerful  works  might  be  known  to  the  world.  His  mercy  is  manifest  to  every  creature  ; 
And  he  hath  separated  his  light  from  the  darkness  with  an  adamant).  ^  Shall  (Fritzsche  receives  jcai  from  III.  X. 
23.  106.  165.  al.)  any  remember  me  from  above.  ^*  not  be  remembered  [oii  ^Jj  yi-wtrdo* ;  Fritzsche  receives  this  verb 
n  place  of  lut^ir^u,  from  III.  X.  H.  23.  106.  155.  al.  Old  Lit.  Syr.  Ar.).  »=  so  many  (irXeJoi'c).  »»  is  my  soul  among 
^uek  an  infinite  number  of  creatures  {iv  ap.eTfrrinf  jcrio-et).  37  heavens  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  too  Qeov,  as  wanting  in 

III.  X.  arialmost  all  the  MSS     It  is  found,  however,  in  II.).        »  earth  and  all  that  therein  is  (so  H.  108.  248.  Co.  Old 


324  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


19  The  mountains  also  ^  and  the  ^  foundations  of  the  earth 
Tremble  with  fear  when  he  ^  looketh  upon  them. 

20  And  the  heart  thinketh  not  upon  these  things  ;* 
And  who  considereth  *  his  ways  ? 

21  Even  as  ^  a  tempest  which  no  man  seeth,' 
So  the  most  ^  of  his  works  are  hid. 

22  Who  will  announce  the  works  of  his  justice  ?  °  or  who  await  them  ?  " 
For  the  goal  is  afar  off." 

23  He  that  wauteth  understanding  thinketh  this  ;  ^^ 

And  a  foolish  and  erring  man  thinketh  foolish  things." 

24  My  son,  hearken  unto  me,  and  learn  experience,^* 
And  mark  my  words  with  thy  heart. 

25  I  make  known  well-considered  instruction, 
And  announce  experience  with  exactness. 

26  According  to  the  determination  of  the  Lord  are  his  works  "  from  the  beguming 
And  from  the  time  he  made  them,  he  divided  ^^  the  parts  thereof. 

27  He  garnished  "  his  works  for  ever. 

And  the  ^*  chief  of  them  throughout  their  generations." 
They  neither  hunger,^"  nor  are  weary, 
And  cease  not  "^  from  their  offices.''^ 

28  None  of  them  crowdeth  his  neighbor,''* 
And  they  never  ^*  disobey  his  word. 

29  And  ^  after  this  the  Lord  looked  upon  the  earth, 
And  filled  it  with  his  blessings. 

30  With  every  kind  of  living  creature  °'  he  covered  the  face  thereof ; 
And  unto  it  is  their  return.^ 

Lat.),  Shall  be  moTed  when  he  shall  visit.  ^  also  (a^o,  but  better  rendered  here  by  "  also*').  ■  omiU  the 

8  Shall  be  shaken  [together]  with  trembling  (lit.,  but  by  metonymy  Tp6iLOi  is  put  for  that  which  causes  It),  when  tilt 
Lord  <H.  Co.  add  Kiipiof }. 

Vers.  20-23.  —  *  A.  V. :  No  heart  can  think  upon  these  Mjng-s  worthily  (o^wos  is  found  in  248.  Co.).  ^  is  able  to 

conceive  (the  verbs  are  fut.  in  this  and  the  preceding  sentence,  but  with  a  general  import).  ^Itis  («ai  is  stricken 

out  in  H.  248.  Co.     I  have  rendered  freely,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  and  to  bring  out  the  comparison).  '  can  see. 

s  For  (5e')  the  most  part.  ^  can  declare  the  works  of  his  justice  [tfy^d  SiKatotrvvrj^ — 106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  auroS  — 
vis  avoyycAei,  t.  e.,  his  retributive  justice.  So  speaks  a  disbeliever).  ^^  can  endure  them  (iuro/ieyei  for  TIAJ^  ,  cf.  Job 
vii.  2).  "  his  covenant  is  (cf .  Com.)  afar  off  (A.  V.  adds  on  the  authority  of  H.  106.  248.  Co.,  "  And  the  trial  of  all 
things  is  in  the  end  '■).  '-  will  think  upon  vain  things  (jiavoeirai  ravra).  ^  foolish  man  erring  imagineth  foUiea 
{aVT}p  a<t>pijiv  xaX  irAaviij^efo?  SLavoeirat  fiiopi). 

Vers.  24-30.  —  »  A.  V. :  knowledge  (^irtonj^Tjf .  It  seems  to  refer,  as  the  connection  suggests,  to  what  the  \vriter  him- 
self has  gained  by  his  study  and  travels).  '^  I  will  show  forth  doctrine  in  weight,  And  declare  his  knowledge  (H. 
106.  248.  Co.  add  avroii  after  en-to^fujc )  exactly.  The  works  of  the  Lord  are  done  in  judgment  {iv  Kpiaei  Kvpiov  —  i.  c,  as 
the  Lord  has  decided  —  Tacpyaovrov).  i'^  disposed  (SteareiAe  for  7^^5^  i  SiiareXXev  is  found  in  II.  X.  Aid. ;  cf.  Gen. 
i.  6.).  ^'  garnished  {fKoirixritrfv.  Others  would  prefer  the  rendering,  ordered,  arranged).  i8  in  his. hand  are  the 
(so  106. 248.  Co.).  ^^  unto  all  generations  (ety  yeveds  avrCjv  ;  the  last  authorities  mentioned,  with  H.,  ets  yevtas  yerewi/. 
Fritzsche  renders,  "  from  generation  to  generation  *').  ^o  labour  {eneivaa-av).  21  nor  cease.  ^  works  {epyiaVf 
but  clearly  used  in  the  sense  of  special  duties,  offices).  -^  hindereth  (e^eeXiil/ei-,  so  Fritzschc  from  III.  X.  23.  55. 106. 
155.  al.  Co.  1  text,  rec,  ISKiijiei')  another.  "  shall  never  (fut.,  but  the  thought  is  general).  ^  omits  And. 
*6  With  d.]l  manner  0/ living  things  (i/a'x>? — text,  rec.,  )jru\T}v  —  Trayrir;  ^wov)  hath.  27  they  shall  return  into  it 
again. 

Chapter   XVI. 

Ver.  1 .     Unprofitable.     It  is  meant  that  they  principle  announced  in  Ps.  Iv.  23,  that  the  nn- 

are  unprofitable  in  as  far  as  they  do  not  fear  God.  godly  "  shall  not  live  out  half  their  days." 

It  was  generally  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  a  great  Ver.  .'i.    Greater  things,  i.  e.,  worse  things,  which 

blessing  to  have  many  children.      The  childless  he  goes  on  in  the  following  verse  to  specify. 

were   looked   upon  as   particularly   unfortunate  y^^.  5      Convocation,  assembly,  ^Ttp,  cf.  Numb. 

The  patriarchal  system  fostered  thi<  idea,  as  well  •>       r't- 


as  the  customary  habits  of  life  and  thought  in  the 


xi.  1 :  Ps.  Ixxviii.  21. 


East.  Ver.   7.      The   old   giants.      Cf.   Gen.  vi.   2  ' 

Ver.  3.      Kely  upon   their  place,  as  though  Wisdom,  xiv.  6  ;  Bar.  iii.  26  ;  3  Mace.  ii.  4.    Th« 

they   would  permanently   occupy  it.  —  For   one.  subject  of  the  verb  is  God,  Jehovah,  and  is  prob- 

One   that   fears   God   is  doubtless  meant.      The  ably  omitted  out  of  superstitious  reverence. — lo 

A.   V.  h.18  supplied  this  idea,  but  without  suffi-  their  Btrength,  ;.  e..  through  confidence  in  their 

cient  MS.  authority.  strength.      The  Vulgate  has  conjicientes  suce  vir 

Ver.   4.     Tin-  assertion   miide   is  Iiaserl  nn  the  liili. 


ECCLESIASTICU&. 


32." 


Ver.  8.  TlupoiKias.  The  abstract  is  used  for 
the  concrete.  The  people  are  meant,  as  the  sec- 
ond clause  shows.  The  idea  of  the  destruction  of 
the  cities  of  the  plain  seems  first  to  have  entered 
the  author's  mind,  and  then  he  thought  of  the 
inhabitants.  Cf.  Ezek.  xvi.  49,  where  the  pride 
of  the  Sodomites  is  assigned  as  one  of  the  rea- 
sons for  their  overthrow.     See  3  Mace.  ii.  .■). 

Ver.  9.  It  is  not  cleur  who  are  liere  meant. 
Some  think  of  the  Sodomites ;  otliers,  of  the 
Egy]]tians  that  were  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea  ; 
and  still  others  of  the  Canaanites.  But  it  is  most 
likely  that  the  Egyptians  are  intended,  as  the 
following  verse  seems  to  speak  of  those  who  fell 
in  the  wilderness  during  the  forty  years  of  wan- 
dering. 

Ver.  10.  And  so.  The  words,  he  showed  not 
mercy  towards,  are  to  be  understood  ;  t.  e.,  the 
force  of  the  verb  from  the  preceding  verse  is  to  be 
brought  along,  the  two  verses  being  connected 
simply  by  a  semicolon. 

Ver.  U.  God  does  not  overlook  individuals. 
He  deals  with  great  multitudes  of  people,  but  as 
composed  of  individuals.  And  if  he  did  not 
spare  the  600,000,  much  less  would  he  spare  the 
single  person  who  sinned. 

Ver.  13.  Hope.  It  is  probable  that  Hlpri, 
(1)  thread,  (2)  perseverance,  hope,  stood  in  the 


original.  This  word  is  ordinarily  translated  in 
the  LXX.  by  (moiiovi,.     Cf.  Wisd.  ii.  14. 

Ver.  14.  He  will  make  room  for  every 
mercy,  namely,  on  his  own  part.  Still,  men 
were  not  on  that  account  to  expect  that  justice 
towards  individuals  would  be  overlooked. 

Vers.  17,  18.  The  later  Jews  held  to  the 
doctrine  of  a  number  of  different  heavens,  one 
above  another.  Cf.  Deut.  x.  14  ;  1  Kings  viii. 
27  ;  3  Mace.  ii.  15  ;  2  Cor.  xii.  2.  Fritzsche, 
however,  thinks  that  the  present  expression, 
"  heaven  of  heaven,"  simply  refers  to  heaven 
taken  as  a  whole. 

Ver.  22.  Goal.  The  Greek  word  is  SiaflTJKT;, 
covenant.  But  the  idea  is  that  the  determination, 
reaching  of  results,  the  award  of  justice,  is  afar 
off.  The  covenant  is  referred  to,  therefore,  ia 
its  aims,  —  especially  in  its  aim  to  punish  all 
departures  from  it. 

Ver.  23.  Thinketh  this.  They  will  think  the 
day  of  retribution  far  off,  and  so  go  on  sinning. 

Ver.  27.  The  chief  of  them,  rij  i.px^^  airuv. 
Probably  the  heavenly  bodies  are  meant. 

Ver.  29.  Blessings,  i,ya6mv.  —  "  Frumento,  vite, 
olea,  rebusgue  aliis  ad  vitam  aiU  necessariis  aut 
utilibus."     Grotius. 

Ver.  30.  Cf .  Gen.  iii.  19,  "  For  dnst  thou  art, 
and  anto  dust  shall  thon  retam." 


Chapter  XVII. 


10 


The  Lord  created  man  of  earth,* 
And  turned  him  back  ^  into  it  again. 
He  gave  them  a  number  of  °  days,  and  a  definite  time,* 
And  he  gave  them  ^  power  over  the  things  which  are  on  it.* 
He  endued  them  with  strength  like  himself,' 
And  made  them  according  to  his  own  *  image. 
He  put^  the  fear  of  liim '"  upon  all  flesh, 
And  gave  him  dominion  over  beasts  and  fowls.*' 
Free  will,'-  and  a  tongue,  and  eyes. 
Ears,  and  a  heart  gave  he  them  to  consider." 
He  ^*  filled  them  with  intelligent  insight,*' 
And  shewed  them  good  and  evil. 
He  set  his  eye  upon  '"  their  hearts, 
That  he  might  shew  them  the  greatness  of  his  works." 
And  they  shall  praise  his  holy  name. 
That  they  may  celebrate  the  great  things  of  his  works.*' 


Vers.  1-5.  —  *  A.  V. :  the  earth.         ^  omits  back  (iWoTpei/fei').  3  them  few  (cf.  Cotti.).         *  short  time  (icatpdi'). 

8  omits  he  gave  them  (IStuicec  auroi?  ;  omitted  by  106.,  ami  the  whole  line  by  68.  Aid.).  ^  power  also  over  the  things 
therein.  ^  by  themselves  (MSS.,  koJS'  eavroiis.    I  adopt  Fritzsche's  conjecture,  koB^  iavrov  ;  cf.  Com.).  8  omits 

own  {.text,  rec,  auTou  ;  fritzsche  adopts  eaUToC  from  III.  X.  23.  106.  157.  296.  307.).  ^  And  put  (Fritzsche  strikes  out 
the  KOI  before  {flijKe.as  III.  X.  H.23.  55.al.  Old  Lat.).  ">  of  man  (marg.,  of  him).  "  fowls  (H.  248.  Co.  have  an  ad- 
iition  appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as  ver.  5  :  They  received  (preceded,  in  the  authorities  mentioned,  by  ev  6/ioiwjuaTO  the  use 
tf  the  Jive  operation.-:  of  the  Lord,  And  in  the  sixth  place  he  imparted  them  understanding,  And  in  the  seventh,  speech, 
an  Interpreter  of  the  cogitations  thereof). 

Vers.  6-10.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Counsel  (Sto^oiiAioc.  I  render  with  Wahl,  and  Bunsen^s  Bibelwerk;  cf.  xv.  14).  ^^  under- 
stand (Siavoeio-flat).  "  R^/Aa/ he.  i**  tyirA  the  knowledge  of  understanding  (67rt(m}fxi]c  avi/eo-ew?.  Fritzsche  ren- 
ders, «'n5fcA/.^uoWer  Kenntniss,  knowledge  full  of  insight ;  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk, intelligent  iyisight).  ^^  upon.  (Others  ren- 
der by  tn,  i.  e.,  gave  them  some  of  his  own  knowledge,  power  of  sight ;  cf.  Com.)  ^~  works  (H.  55.  106.  248.  254.  Co. 
add  here  what  appears  in  the  A.  V.  as  ver.  9  :  lie  gave  them  tc  glory  in  his  marvellous  acts  forever,  That  they  might 
declare  his  works  with  understanding  (trvferots;  mjvfroi,  n.  106.).  Then  follows,  as  ver.  10,  An4  they  (A.  V.,  the  elect, 
exAcKToi,  with  the  above  authorities)  shall  praise  his  (248.  Co.  add  avTou)  holy  name).  ^^  works.    (This  member  as 

will  be  noticed,  was  placed  before  the  last  in  the  A.  Y.,  and  with  the  variation  just  noticed  ;  cf.  Com.) 


32G  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


1 1  He '  gave  them  knowledge  besides,^ 
And  gave  a  lav?  °  of  life  for  an  heritage. 

12  He  established  *  an  everlasting  covenant  with  them, 
And  shewed  them  his  ordinances.^ 

13  Their  eyes  saw  the  greatness  °  of  his  glory, 
And  their  ear  '  heard  his  '  glorious  voice. 

14  And  he  said  unto  them,  Beware  of  every  °  unrighteousness ; 

And  he  gave  every  man  commandments  ^''  concerning  his  neighbOFa 

15  Their  ways  are  ever  before  him, 
They  ^'  shall  not  be  hid  from  his  eyes. 

-  17       He  appointed  a  ruler  for  every  nation," 

And  Israel  is  the  Lord's  portion. 

19  All "  their  works  are  as  the  sun  before  him. 
And  his  eyes  are  continually  upon  their  ways. 

20  Their  unrighteous  deeds  are  not  "  hid  from  him, 
And  '^  all  their  sins  are  before  the  Lord." 

22  A  man's  almsdoing  is  "  as  a  signet  with  him. 

And  he  will  keep  a  man's  good  deeds  as  the  apple  of  the  eye.** 

23  Afterward  he  will  rise  up  and  reward  them, 
And  render  their  recompense  upon  their  heads. 

24  But  unto  them  that  repent,  he  granteth  return," 
And  comforteth  those  whose  confidence  faileth.^ 

25  Eeturn  unto  the  Lord,  and  forsake  thy  sins, 

Make  thy  prayer  before  his  face,  and  lessen  thy  offence.'* 

26  Turn  again  to  the  Most  High,  and  turn  away  from  unrighteousness," 
And  hate  thou  abomination  vehemently. 

27  Who  will  -^  praise  the  Most  High  in  Hades," 
Instead  of  them  who  ^  live  and  give  praise  ?  ^' 

28  Praise  "  perisheth  from  the  dead,  as  from  one  who  is  no  more  ; " 
The  living  and  sound  ^  shall  praise  the  Lord. 

29  How  great  is  the  loving  kindness  '"  of  the  Lord," 
And  his  compassion  ^^  unto  such  as  turn  unto  him  !  ** 

30  For  all  things  cannot  be  in  men, 
Because  the  son  of  man  is  not  immortal. 

31  What  is  brighter  than  the  sun  ?  and  this  groweth  dark  ; " 
And  an  evil  man  taketh  flesh  and  blood  in  consideration." 

32  He  vieweth  the  power  of  the  height  of  heaven  ; 
And  men,  all,  are  ^°  earth  and  ashes. 

Vera.  11-18.  —  1  A.  v. ;  Beside  (Ai5  he.  =  omi/s  besides.  3  And  the  law.  <  made.  b  judgments  (jrp^^ara  fo» 
D>tiQU?7!D)  ^  majesty  {fieyaXelov).  '  ears.  8  his  {avriav,  text.  rec. ;  Fritzsche  adopts  sing,  from  X.  0.  H, 

23. 166.  al.'Syr.  Ar.).  »  all.  lo  commandment  (ei-eTetAoTo,  the  decalogue  is  meant).  ^^  And.  12  eyes.  (The 
verses  16,  17,  18,  I  have  stricken  out  as  appearing,  with  variations,  only  in  H.  106.  248.  Co.  They  are  as  follows : 
Every  man  from  his  youth  is  given  to  evil  ;  Neither  could  they  make  to  themselves  fleshy  hearts  for  stony.  For  in  the 
division  of  the  nations  of  the  whole  earth  He  set  a  ruler  over  every  people  ;  But  Israel  is  the  Lord's  portion  (of.  ver.  17, 
in  the  text) :  Whom,  being  his  first  born,  he  nourisheth  with  discipline,  And  giving  him  the  light  of  Aw  love  doth  not 
forsake  him.)  ....  people. 

Vers.  19-24. —  "A.  v.:  Therefore  (106.  inserts  SioTi)  all.  »  None  of  their  ....  are.         10  But.  "  Lord  (106. 

248.  Co.  add  what  appears  in  A.  V.  as  ver.  21 :  But  the  Lord  being  gracious,  and  knowing  his  workmanship.  Neither 
left  nor  forsook  them,  but  spared  them).  "  The  alms  of  a  man  is  («Atr|/io<riivT)  ixSpos  ;  In  the  following  member,  xifnv 
ii/dputrrov].  "  the  good  deeds  of  man  ....  0/  the  eye  (the  words  in  ital.  are  implied  in  ii6sn\v.  A.  V.  adds,  And  give 
repentance  to  his  sons  and  daughters.     It  is  found  in  H.  106.  248.  Co.).  '°  he  granted  thtm  (Gnomic  aorist ;  cf. 

Buttmann,  p.  201)  return.        20  comforted  ....  that  fail  in  patience  (ujiofioi^i',  cf.  ii.  14  ;  xvi.  3). 

Vers.  25-32.  —  -'  A.  V.  :  and  olfend  less  (marg.,  lessen  thy  offence^  which  agrees  better  with  the  Greek,  trfiUpwoy 
rp«cr«onno).  "  iniquity  (a«i«ios.  A.  V.  adds,  on  the  authority  of  U.  106.  248.  Co.,  For  he  will  lead  thee  out  of  dark- 
ness into  the  light  of  health).  23  ghall.  "  the  grave.  ='  Instead  of  them  which.  -«  thanks  (ii/So^oAoy^irir  = 
In  Polyb.,  (1.)  a  mutual  agreement  ;  (2.)  an  openfiee  confession).  27  Thanksgiving  (see  preceding  note).  =»  jrom  one 
that  is  not  (fiiiSe  ovtoO-  "  sound  in  heart  (rf  KapS.'a  are  added  in  H.  248.  Co.)  ™  loving  kindness  (e'AnjjiocnivT) 

pity,  mercy).         21  j,ord  our  God  (106.  248.  Cn.  add  8eoi;  ifij.wv).  ^-  compassion  (jfi\o<rn(i!,  i.  e.,  readiness  to  be  can- 

ciliated).  =»  him  in  holiness  (106.  248.  Co.  add  oo-.'oj  after  avr6v).  =*  yet  the  light  thereof  faileth  («al  ToiJTe 

•VXeiTrei).  "  And  flesh  and  blood  will  imagine  evil  (iroi^ipb?  e'l'SunTje^ireTai  (ripitd  Kal  al|i»a.  I  render  with  Fritzsche 
For  n-ovTjpds  III.  106.  1B.5  2.54.  296.  Aid.  807.  read  the  accus.  of  the  same ;  III.  C.  65.  106.  254.  296.  307.  Aid.  have  alse 
rapf  for  (rapKn.  A  corrector  in  II.,  moreover,  haa  adopted  these  readings,  and  in  the  margin  of  that  MS.  some  one 
has  written,  «a'i  ironjpbi/  eVSvpijcreTai  criipf  Kal  olfin,  which  would  give  the  rendering.  And  [or.  And  so)  flesh  and  blood 
have  considcr.-ition  for  (go  after]  what  is  evil.  The  more  difficult  reading  is  tar  more  likely  to  be  the  origiual  onal 
•"  all  men  are  but  (ot  avQpwnot  irovTe?). 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


327 


Chapter  XVH. 


Ver.  2.  'Huc'por  i/jifl^ou.  Not  a  few  days,  as 
asaallr  interpreted,  but,  as  the  following  clause 
Bhows,  a  certain  number  of  dui/s.  The  idea  of 
few  is  of  course  included.  Cf.  xxvi.  1,  xxxvii. 
25,  xli.  13  ;  Job  xiv.  5. 

Ver.  3.  Like  himself,  Ka9'  eauroiis.  This 
doubtless  refers  to  God,  and  not  to  man,  and 
stands  for  kut'  eiicid'a  clvtov.  Cf.  the  Hebrew  at 
Gen.  i.  26,  where  the  plural  is  used. 

Ver.  5.  Grotius  thinks  this  verse  was  orig- 
inally a  gloss  from  the  hand  of  some  Stoic,  since 
they  believed  that,  besides  the  five  senses,  men 
had  received  also  two  others,  —  judgment  and 
reason. 

Ver.  6.  Free  will,  Sia&ovKiov.  Fritzsche  ren- 
ders by  Ueberlegung,  deliberation,  reflection ;  De 
Wette.  by  Willkur,  absolute  will;  Linde,  bv  Ur- 
theiiskraft,  power  of  judgment  ;  Wahl, yrei'er  tVille, 
free  will ;  Luther,  Vernunft,  reason ;  and  Gut- 
mann,  by  Einsicht,  insight,  discernment.  At  xv.  14, 
we  have  translated  it  "  choice,"  and  it  may  have 
that  meaning  here.  —  To  consider,  ;'.  e.,  that  he 
might  be  able  to  weigh,  under.stand,  and  judge. 

Ver.  8.  Set  his  eye  upon  their  hearts.  Ac- 
cording to  Fritzsche  these  words  mean  :  He  placed 
the  eye  (figuratively  used  for  capacity)  for  ob- 
servation and  judgment  in  their  hearts,  to  the 
end  that  He  might  show  them,  as  intelligent  be- 
ings, the  greatuess  of  His  works.  Grotius,  Gaab, 
Bnnsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  others  explain  that  He 
(God)  directed  His  own  eye  (in  the  way  of  caring 
and  providing  properly  for  them)  upon  the  hearts 
(understandings)  of  men,  for  the  same  purpose, 
—  to  make  them  capable  of  appreciating  His 
works. 

Ver.  10.  The  force  of  W,  which  is  found  at 
the  beginning  of  the  second  clause,  some  critics 
think  should  be  extended  over  the  first  also.  But 
it  is  unnecessary.  They  celebrate  His  works  in 
their  praises.  Bretschneider,  in  his  text  of  our 
book,  has  changed  the  order  of  the  two  clauses, 
and  is  followed  bv  De  Wette  and  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
werk.    Cf .  Text.  'Notes. 

Ver.  11.  Law  of  life,  i.  e.,  the  law  whose  ob- 
servance leads  to  life,  the  Mosaic  law.  The  words 
are  spoken  from  a  Jewish  stand-point. 

Ver.  14.  Beware  of  every  unrighteousness. 
This  might  possibly  relate,  as  Grotius  thinks,  not- 
withstanding the  objections  of  Fritzsche,  to  the 
first  table  of  the  Law,  as  the  following  clause  evi- 
iently  refers  to  the  second  table. 

Ver.  17.  Appointed  a  ruler  {iiyov/ievov)  over 
ivery  people.     The  later  criticism  supposes  that 


by  this  Greek  word  an  angel  is  meant  —  Frit7.=che 
so  renders  —  in  accordance  with  the  prevailing 
view  of  the  Jews  at  this  time,  that  every  nation 
had  its  guardian  angel.  See  Kiehm's  Hand- 
wSrterbuch,  ii.  p.  381  ;  and  cf.  LXX.  at  Deut. 
xxxii.  8,  9;  Is.  xxiv.  21,22;  Dan.  x.  13,  20,21. 
Sometimes  they  are  called  "  gods,"  as  in  Is.  xlvi. 
1,2;  Jer.  xlviii.  7,  xlix.  3. 

Ver.  22.  The  writer  had  said  that  men's  sins 
were  known  to  God  ;  here  he  declares  that  their 
virtues  are  also  known.  But  his  idea  of  virtue  is 
a  very  limited  and  vitiated  one.  It  is  represented 
by  4\€rifio<Tii>rt  (cf.  iii.  30)  and  x<^P'>  —  which  sig- 
nifies here  much  the  same  thing  —  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  degenerated  meaning  of  the  words  at 
that  time,  our  translators  have  perhaps  properly 
rendered  by  "  alms  "  or  "  almsgiving."  But  it  is 
easy  to  see  that  we  are  here  in  the  very  midst  of 
the  moral  current  whose  result  was  the  substitu- 
tion of  "  alms-giving  "  for  "  righteousness,"  — 
the  outward  act  for  the  inward  feeling.  Cf.  re- 
marks at  iii.  30,  and  in  the  Introduction  to  Tobit. 
—  As  a  signet.  The  signet  ring  was  the  dearest 
treasure  to  the  Hebrew,  —  something  that  he 
wore  continually.  It  was  suspended  from  the 
neck  by  a  string,  or  fastened  upon  the  arm.  In 
Solomon's  Song  (viii.  6)  we  read  :  "  O  lay  me  as 
the  signet  ring  on  thy  heart,  as  the  signet  ring  on 
thv  arm  ! "  Cf.  Rawlinson,  Aticient  3ton.,i.  93  f., 
264,  383  ;  ii.  566  ;  iii.  226,  342. 

Ver.  23.  The  reference  is  not  to  the  same 
persons  as  in  verse  17,  but  to  their  opposites, — 
sinners. 

Ver.  24.  Mfrafooinnv,  to  them  that  repent. 
It  is  noticeable  that  this  word  is  used  here  to  de- 
note a  mural  change  (cf.  xlviii.  15;  Wisd.  v.  3) ; 
while  in  the  LXX.  this  idea  is  usually  expressed 
by  fnt(TTp€(peit'. 

Ver.  27.  The  idea  is :  "  Comply  with  these 
admonitions  at  once,  for,"  — . 

Ver.  30.  He  "  knoweth  our  frame."  That  is 
the  reason  he  is  merciful. 

V^er.  31.  Tloirfiphs  4vdvfjirj9'fj(T€Tat  crdpKa  Kal  aXfia. 
Supposing  this  to  be  the  correct  form  of  the  text, 
the  meaning  seems  to  be  that  as  the  sun  becomes 
dark,  so  man  morally ;  he  is  too  much  influ- 
enced by  flesh  and  blood,  and  too  little  by  the 
eternal  realities.  Cf.  Gal.  i.  16:  "I  conferred 
not  with  flesh  and  blood." 

Ver.  32.  The  contrast  between  the  sun  and 
man  is  here  emphasized  :  The  one  watches  over 
the  host  of  high  heaven,  the  other  is  but  earth 
and  ashes. 


Chapter  XVIII. 


1  He  that  liveth  for  ever  created  all  things  without  exception ;  * 

2  The  Lord  only  is  righteous.'-^ 

Vers  1,  2.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  things  in  general  {»eotv^.  It  would  be  possible  to  render  in  the  same  manner  6Si2,  or  some  raoh 
word,  being  understood  :  but  it  is  probable  that  the  Greek  stands  for  a  Hebrew  word  meaning  all  togetlter,  i.  e.,  withont 
tzception  ;  cf.  Corn.    Codd.  55.  254.,  eV  Aoya)  koX  ra^et  =  righteous  (H.  106.  243.  Co.  have  an  addition  appearing  in 

file  A.  V.  as  the  second  member  of  ver.  2  and  as  ver.  3  :  -And  there  is  none  other  but  he.  Who  govemeth  the  world  with 
ftle  palm  of  his  hand,  .^nd  atl  things  obey  his  will  :  For  he  is  the  king  of  ail,  by  his  power  Dividing  holy  things  amonf 
them  from  profane). 


328  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


•t       To  none  gave  he  power  to  make  known  fully  ^  his  works, 
And  who  will  trace  out  his  mighty  '  acts  ? 

5  Who  will  measure '  the  strength  of  his  majesty  ? 
And  who  will  besides,  set  forth  *  his  mercies  ? 

6  One  cannot  take  from,  or  add  to, 

Neither  can  he  trace  out,  the  wonderful  things  of  the  Lord.* 

7  When  a  man  is  ^  done,  then  he  beginneth ; 
And  when  he  leaveth  off,  then  is  he  in  doubt.' 

8  What  is  man,  and  whereto  serveth  he  ? 
What  is  his  good,  and  what  is  his  evU  ? 

9  The  number  of  a  man's  days 
Are  many  if  an  hundred  years.* 

10  As  a  drop  of  water  from '  the  sea,  and  a  grain  of  sand," 
So  a  few  years  in  the  day  ^'  of  eternity. 

11  Therefore  is  the  Lord  ^^  patient  with  them, 
And  poureth  out ''  his  mercy  upon  them. 

12  He  saw  and  perceived  that  their  end  is"  evil, 
Therefore  he  increased  his  compassion.^^ 

13  The  mercy  of  a  man  is  toward  his  neighbor, 
But  the  mercy  of  the  Lord  is  toward  "  all  flesh ; 
He  reproveth,  and  disciplineth,  and  teacheth. 
And  bringeth  back,"  as  a  shepherd  his  flock. 

14  He  hath  mercy  on  them  that  receive  discipline. 
And  that  hasten  to  his  ordinances.^' 

15  My  son,  give  not  blame  with  '°  thy  good  deeds, 
And  with  any  gift,  bitter  words.''" 

16  Doth  not  the  dew  give  relief  from  the  east  wind?  " 
So  is  a  word  better  than  a  gift. 

17  Lo,  is  not  a  word  above  a  good  gift?  ^ 
And "'  both  are  with  a  gracious  man. 

18  A  fool  will  upbraid  ungraciously,^ 

And  a  gift  of  the  envious  maketh  weeping  eyes.** 

19  Learn  before  t/iou  speak, 

And  take  care  of  thyself  before  thou  art  sick."' 

20  Before  judgment  examine  thyself. 

And  in  the  hour  •"  of  visitation  thou  shalt  find  reconciliatioii.'' 

21  Humble  thyself  before  thou  art '-''  sick. 
And  in  the  time  of  sins  show  repentance. 

22  Be  not  hindered  from  paying  a '"  vow  in  due  time, 
And  defer  not  until  death  to  be  justified. 

23  Before  making  a  vow,  prove ''  thyself. 
And  be  not  as  one  that  tempteth  the  Lord. 

Vers.  4-7, — 1  A.  V.:  whom  {ovQevi ;  H.  106.  248.  Co.,  TtVt)  hath  he  given  power  (e^eTrotijo-ef.  As  intransitive,  fo  ft« 
aujfficient.  Fritzsche  gives  it  the  force  of  concessit^  verstattete  er ;  Bunfien's  Eibelwerk,  geit'dhrt  er  es)  to  declare.  '  shall 
find  out  his  noble.  ^  shall  number  (e'^apiflfA7)(r6Tai.  It  meaUB  to  number  —  cf.  Lev.  xiii.  15  ;  Job  xxxi.  4  —  and  also, 
to  rerkon  up,  and  so  determine,  measure,  which  meaning  the  contest  here  demands).  *  shaU  also  tell  out  (irpocrfiijo-ei 

K6iT)y»j<7a{r6ai).  ^  An  for  the  wondrous  works  of  the  Lord,  there  may  be  nothing  taken  from  them.  Neither  may  any- 
thing be  put  unto  them,  Neither  can  the  ground  of  them  be  found  out.        «  hath.         t  then  he  shall  be  doubtful. 

Vers.  8-11.  — 8  A.  V.  :  at  the  most  are  an  hundred  years  {ttoAAoi  It»)  eKariv  ;  others  render.  Is  a  hundred,  if  his  years 
are  many).  ^  unto  (aTro)  '"^  a  gravel  stone  in  comparison  o/the  sand  (t/'T)</»os  3.y.n.ov).  ^^  so  are  a  thousand  (for 

ikiya,  106.  248.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.  read  xiAii-  Cf.  Ps.  xc.  4)  to  the  days  (C.  248.  Co.  have  plur.).  «  is  God  (niipios)  paticn* 
'8  poureth  forth  [i^exeev  ;  248. ,  fiiaxeet ;  Co.,  Staxco-ci). 

Vers.  12-16.  —  ^*  A.  V. :  perceived  their  end  to  be  (lit.,  their  end,  on  TrorTjpa).  '6  multiplied  {e-nkrtOvve)  his  compas- 
sion [i^iKatJiiov,  i.  e.,  the  compassion  that  is  easily  reconciled,  forgives  ;  cf.  ver.  20).  !•>  of  man  ....  upon  (en-i,  i.  e., 
strictly,  it  extendeth  over,  includes).  "  nurtureth  (wotSei'wc.     In  the  next  verse  rraiSeiav  is  rendered  discipline)  .... 

again.        1*  diligently  seek  after  his  judgments  (fcpiVara.    Cf.  xvii.  12  ;  xlv.  5).  '*  blemish  not.  20  Neither  use 

uncomfortable  words  when  thou  givest  any  thing.  21  shall  ....  asswage  (acaffauo-ci)  the  heat  (xauo-ui'a,  cf.  Judith 

Tili.3;  Jas.  i.  11). 

Vers.  17-21.  — "A.  v.:  better  than  (iirt'p)  a  gift  (Sofio  oYaWi/ ;  106.,  iroi' d-yaedi- ;  A.  V.  read  ayaWt).  2»  But, 

*•  churlishly  (axapiffToj?,  and  I  have  rendered  to  correspond  with  the  rendering  of  Kexaptrw^xeVoj  —  Luke  1.  28,  "  highly 
favored  "— in  the  preceding  line).  ^^  consumeth  the  {iKT^Kei,  melts  out,  wastes  away,  i.e.,  here,  by  weeping^ 

»  Use  physick  (deparrevov)  or  ever  thou  be  sick.         27  ^^,.^y  f^pa).        =8  mercy  (cftAao-^dr).        2«  be. 

Vers.  22-27.  — ""  A.  V.  :  Let  nothing  hinder  thee  to  pay  thy.  »'  thou  prayest  (eifaaOai,  i.  e.,  to  make  a  vow,  an," 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


329 


24  Think  upon  the  wrath  on  the  day  of  death,* 

And  the  time  of  retribution,^  when  he  shall  turn  away  his  face. 

25  In  time  of  plenty,  think  of  "  the  time  of  hunger, 
And  in  days  of  wealth,  of  *  poverty  and  need. 

26  Between  morning  and  evening  ^  the  time  is  changed, 
And  all  things  are  soon  otherwise  °  before  the  Lord. 

27  A  wise  man  will  be  cautious '  in  every  thing, 

And  in  days  of  sinning  he  will  beware  of  mistakes.' 

28  Every  sagacious  man  ^  knoweth  wisdom, 

And  will  give  praise  unto  him  that  finds  *"  her. 

29  Those  sagacious  in  proverbs  are  also  themselves  wise, 
And  pour  *^  forth  exquisite  parables. 

30  Go  not  after  thy  lusts, 

And  restrain  ^'  thyself  from  thine  appetites. 

31  If  thou  allowest  thy  soul  to  have  pleasure  in  appetite, 
She  will  make  thee  a  laughingstock  to  thine  enemies.** 

32  Take  not  pleasure  in  great  luxury,** 
And  be  not  tied  to  her  entertainments." 

33  Become  not  *"  a  beggar  by  banqueting  upon  borrowing, 
And  when  "  thou  hast  nothing  in  thy  purse.*' 

here  to  God)  prepare.  *  tliat  shall  be  at  the  end  {lit.,  in  the  days  of  the  end,  reAevriis.    The  last  word  Is  often 

used  for  death  in  the  classics.    Of.  Thucyd.,  ii.  44).  '  yengeance  («icSiic^<j-e<iis.    It  is  often  properly  rendered  by 

pvnishment ;  but  here  the  contest  seems  to  require  a  stronger  word).  3  when  thou  hast  enough  {ef  fcaipt^  —  ev 

rtfifpai^,  III.  55.  254.  — ttAij^^oi^js )  remember  (jlh^o-^tjti,  but  cf.  previous  verse).  *  thou  art  rich,  think  upon. 

B  From  the  morning  until  the  evening.  ^  soon  done  {raxtca,  quick,  i.  e.,  here,  to  change).  ^  ^m  fear  {ei-Aa^ij- 

&ri<T€Tai,  have  a  care,  be  cautiom).  ^  the  day  ....  offence  (ir\7)/x/ieAetas,  H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  what  appears  in  the 

A.  V.  as  :  But  a  fool  will  not  observe  time). 

Vers.  28-33.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Every  man  of  understanding.  JO  found.  ^*  They  that  were  of  understanding  in  sayings 
Decame  also  wise  themselves,  And  poured.  (The  next  section,  which  begins  with  ver.  30,  has  for  a  heading,  'E-yKoarcia 
tUiv^  marg.  of  A.  V.,  Temperance  of  soul.)  '^  But  refrain.  ^"  givest  thy  soul  the  desires  that  please  her  {evSoKtaf 
eiTLdvixia^ ;  248.  Co.,  intOvfiiav  evSoicias  auT^s)  ....  enemies  that  malign  thee  (248.  Co.  add  ot  fiaxrKavoxnrl  o-e). 
u  mnoh  good  cheer  (ffoAAn  Tpu^jJ).  ^^  Neither  be  ...  .  the  espence  thereof  ((ryjx^oXp  avxTJs  ;  III.  0.  23.  155.  167. 

248.  K4.  Co.  read  miiifioKn^  preceded  by  :rpo(7Scti9[)!  ;  <tvhPo«\^s,  248.  Co.).  "  Be  not  made  (ni)  yiVov).  "  When 

(jcai).  "  purse  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  what  appears  in  the  A.  V.  aa :  For  thou  shalt  lie  in  wait  for  thine  own  life, 

and  be  talked  on  ;  only  248.  Co.  add  ^oAtjtos). 


Chapter  XVIII. 


Ver.  1.  Koii^.  The  word  probably  represents 
Vtn^     one  with  another,  i.  e.,  altogether,  and  so 

T     ;-' 

all,  without  exception. 

Ver.  4.  'E|a77ei\oi.  This  verb  means  here 
more  than  simply  declare,  publish.  It  is  publish 
completely  (Biel:  plene  et  plane),  to  tell  to  the  end. 
Fritzsche  adopts  e'lix^eiiirei  from  III.  X.  C.  253. 
307.;(e.r(.  rfc,  with  II.,  efixfiao-ei.  The  former 
occurs  at  vi.  27,  xlii.  18;  while  the  latter,  which 
is  an  impure  form,  is  not  elsewhere  found  in  the 
present  Ijook  or  iu  the  LXX. 

Ver.  5.  Strength  of  his  majesty.  His  majestic, 
great  might.  Cf.,  for  the  use  of  i^aptdfieu),  the  LXX. 
at  Ps.  kc.  12,  cxx.xix.  18;  also,  Pulyb.,  i.  13,  6. 
It  raeaus  literally  to  count  throughout,  aud  is 
used  in  Herodotus  (vii.  59,  60)  for  the  enumera- 
tion of  an  army.     Cf .  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  7.  "When  a  man  is  done,  then  he  begin- 
neth.  When  he  has  come  to  the  eud  of  liis  abil- 
ity to  do  it,  or  when  he  thinks  that  he  has  at  last 
finished,  he  has  but  just  begun. — In  doubt,  in 
perplexily,  which  way  to  turn  (H.  adds  Tr66fv  tj/cei). 
Cf.  Job  xi.  7-9 ;  Ps.  viii.  4. 

Ver.  8.  AVhat  is  his  good,  and  what  is  his 
evil?  What  is  meant  under  the  term  good  is 
shown  by  that  which  immediately  follows,  —  life 
find  its  blessings. 

Ver.  13.     Cf.  Matt.  v.  45,  46. 

Ver.  15.     Bitter  words,  Aiirriv  \6ywv,  or  bitter- 


ness through  thy  words.  Cf.  Jas.  i.  5  :  "  God,  that 
giveth  to  all  men  liberally,  and  upbraideth  not." 
See  also  in  the  present  book,  xi.  31. 

Ver.    16.      Kauo-wi'  is   frequently  used   in   the 

LXX.  to  translate  t3^7P'  '''^  burning  east  wind. 
—  A  word,  ('.  e.,  a  friendly  word.  It  is  better  to 
speak  a  friendly,  comforting  word  to  the  unfortu- 
nate and  miseralile,  thau  to  give  them  something 
and  at  the  same  time  upbraid  them. 

Ver.  17.  Lo  !  ISov.  The  attention  is  especially 
called  to  the  fact  just  mentioned,  which  is  also 
now  repeated.  —  With  a  gracious  man,  and  char- 
acteristic of  such  a  man.  He  both  gives  and 
speaks  kindly. 

"  Not  that  which  we  give,  but  what  we  share, — 
For  the  gift  without  the  giver  is  bare." 

J.  R.  LoweU  in  Sir  LaunfdL. 

Ver.  18.  Maketh  weeping  eyes,  on  account  of 
the  smallness  of  the  gift  and  the  spirit  of  the 
giver. 

Ver.  19.  One  does  not  often  use  medicine  be- 
fore he  is  sick.  It  is  better  therefore  to  take 
eepaTreiou  in  its  first  sense  of  do  service,  namely, 
for  thyself,  take  care  of  thyself. 

Ver.  20.  Before  judgment,  before  God  visits 
you  in  judgment.  See  1  Cor.  xi.  .31  :  *'  For  if  we 
would  judge  ourselves,  we  should  not  be  judged." 
'Ev   Spo    iiri<TKovris,  in    the    hour    of  visitation 


330 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


The  latter  word  is  found  only  once  outBide  of 
patristic  and  Bililical  Greek  (Lucian,  Dial.  Dear., 
XX.  8),  67ri'<r(cEi)/is  being  employed  instead  of  it. 
It  blends  here  the  two  ideas  of  guardianship  and 
reproof. 

Ver.  21.  Become  sick,  i.  e.,  as  the  punishment 
of  sin.  — In  the  time  of  sins  =  when  thou  hast 
Binned.  Drusius  understood  it  differently  :  "  Quo 
tempore  pubtica  pt'ccata  vigent  inter  homines."  And 
others  (Luther,  De  Wette,  Wahl)  :  "  in  the  time 
when  (on  account  of  youthful  appetites)  thou 
canst  sin." 

Ver.  22.  Defer  not  until  death  to  be  justi- 
fied. The  meaning  seems  to  be :  "  Do  not  wait 
to  pay  thy  vow  until  death  shall  absolve  thee  from 
it,  or  rather  make  it  an  eternal  debt. 

Ver.  24.    The  day  of  death.     One  has  enough 


to  think  of  at  the  hour  of  death  without  being 
obliged  to  think  of  unfulfilled  vows. 

Ver.  26.  The  time  is  changed,  /i€To3<i\A« 
Kaipdi.  The  idea  is  :  One's  fortunes  may  change 
at  any  moment  with  the  changing  times.  "  Tem- 
pera nmtantiir,  nos  mutamvr  in  illis." 

Ver.  27.  Days  of  sinning  =  when  sinning  ia  in 
vogue.  Cf.  verse  21.  Others  (Bunsen's  Bibel- 
werk)  :  "  in  the  day  of  the  punishment  of  sin." 

Ver.  32.  Upo<rS(6f!<  avfiffoKf  ainfis,  tied  to  her 
entertainments,  i.  e.,  Do  not  become  so  used  to 
such  a  mode  of  life  as  not  easily  to  get  free. 
—  2u^)8oAi7,  coming  together,  meeting ;  also,  a  mea/, 
entertainment.  It  is  used  also  in  the  classics  in  the 
latter  sense.  ^v/iffohal  were  the  contribution! 
made  to  a  common  meal. 


Chapter  XIX. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


A  LABORING  man  given  ^  to  drunkenness  shall  not  be  rich ; 
He  ^  that  contemneth  small  things  shall  fall  by  little  and  little. 
Wine  and  women  will  make  men  of  understanding  to  fall  awaj; 
And  he  that  cleaveth  to  harlots  will  be  most  reckless.* 
Maggots  *  and  worms  shall  have  him  as  ^  heritage, 
Yea,  a  reckless  *  man  shall  be  taken  away. 

He  that  is  hasty  to  give  credit  is  light-minded ; 
And  he  that  so  sinneth  wiU  commit  an  error  against  himselL^ 
He  who  *  taketh  pleasure  in  babbling  °  shall  be  condemned, 
And  he  that  hateth  it  ^°  shall  have  less  evil. 
Never  repeat  a  conversation," 
And  thou  shalt  fare  never  the  worse. 
Whether  it  be  to  friend  or  foe,  relate  it  not,^^ 
And  if  it  be  possible  without  sin,''  reveal  it  '*  not. 
For  he  heareth  thee  and  is  on  his  guard  against "  thee, 
And  at  the  right  time  he  will  show  his  hatred  of  thee." 
If  "  thou  hast  heard  something,"  let  it  die  with  thee  ; 
Be  not  alarmed,"  it  will  not  burst  thee. 
A  fool  travaileth  with  a  secret,'" 
As  the  mother  ^'  in  labor  with  ^'^  a  child. 
An  arrow  stuck  in  the  flesh  of  the  thigh,'^ 
So  a  secret  in  a  fool's  mind.'" 

Question  ^  a  friend,  it  may  be  he  did  it  not ;  "^ 
And  if  he  did  something,^'  that  he  do  it  ^  no  more. 


Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  \. :  that  is  given.         2  And  (248.  Co.  have  wat)  he.  '  become  Impudent  (see  Cbm.).         *  Mothl 

(cf.  Com.).  ^  to.  "  And  a  bold  man  (i//vxJi  ToXju^jpa).  '  that  sinneth  (the  context  shows  that  the  particular  sin 
Just  mentioned  is  meant)  shall  offend  against  his  own  soul. 

Vers.  6-8.  — «  A.  V. ;  \Vlioso.  °  in  wickedness  (KopiYf ,  preceded  by  o  ev^patvA^pvoc  ;  55.  254.  read  \aAif  ;  23. 106. 

253  ,  voyjjpiti ;  248.  Co.,  enl  icaKoe^i^  ;  Old  Lat.,  iniqititate.  Cf.  Com.  In  A.  V.,  follows  as  the  last  mem.  of  ver.  5  and 
the  first  of  ver.  6,  But  he  that  resisteth  pleasures  crowneth  his  life.  He  that  can  rule  his  tongue  shall  live  without 
strife,  derived  from  Codd.  II.  248.  Co.).         •»  babbling  (see  Com.).  "  Rehearse  not  unto  another  that  which  is  told 

onto  thee  (fxTjSeVoTe  fin/TcpciffTjs  Xoyov  \  cf.  Com.).  ^^  tajfe  not  of  other  men's  lives  {/itj  fiiTryoG  ;  H.  248.  Co.  add  ptou« 

■tAAorpi'ovf  ;  Old  Lat.,  aensum  tuum.  Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  iv  before  cxdp<fi,  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  C.  H.  106.  155.  157. 
248.  253.  264.  807.  Co.    A.  V.  has  ha«  in  the  marg.,  of  friend  or  foe). 

Vers.  9-13.  —  "  A.  V. ;  thou  canst  without  offence  (see  Com.).  ^*  thtm.  w  heard  and  observed  (Gnomic  aorist, 
»nd  better  rendered  here  by  the  present).  "^  when  time  cometh  {iv  KatpiS,  i.  e.,  when  he  finds  opportunity)  he  will 

hate  (Mttnjffet ;  248.  Co.,  tiiael.    I  have  adopted  the  marginal  reading  of  A.  V.)  thee.  "  If.  "  a  word  (AAyoi*, 

but  with  the  sense  given,  i.  e.,  a.  conversation,  a  secret).  *"  And  be  bold  (dap<ret ;  248.  Co.,  *tol  evdapayji  yCvov). 

*  a  word.  "  a  woman  (ri  Tifcrovtra).  22  of.  23  ^g  an  arrow  sttcketh  in  a  man's  thigh  (JSAuc  rremr/o^  iv  tirjp^ 

aafiK6t).  »*  M  a  word  within  a  fool-s  belly  (literal,  but  the  meaning  is  obviously  as  given  above).  **  Admonish 

iiheyiov,  1.  e.,  examine,  question).  "  hath  not  done  it.  "  have  done  it  (ei  rt  —  it  Is  omitted  by  X.  through  a  cor 
rector,  23. 156.  al.  248.  Co.  —  «Voti)<rf).       ••  it. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  331 


14  Question  thy  neighbor,^  it  may  be  he  said  it  not ; '' 
And  if  he  hatli  said  it,^  that  he  do  it  not  again.* 

15  Question  ^  a  friend,  for  many  times  it  is  a  slander, 
And  believe  not  every  report.' 

16  Many  a  one  maketh  a  slip  and  it  is  not  matter  of  purpose;' 
And  who  hath  not  sinned  *  with  his  tongue  ? 

17  Question  ^  thy  neighbor  before  thou  thi-eatenest,^" 
And  ^'  give  place  to  the  law  of  the  Most  High. 

20  All  wisdom  is  the  fear  of  the  Lord  ;  ^'' 

And  in  all  wisdom  is  the  keeping  of  the  law." 

22  And  a  knowledge  of  evil  ^*  is  not  wisdom, 
And  ^'  the  counsel  of  sinners  is  not  "  prudence. 

23  There  is  a  cleverness,"  and  it  is  '*  an  abomination  ; 
And  there  is  a  fool  wanting  in  wisdom." 

24  Better  one  weak  in  insight  and  God-fearing, 

Than  one  abounding  in  prudence  and  a  transgressor  of  the  law.** 

25  There  is  an  exquisite  cleverness,^'  and  it  is  ^  unjust  ; 
And  there  is  one  who  perverteth  right  to  get  a  verdict." 

26  Many  an  evil  doer  is  bowed  down  in  sadness,''* 
And  ^  inwardly  he  is  full  of  deceit. 

27  He  carrieth  a  long  face  and  is  half  deaf ;  ^' 

Where  he  is  not  perceived,'^  he  will  take  thee  by  surprise.^ 

28  And  though  '^  for  want  of  power  he  be  hindered  from  sinning, 
If  "'  he  find  °'  opportunity  he  will  do  evU. 

29  A  man  wOl  be  known  by  his  appearance,'^ 

And  one  that  hath  understanding,  by  the  expression  of  his  countenance." 

30  A  man's  attire,  and  excessive  laughter, 
And  a  man's  **  gait,  shew  what  he  is. 

Vera.  14-19. —  ' A.  v.:  Admonish  thy  friend  (Fritzsche  adopts  rbi' ir;^ij(7-/o>' Irom  X.  0.  23. 157.  al.  Old  Lit.  Syr.  Ar.  • 
$at.  Tec,  TOK  ^iXoi').         2  hath  not  said  tl.         '  have  {tipjiKtv).         <  speak  it  not  again  (nij  {cvTepu^T)).  '  Admon- 

ish. «  tale  (My<j>).  '  There  is  one  that  slippeth  in  his  speech  [l<mv  oAtcr^oiVuK  ;  H.  106.  218.  Co.,  6?  oxjk  iil'la^tfirev 
and  add  (106.,  iv)  Kir^ ;  Old  Lat.,  lingua),  but  not  from  his  heart  (»al  oiit  iirb  ^nixhi)-  '  is  he  that  hath  not  offended. 
•  Admonish.  '"  thou  threaten  him.  "  And  not  being  angry  (H.  248.  Co.,  yivintvot  aiLvtifin,  i.  e.,  ^i^ftc.    The 

same  authorities  add  what  appears  in  A.  V.  —  vers.  18,  19  —  as  :  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  the  first  step  to  be  accepted  of 
him.  And  wisdom  obtaineth  his  love.  The  knowledge  of  the  commandments  of  the  Lord  ii  the  doctrine  of  life  :  And 
they  that  do  things  that  please  him  shall  receive  the  fruit  of  the  tree  of  immortality). 

Vera.  20-24.  —  "  A  V. :  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  all  wisdom  (iricra  tro<t>ia,  the  subject ;  cf .  Com.).  "  performance 

iiroii)<rK)  of  the  law  (H.  248.  Co.  add  what  appears  in  the  A.  V.  as  the  last  member  of  ver.  20,  and  as  ver.  21 :  And  the 
knowledge  of  his  omnipotency.    If  a  servant  say  to  his  master,  I  will  not  do  as  it  pleaseth  thee,  Though  afterward  he 

do  it,  he  angereth  him  that  nourisheth  him).       "  The  {Kai,  omitted  by  H.  157.  248.  308.  Co.) wickedness  (n-oiojpias 

here,  apparently,  evil  in  general ;  cf .  Bom.  xvi.  19).  i'  Neither  at  any  time  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  owov  before  /SouX^, 
as  wanting  in  III.  X.  C.  H.  106.  165.  157.  264.  307.  308.)  '«  omits  is  not.  "  wickedness  (rroKoupyia  is  received  by 
JritZBChe,  with  Qrabe,  Bretschneider,  and  others,  from  23.  253. ;  text,  rec,  wonjpta.  The  context  seems  to  require  it) 
18  the  same  (avn) ;  65.  106.  248.  al.  Co.,  av-nj).  w  wisdom  (cf.  Com.).         =»  He  that  hath  small  understanding,  ana 

feareth  God,  is  better  Than  one  that  hath  much  wisdom  and  tiansgresseth  the  law  of  the  most  High  (for  iropajSai'vn)* 
vofiov,  248.  Co.  have  nafia^aivovrot  »'6/xi^a  vif/itrrov). 

Vers.  25-30.  —  ='  A.  V. :  subtilty  {warovpyia  ;  cf.  ver.  23).        "  the  same  is.  »  that  turneth  aside  to  make  judg- 

ment appear  (see  Com.  A.  V.  adds  from  106.  248.  Co.,  And  there  is  a  wise  man  that  justifieth  in  judgment).  m  There 
is  a  wicked  man  that  hangeth  down  his  head  sadly  (marg.,  in  black;  cf.  Com.).  s  But.  ^  Casting  down  his  coun- 
tenance and  making  as  if  he  heard  not  (cf.  Com.).  2'  known  (oirou  oi«  ijreyvmriji ;  218.  Co.,  oi  iav  eVty.).  28  ^^ 
thee  a  mischief  before  thou  be  aware  (irpo^eao-ei  «  ;  H.  reads  for  this  verb  itMoiroi^irei ;  248.  Co.  add  to  the  clause 
(tBucoiroi^a*).  =«  if  (cf.  following  member).  »»  re<  when.  si  fiQ^eth.  32  ma^  may  be  known  by  Aii  look 
(iiro  6pd<r«u5,  here  general  appearance).  ^  by  his  countenance,  when  thou  meetest  him  (in-ii  iiroKDJaeiut  jrpoaiuirou, 
i.  e.,  the  meeting,  appearance,  expression  of  countenance).  «  omits  a  mans  (avSpiijrow.  There  is  iv6p6s  in  tha 
preceding  line./ 

Chapter  XIX. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  Prov.  xxi.  17;  xxiii.  21.  —  t4 
ixiya  seems  to  refer  here  to  property,  "  small 
expenditures."  —  Kari  fitKp6i>  =  13^03,  m  a  short 
time,  though  a  translation  little  by  little  might  also 
be  allowable. 

Ver.  2.  ToXfiripirfpos,  most  reckless.  He  will 
give  free  rein  to  his  lusts,  without  regard  to  con- 
sequences. The  comparative  stands,  as  so  often, 
for  the  superlative.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  242.     Codd. 


C.  55.  106.  157.  248.  253.  Co.  have  the  positive; 
Old  Lat.,  neqnam. 

Ver.  3.  The  word  "  moths,"  (r^Tts  (II.,  by  the 
first  hand,  has  <r7Jinj  with  III.  C.  155. ;  X.,  ai)vfs; 
Old  Lat.,  pulredo),  Heb.,  WV,  is  probably  used  by 
the  author  in  the  sense  of  "  insects."  Cf.  Prov. 
xiv.  30  in  the  Hebrew  and  the  LXX.  The  mean- 
ing of  the  verse  apparently  is  that  such  a  person 
will  find  an  early  death.     Grotius,  however,  thinks 


832 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


of  somethiDg  else  :  "  Mire  hoc  convenit  in  ilium 
morbum,  qui  nostra  seailo  vagas  libidines  sojuitur. 
Sed  et  olim  Vemis  nimia  corpus  enervatum  graoibus 
hand  dubie  morbis  tradidit." 

Ver.  4.  With  this  verse  the  author  changes 
the  suljject,  and  does  not  refer,  as  some  suppose, 
to  the  seductions  of  evil  women,  but  to  light- 
niindeduess  in  general,  and  especially  to  that  form 
of  it  wliich  leads  one  to  lay  too  much  stress  upon 
what  he  may  hear  said. 

Ver.  .').  The  A.  V.  followed  the  reading 
TTovr)pla,  or  eV!  Kaxoe^la  (cf.  Text.  Notes)  for  KapSla. 
If,  lidwevcr,  the  best-supported  text  be  adopted, 
'O  fv(ppaif6/j.€VQs  KapSia,  it  seems  necessary  to  su])- 
ply  the  direct  object  from  the  following  clause, 
as  we  have  done.  AaAioj/  means  here  "  babbling," 
but,  as  the  context  shows,  has  particular  refer- 
ence to  talk  concerning  others,  i.  e.  "  gossip."  — 
'ZKaTTovoinai  KaKLa,  have  less  evil.  Will  expe- 
rience little  misfortune  in  comparison  with  the 
opposite  character. 

Ver.  7.  A  conversation,  \6yov.  What  has 
been  spoken  in  confidence  is  particularly  meant. 
Others,  without  noting  the  context,  think  one's 
own  words  are  intended,  and  that  the  author 
would  admonish  against  garrulity.    Cf .  also  xli.  23. 

Ver.  8.  Ei  ^)]  tori  aoi  afxapria  can  only  mean : 
except  when  it  is  (would  be)  to  thee  a  sin.  If  silence 
would  make  one  a  participator  in  guilt,  then  the 
matter  was  quite  different.  Or  if  one's  reputa- 
tion or  moral  character  was  especially  concerned 
therein,  he  might  speak. 

Ver.  13.  The  force  of  eKt-y^ov  here,  as  in  the 
two  versts  immediately  following,  is  speak  to, 
question  him  about  the  matter.  So  also  Luther : 
"  Sprich  deinen  Ndch.'!ten  darum  an." 

Ver.  20.  All  wisdom.  Not  the  whole  of  wis- 
dom, but  every  kind  of  wisdom.     Cf.  i.  1. 

Ver.  23-  A  fool  (6.(ppuiv)  wanting  in  wisdom. 
Bretschneider  would  read  a(ro(pia  for  aopia,  in  the 
Bense  of  impiety.  And  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  trans- 
lates, accordingly  :  "  who  is  free  from  sin ;  " 
which  would  give  a  clearer  sense,  but  rests  on 
simple  conjecture. 


Ver.  24.  'HTTiu/ievoj  (II.,  by  a  second  hand, 
68.  Aid.,  T\\aTTuixei'os)  in  auniirti.  If  this  form 
of  the  text  is  retained,  the  meaning  would  be 
A  man  may  indeed  be  wanting  in  insight,  but 
may  not  be  wicked  like  the  clever  person  spoken 
of  just  before. 

Ver.  25.  "'Eo'ti  diaa-rp4ipaiv  X'*P'*'  "rov  4K(pavat 
Kptfia.  Xdpiv  with  tov  and  an  infinitive  following 
would  hardly  have  been  used  by  the  Greek  trans- 
lator in  an  adverbial  sense.  As  a  substantive  it 
is  usually  found  as  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
■jn,  which,  however,  here  is  not  to  be  thought  of. 
Fritzsche  conjectures  that  ^^'^  stood  in  the  orig- 
inal, and  that  ]n  was  improperly  written  or  read 
for  it.  I  have  rendered  accordingly.  So  also  Bun- 
sen's  Bibelwerk.  Other  renderings  are  those  of  De 
Wette  :  "  And  many  a  one  distorts  the  truth  in  or- 
der to  bring  to  light  a  verdict ;  "  Gutmann  :  "  And 
many  a  one  twists  about  in  order  that  his  cause 
may  appear  right ;"  Luther  :  "  And  can  twist  the 
matter  as  he  will  have  it ; "  Wahl,  the  last  clause  : 
"  in  order  to  gain  the  appearance  of  sharpness," 
axpifiris  being  understood  ;  Bretschneider,  invert- 
ing the  order  of  words  :  "  perverting  justice  to 
show  favor  to  others." 

Ver.  26.  MeAai/io,  in  sadness.  The  word  is 
probably  a  rendering  of  the  word  n^3"1Tp 
(see  Mai.  iii.  14),  in  mourning,  mournfully.  Grotius, 
giving  the  word  its  meaning  as  found  in  the 
classics,  renders  :  "  hides  himself  [reading  avyxe- 
Kpv(j>(is  for  avyKCKvipas]  in  dark  clouds." 

Ver.  27.  'ETtpoKOKptiv,  to  be  deaf  on  one 
side.  The  word  is  fouud  nowhere  else.  The 
meaning  is  that  he  acts  as  if  he  were  paying  no 
special  attention,  beard  but  little.  Codd.  23.  248. 
253.  Co.  read  eBtKoKoxpiov,  pretending  deafness. 

Ver.  30.  Excessive  laughter.  Lit.,  laughter 
of  the  teeth,  y€\us  6S6vtwv  ;  meaning  that  kind  of 
laughter  in  which  one  shows  the  teeth.  Gaab 
supposes  that  some  word  has  dropped  out  before 
oSifTuy.  In  any  case,  the  psychology  of  the 
author,  to  say  the  least,  is  not  very  profoimd. 


Chapter  XX. 

1  There  is  a  reproof  that  is  not  timely,* 
And  many  a  one  is  silent,  and  he  is  sensible.^ 

2  How  ^  much  better  to  reprove,  than  to  be  angry  secretly* 
And  he  who  openly  confesset.h  ^  shall  be  preserved  from  hurt.' 

4  As  is  the  lust  of  an  eunuch  to  deflower  a  virgin. 
So  is  he  that  executeth  judgment  with  violence. 

5  Many  a  one  is  silent,'  and  is  found  wise  ; 

And  many  a  one  "  by  much  babbling  becometh  hateful. 

6  Many  a  one  is  silent,^  because  he  hath  not  to  answer  ; 
And  many  a  one  is  silent,'"  knowing  his  opportunity." 

7  A  wise  man  will  be  silent '-  till  his  opportunity," 

But  the  swaggerer  and  a  fool  will  take  no  notice  of  an  opportunity." 

Vers.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V. :  comely  (wpaios).  2  Again  (<eai),  some  man  holdeth  hia  tongue  .  ...  is  wise  (^povLpLov).  9  it 
Is  (106.  248.  Co.  add  kari  to  i?  (coAof).  ■>  secretly  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  Kpvn-Tws  after  evfiovirdai.     It  is  implied  in 

the  context,  and  I  have  loft  it  in  italics.  Luther  :  heimtich  Hass  tra^en).  ^  that  confesseth  his  fault  (6  avfio^oXoyou- 
uefof  ;  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  speaks  it  out,  which  agrees  well  with  the  context,  but  does  not  so  well  render  the  text) 
«  hurt  (after  this  verse  the  Old  Lat.  has  an  addition  appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as  ver.  3  :  How  good  is  it,  when  thou  art  re- 
proved, to  shew  repentance  !     For  so  shalt  thou  escape  wilful  sin.     Codd.  H.  24S.,  with  Co.,  insert  it  after  ver.  8). 

Vers.  4-7.  — '  A.  V. :  There  is  one  that  keepeth  silence.  ^  anotlier  (same  construction  as  in  the  preceding  member) 
^  Some  man  holdeth  his  tongue.  ^^  And  some  keepeth  silence.  ^i  his  time  {Katpof,  i.  e.,  the  right  time,  oppor 

tunity).  12  iiold  his  tongue.  I3  he  see  opportunity  (ew?  Kaipov).  '*  a  babbler  (6  AaTrio-x^?  ;  o-oAn-temis,  H.  157 

286  308.)  regard  no  time  (vTrepP^trwat  Katpo**). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  333 


8  He  that  useth  many  words  shall  be  abhorred, 
And  he  that  abusetli  his  privilege,'  be  hated. 

9  Many  a  man  hath  good  fortune  in  ill  fortune,' 
And  there  is  a  gain  that  tarnelh  to  loss. 

10  There  is  a  gift  that  shall  not  proKt  thee, 

And  there  is  a  gift  whose  recompense  is  double. 

11  There  is  an  abasement  because  of  glory. 

And  there  is  one  who^  lifteth  up  his  headfroin  a  low  estate. 

12  Many  a  one*  buyeth  much  for  a  little, 
And  repayeth  it  sevenfold. 

13  The  ^  wise  man  by  his  words  '  maketh  himself  beloved, 
But  the  pleasant  conceits '  of  fools  shall  be  poured  away.* 

14  The  gift  of  a  fool  shall  not  profit '  thee. 
For  he  looketh  to  receive  many  things  for  one. 

15  He  giveth  little,  and  upbraideth  much. 
And '"  he  openeth  his  mouth  like  a  crier  ; 

To  day  he  lendeth,  and  to  morrow  wUl  he  ask  it  again ; 
Such  a  man  is  hateful." 

16  A  ''^  fool  saith,  I  have  not  a  friend,^' 

And  "  /  have  no  thank  for  my  '°  good  deeds  ; 
They  '^  that  eat  my  bread  are  evil-tongued  :  " 

17  How  oft,  and  of  how  many  shall  he  be  laughed  at !  " 

18  Better  slip  upon  a  pavement  than  with  '*  the  tongue  ; 
So  the  fall  of  the  wicked  shall  come  speedily. 

19  A  disagreeable  man,  an  untimely  speech  :  ^^ 

It  will  always  be  in  the  mouth  of  the  uninstructed.^ 

20  A  proverb  from  a  fool's  mouth  will  be  rejected,^^ 
For  he  will  not  speak  it  in  its  -^  season. 

21  Many  a  one  -''  is  hindered  from  sinning  through  want, 
And  in  his  ^  rest,  he  will  have  no  remorse.'''^ 

22  Many  a  one  ^  destroyeth  himself  "'  through  bashfulness, 
And  by  accepting  of  persons  ^  overthroweth  himself. 

23  Many  a  one  out  of  bashfulness  maketh  promises  to  a '"  friend. 
And  maketh  him  an  ^'  enemy  for  nothing. 

24  A  lie  is  a  foul  blot  on  ^'-  a  man, 

It  "^  is  continually  in  the  mouth  of  the  uninstructed.** 

25  A  thief  is  better  than  he  that  is  ^^  accustomed  to  lie. 
But  both  shall  inherit  destruction. °° 

26  The  disposition  °'  of  a  liar  is  dislionorable. 
And  his  shame  is  ever  with  him. 

27  He  that  is  wise  in  words  shall  promote  himself," 

Vers.  8-18.  —  *  A.  V. :  taketh  to  himself  authority  tlierein  (6  evt:^oviTia^6tievoi  =  to  use,  or  abuse,  one^s  power)  shall. 
'  There  is  a  sinner  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  afxaproiXiZ  after  av&pC)  that  hath  good  success  (euoSc'a;  248.  Co.,  eiiSo- 
«ttt)  in  evil  things  (the  next  memher  shows  plainly  what  is  here  meant).  ■'  is  that  (eorti'  os).  *  There  is  that. 

6  A.  °  words  (Fritzyche  adopts  Aoyois  from  III.  X.  23.  55-  al.  Co.  for  A6ya)  of  the  text.  rec).  '  graces  {;^ttptTes.     I 

adopt  the  rendering  of  the  margin).  ^  poured  ou.t  iSK\vffj}(TovTai,  The  meaning  is,  as  the  margin  suggests,  that  they 
are  spilled,  lost\.  ^  do  thee  no  good  (1  have  rendered  to  correspond  with  the  rendering  of  the  same  word  at  ver.  10) 

when  thou  hast  it  (H.  106.  248.  Co.  add  Aa^6r^t,  and  further  what  apijears  in  the  A.  V.  as  :  Neither  yet  of  th«  envious 
for  his  necessity).        ^**  omits  And.        ^'  one  is  to  be  hated  of  God  and  man  (so  106.  248.  Co.). 

Vers.  16-20.  —  12  A.  V. :  The.  "  no  friends.  "  omits  And  (as  243.  Co.).  >»  all  my.  "  And  they. 

17  speak  evil  o/rne  (0avAoi  -yAwa-aT)).  i^  to  scorn  (EI.  106.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  have  an  addition  appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as 
the  last  two  members  of  ver.  17  :  For  he  knoweth  not  aright  what  it  is  to  have  ;  And  it  is  all  one  unto  him  as  if  he  had 
it  not).  1^  To  slip  upon  ....  is  better  than  to  slip  with.  ^o  xn  unseasonable  tale  iavdpwno^  a^apis,  iMvdo^  aKaipos. 
A.  V.  has  in  the  margin.  Or,  An  unpleasant  fellow  ;  cf.  Com.).  -l  Will  always  ....  unwise  {iwaiSevrtov).  23  x  wise 
sentence  {napa^oKij)  shall  be  rejected  when  it  cometh  out  of  a  fool's  mouth).        23  (jug  (ou-nis). 

Vers.  21-26.  —  24  a.  V. :  There  is  that.  20  when  he  taketh.  20  shall  not  be  troubled  {(caTaruy^o-erai.  Stings  of 
conscience  are  meant).  27  There  is  that.  28  ^is  own  soul  (tJji'  il/uxijf  auroiJ).  >•  accepting  of  persons  (airb 

a<^povos  Trpoff-wTTOu.    For  a^poi-os,  248.  Co.  have  A^>//«i>s.  Fritzsche  justly  suspects  a  failure  on  the  part  of  oux  translator, 

and  suggests  that  he  probably  read  C'll;'^  for  rir*'2T^  before   C^^-).  ^"^  There  is  that  for  ...  .  promiseth 

to  his.  SI  A,s.  82  in.  S3  Yet  it  (Se  is  found  in  106.  248.  Co.).  "untaught.  =6  a  man  that  is.  s»  they  both 
shall  have  destruction  to  heritage.        s7  disposition  (^0os  :  also  moral  nature,  character). 

Vers.  27-.32.  —  ss  a.V.  :  A  wise  man  shall  promote  himself  to  honour  with  his  words  {iy  Aoyos  to  be  joined,  obviously 


334 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


28 


29 


30 


31 


And  a  prudent  mau  will  please  the  great.* 

He  that  tilleth  the  earth  shall  heap  high  his  sheaves  ;  ^ 

And  he  that  pleaseth  great  men  shall  make  atonement  for  unrighteoosness.* 

Presents  and  gifts  blind  the  eyes  of  the  wise, 

And  as  a  muzzle  on  the  mouth  turn  they  away  reproofs.* 

Wisdom  that  is  hid,  and  treasure  out  of  sight : ' 

What  profit  is  there  in  either  ?  ° 

Better  a  man  that'  hideth  his  folly, 

Than  a  man  that  hideth  his  wisdom.' 


to  <r(x)><J5,  which  they  follow.  The  heading  of  this  section  in  II.  m.  X.  al.  is  Ktr/oi  irapafioXav  ;  A.  V. :  "  Proverbs  ") 
>  he  that  hath  understanding  will  pleaiie  great  men.  •  his  (auTou,  248.  Co.)  land  shall  increase  his  heap  (d>^i^u(r« 

&r]fiiiiviav  avToC).  ^  get  pardon  for  iniquity  {f^t\d<r€7at  aSticiav).  *  Stop  up  Aw  mouth  (marg.,  as  a  ttiuzzU  in  thi 

mouth)  that  he  cannot  reprove  (dTrorpeVei  eAc-yfioiis).  ^  that  is  hoarded  up  (a<f)arTjs).  »  M  in  them  both  (iv  d^t^o. 

Tepois.  Not  both  together,  but  cither  one  of  both).  '  is  he  {ivOimiTroi)  that.  '  wisdom  (248.  Co.  have  an  addition 
appearing  in  the  A.  V.  as  ver.  32 :  Necessary  patience  in  seeking  the  Lord  is  better  Than  he  that  ieadeth  his  life  with- 
out a  guide). 

Chapter  XX. 


Ver.  4.  Tke  lust  of  a  eunuch.  Obviously, 
a  proper  eunuch  cannot  be  meant.  The  meaning 
is  that  the  one  thing  would  be  as  much  out  of 
place  and  naturally  as  unexpected  as  the  other. 
Most  commentators  think  the  verse  does  not  be- 
long here.  But  &  ttomv  KplpLara  need  not  refer 
especially  to  a  judge,  but  to  any  one  in  general 
who  pronounces  judgments.  In  this  sense  it 
might  refer  to  the  consequences  of  an  indignation 
that  is  kept  shut  up  in  the  bosom  and  does  not 
vent  itself  in  timely  and  moderate  reproof. 

Ver.  6.  Knowing  his  opportunity,  elSHis 
KaipSv.  He  has  respect  to  fitness  of  time.  Cf, 
the  use  of  JJT'  in  the  Hebrew. 

-T 

Ver.  8.  Abuseth  his  privilege,  ^vf^ou(Tia(ifi.- 
ti-ot.  He  a.ssumcs  the  right  to  speak  much,  as 
though  his  information  were  greater  or  his  words 
more  acceptable  ihan  those  of  others. 

Ver.  9.  Good  fortune  in  ill  fortune,  euoS^a  et/ 
KUKors.  The  sense  appears  to  be  that  there  is 
often  good  fortune  growing  out  of  apparent  mis- 
fortune. That  which  seems  to  be  a  misfortune 
often  proves  to  be  a  great  blessing. 

Ver.  12.  Kepayeth  it  sevenfold.  A  man 
thinks  he  has  made  a  good  bargain,  but  finds  that 
by  getting  a  poor  article  he  has  been  badly 
cheated.  He  might  bettor  have  paid  seven  times 
as  much  for  what  would  have  proved  satisfactory. 
Others  translate  :  "  Many  a  one  buys  much  for 
little,  And  many  a  one  must  pay  seven  times  for 
a  thing." 

Ver.  14.  For  he  looketh  to  receive  many 
things  for  one.  Lit.,  For  his  eyes  are  many  in- 
stead of  one.  He  expects  more  in  return  than  he 
gives.  Luther  paraphrases  :  "  He  gives  with  one 
eye,  and  with  seven  he  watches  to  see  what  he 
will  get  for  it." 


Ver.  15.  Openeth  his  mouth.  To  reproach, 
make  demands.  —  Iiike  a  crier,  tbs  ic^puf.  An 
important  personage  in  ancient  times. 

Ver.  16.     Eat  my  bread.     Cf.  Ps.  xli.  9. 

Ver.  18.  'ESacfios,  (1)  t\ie  bottom,  foundation  ol 
anything  ;  (2)  in  later  usage,  the  ground-floor  of  a 
house.     Cf.  Herod.,  viii.  137. 

Ver.  19.  A  disagreeable  (lit.,  thankless,  grace- 
less) man,  i,vdpwTros  &xap's-  The  Old  Latin 
transfers  the  word,  acharis.  The  A.  V.  seems  to 
have  regarded  these  words  as  a  title  to  the  section, 
as  did  Ciimerarius,  Drusius,  and  Gaab. 

Ver.  21.  Through  want.  This  may  be  meant 
as  an  example  of  what  is  spoken  of  in  verge  9  of 
apparent  adversity  as  resulting  in  good.  Still 
the  question  might  be  asked :  How  much  better, 
in  reality,  is  the  man  who  does  not  sin  because  he 
has  no  opportunity,  than  one  who  sins^  Do 
circumstances,  then,  make  the  man  ?  They  serve 
simply  to  develop  and  prove  him.  Cf.  Deut. 
viii.  2. 

Ver.  22.  By  accepting  of  persons,  airh  &<l)poi'os 
Ttpoaunov,  Gaab  would  change  the  order  of  the 
words,  and,  taking  Htppofos  as  genitive  neuter, 
render  :  "  on  account  of  the  foolishness  of  a  per- 
son," i.  e.  his  own  or  another's.  Linde  and  De 
Wette  translate:  "And  for  the  sake  of  a  fool 
lose  it,"  i.e.,  his  life.     Cf.  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  23.  He  promises  on  account  of  diffidence 
what  he  cannot  iierfoim,  and  so  makes  an  enemy 
by  not  keejiing  his  word. 

Ver.  28.  Heap  high  his  sheaves.  The  point 
of  the  comparison  is  in  the  fact  that  both  classes 
of  yiersons  have  used  means  calculated  to  produce 
the  desired  results. 

Ver.  29.  The  wise.  Their  wisdom  is  not  yet 
perfect,  since  it  allows  them  to  accept  of  bribeB. 
Cf.  Deut.  xvi.  19. 


Chapter  XXI. 

1  My  son,  hast  thou  sinned  ?  do  so  ^  no  more, 
And  ^  ask  pardon  '  for  thy  former  sins. 

2  Flee  from  sin  as  from  before  *  a  serpent ; 

Veri  1,  2.  —  '  A.  V. :  do  so  (irpoo-ej?,  i.  e.,  add  to).  '  But.  »  pardon  (see  Com.    Before  Strjirrn,  H.  adds  iXor. 

Xtput  *iri(7Tpe'\((a5,  and  Old  Lat.  ut  tibi  dimittantur  after  it).        «  the  face  of  (iirb  irpoo-uirov.   If  i»  often  redundant,  Uk« 

a^39  in  Heb.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  335 


For  if  thou  comest  near,^  it  will  bite  ^  thee  ; 
The  teeth  thereof  are '  the  teeth  of  a  lion, 
They  take  away  men's  lives.^ 

3  Every  transgression  ^  is  as  a  two-edged  sword, 
For  its  wound  there  is  no  healing. ' 

4  To  terrify  and  use  violence '  will  waste  riches, 
Thus  the  house  of  a  proud  man  '  shall  be  made  desolate. 

5  A  prayer  out  of  a  poor  7nan's  mouth  reacheth  to  His  ears,' 
And  His  judgment  cometh  speedily. 

6  He  that  hateth  reproof  is  on  the  path  of  a  sinner  ; " 
And  "  he  that  feareth  the  Lord  will  repent  from  his  heart. 

7  The  eloquent  man  ^^  is  known  far  and  near  ;  ^' 

But  the  ^■'  man  of  understanding  '^  knoweth  when  he  slippeth. 

8  He  that  buildeth  his  house  with  other  men's  money 
Is  like  one  that  gathereth  his  stones  for  winter.'" 

9  An  assembly  of  transgressors  is  tow  collected ''  together ; 
And  the  end  of  them,  a  flame  of  fire.'* 

10  The  way  of  sinners  is  paved'*  with  stones, 
And ""  at  the  end  thereof  is  the  pit  of  Hades.''' 

11  He  that  keepeth  the  law  ^  getteth  the  mastery  of  hia  mind  ;  * 
And  the  perfection  -*  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord  is  wisdom. 

12  He  that  is  not  clever  ^  will  not  be  taught ; 

But  there  is  a  cleverness  '^^  which  increaseth  ^  bitterness. 

13  The  knowledge  of  a  wise  man  will  increase  ^  like  a  flood  ; 
And  his  insight™  like  a  living  fountain.'" 

14  The  inner  parts  of  a  fool  are  like  a  vessel  broken  in  pieces," 
And  he  will  not  gain  any  knowledge.''' 

15  If  an  intelligent*'  man  hear  a  wise  word, 
He  will  commend  it,  and  add  unto  it ; 

The  gross  man  heareth,  and  '■*  it  displeaseth  him, 
And  he  casteth  it  behind  his  back. 

16  The  talking  **  of  a  fool  is  like  a  burden  on  a  journey  ;  '' 
But  grace  shall  be  found  on  "  the  lips  of  a  sagacious  man."* 

17  The  mouth  of  a  prudent  man  ^  will  be  sought  after  in  the  congregation, 
And  men  wiU  '"'  ponder  his  words  in  their  heart. 

18  Like  a  house  destroyed,*'  so  is  wisdom  to  a  fool ; 

And  the  knowledge  of  a  stupid  man,  unintelligible  words.*^ 

Vers.  2,  3.  — '  A.  V.  :  too  near  (TrpoaeASiJs)  it  (106.  24S.  Co.  add  airf ;  Old  Lat.,  ad  ilia).  '  bite  (S^ferac,  bite,  of 

lling.  I  retain  the  former,  on  account  of  the  context.  Cod.  H.  aiS  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.,  StfcToj).  'areas.  'Slaying 
the  sonls  of  men  (dcaipoOvrcs  >1wxa^  avdpuimuv.  No  more  is  meant  than  that  they  take  away  life.  Cf.  Wisd.  i.  11). 
6  All  iniquity  (iraaa  avo^t'a).  •>  The  wounds  whereof  cannot  be  healed  (rp  irKrjyfi  aurris  oiiK  etrrtv  lao-w). 

Vers.  4-8.  —'  A.  V.  :  To  terrify  and  do  wrong  (cf.   Com.).  8  proud  men  (III.  106.  15.5.  157.  24S.  Co.,  the  pluT.     Aa 

will  have  been  noticed,  every  opportunity  is  taken,  i.  e.,  when  other  changes  are  made  in  the  immediate  context,  to  do 
away  with  the  many  instances  of  an  unnecessary  use  of  italics  in  the  A..  V.).  *  the  ears  o/  God  (ews  dirliittf  avrov 

Cf.  Corn.).  '0  To  be  reproved  t.i\fytL6v)  is  in  the  way  of  sinners  (cf.  Com.).  "  But.         12  ^q  eloquent  man  (lit., 

He  who  is  mighty  with  the  tongue;  cf.  Com.).  i3  f^r  and  near  [^jnutpoeev^from  afar,  but  the  sense  given  in  the  A.  V. 
is  also  allowable).  "  a.  15  understanding  [vo-fitiinv,  a  thinking  man).  !••  gathereth  himself  stones  (text,  rec  , 

auToO  Tovs  Atflovs  ;  III.  X.  55.  155.  157.  al.  the  same,  except  in  placing  the  pronoun  at  the  end  ;  248.  Co.,  eaurw  Xi0ou?) 
for  the  tomb  of  his  burial  («is  xei/xoil'a  ;  eU  Aei^xura,  308. ;  €i«  \iotxa  raitri';  auTou,  106.  248.  Co.     Cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  9-13.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  The  congregation  of  the  wicked  /.s  like  tow  wrapped  (iTvvriyfj.€vov).  ^^  is  a.  ...  ,  fire  to  destroy 
them  (so  106.  248.  Co.).        '•  is  made  plain  (lit.,  .■smooth,  iijiaAi<r/ieiT)).        -"  But.  ='  hell.         '-  law  of  the  Lord  (so 

106.  248.  Co.).  ^  the  understanding  thereof  (see  Com.).  -*  perfection  ((7V»^e'Aeia,  rendered  e7ld,  in  ver.  10.     It 

mcAnBheTe  the  Jinal  outcome,  acjne,  perfecting,  bloom).         ^s  wise  (marg.,  7y/(?y ;  Gr.,  Trovoi/pyos).  -^  wisdom  (marg., 

subtiltt/.     Fritzsche  adopts  fie  after  l<m  from  III.  X.  C.  H.  106.  155.  al.  Old  Lat. ;  text.  rec.  omits).  -'  multiplieth. 

28  man  shall  abound  (the  same  word  rendered  multiplieth  in  the  preceding  verse).  -^  counsel  OouAi),  but  counsel  is 

too  indefinite  a  meaning  for  this  place)  is.  ^o  a  pure  fountain  (248.  Co.  add  iynj  after  Tnjyr])  of  life  (Ilebraism  for 

living  fountain). 

Vers.  14-18.  — ^'  A  V. :  broken  vessel  (ayyetof  (rvvTeTpi.iLp.ivov).  ^  hold  no  (ou  Kpanjtret ;  H.  106.  243.  Co.  add^f  fwp 
avTou)  k.  as  long  as  he  liveth.  ^3  ^  skilful  (a  proper  rendering  for  irtifrrripMiv ,  but  not  suitable  for  the  context  here). 
3*  But  as  soon  as  one  of  no  understanding  (6  oTraToAtoi' ;  106.  248.  Co.,  auroi/  dtrufeTos.  Cf.  Com.)  heareth  it.  86  talk- 
ing [i^iiYnois  =  a  statement,  narrative,  explanation.  Our  word  exegesis  is  derived  from  it).  sc  in  the  way  (cf.  Com.). 
3"  in  (cTri).  ^  the  wise  {ovveTov).  ^o  xhey  inquire  at  the  mouth  of  the  wise  man  {trr^pa.  ^povLp-ov  standing  at  the 
beginning  of  line,  clearly  the  subject).  40  t^ey  shall  (5tovo7j07Ja-o»'Tat  received  by  Fritische  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  155. 

al.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  the  sing.).  ^i  As  i«  .  .  .  .  that  is  (no  article,  and  these  words  burden  the  sentence)  destroyed. 
*2  the  unwise  [aovviTov  =  the  opposite  of  a  sagacious  man)  is  as  talk  without  s«use  (marg.,  the  usual  meaning,  not  la 
W  inquired  after,  Gr.,  aSieferaoToi  Aoyoi) 


336 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


19 


20 


21 


22 
23 


24 


25 


26 


27 


28 


Instruction  to  a  stupid  man '  is  as  fetters  on  the  feet, 
And  like  manacles  on  the  right  hand. 
A  fool  lifteth  up  his  voice  in  ^  laughter, 
But  a  clever  man '  doth  scarce  smile  a  little. 
Instruction  to  a  sensible  man  is  as  *  an  ornament  of  gold, 
And  like  a  bracelet  upon  his  right  arm. 

A  foolish  man's  foot  is  soon  in  a  ^  house  ; 
But  a  man  of  experience  hesitateth  before  the  front  walls.* 
A  fool  will  peep  in  at  the  door  into  the  house  ; ' 
But  a  man  *  well  nurtured  will  stand  without. 
It  is  rudeness  in  '  a  man  to  hearken  at  a  ^^  door  ; 
But  the  prudent  man  '^  will  be  grieved  at  tlie  disgrace." 
The  lips  of  the  proud  are  heavy  with  cursing  ; " 
But  the  words  of  the  prudent  ^*  are  weighed  in  a  "  balance. 

In  the  mouth  of  fools  is  their  heart ;  '° 
But  the  heart  of  the  wise  is  their  mouth." 
When  an  ungodly  man  '*  curseth  Satan, 
He  curseth  his  own  soul. 
The  '^  whisperer  defileth  his  own  soul, 
And  is  hated  where  he  sojourneth.^ 


Vers.  19-25.  — 'A.  v. 
167.  254.  296. ;  text,  rtc 


Doctrine  unto  fools  {avoiirov  iraiSeia.    FritzBche  receives  the  former  word  from  X.  65. 106. 166 
aroTiTocs).         2  witli  (ei/).  3  wise  man.  *  lie&Tnin^  {itaxheia,  instruction,  cultivation,  9M 

In  ver.  19)  is  unto  a  wise  man  as  {w?  ia  found  in  tile  Gr.).  ^  kis  neighbours  (sliould  be  left  more  general,  any  house) 

*  is  ashamed  of  him  {aiaxwdyifxtrai  aTrb  Trpoffuiffou  ;  248.  Co.  add  on-'  auTou.  Cf.  Com.).  '  peep  in  at  the  door  into  th« 
house  (a7r6  6vpa%  irapaKvjmi,  i.  e.,  he  goes  crouching  along,  like  a  spaniel,  from  the  door,  els  o'tKiav.  Others  render 
looks  through  the  door  into  the  house.    Buusen's  Bibelwerk).         ^  he  that  is  (hvrip).  ^  It  is  the  rudeness  of  {turatSev 

via  ot^fibtTTOv),         w  the.        ^^  a  wise  man.  ^^  with  disgrace  (aTifiiav,  with  III.  X.  0.  23.  65.  al.  ;  text,  ree.,  arifii'a). 

^*  talkers  will  be  telling  such  things  as  pertain  not  to  them  {,xeiKr\  oAAoTptuic  —  see  Com. —  kv  tovtois  jSapuvd^aeTai ;  243. 
Co.,  x^^^''^  ^0^^^°-^^^  to.  ovKaiiTuiV  &i,TYfri<TeTa.i).         '*  such  as  haTe  Understanding.         ^^  the. 

Vers.  26-28.  —  ^^  A.  V. ;  The  heart  of  fools  is  in  their  mouth  (avTwi'  limits  fcapSia).  "  mouth  of  the  wise  is  in  their 
heart  (icapSia  6e  ao^iiiv — 248.  Co.  OldLat. ,  tv  6e  KapBiif  (ro<i>iav  —  crri^ia  ovtwi' ;  H.  106.  248.  Co.,  to  oro/ia  aurui'). 
>8  the  ujigodly.  '^  A.  20  wheresoever  he  dwelleth  {ly  irapottcTjuei,  in  the  place  of  his  sojourn,  i.  e.,  by  those  around 
him). 


Chapter   XXI. 


Ver.  1.  JAt.,  Entreat  (Se^fljjri)  /"or  thy  former 
ones,  namely,  ask  forgiveness.  Grotius  remarks  ; 
"  Utramque  partem  poenitentice  bene  expressit."  Cf. 
xvii.  19-24. 

Ver.  3.  A  two-edged  sword.  A  sword  sharp 
on  both  edt;e,s,  and  hence  very  danjjjerous.  Cf. 
Jndg.  iii.  16  ;  Ps.  cxlix.  6 ;  Piov.  v.  4. 

Ver.  4.  To  terrify  and  use  violence,  koto- 
ir\T)7/x!is  Kal  6/3pis.  Bunseu's  Bibelwerk  translates  : 
Misfortune  and  ivantonness.  The  rirst  word  is 
fonnd  only  here.  The  Old  Latin  has  for  it  objur- 
gatio,  but  according  to  another  recension  (S. 
Ger.  15),  ralaplectntio,  thus  transferring  the  word 
instead  of  translating  it.  Grotiu.s  renders  by  ter- 
ritio,  and  De  Wette  by  Getraltthatigkeit,  violence. 
The  English  translators  seem  to  have  got  the  true 
meaning,  intimidation,  since  its  rendering  must  be 
influenced  somewhat  by  the  following  v&pis,  which 
18  the  actual  carrying  out  of  the  idea  expressed  by 
the  preceding  word. 

Ver.  5.  To  His  ears,  namely,  the  ears  of  God. 
Others  (Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  B'ihchverk),  the  ears 
of  the  lich  man,  not  to  his  heart;  which  seems  to 
us  forced,  and  not  so  well  to  suit  the  context. 

Ver.  6.  On  the  path,  iv  ix"^^-  On  the  track,  in 
the  footsteps. 

Ver.  7.  'O  Syfarhs  iv  jXiiaari  might  be  taken 
either  in  a  good  or  bad  sense.  'I"he  antithesis  is, 
however,  better  marked  with  the  second  clause  of 
the  verse,  if  they  are  nnderstood  in  a  good  sense, 
as  by  the  A.  V.  It  is  better  to  be  a  man  of 
anderstanding   than   to   be   eloquent ;   since   the 


former  knows  how  to  judge  of  a  speech,  and  can 
tell  when  errors  are  committed.  —  Tiit»aT6s  is  gen- 
erally nsed  in  the  later  Greek,  in  a  passive  signifi- 
cation, knoion ;  in  Plato,  always  in  the  sense  of 
capable  of  being  known.  In  the  latter  sense  it  seems 
also  to  be  used  in  the  present  case,  and  is  almost 
the  only  instance  in  Biblical  Greek  where  it  is  so 
used.    Cf.,  however,  Acts  iv.  16,  and  Rom.  i.  19  (?). 

Ver.  8.  Other  men's  money,  i.  e.,  money  un- 
ju.stlv  acquired.  —  Gathereth  his  atones  for  win- 
ter. The  idea  is,  he  does  what  is  foolish  and  use- 
less. It  is  not  stones  that  are  wanted,  but  wood. 
The  common  reatling,  airroU  robs  Ki6ous  ets  xf'M^''"» 
is  undoubtedly  right,  the  others  having  arisen  from 
a  failure  to  understand  tlie  meaning. 

Ver.  1 1 .  KaTaKpoTe?  tov  h-vorj/iaros  aurov. 
Fritzsche  would  render:  gets  the  power  over  (rules) 
his  mind,  i.  e.,  becomes  wise.  The  context  favors 
this  rentlering.  Others  make  outoS  refer  to  the 
law,  attains  to  its  understanding.  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
loerk  and  others. 

Ver.  12.  Increaseth  bitterness.  There  are 
also  clever  rascals.     Cf.  also  Ecclcs.  i.  18. 

Ver.  13.  Cf.  Ps.  xxxvi.  9;  Prov.  x.  II,  xiii. 
14,  xiv.  27,  xvi.  22. 

Ver.  15.  The  gross  man,  i  maTaKav.  Lit., 
the  glutton.  But  tlic  comparison  is  between  a  man 
of  intelligence  and  practical  wisdom  and  one  who 
is  ruled  simply  by  his  lower  appetites.  The  read- 
ing of  106.  248.  Co.  (see  Text.  Notes)  showed  an 
ii])])reciation  of  what  the  context  demanded  in  thi* 
instance. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


337 


Cf. 


Ver.  16.     Burden  on  a  journey  {if  iif). 
Matt,  xxiii.  4  ;  Gal.  vi.  5. 

Ver.  18.  The  point  of  the  comparison  is  in  the 
fact  that  neither  can  be  used. 

Ver.  22.  'A-rb  Trpoffd-rou.  The  word  vpoatanov 
refers  to  tliat  part  of  the  house  which  is  first  seen 
by  one  who  is  entering,  ('.  e.,  the  outer  front  wall,  or 
perhaps  the  inner  walls  of  the  porch,  entry.  Van 
Lennep  {Bible  Lands,  p.  427)  says  of  the  Eastern 
house :  "  The  most  important  spot  is  the  room 
where  alone  male  strangers  are  admitted,  and 
called  par  excelletice  the  liwan,  or  raised  platform. 
It  is  situated  directly  opposite  the  door  of  en- 
trance, with  the  court  intervening,  and  is  still 
more  suggestive  of  a  tent  than  the  other  apart- 
ments, being  entirely  open  in  front.  Its  furniture 
consists  of  a  divan  arranged  upon  three  sides  of 
a  raised  platform,  while  in  front  of  the  latter  the 
eye  is  sometimes  refreshed  by  a  basin  of  water  or 
a  jetting  fountain." 

Ver.  25.  The  usual  text  of  this  verse  (xe'^l 
itWarpluv  iv  Tovrois  fiapwdTiaerat)  malses  no 
sense,  and  is  doubtless  corrupt.  Fritzsche's  sup- 
position that  Q^7.t  stood  in  the  original  Hebrew, 


while  the  Greek  {aWoTplwf)  is  a  translation  of 
C^T,  is  probable,  and  I  have  translated  ac- 
cordingly. The  further  words  iv  tovtois  seem  to 
be  a  translation  of  n^S2  (instead  of  n7S3). 
So  Hitzig,  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk.  —  In 
a  balance  ;  i.  e.,  they  are  carefully  considered 
by  others,  or  by  themselves,  before  they  are 
uttered. 

Ver.  26.  Is  their  moutti.  They  speak  only 
what  they  have  duly  pondered. 

Ver.  27.  Satan,  rhv  aaTavav.  It  is  not  so 
certain  that  the  prince  of  evil  is  here  meant.  He 
is  at  least  nowhere  else  alluded  to  by  our  author, 
nor  in  any  other  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocryphal 
books,  e.xcepting  Wisdom  (ii.  24),  where  dia.$o\os 
is  identified  with  the  serpent  of  Paradise.  Smith's 
Bible  Dictionary  (iii.  1145),  however,  was  hardly 
justified  in  saying  that  there  is  but  one  passage  in 
the  Apocryphal  books  where  Satan  is  mentioned. 
Cf.  article  Teufel  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.  In 
any  case,  the  writer  represents  that  a  wicked  man, 
instead  of  cursing  Satan,  the  enemy,  as  the  au- 
thor of  his  misfortune,  might  better  think  of 
himself. 


Chapter  XXn. 


1  A  SLOTHFUL  man  is  like  ^  a  filthy  stone, 
And  every  one  will  hiss  over  ^  his  disgrace. 

2  A  slothful  man  is  like  ^  the  filth  of  a  dunghill, 
Every  man  that  takes  it  up  will  shake  his  hand. 

3  A  father's  shame  is  in  begetting  an  undisciplined  son,* 
And  such  a  '  daughter  is  born  to  his  "  loss. 

4  A  prudent '  daughter  will  get  herself  a  husband,' 

But  she  that  acteth  shamefully  is  a  grief  to  her  father.' 

5  The  over-bold  disgraceth  father  and  "  husband. 
And  both  wUl  despise  her.'^ 

6  Instruction  ^-  out  of  season  is  as  music  in  mourning ; 
But  stripes  and  discipline  are  wisdom  at  all  times." 

7  He  who  "  teacheth  a  fool  is  as  one  that  glueth  a  potsherd  together ; 
He  ^'  waketh  one  from  a  sound  sleep. 

8  He  that  discourseth  '"  to  a  fool  discourseth  "  to  one  in  a  slumber. 
And  at  the  end,  he  wiU  say,  What  is  it  ?  " 

11       "Weep  over  ^^  the  dead,  for  light  failed  ;  -" 

And  weep  over  a  ''■  fool,  for  understanding  failed.'''^ 

Vers.  1-8.  —  >  A.  V. :  is  compared  to  (crvi/epAiiei),  is  thrown  together  with  ;  here,  lor  the  sake  of  comparison).  »  him 
outto(««<7vpietmeanB«)iU  AijjoKl,but,  as  followed  by  e'lri  here,  doubtless  stands  lor  the  Heb.  pltT^,  followed  by  /V. 
The  same  verb,  followed  by  7,  meant  to  whistle  for).  s  compared  to.  ♦  An  evil  nurtured  son  is  the  dishonooi  of 
his  father  that  begat  him  {Airx'/mi  rraTpbs  If  yevvi\(rti  diroiSrfiou).        '  a  foolish.         »  his  (the  context  requires  it). 

Vers.  4-6. '  A.  V. ;  wise  (i^pociVt)).  »  shall  bring  an  inheritance  to  her  husband  (marg.,  shall  be  the  heir  of  her 

husband.     Cf.  Com.).  »  But  (itaO  ....  she  that  liveth  dishonestly  (xaTaccrxwouo-a)  «  her  father's  heaviness. 

10  She  that  is  bold  (r)  «pa<reia)  dishonoureth  both  her  father  and  her.  "  But  they  both  shall  despise  her.    (Bunsen's 

Bibelwerk.  "  But  more  than  both  shall  she  herself  be  despised,"  which  seems  to  suit  neither  the  context  nor  the  Greek 
as  well  as  the  other.    Or.,  ital  vn-b  dfi.j)i>Tepioi' dTi>ia<r9i)<reToO-  i=  A  tale  (see  Com.).  is  Bat  ( Fritzsiche  receives  «e 

from  III.  X.  C.  55.  106. 155.  al. ;  text,  rec,  with  II.,  omits)  stripes  and  correction  of  wisdom  (Fritzsche  receives  (70ci)ia 
from  X.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec.,  II.,  and  most  Codd.,  iroi^iM.  Cf.  Com.)  are  never  out  of  time  (iv  natni  xaipij! ;  106.  248. 
Co.  omit  TTavri). 

Vers.  7-10.  —  "  A.  V. :  Whoso.  «  And  as  he  that.  i"  telleth  a  tale  (see  ver.  6).  "  speaketh  (same  word). 

i»  When  he  hath  told  his  tale,  he  will  say,  What  is  the  matter.  A.  V.  (vers.  9, 10)  adds  what  appears  in  H.  106.  248.  Co 
immediately  after  ver.  6 :  If  children  live  honestly,  and  have  wherewithal,  They  shall  cover  the  baseness  of  their 
parents.     But  children,  being  haughty,  through  disdain  and  want  of  nurture,  Do  sbiin  the  nobility  of  their  kindred. 

Vers.  11-15.  —"  A.  V. :  tor  (tTi-i).  -°  he  hath  lost  the  light  (efeAiTre  yip  if>m.  In  the  original  there  probably  stood 
IIIM    which  should  have  been  rendered  by  <tm  aiirov).  '"  for  the.  -  he  wantcth  unJerstauding  {e$t\int  yif 

22 


338  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Weep  softly  over '  the  dead,  for  he  went  to  his  rest ;  ^ 
But  the  life  of  the  fool  is  worse  than  death. 

12  Seven  days  do  men  mourn  for  him  that  is  dead, 

But  for  a  fool  and  an  ungodly  man,  all  the  days  of  his  life. 

13  Talk  not  much  with  a  fool, 

And  go  not  to  him  that  hath  no  understanding ; 
Beware  of  him,  lest  thou  have  trouble. 
And  thou  shalt  not  be  defiled  with  his  slaver.' 
Turn  away  *  from  him,  and  thou  shalt  find  rest, 
And  not  be  made  sorry  through  his  folly." 

14  What  is  heavier  than  lead  ?  ^ 

And  what  other  name  has  it  than '  fool  ? 

15  Sand,  and  salt,  and  a  mass  of  iron,  is  easier  to  bear  ° 
Than  a  man  without  understanding. 

16  A  wooden  crossbeam  bound  into  a  building  will  not  be  loosened  by  an  earth* 

quake ;  ° 
So  a  heart  established  in  a  well  considered  purpose  wUl  not   tremble  at  the 
crisis.^" 

17  A  heart  settled  upon  an  intelligent  purpose. 

Is  as  the  plaster  ornament  of  a  polished  wall." 

18  Pales  set  on  a  high  place  wOl  not  '^  stand  against  the  wind, 

So  a  fearful  heart  based  on  a  fool's  purpose  will  not '°  stand  against  any  alarm.** 

19  He  that  pricketh  the  eye  will  make  tears  to  fall ; 

And  he  that  pricketh  the  heart  maketh  it  to  shew  sensitiveness.^* 

20  He  who  "^  casteth  a  stone  at  the  birds  frayeth  them  away, 
And  he  that  upbraideth  his  friend  breaketh  friendship. 

21  Though  thou  drewest  a  sword  against  thy  friend,  despair  "  not, 
For  there  may  be  a  turning  back.'* 

22  Though  ''  thou  hast  opened  thy  mouth  against  thy  friend,  fear  not, 
For  there  may  be  a  reconciliation. 

Except  for  -°  upbraiding,  and  -^  pride,  and  ^  disclosing  of  secrets,  and  *•  a  treach- 
erous wound: 
For  ^  these  things  every  friend  wUl  depart. 

23  Gain  credit  with  thy  ^  neighbor  in  his  poverty, 
That  thou  may  est  rejoice  ^  in  his  prosperity  ; 
Abide  steadfast  unto  him  in  the  time  of  his  affliction. 
That  thou  mayest  be  heir  with  him  in  his  heritage.'* 

24  Before  a  fire,  smoke  of  the  furnace  and  vapor,''' 
So  reviling  before  blood. 

25  I  will  not  be  ashamed  to  protect  a  friend, 
And  I  will  not  "  hide  myself  from  him. 

26  And  if  evil  ^^  happen  unto  me  by  him. 
Every  one  that  heareth  it  will  beware  of  him. 

(Tv^ccns  ;  II.,  by  the  first  hand,  III.  X.  C.  23.  155.  296.  Aid.,  which  Is  quite  an  array  of  authorities,  read  v^vtvtv  ;  bnt 

the  verb  is  perhaps  better  rendered  intransitively  here,  as  in  the  preceding  line).  '  Make  little  (^Siof )  weeping  for. 

■  is  at  rest  (aMTravo-aTo).  ^  never  ....  fooleries  (marg.,  when  he  shakes  off  Au  filth).  *  Depart  (enicXivoi'), 

*  never  be  disquieted  (ov  jutj  aKTjStaoTJS  =  (1)  fe«  without  care,  (2)  be  cast  down,  sad)  with  madness  {ev  rfj  an-oi'oif  avToO, 
Cod.  2-3.  omits  auToO.)  '■  lead  (Fritzsche  receives  (jloXiPov  —  poet,  for  (loAupSof — from  III.  X.  C.  23.  157.    It  is  also 

the  reading  of  II.  Tlie  later  form  was  fxoAv^o;,  which  is  the  reading  —  in  ace.  —  of  65.  248.  253.  254.  296.  303.  Co.). 
'  it  the  Dame  thereof  but  (ti  ai/Ti^  ovoy.o.  oAA'  ij).  *  easier  (evieoiroc,  ij.aX\ov  being  understood.    Codd.  106.  248.  al. 

Co.  have  the  comparative). 

Vers.  16-19.  —  *  A.  V. ;  As  timber  girt  and  bound  together  in  ...  .  cannot  be  loosed  with  shaking  {ev  iTviriTfLirti-tf) 
'0  the  heart  that  is  established  by  advised  counsel  (en-i  SiavoT^fiaro^  )3ouAtjs)  shall  fear  at  no  time  {iv —  H.  106.  248.  Co. 
add  TravTL  —  KaLpiS  —  248.  Co.  add  >tt6put  —  ov  6etAtoa-ei).  *'  a  thought  of  understanding  {^n-1  Etafoiq  —  Btavoias,  text 

rec.  and  II.  — <n'«'(reus)  Is  as  a  fair  plaistering  {*ciS<rfxo5  iffa^^wris)  on  the  wall  {ivl  Toi'xov,  23.  248.  Co.)  of  a  gallery 
[m:ixg.,  o/ a  potis/ied  iraltj.  "  never  (ov /i>}).  "  in  the  imagination  of  a  fool  (cf.  Com.)  cannot.  i*  fear.  ^^  her 
knowledge  lola9ii(ri<;  =  o  sensation,  here  naturally,  of  pain). 

Vers.  20-26. —  '"  A.  v.:  Whoso.  "  at  thy  ....  yrt  despair.  '•  returning  to /auour.  i'  II.  »» /or  (ir^iji', 
with  the  gen.).  =>  or  (*cai,  in  each  instance).  *=  For,  for  (yop  inserted  by  H.  Co.).  23  Be  faithful  to  (Ai/ (ni<rrtp 
tT^aai ;  cf.  Com.).  ^  rejoice  (Fritzsche  receives  <rv(/jpav^^«  from  III.  — which  adds  otJ  —  X.  23.  55. 106.  al.  Old  Lat. ; 
lert.  rec,  o/ioi;  Tr^ijofl/js).  '»  trouble  ....  heritage  (106.  248.  Co.  add  as  the  A.  V.,  as  the  last  part  of  rer  23  ;  For  a 

mean  e.-ftate  I'j  not  always  to  be  contemned  :  Nor  the  rich  that  is  foolish  to  be  had  in  admiration ).  ^u  ^^  ti^e  vapoui 

uid  smoke  of  a  furnace  goeth  before  the  fire,  *^  defend  a  .  .  .  .  Neither  will  I.        ^s  any  evil. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


339 


27  O  that  One  would  set  a  watch  upon '  my  mouth, 

And  a  fitting  seal  -  upon  my  lips, 
That  I  fall  not  by  it," 
And  *  my  tongue  destroy  me  nDt. 

Ver.  27.  —  *  A.  V. :  Who  shall  set  a  watch  before.         2  geal  of  wisdom  {ipftpaylSa  irapovpyov  ;  cf.  Com.).        ■  not  sad» 
ienij  (106  248.  Co.  add  aiipvtSim  after  dir'  av-njs)  by  them  (so  23.).        •  And  that. 


Chapter  XXII. 


Ver.  1.  A  filthy  stone.  One  that  had  been 
used  for  filthy  purposes.  The  point  of  compari- 
60n  is  not  iu  the  wortblessness  of  tlie  sioue,  but  in 
the  fact  that  to  touch  it  would  be  pollution.  The 
following  verse  contains  the  same  general  idea. 

Ver.  3.  In  begetting,  i.  e.,  in  having  begotten, 
being  the  father  of.  The  connection  of  thought  is 
obvious.  Such  slothfuliiess  as  had  been  just 
spoken  of  was  the  result  of  bad  training,  or  rather 
of  the  lack  of  proper  training. 

Ver.  4.  The  last  assertion  of  verse  8  is  now 
more  fully  supported  and  illustrated.  Grotius 
and  Aruald,  with  our  English  version,  improp- 
erly construed  (tXTipoi/o^^o-ei  like  the  Hiphil  in 
Hebrew.  It  is  literally:  "will  come  into  posses- 
sion "  of  her  husband.  She  would  get  a  suitable 
husband. 

Ver.  5.  The  over-bold.  Grotius :  "  Quit 
omnia  audet  facere,  qu(e  fainani  non  ceretar."  She 
is  one  who  does  not  care  for  her  reputation.  Cf., 
Prov.  ix.  13  ;  xiii.  16. 

Ver.  6.  Ai^yijcris  means  a  narrative  (see  vi.  35, 
ix.  15  ;  2  Mace.  ii.  32,  vi.  17,  ;  but  here,  as  the 
connection  shows,  is  used  in  the  sense  of  discourse 
or  instruction.  The  sense  of  the  latter  clause  is 
much  the  same,  whether  we  read  ao<pla.  or  ao(pias. 
In  the  latter  case  it  would  mean,  "  is  the  part  of 
wisdom." 

Ver.  7.  A  potsherd,  oarpuKov.  The  word  is 
used  collectively  for  fragments  of  an  earthen 
vessel.  —  Waketh  one  ( i^eyilpwv  ;  248.  Co.,  nal 
i^eyeipei),  i.  e.,  he  has  to  do  with  one  who  will 
feel  no  interest  in  what  he  has  to  present. 

Ver.  11.  "Worse  than  death.  The  thought 
is,  that  while  his  life  is  a  life  of  sin,  when  he  is 
dead  he  will  cease  to  do  harm. 

Ver.  12.  Seven  days.  Cf.  Judith  xvi.  24,  and 
Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  578  ff. 

Ver.  13.  'Eyrtvaypi^.  This  word  is  found  no- 
where else.  It  is  derived  from  ivTivaaaav,  with 
the  meaning  to  shake  in  or  into;  and  by  the  Hel- 
lenists, to  cast  away.  Grotius  translates  by  pro- 
jectio,  ejaculatio  [sputi  being  understood  )=  veria 
probrosa.  We  have  rendered  with  Fritzsche  and 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  by  slaver,  which  of  course  is 
figuratively  used  for  low  and  foolish  words. 

Ver.  14.  What  is  heavier  (^apmBTiaeTtu).  It 
is  used  in  the  second  clause  in  the  sense  of  bur- 
densome, i.  e.,  has  in  this  verse  both  a  literal  and 
a  figurative  meaning. 

Ver.  16.  The  word  ipiavruiais,  which  meant  a 
binding  with  thongs,  was  also  used  (LXX.)  for  a 
piece  of  timber  used  for  binding  a  building  to 
gether,  and  doubtless  a  cross-beam  or  brace  is 
here  meant.  Houses  so  constructed,  as  is  well 
known,  are  better  able  to  withstand  the  shock  of 
earthquakes  than  those  built  simply  of  stone  or 
brick.  On  earthquakes  in  the  Kast,  cf.  Van 
Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  577.  —  Tremble  at  the 
crisis,  4v  Kaip$.  At  the  nick  of  time,  n&tnelj,  when 
the  stress  comes. 


Ver.  17.  'Eirl  Siavola  avvfa^ws.  It  is  not  very 
easy  to  express  the  meaning  of  these  words  in  Eng- 
lish. The  A.  V.  has  transferred  the  Hebraism, 
but  without  giving  a  clear  sense.  The  words 
mean  much  the  same  as  what  we  express  by  "  in- 
telligent principles,"  /.  «.,  principles  of  action  that 
are  founded  on  observation,  knowledge,  and  right 
reason. 

Ver.  18.  Pales  (xapases;  x<«'^'"'€s,  small  stones, 
III.  C.  H.  55.  al.).  Not  probably  sticks  set  for 
the  support  of  vines,  the  Ko^a|  of  Homer,  but 
pales  used  for  fortification.  —  On  a  fool's  pur- 
pose, ^irl  StavoT^pLaTOS  fiwpov,  etc.  Others  trans- 
late :  "  So  the  timid  heart  of  the  fool  holds  out  in  his 
resolution  against  no  fear.  But,  if  that  were  the 
meaning,  we  might  have  expected  to  find  a  differ- 
ent arrangement  of  the  words  in  the  sentence. 

Ver.  19.  Prioketh,  vvaawv.  The  rubbing, 
exciting  of  the  eyes  seems  to  be  referred  to,  as 
the  figurative  meaning  of  the  word  in  the  next 
member  shows.  Cf.  Prov.  xxx.  33,  for  a  similar 
comparison. 

Ver.  21.  'E7rc£vo5os,  a  turning  back.  A  total 
change  in  one's  feelings  were  possible. 

Ver.  22.  Treacherous  wound,  ttAtj^^s  SoXia;. 
Wounds  which  are  given  by  the  tongue  through 
a  betrayal  of  confidence  seem  to  be  meant. 

Ver.  23.  Gain  credit,  niffrtv  KTTJaai ;  namely, 
by  being  faithful  and  kind.  Bretschneider  would 
change  the  verb  to  TroiijiTai ;  but,  as  Fritzsche  has 
shown,  in  case  that  verb  were  used  the  form 
should  have  been  Tro/ei  or  Tolrjaov.  The  sense  is 
already  clear  enough.  —  Be  heir  with  him  in  his 
heritage.  The  word  means  to  come  into  possession 
of  property,  whether  by  inheritance  or  otherwise. 
It  is  true  that  in  the  later  Greek,  as  in  the  New 
Testament,  the  words  K\rip6vopi.os  (one  who  has  a 
KXTjpos),  KKtipovop-la,  and  /cATjpofo^e'w  are  used  gen- 
erally with  reference  to  what  is  inherited;  but 
sometimes  this  meaning  gives  place  to  the  more 
general  one  of  possession,  which  here  also  might 
be  the  exact  thought  intended.  Cf.  verse  4. 
Both  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  call  atten- 
tion to  the  low  moral  plane  on  which  these 
maxims  of  the  son  of  Sirach  rest.  Cf.  our  re- 
marks in  the  Introd.  on  the  same  point. 

Ver.  25.  To  protect  (ffKen-airai).  To  give  shel- 
ter to,  as,  for  in.stance.  when  he  is  fleeing  from  an 
enemy.  The  stress  which  iu  the  East  is  laid  on 
the  due  observance  of  the  rules  of  hospitality  is 
well  known. 

Ver.  27.  This  verb  has  indeed  the  form  of  a 
question  ;  still,  it  is  more  projierly  a  prayer.  The 
name  of  God  is  omitted  ;  but  it  is  clearly  He  who 
is  meant.  —  ^(ppay'iSa  iravovpyov.  The  latter  word 
is  variously  rendered  by  commentators  iu  this 
passage.  It  means,  in  a  good  sense,  shrewd,  in- 
genious, and  it  is  probably  used  in  that  sense  here  ; 
as  something ^(iec?  to  the  end  sought,  a  Jit,  appropri- 
ate,  sufficient  seal.  Naturally,  such  a  seal  would 
be  wisdom,  discretion. 


340  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  XXIII. 

1  0  Lord,  Father  and  Ruler  of  my  '  life, 
Leave  me  not  to  their  counsel, - 
Suffer  me  not  to  ^  fall  by  them. 

2  O  that  One  would  ■*  set  scourges  over  my  thought,* 
And  the  discipline  of  wisdom  over  mine  heart ; 
That  he  would  spare  not  ^  mine  ignorances, 

And  pass  not  by  my  sins  : ' 

3  Lest  mine  ignorances  increase, 
And  my  sins  abound,^ 

And  I  fall  before  mine  adversaries. 
And  mine  enemy  rejoice  over  me.' 

4  0  Lord,  Father  and  God  of  my  life, 
Give  me  not  lascivious  eyes,'" 

And  ^^  turn  away  lust  from  me.*^ 

6  Let  not  bodily  appetite  and  '"  lust  of  the  flesh  take  hold  of  me ; 
And  give  me  not  over  to  a  shameless  mind.^* 

7  Hear,  O  ye  children,  the  discipline  of  the  month ; 
He  that  keepeth  it  shall  not  be  ensnared.^* 

8  A  sinner  shall  be  taken  through  his  lips,'° 

Both  a  railer  and  a  proud  man  shall  stumble  "  thereby 

9  Accustom  not  thy  mouth  to  swearing. 

And  use  not "  thyself  to  the  naming  of  the  Holy  One ; 

10  For  as  a  servant  that  is  continually  punished  will "  not  be  without  wales,* 

So  also  ^'  he  that  sweareth  and  speaketh  the  Name  '^  continually  shall  not  bo  £rM 
from  sin.^' 

11  A  man  that  useth  much  swearing  will  be  full  of  unrighteousness,** 
And  the  scourge  ^  shall  never  depart  from  his  house. 

If  he  offend,^*  his  sin  is  ^  upon  him  ; 
And  if  he  overlook  it,'^  he  sinneth  twice  as  much  ;  * 
And  if  he  swear  in  vain,  he  shaU  not  be  justified,"' 
For  ^^  his  house  shall  be  full  of  calamities. 

12  There  is  a  way  of  speaking  whose  penalty  is '''  death  : 
May  it  not  be  *'  found  in  the  heritage  of  Jacob. 

For  all  these  things  will  ^  be  far  from  the  godly, 
And  they  will  ^^  not  wallow  in  '°  sins. 

13  Use  not  thy  mouth  to  coarse  filthiness,*' 

Vers.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V. :  Governor  oJ  all  my  whole  (as  248.  Co. ).  '  counsels  Oov^jj;  cf .  Com.).  »  And  (luU  is  towai 
in  III.  106. 155. 157.  248.  Co.  ;  Old  Lat.,  nee)  let  me  not  (aij>ns).  •  Who  will  (c£.  note  at  xiii.  27).  '  thoughts  (Jioyo^ 
(laTot).  0  they  spare  ((f>eiV<ui/Toi)  m' not  for.  '  And  it  pass  not  by  my  sins  (ov  m  Tropij  tA  «»"Vll""'a  avTui'.  Th» 
text  is  doubtless  corrupt,  and  the  first  mistake  was  in  making  (Jiei(niiiToc  of  the  preceding  line  plural,  and  the  second, 
in  writing  here,  aurwr  for  tiov.    I  restore,  with  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  other  authorities).  *  abound  to 

my  destruction  (248.  Co.  add  eJs  <rviTpi;8i)i').  »  me  {II.  106.  248.  Co.  add  what  appears  in  the  A.  V.  as  an  additional 

member,  Whose  hope  is  far  from  thy  mercy). 

Vers.  4-6.  —  '"  A.  V. :  a  proud  look  (cf .  Com.).  "  But.  "  from  thy  servants  always  a  haughty  mind  (marg., 

fianUike.  Or.,  ical  tVi9v(iiai'  iioirrpei/zoi-  air'  ejioO  ;  106.  248.  Co.  Clem,  of  Alex.,  with  unimportant  variations,  koi  yi- 
/oilTiiSiI  i/rox'l"'  (106.  omits  last  two  words)  inoa-rrfmv  (106.  adds  toOto)  6ia  TravJK  iirb  ioxiKav  (106.,  dirb  ToS  {ovXon)  <r<jv, 
etc.,  appearing  in  A.  V.,  in  addition  to  what  has  been  already  given  as  ver.  5 :  Turn  away  from  me  vain  hopes  and 
concupiscence.  And  thou  shalt  hold  him  up  that  is  desirous  always  to  serve  thee).  "  the  greediness  of  the  belly  (cf. 
Com.)  nor.        "  not  over  me,  thy  servant  (106.  248.  Co.  add  rov  o'lKirriv  aov)  into  an  impudent  mind. 

Vers.  7-10. —  «  A.  V. :  never  be  taken  in  his  lips  (the  la.«t  three  words  are  joined  to  ver.  7  in  157.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat., 
and  they  insert  as  part  of  ver.  8,  iv  rg  oiJipocniiT)  ainov  ;  Old  Lat.,  in  ranilale  sua.  The  heading  of  this  section  in  II.  Is 
natBeia  .mijioTos  ;  Marg.  of  the  A.  V.,  Discipline  of  the  mouth).  '"  The  sinner  shall  be  left  in  his  foolishness  (cf. 

preceding  note).  i'  the  evil  speaker  (Aoi'Sopot)  and  the  proud  shall  fall  (aKoyia^iaiiiaotrrai).  "  Neither  use 

'  beaten  (ifiTofo/iivos.    Lit.,  eiamined)  shall.  "  a  blue  mark  (nolAuirot,  tke  mark  of  a  stripe,  a  weal,  allied  to  our 

lord  "  maul  ").  ='  omxls  also  (<ai ;  it  U  omitted  by  23.  248.  254.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  "  nameth  God  (oi-o/iifnv). 

^  faultless    (an-b  o/iaprtaT  ....  Ka8api.<rB^). 

Vers.  11-13. —  »  A.  v.:  Shall  be  filled  with  iniquity  (oVo(»i'as).  "  plague  (p.o(mf).  m  shall  offend.  '^  shall  be. 
■  acknowledge  not  Am  sin  (i/i7epi'Sn).  -''  maketh  a  double  offence.  so  innocent  (marg., >sli/i<i/.    Gr.,  5iit<u«)»^- 

»«T(u).  "  But(yop).  32  word  (Xefis)  fhat  is  clothed  about  with  (a>TmfpiPtp\T)t»en).  Ct.  Com.  Fritzsche  thinks 
"ISDD  stood  in  the  original,  to  be  rendered,  which  ii  atoned  for).  »  God  grant  that  it  be  not  (a  needless  use  of  the 
name  of  God).  »  such  things  Bh*U.  =»  shall.  *>  in  their.  »'  to  untemperate  swearing  (iiraiStvffil 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  341 


For  therein  are  sinful  words.' 

14  Remember  thy^  father  and  thy  mother, 
When  thou  sittest  among  great  men, 
Lest  haply  thou  be  forgetful  °  before  them, 
And  through  thy  habit  play  the  *  fool. 
And  wish  that  thou  hadst  not  been  born, 
And  curse  the  da}'  of  thy  nativity. 

15  A  man '  accustomed  to  opprobrious  words 

Will  not  become  disciplined  *  all  the  days  of  his  life, 

16  Two  sorts  of  jnen  multiply  sin, 
And  the  third  will  bring  down '  wrath : 
A  soul,  hot  as  burning  fire, 

Will  not '  be  quenched  till  it  be  consumed ; 

A  fornicator  with  blood  relations 

Will  not '  cease  till  the  fire  hath  burned  out.'" 

17  Every  sort  of  ''  bread  is  sweet  to  a  whoremonger, 
He  will  not  leave  off  till  he  is  dead.^^ 

18  A  man  that  breaketh  wedlock  saith  in  himself,** 

WTio  seeth  me  ?  I  am  compassed  about  with  darkness,  and  "  the  walls  cover  me  ; 
And  nobody  seeth  me  ;  what  should  I  '^  fear  ? 
The  Most  High  will  not  remember  my  sins. 

19  And  of  men's  eyes  he  is  afraid ; '° 

And  he  perceiveth  "  not  that  the  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  ten  thousand  times  brighter 

than  the  sun. 
Looking  upon  ''  all  the  ways  of  men, 
And  observing  the  secret  places." 

20  The  universe  was  known  to  him  before  it  was  made  ;  * 
So  also  after  it  was  completed.^' 

21  This  7nan  shall  be  punished  in  the  streets  of  the  city, 
And  where  he  suspected  ^^  not  he  shall  be  taken. 

22  Thus  also  a  '^  wife  that  leaveth  her  "  husband, 
And  bringeth  in  an  heir  by  another.''* 

23  For  first,  she  disobeyed  '*  the  law  of  the  Most  High ; 
And  secondly,  she  trespassed  ^  against  her  husband ;  * 
And  thirdly,  she  played  '^  the  whore  in  adultery, 
And  brought  in  '"  children  by  another  '^  man. 

24  She  shall  be  led  °^  out  into  the  congregation. 
And  calamity  shall  come  upon  "  her  children. 

25  Her  children  shall  not  take  root. 

And  her  branches  shall  not  bring  forth  ^*  fruit. 

26  She  shall  leave  her  memory  to  be  cursed. 
And  her  reproach  shall  not  be  blotted  out. 

27  And  they  that  remain  shall  discern  that  there  is  ^  nothing  better  than  the  fear 

of  the  Lord, 
And  nothing '"  sweeter  than  to  take  heed  unto  the  commandments  of  the  Lord."" 

dovpci  ;  text,  rec,  with    n.    aTraiSevai'af  iirvprj  ;  248.  Co.,  oKoAcuriif  opKOv  ;  55.,  dnaiSevvuf  opKOu).  *  is  the  word  ol 

Bin  (Aoyo5  —  used  collectively  — ofiapna?).  ^  thy  {text.  rec.  omits  o-ou.    It  is  found  in  III.  X.  106.,  and  is  adopted  by 

Fritzsche).        s  Be  not  (^ijitot'  eTTi\d6jj)  forgetful.  '    so  thou  by  thy  custom  become  a. 

Vers.  15-21.  —  ^  A,  V. :  The  man  that  is.  ^  never  be  refonned-         '  bring  (^n-a^ei).  ^  hot  mind  m  as  a  burn- 

ing fire,  It  will  never.  «  in  the  body  of  his  flesh  Will  never.  ^'^  he  hath  kindled  a  fire.  "  All 

13  die.        13  Saying  thus  in  his  heart,        i*  omils  and.        ^  need  I  to.        i^  Such  a  man  only  feareth  the  eyes  of  men 
"  knoweth.  "  Beholding.  i^  considering  the  most  secret  parts.  ^'^  He  knew  all  things  eTe  ever  they  were 

created.        *i  thty  were  perfected  he  looked  upon  them  all  (H-  248.  Co.  add  KoBopa  to.  waina).        ^^  suspecteth 

Vers.  22-28.  —  »  A.  V. :  shaU  it  go  also  with  the.  "  her  (avris  is  added  by  165.  157.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.).         «  an- 

>ther  (marg. ,  a  stranger,    Codd.  23.  248.  253.  Co.  read  oAAou,  instead  of  aAAorpiou).  ^^  hath  disobeyed.  *'  hath 

trespassed.         **  own  husband.         ^  hath  played.         s**  brought  (cf.  ver,  22.    Gr.,  Trapurrwa-a.    See  Com     Fritische 
adopts  Koi  at  the  beginning  from  III.  X.  H.  23.  106.  al. ;  text.  rec.  omits).  *i  another  (cf.  ver.  22).  »  brought. 

us  inquisition  shall  be  made  of  (en-l  to  TeKva  ainrt^  eirto-'coinj  loToi).  ^4  ghall  bring  forth  [oXirovtTiv  from  m.  X.  56. 

106.  155.  al. ;  (e«.  rjr.,{ioo-ovo'i)no.  '^  inow  tha.t  there  is.  "  (Aa<  lAfre  «  nothing.  S'  Lord  (H.  248.  Co. 

Old  Lat.  add  what  appears  in  the  A.  V.  as  ver.  28  :  /f  u  great  glory  to  follow  the  Lord,  And  to  be  received  of  him  u 
long  life}. 


342 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ca^PTEB  xxm. 


Ver.  1.  Their  counsel.  The  reference  is  ob- 
viously to  what  immediately  precedes,  ray  xf'^^""- 

Ver.  2.  Discipline  of  wisdom  =  discipline 
that  le.ids  to  wisdom.  —  Mine  ignorances.  Cf. 
remarks  on  47^0101  at  1  Esd.  viii.  74.  See  also 
li.  19  of  the  present  book. 

Ver.  3.  The  idea  corresponds  with  that  of  the 
Oriental  proverb ;  "  The  passage  of  a  rat  is 
nothing,  but  it  soon  becomes  a  thoroughfare." 
Or.  better,  the  Latin  as  quoted  by  Grotius : 
**  Prlrjcipiis  ohsta  ;  sero  medicina  paratur  cum  mala 
per  loiigas  ini-aUiere  moras." 

Ver.  4.  MfTewpiafiiv  o/pBaX/jtav.  We  have  trans- 
lated freely,  with  rritz.sche  and  Bunsen's  BibehoerJc 
(as  also  Luther,  De  Wette,  and  others,  essen- 
tially) by  "  lascivious  eyes,"  beheviug  that  some- 
thing like  nSE7  (lit.,  a  lifiinij  up)  stood  in  the 
original  Hebrew  for  the  first  word.  The  prayer 
naturally  is  meant  in  the  sense :  "  Let  me  not 
have." 

Ver.  6.  Bodily  appetite.  So  we  have  ren 
dered  noiXlas  ope^K  as  harmonizing  best  with  the 
context.  And  it  is  not  appetite  for  food  that  is 
particularly  meant,  but  rather  lust,  licentious  de- 
sire. It  is  more  clearly  designated  in  the  follow- 
ing phrase,  lust  of  the  flesh,  crvi'ouma<Tix.6s.  i.  e., 
having  sexual  intercourse  with  any  one  ;  and  here, 
as  the  context  shows,  unlawfully.  —  Shameless 
mind.  Shameless  in  the  sense  that  it  gives  free 
rein  to  lust. 

Ver.  7.  Shall  not  be  ensnared  (namely,  by 
the  mouth),  ov  ju^  aA^.  The  verb  means  be  taken 
prisoner,  and  the  idea  is,  he  shall  never  become 
dependent  as  a  slave  upon  it. 

Ver.  8.     In  Cod.  II.  the  division  of  members  in 
erse  8  is  as  follows  :  — 

*Ec  TOts  xeiX.  KaTaXeL<ii9. 
'AfxapT.  K.  KoiS.  K.  vnepri^. 
^KarjoAKr^^.  iv  atiTOts. 

KaraXiitpQiiaiTat  is  doubtless  to  be  changed  to 
KaTa\7j(J)0T7(TeTa(,  although  the  manuscript  author- 
ity for  it  is  but  slight  (157.).  The  word  in  the 
original  was  probably   T~-  "• 

Vers.  9,  10.  The  injunction  here,  like  that  of 
our  Saviour  in  Matt.  v.  34,  is  not  directed  against 
judicial  or  solemn  religious  oaths,  but  profane 
swearing.  Cf.  also  Jas.  v.  12,  and  Stud.  u.  Krit.. 
1852,  p.  228.  Profanity  is  followed  by  sins  of 
other  sorts,  as  much  as  the  beating  of  slaves  is  by 
wales  on  the  body. 

Ver.  11.  Swear  in  vain  (5ia  kej-tis),  i.  e., 
without  cause,  rashly.  Fritzsche  would  translate 
falsely,  but  simply  on  the  ground  that  thereby 
the  climax  of  the  verse  would  be  stronger. 

Ver.  12.  \i^is  avTnrepi$^$K7ifj.fvi)  Bavdrcf,  a 
way  of  speaking  whose  penalty  is  death.  Gro- 
tius :  "  Hebrcei  blasphemiam  non  nominaut,  sed 
ant  circumscriluiit,  ant  per  avTi^ppaaiv  signijicant." 
The  second  Greek  word  used  by  our  author  is 
rare,  Gaab  says  it  is  nowhere  else  found,  which 
is  a  mistake.  Fritzsche  has  found  it  in  the 
Achilles  of  Tatius  (v.  8),  and  in  Hippocrates  (ed. 
by  Foesius,  p.  760).  Cf.  Lev.  xxiv.  15,  16.— 
Heritage  of  Jacob  =  the  land  of  IsraeL 


Ver.  13.  ' AwaiSevaia  dtri/pe?,  coarse  filthiness 
What  is  ill-bred,  and  in  addition  impure,  is 
meant.  The  author  does  not  seem  to  regard  thia 
as  sin  in  itself,  but  only  as  leading  to  sin.  Cf. 
the  words  of  our  Lord  at  Matt.  xii.  36,  and  of 
Paul  at  Col.  iii.  8. 

Ver.  14.  The  object  of  this  admonition  seems 
to  be  to  prevent  filthy,  licentious  words.  By  such 
words  they  would  bring  dishonor  on  their  parents. 

—  Thy  habit  (namely,  of  speaking  low  words) 
....  and  wish  ( as  a  consequence  of  what  he  had 
thoughtlessly  done). 

Ver.  15.  IlaiSevd^,  here  become  disciplined,  re- 
fined. He  wonld  remain  boorish  and  rough  in  his 
manners. 

Ver.  16.  Commentators  are  not  agreed  as  to 
first  class  here  meant.  We  have  translated, 
with  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  the  words 
&vQpu}Tro^  "nipvoi  eV  (jtiifxaTi  aapKhs  ainov  as  above, 
believing  that  in  the  Hebrew  there  stood  for  iv 
o-to/i.,  etc.,  il£172  "'^tt'a.  Others  (Gutmann) 
render  :  "  a  man  guilty  of  masturbation  ; "  others 
(Luther,  De  Wette) :  "  has  in  his  body  no  rest," 
joining  the  phrase  to  the  following  verb,  TrawiiTai). 

—  The  fire  hath  burnt  out,  (as  tu>  iKKaitrr)  nvp, 
namely,  the  fire  of  passion. 

Ver.  17.  Cf.  Prov.  v.  15;  ix.  17.  The  thought 
is  that  it  does  not  make  any  difference  with  such 
a  person  who  or  what  the  woman  is.  —  Tm  he  is 
dead,  (ois  hv  T€\euT77(rp.  Others  render ;  till  he 
Is  throui/h,  i.  e.,  till  he  has  satisfied  his  lust.  This 
is  the  second  class  :  whoremongers  in  general. 
The  third  class,  which  now  follows,  are  adulterers. 
Others,  however,  make  all  that  has  been  hitherto 
said  under  this  category  refer  to  one  class,  and 
are  therefore  obliged  to  regard  female  adulterers 
(verse  22)  as  forming  a  distinct  class,  in  order  to 
make  out  the  three. 

Vers.  18-20.  The  author,  or  at  least  his  trans- 
lator, drops  at  the  end  of  verse  18  the  construc- 
tion with  which  he  began  the  section,  and  does 
not  take  it  up  again  till  the  beginning  of  verse 
21,  which  contains  the  proper  conclusion.  — 
Breaketh  wedlock.  Lit.,  passeth  by  his  bed, 
namely,  his  marriage  bed,  in  order  to  go  to  one 
that  is  not  allowed. 

Ver.  21.  In  the  streets.  Where  he  runs 
about  to  sate  his  lust.  He  will  get  into  conflict 
with  some  other  person  similarly  ini-lined.  or  in 
some  other  such  way  be  found  out  and  punished. 

Ver.  22.  Leaveth  her  husband.  Is  untrue 
to  him. 

Ver.  23.  Disobeyed,  riireiSriiTe  4v.  This  gram- 
matical construction  is  said  to  be  found  only  here. 

—  Brought  in,  i.e.,  into  the  world  ;  or,  perhaps 
better,  to  the  rest  of  the  family.  She  has  placed 
them  beside  other  children  which  properly  belong 
to  herself  and  husband. 

Ver.  24.     Cf.  Lev.  xx.  10  ;  Deut.  xxii.  22. 

Ver.  25.  The  reading  oiaooaiv  for  Siixjovai, 
which  Fritzsche  adopts,  with  the  authorities  above 
given,  presuppo.ses  that  S£ff3,  rather  than  ]n^. 
stood  in  the  Hebrew  text. 

Ver.  27.  They  that  remain.  Not  simply  her 
children  are  meant,  but  all  who  knew  her  and  he» 
sad  end. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  343 


Chapter  XXJV. 

1  Wisdom  may  praise  '  herself, 
And  glory  '^  in  the  midst  of  her  people. 

2  In  the  congregation  of  the  Most  High  may '  she  open  her  month 
And  glory  *  before  his  power. 

3  I  came  forth  from  ^  the  mouth  of  the  Most  High, 
And  covered  the  earth  as  a  mist.* 

4  I  dwelt  in  the  heights^ 

And  my  throne  was  on  '  a  cloudy  pillar. 

5  I  alone  compassed  the  arch  of  heaven, 
And  walked  about  in  the  depth  of  abysses.' 

6  In  the  waves  of  the  sea,  and  in  all  the  earth, 

And  in  every  people  and  nation,  I  got  a  possession." 

7  With  all  these  I  sought  rest ; 

And  in  whose  inheritance  should  '^  I  abide  ? 

8  Then '-  the  Creator  of  all  things  gave  me  a  commandment, 
And  he  that  made  me  caused  my  tabernacle  to  rest, 

And  said.  Let  thy  dwelling  be  in  Jacob, 
And  thine  inheritance  in  Israel. 

9  He  created  me  from  the  beginning  before  the  world. 
And  I  shall  never  fail. 

10  In  the  holy  tabernacle  I  served  before  him  ; 
And  so  was  I  established  in  Sion. 

11  Likewise  in  the  beloved  ''  city  he  gave  me  rest, 
And  in  Jerusalem  was  my  power. 

12  And  I  took  root  among  an  honored  "  people. 
In  "  the  portion  of  the  Lord,  his  inheritance." 

13  I  shot  upward  like  a  cedar  on  ^'  Libanus, 

And  as  a  cypress  tree  upon  the  movmtains  of  Aermon." 

14  I  shot  upward  "  like  a  palm  tree  on  the  sea  shores,^ 
And  as  a  rose  plant  in  .Jericho, 

And  as  '^'  a  fair  olive  tree  m  a  field  ;  ^ 
And  I  shot  upward  -'  as  a  plane  tree.'" 

15  I  gave  an  odor  '^  like  cinnamon  and  the  aromatic  ^  aspalathos, 
And  I  dispersed  -"^  a  jileasant  odor  like  the  best  myrrh. 

As  galbanum,  and  onyx,  and  sweet  storax. 

And  as  the  fume  of  frankincense  in  the  tabernacle. 

16  As  a  terebinth  I  spread  ^*  out  my  branches. 

And  my  branches  were  ''^  branches  of  glory  '"  and  grace. 

17  As  the  vine  brought  I  forth  what  was  agreeable,^^ 
And  my  flowers,^-  the  fruit  of  glory  and  riches.** 

Vers.  1-7.  —  The  title  of  the  following  section  in  III.  X.  al.  is  croi^ia;  oXv€<7i^  ;  so  also  in  II.,  excepting  the  order 

A.  v. :  shall  praise  (better,  may  praise,  or  Let  wLtdom  praise.    See  Cojn.).         *  shall  glory.        3  shall.        *  tviumpll 

(same  word  as  in  second  line,  Kaux^trerat,  gfory,  vaunt  herself),  ^  came  out  of  (e|>j\5of  ....  an-o).  ^  cload 

(6/itX'^'T)-        ^  high  ;7^ce5  (not  clear.    The  heavens  are  meant).        8  f^  in.        8  walked  {Trcpten-dTijaa)  in  the  bottom  of 

the  deep  [ev  pdQei  a^vaaojv).        ^o  got  a  possession  (so  the  Greek,  eKTri(rdi±i}v.    But  Fritzsche,  with  Gutmann  and  others, 

properly  suspects  a  false  translation,  suppo.^ing  that  ^i~l'^Dp  stood  in  the  original,  for  which  eKTiaa  should  have  been 

given.    He  accordingly  renders,  as  does  also  Bunsen's  Bi/>f/!werfc,  "  I  created."    Cf.  fon?.!.        n  shall. 

Vers.  8-15.  — '2  A.  v.:  So.  '^  beloved  (marg., /lod/,  .is  W3.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  "  in  an  honourable.  '^  Even  in. 
1"  Lord's  inlleritance.  ^'  was  exalted  {amiipw&Tjv  =  raised  on  high;  248.  Co.  leave  off  the  prep.)  ....  in.  ^  Her- 
mon  ('Aep^uf.  This  form  of  the  word  is  also  frequent  in  the  LXX.).  *^  was  exalted.  ^o  in  Engaddi  (ec  atyioAots  ; 
248.  Co.,  iv  TaSSC,  i.  e.,  iv  'EyyaS;  ;  h  'EyyiSois,  2a6.  318. ;  sV  TaSoi!,  253.  ;  Old  Lat.,  in  Cades.  All  are  clearly  correc- 
tions for  the  first).  ^'  As  (Fritzsche  receives  Kai  from  III.  X.  106. 165.  157.  254.  296.  308.  ;  text.  rec.  omits). 
*2  pleasant  (wpaiu  is  prefixed  by  II.  248.  Co.)  field.  ^  grew  up  {eLw^uiSt^v).  24  tree  by  the  water  (the  addition  ifl 
from  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  »«  a  sweet  smell  (oo-nii-.  Codd.  23.  248.  253.,  with  Co.,  omit  it  and  the  verb  UiuiKa.). 
^  omits  the  aromatic  (dpuinaTwv,  which  follows  aajroAaeos.  In  248.  Co.,  instead  of  the  la^t  word  is  read  is  irdXadoc). 
21  yielded  (6ie8(iiita). 

Vers.  16-22.  — *8  A.  v. :  turpentine  tree  I  stretched  (see  Com.).         ^^  are  the.         so  honour  (So^ijs).  3i  pleasant 

lavour  (xdpii^ ;  248.  Co.,  evuSioF.  Cf .  Com .).  32  flowers  are.  ss  honour  (see  ver.  16)  and  riches  (As  ver.  18  in  the 
A.  v.  there  appears  what  has  been  added,  with  slight  variations,  by  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat. :  I  am  the  nother  of  fair  love 


344 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


19  Come  unto  me,  ye  that  desire  me,* 
And  lill  yourselves  with  my  fruits. 

20  For  the  thought  of  me  is  '^  sweeter  than  honey, 
And  my  possession  than  ^  honeycomb. 

21  They  that  eat  me  shall  yet  be  hungry, 
And  they  that  drink  me  shall  yet  be  thirsty. 

22  He  that  obeyeth  me  shall  not  be  ashamed,* 
And  they  that  work  by  ^  me  shall  not  sin.° 

23  All  these  things  are  true  of  the  '  book  of  the  covenant  of  the  Most  High  Glod, 
The  *  law  which  Moses  commanded  us 

As  ^  an  heritage  unto  the  congregations  of  Jacob.*" 

25  It  filleth  with  "  wisdom,  as  Phison, 

And  as  Tigris  in  the  time  of  tlie  n&^  fruits, 

26  It  maketh  insight  *-  abound  like  Euphrates, 
And  as  Jordan  in  the  time  of  the  harvest. 

27  It  maketh  instruction  *'  appear  as  the  light, 
As  Geon  **  in  the  time  of  vintage. 

28  The  first  man  knew  her  not  perfectly, 
And  so  '^  shall  the  last  not  trace  *^  her  out. 

29  For  her  thought  aboundeth  more  "  than  the  sea, 
And  her  purposes  **  than  the  great  deep. 

30  I  also  came  out  as  a  canal "  from  a  river, 
And  as  a  conduit  into  a  garden. 

31  I  said,  I  will  water  my  garden,'" 

And  will  water  abundantly  my  garden  bed. 
And  lo,  my  canal  ^^  became  a  river, 
And  my  river  became  a  sea. 

32  I  will  yet  make  instruction  ^^  shine  as  the  morning, 
And  will  send  forth  her  light  afar  off. 

S3       I  will  yet  pour  out  teaching "'  as  prophecy. 

And  leave  it  to  everlasting  generations." 
34       Behold  that  I  labored  not  ^  for  myself  only, 

But  for  all  them  that  seek  her.''" 

And  fear,  and  knowledge,  and  holy  hope  :  I  therefore  bein^  eternal,  am  given  to  all  my  children  Whkh  are  named  ol 
himj.  ^  all  ye  that  be  desLrous  of  me  {X.  Old  Lat.  add  waives  after  ^e).  ^  my  memorial  is.  •  mine  in« 

heritance  than  the.         *  never  be  confounded  (248.  Co.  add  fitajroi'Tos).  ^  work  by  (epyo^o/xn'oi  w.    Plitzsche  ren- 

ders, jnake  xtse  of  my  service  ;  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  gives  himself  trouble  on  my  account.    Cf.  Com.).  *  do  amlfi4 

(a>iapr^crouai). 

Vers.  23-29.  —  '  A.  V. :  are  the  (the  words  supplied  seem  needful  to  complete  the  sense).  *  Even  the.         •  omits 

ns  (Fritzsche  receives  tiiuv  from  III.  X.  56.  156.  248.  263.  254.  Co.),  and  has  For  instead  of  As.  '"  Jacob  (A.  V.,  as  ver. 
24,  has  an  addition  as  follows  :  Faint  not  to  be  strong  in  the  Lord  ;  That  he  may  confirm  you,  cleave  unto  him  :  For 
the  Lord  Almighty  is  God  alone,  And  besides  him  there  is  no  other  Saviour.  They  come  from  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  with 
Blight  variations).  i'  He  filleth  all  things  with  his  (248.  Co.  insert  rrayra  before  and  aurou  after  ttjs  (rw^i'as).  "  He 
....  the  understanding  to.  i^  He  ...  .  doctrine  of  knowledge  (n-aiSetW,  to  which  248.  Co.  add  yvtinrew;)  appear  as 

the  light  (cf.  Com.).        »  And  as  Geon  (so  H.  248.  254.  Co.).        «  No  more.        '"  last  find.  "  thoughts  (SiariTKia  ; 

III.  55.  106.  253.  264.  296.  308.,  the  plur.  ;  248.  Co.,  same  with  the  article)  are  more  (eirAijeiireTi).  ^  Counsels  (i  ^ovAi) 
profounder. 

Vers.  30-34.  — '»  A.  V.  :  brook  (marg.,  drain  or  ditch).  =0  jjest  (248.  Co.  add  tw  afurrov  to  /c^iroi')  garden. 

*5  brook.  28  doctrine  (TraiSei'o;').  *>  doctrine  [SiSavKaXiav).  ^  all  ages  forever  (eis  yeveos  aluivuv),  "  have 
not  laboured.        ^°  wisdom  (auT^c }. 

Chapter  XXIV. 


Ver.  1.  The  future,  alveiret,  seems  to  stand  for 
the  imperfect  of  the  Hebrew,  which  may  be  ren- 
dered by  may,  can,  or  will. 

Ver.  2.  Cougregation  of  the  Most  High,  i.  e., 
the  Israelitish  people.  Cf.  verse  12.  —  Before 
(^i/ai/Ti)  his  power.  This  may  be  another  ex- 
pre,si8ion  for  the  temple,  meaning  the  same  as 
"  before  the  ark  of  the  covenant,"  on  which  the 
glory  of  the  Lord  was  enthroned.  Others  trans- 
late :  be/ore  his  host,  namely,  Israel  or  the  heavenly 
host. 

Ver.  3.  Cf.  this  verse  and  what  follows  with 
Gen.  i.  2,  and  Fiov.  viii. 


Ver.  4.  "Was  on  a  cloudy  pillar  =  was  a 
cloudy  pillar  :  i.  e.,  it  was  in  the  heights  of  heaven. 
So  in  Baruch  (iii.  29)  it  is  asked  concerning  wis- 
dom :  "  Who  hath  gone  up  into  heaven,  and  taken 
her,  and  brought  her  down  from  the  clouda '  " 
Cf .  also  Ps.  Ixviii.  34  ;  Ixxxix.  5,  6.  The  "  cloudy 
pillar  "  which  led  Israel  in  the  wilderness  cannot 
well  be  meant.  The  originul  dwelling-place  of 
wisdom  is  under  consideration.  It  is  not  till 
afterwards  (verse  8)  that  her  earthly  habitation 
is  mentioned. 

Ver.  5.    Depth  of  abysses.     The  bottom  ol 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


345 


the  sea  is  meant,  ;is  antithetic  to  the  heights  of 
heaven. 

Ver.  6.  I  got  a  possession,  iKTT](rdfj.-qv.  This 
is  generally  regariled  as  a  failure  in  translation. 
The  word  Tl^-P  probably  stood  in  the  Hebrew, 
as  Gutmann  and  others  suppose,  and  this  is  one 
of  its  meanings.  But  the  meaning  here  should 
liave  been  created,  irorlced,  in  order  to  bring  it 
into  harmony  with  the  common  rejireseutation 
that  God  first  created  wisdom,  and  that  then  it 
was  with  him  in  the  creation  and  orderly  arrange- 
ment of  other  things.     Cf.  Wisd.  ix.  9. 

Ver.  7,  8.  Gutmann  thinks  it  possible  that 
there  is  a  reference  here  to  the  tradition  found 

also  in  the  Talmud  (7V.  Clbr.  fol.  2),  that  God 
offered  the  Law  to  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth  in 
order ;  but  none  were  ready  to  accept  it,  except 
Israel. 

Ver.  9.  From  the  beginning,  before  the 
world,  nph  rod  a'lavos  air'  apxv'-  Bretschneider 
and  Bunsen's  Bihdwerlc  suppose  the  last  two 
Greek  words  to  be  simply  a  gloss  on  the  preced- 
ing. Fritzsche,  however,  maintains  that  they  are 
original,  and  used  for  emphasis.  Cf.  the  LXX. 
at  Micah  v.  2  (air'  hpxris  4^  T}/jL€pui/  aiutvos),  for  a 
similar  collocation  of  words. 

Ver.  10.  In  Sion,  namely,  in  the  temple  on 
Mount  Sion. 

Ver.  11.  Was  my  power,  i^ovarta.  Here  much 
the  same  as  rule,  sway.  The  Law,  which  accord- 
ing to  this  representation  was  the  same  as  wis- 
dom, bore  sway  in  everything  that  concerned  the 
Jewish  people. 

Ver.  13.  In  the  LXX.  at  Ps.  xxix.  6,  we  have 
also  the  same  spelling  of  the  word,  At$aiio5.  The 
cedar  is  often  used  in  the  Old  Testament  as  an 
illustration.  Cf.  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  art.  "  Cedar." 
—  Mountains  of  Aermon.  A  mountain  range 
is  meant.  The  plural  (2'"3I3~'n)  is  also  found  at 
Ps.  xlii.  6.  The  reading  "  Sion  "  (Syr.  and  Ar., 
followed  by  Bretschneider)  for  "  Aermon  "  arose 
out  of  the  fact  that  this  was  another  name  of  the 

same  mountain  (]S''tO,  the  elevated).    Cf.  Deut.  iv. 

48. 

Ver.  14.  On  the  sea-shores,  ^v  aiyioAois.  Bret- 
schneider, De  Wette,  Bunsen's  BihelwerJc,  and 
others  adopt  the  reading  at  Enqedi  (cf.  Text. 
Notes).  But  it  is  likely  that  it  arose  from  a 
gloss.  At  least,  it  is  far  more  likely  that  it  was 
an  after-thought  than  the  common  reading.  En- 
gedi  was  situated  on  the  western  shore  of  the 
Dead  Sea,  and  was  famous  for  its  groves  of 
palms.  —  Rose  plant,  (pvra  ^oSou.  Cf.  Sol.  Songs 
ii.  1,  and  Is.  xxxvi.,  where  alone  in  the  Knglish  ver- 
sion of  the  Old  Testament  canonical  bucks  this 
flower  is  mentioned.  The  rose  proper,  however,  is 
probably  not  meant  in  these  passai^es.  And  in  the 
present  verse,  as  also  at  xxxix.  13,  1.  8,  it  is  most 
likely  that  the  Oleander  is  referred  to.  Cf. 
Fnrrer  in  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.  —  A  plane 
tree.     This  is  a  tree  of  the  maple  kind. 

Ver.  15.  Aromatic  aspalathus.  It  was  a 
prickly  shrub,  yielding  a  fragrant  oil.  It  is  re- 
ferred to  by  'Theognis  (1193),  and  as  an  instru- 
ment of  torture  in  Plato's  Republic  (616  a.).  Cf. 
also  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.,  xii.  24.  —  Galbanum. 
This  was  one  of  the  perfumes  employed  in  the 
preparation  of  the  sacred  incense.  The  word  is 
much  the  same  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin, 
and  it  is  supposed  that  the  same  thing  is  meant 
l.y  it.      Cf.   Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  s.  v. — Onyx.     It 


was  probably  the  operculum  of  a  certain  species 
of  shell-fish  which  was  used  for  perfume.  Cf. 
XXX.  34,  where  it  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  in- 
gredients of  the  sacred  perfume.  —  Sweet  storax, 
iTTaKTT;.  It  is  the  Hebrew  ^Xl'2  of  Ex.  xxx.  34. 
The  gum  which  exudes  from  the  myrrh  plant. 
Pliny  (xii.  35)  says:  "  Sudaiit  [i.  e.  myrrh-trees] 
sponte  priusquam  incidantur  stacten  dictam  cut 
nulla  prcefertur.*'  Others,  however,  think  it  to  be 
the  finest  kind  of  storax  gum  (Dioscar.,  i.  79). 
But  it  is  doubtful  if  the  latter  would  have  re- 
ceived this  name  in  Greek.  Cf.  Winer,  Bib. 
Realworterbuch,  s.  v. 

Ver.  16.  As  a  terebinth.  It  is  probably  the 
Hebrew  n^S,  oak.  In  Arabic  it  is  called  Butm. 
According  to  Robinson  :  "  There  is  said  to  flow 
from  incisions  in  the  trunk  a  sort  of  transparent 
balsam,  constituting  a  very  pure  and  fine  species 
of  turpentine,  with  an  agreeable  odor  like  citron 
or  jessamine."  He  afterwards  adds,  however  : 
''  In  Palestine  nothing  seems  to  be  known  of  this 
product  of  the  Butm !  "  Cf.  Smith's  Bib.  Diet., 
s.  V. 

Ver.  17.  What  was  agreeable,  x"^/""'  This 
seems  a  better  rendering  than  that  of  our  version, 
although  Grotius  also  has  :  "  produxi  vinum  bene 
olens,"  following  the  Old  Latin,  which  has ; 
^^  suavitatem  odoris."  It  was  doubtless  intended  as 
a  paraphrase  or  explanation,  but  as  such  is  mis- 
leading 

Ver.  21.  The  idea  is  beautiful,  and  not  in 
opposition  to  that  of  John  iv.  14. 

Ver.  22.  Work  by  me,  oi  ipya(6ii.fV0i  ii/  ifioC. 
Clearer,  who  avail  themselves  of  my  help.  Cf.  xiii. 
4.  The  verb  means  to  prosecute,  realize,  complete 
something,  a  work;  or,  without  an  object,  to  be 
active,  to  labor,  to  do  business  with,  take  trouble  about. 
So  eipyafffiTo  iv  avTots  at  Matt.  x.xv.  16. 

Ver.  23.  Congregations  of  Jacob.  This  is 
possibly  a  reference  to  the  various  synagogues  of 
Israel  scattered  among  different  nations  and  in 
different  lands.     Cf.  Ps.  Ixviii.  26. 

Ver.  25.  The  law  is  meant.  It  gives  a  f  ullneds 
of  wisdom,  as  Pison  and  Tigris  a  fullness  of  wa 
ter.  Cf.  Gen.  ii.  11,  14.  —  The  time  of  the  new 
fruits.  The  time  when  there  was  the  greatest 
abundance  of  water  in  March  and  April. 

Ver.  27.  Appear  as  the  light,  dxipalfaiv  ij 
(f>iis.  Here,  too,  it  is  quite  clear  there  has  been  a 
failure  in  translation.  It  was  to  be  expected  that 
along  with  the  other  rivers  the  Nile  would  be 
mentioned,  as  it  evidently  was  in  the  original. 
The  word  there  was  most  likely  not  "liM,  light, 
but  liS'^,  river,  by  which  name  the  Nile  is 
sometimes  known  in  Scripture.  Cf.  Is.  xxiii.  3  ; 
Am.  viii.  8.  For  this  supposition  the  following 
phrase  furnishes  good  support.  There  is  no  Kai 
in  the  Greek  before  iis  rT\aii.  And  it  is  a  fact 
that  at  the  time  of  the  vintai^e  in  September  and 
October  the  iV(7e  stood  at  its  highest  point.  Hence 
it  is  clear  that  Geon,  i.  e.,  Gihon,  is  used  here  as 
synonymous  with  the  Nile.  It  is  also  so  used  in 
Jer.  ii.  18,  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  29.  Aboundeth  (4iv\-n6tji/dri)  more  than 
the  sea.  The  thoughts  which  flow  out  of  it  are 
more  numerous  and  more  grand  and  immeasur- 
able than  the  sea. 

Ver.  30.  I,  also.  The  writer,  .Jesus  Sirach. 
—  As  a  canal.  Such  as  was  used  for  irriga- 
tion. 


346  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  31.  My  garden.  The  word  for  garden 
is  here  Kriiroy,  while  in  the  previous  verse  it  is 
vapiSetaoy. 

Ver.   33.      As   prophecy.      Grotius   says   the 


meaning  is,  with  the  certainti/  of  prophecy  ;   Gaab,  'tary,  pp.  134-136. 


with  its  inspiration,  enthusiasm ;  Fritzsche,  with  its 
fullness.  Bishop  Lowth  made  an  attempt  to  re- 
produce the  present  chapter  in  Hebrew;  and 
Vritzsehe  has  printed  the  result  in  his  Commen 


Chapter  XXV. 

1  In  three  things  I  was  beautified, 

And  stood  up  beautiful  before  the  Lord  *  and  men : 
Unity  -  of  brethren,  and  *  love  of  neighbors, 
And  man  and  wife  *  that  agree  together. 

2  But  ^  three  sorts  of  men  my  soul  hateth. 
And  I  greatly  detest  ^  their  life  : ' 

A  poor  man  that  is  proud,  a  rich  man  that  is  a  liar, 
An  old  adulterer  wanting  in  understanding.' 

3  If  thou  hast  not  gathered  in '  youth. 
How  canst  thou  find  it  ^^  in  thine  age  ? 

4  0  how  comely  a  thing  is  judgment  "  for  gray  hairs, 
And  for  old  men  '-  to  know  counsel ! 

5  O  how  comely  is  the  wisdom  of  old  men, 

And  vmderstanding  and  counsel  to  men  of  honor ! 

6  Much  experience  is  the  crown  of  old  men. 
And  the  fear  of  the  Lord  '*  is  their  glory. 

7  Nine  things  I  in  mine  heart  pronounce  "  happy, 
And  the  tenth  I  will  utter  with  my  tongue : 

A  man  that  hath  joy  of  his  children  ; 

And  he  that  liveth  to  see  the  fall  of  enemies  ; 

8  Happy  he  -"^  that  dwelleth  with  a  wife  of  understanding, 
And  that  slippeth  not  ^^  with  his  tongue. 

And  that  serveth  not  one  unworthy  of  him  ;  " 

9  Happy  he  that  hath  found  prudence,^* 
And  that  speaketh  it  in  willing  ears." 

10  O  how  great  is  he  that  findeth  wisdom  ! 

Yet  is  he  not  -°  above  him  that  feareth  the  Lord. 

11  The  fear  of  the  Lord  surpasseth  everything  ;^' 

He  that  lioldeth  it  fast,  to  whom  --  shall  he  be  likened  ?°* 

13  Any  -''  plague,  but  the  plague  of  the  heart, 

And  any  wickedness,  but  the  wickedness  of  a  woman. 

14  Any  ^  affliction,  but  the  affliction  of  ^'^  them  that  hate  me, 

Vers.  1-4.  — '  A.  V. :  beautiful  (see  Com.)  both  before  God.  ^  The  unity  (o^tovoia  ;  248.  Co.,  o^ocotav,  and  later 

^lAiaf).        *  the.  *  A  man  and  a  wife  (248.  253.  Co.  omit  nai  before  at^p).         ^  omits  But  (5e',  as  Athan.,  accordiog 

lo  Ilolmes  and  Parsons).        ^  am  greatl}'  offended  at  (irpocrwx0io"a).         ^  life  (fwp,  but  here  manner  of  life).  ®  And 

|H.  106.  248.  Co.  have  koi'  before  yipovTo.)  an  old  adulterer  (23.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.,  ixCipov.  But  the  former  is  supported 
By  a  passage  from  the  Talmud)  that  doateth  [iKarrovfifvov  (n>fto-€i).  "  hast  gathered  nothing  in  thy  {248.  Co.  add  uov 
,0  reoTTiTi).  "'  canst  thou  find  (etipoit ;  ejpijs,  106.  248.  296.  Co.  Aid.)  any  lliing  (wisdom  is  meant).  'i  judgment 

KpiaLi.  It  is  understood  as  a  sentence  pronounced  upon  others,  by  Wahl,  Fritzsche,  and  Bunsen's  Bibettverk). 
*  ancient  men. 

Vers.  6-9, — "  A.  V. ;  God.  "  TAert  6e  nine  things  liVi/cA  1  have  judged  in  mine  (111.  X.  U.  66.  106.  157.  al.  Co. 

Dave  titni)  heart  to  be.  ^^  his  enemy  ....  Well  is  him.         ^"  hath  not  slipped  (aor.,  but  in  the  sense  of  the  present). 

"  hath  not  served  a  man  more  unworthy  than  himself  (avajtw  ainov  ;  eoutou,  III.  23.  56.  106.  al. ;  text,  rec,  avrov) 
>8  Well  is  him  ....  prudence  {tjjpovTjaiv.  It  seems  to  refer  here  to  practical  wisdom,  gutchness,  keenness,  and  is  rendered 
by  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibeln-erk,  Ktugheit.  Fritzsche  supposes  that  a  line  has  fallen  out  at  this,  reading  as  fol- 
lows ;  "  Happy  he  who  has  found  a  true  friend."'  The  Old  Lat.  has  a  different  form  for  ver.  9 ;  bealus  qui  invenit 
amieum  verum,  et  gui  enarrat  justiliam  auri  audienti.     A.  V.  also,  has  in  the  margin,  a  friend,  ioT  prudence).  ^^  he 

that  speaketh  in  the  ears  of  them  that  ivill  hear. 

Vers.  10-12.  —  »'  A.  V.  :  is  there  none  (oi/it  iariv).  ='  But  the  love  l.|>6^os  ;  i-yimicrct  ie,  248.  Co.)  of  the  Lord  passeth 
all  things  (.niv ;  Ttifra,  106.  185.  157.  308.)  for  illumination  (248.  Co.  add  eis  iiiioTiuit.6v).  ^^  holdeth  It  (KpoTui-  aiirov), 
whereto  (marg.,  lo  whom).  a  liliencd  (A.  V.  adds,  as  ver.  12,  with  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ai.,  The  fear  of  thi 

Lord  is  the  beginning  of  his  love  ;   And  faith  is  the  beginning  of  cleaving  unto  him). 

Vers.  13,  14.  —  2»  A.  V.  :   Give  me  any.  =»  And  (jtai  is  found  befors  rrairav  in  III.  X.  65.  155.  167.  254.  296.  30& 

»ny         ^  affliction  from  {enayiayriv ,  usu'illy  visitation,  catamity). 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


347 


And  any  revenge,  but  the  revenge  of  enemies. 

15  There  is  no  head  above  tlie  head  ^  of  a  serpent, 
And  there  is  no  wrath  above  the  wrath  of  an  enemy. 

16  I  would  rather  dwell  together  -  with  a  lion  and  a  dragon, 
Than  dwell '  with  a  wicked  woman. 

17  The  wickedness  of  a  woman  changeth  her  appearance,* 
And  darkeneth  her  countenance  like  sackcloth.^ 

18  Her  husband  sitteth  down  '  among  his  neighbors, 
And  he  heareth  and  sigheth'  bitterly. 

19  Any  wickedness  is  *  little  to  the  wickedness  of  a  woman ; 
Let  the  portion  of  a  sinner  fall  to  '  her. 

20  A  sandy  ascent  to  the  feet  of  an  old  man,'" 
So  is  a  wife  full  of  words  "  to  a  quiet  man. 

21  Stumble  not  ^^  at  the  beauty  of  a  woman, 

And  desire  not  a  woman  because  of  her  beauty." 

22  If  a  woman  '*  maintain  her  husband. 

There  is  strife,  and  impudence,  and  much  shame." 

23  Low  spirits,  and  a  sad  countenance. 

And  a  wounded  heart  is  a  wicked  woman." 
She  that  doth  not  make  happy  her  husband," 
Maketh  weak  hands  and  feeble  knees. 

24  Of  the  woman  came  the  beginning  of  sin, 
And  through  her  we  all  die. 

25  Give  the  water  no  passage. 
Neither  a  wicked  woman  liberty.'' 

26  If  she  go  not  as  thou  leadesli" 
Cut  her  off  from  thy  flesh. ^ 

Vers.  15-17.  —  ■  A.  V.  :  head  (see  Com.).  '  had  rather  dwell.  '  to  keep  house  (ivonrijo-o*  ;  m.  H.  23.  248.  al., 
rvfOtK7)(rai).         *  face  Vopairtv  ;  157.  248.  Co.,  irfiotmnov).  ^  sackcloth  (marg.,  tike  a  bear  ;  text,  ree.,  (tokkov,  which 

Fritzsche  would  reject  for  aptcos,  with  III.  X.  23.  65.  248.  al.  Co. ;  Old  Lat.,  tanquam  iirsus  et  quasi  saeeum  ostendit , 
see  Coift  ). 

Vers.  18-26. — "  A.  V.  :  shall  sit  (ocaTreffeiTai.  As  we  sometimes  BRy,  lies  back,  ties  off,  i.  e.,  takes  recreation). 
'  when  he  heareth  it  {see  Com.)  shall  sigh  (248.  Co.  add  St'  air^i').  ^  All  wickedness  is  but.  "  upon.  'O  As 

(^.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  haTe  ws)  the  climbing  up  a  sandy  way  iat'afia<Ti<:  aMftwSTj^)  is  ...  .  the  aged  (sing.).  i'  words 

(marg.,  scolding.     Cf.  Tiii.  3,  is.  18).  '^  stumble  not  (TrpooTre'aTjs,  here  in  the  sense  of,  "  Be  not  carried  away  "). 

13  her  not  for  pleasure  {yvvolKa  /xjj  eTnn-o0jj(r7]?.  Fritzscbe  inserts  kv  k/jlKKsi  after  the  first  word,  with  HI.  X.  55.  106. 
155.  al.  Old  Lat.     In  248.  Co.  there  are  added  to  the  verb  the  words  ei?  Tpv(^ijv).  ^*  A  woman,  if  she.  ^b  Is  full  oj 

anger  (opyij,  but  by  meton.  put  for  that  which  it  excites),  impudency  (obs.)  ....  reproach.  ^^  A  wicked  woman 

abateth  the  courage,  maktth  a  heavy  countenance  and  a  wounded  heart.  i'  A  woman  that  will  not  comfort  (TjTts  ou 

^ojcapiel  ;  248.  Co.,  TrapaxaAfoet  for  last  word)  ....  husband  in  distress  (ei^  trreftoa-ei,  added  by  248.  Co.).  l^  liberty 

(irappTjaiai-,  received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X.  H.  23.  106.  248.  al.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  k^ovtriav)  to  gad  abroad  (248.  Co.  add 
c^oSov  ;  Old  IjaX.yVeniam  prodeundi).  ^'^  wouldest  have  her  [Kara  xflpa  a-ov).  -"  flesh  (A.  V.,  has  an  additional  line 
afl  follows  :  And  give  her  a  bill  of  divorce,  and  let  her  go  (248.  Co.  add  5i5ou  Kal  oiroAveroi')). 


Chapter  XXV. 


Ver.  1.  The  author  continues  to  speak  in  his 
own  person.  The  text,  however,  has  become  cor- 
rupt, as  the  l.ick  of  connection  in  the  thought 
plainly  shows.  But  it  is  not  so  easy  to  restore 
the  original  readings.  Fritzsche,  adopting  a  con- 
jecture of  Apel.  would  read  ripiaBriv  for  wpataBrii' ; 
and  for  koI  avicr-qv  of  the  following  line  accepts 
the  suggestion  of  Arnald,  that  ko!  eVrlr  uipaia.  be 
substituted.  The  rendering  would  then  be  :  Three 
things  please  me.  And  are  comely  (see  verse  5) 
before  the  Lord  and  men.  The  thought  has  more 
of  a  climax  when  under  tlie  term  "  brethren " 
fellow  countrymen  are  understood. 

Ver.  2.  A  rich  (man  that  is  a)  liar.  In  a 
person  who  by  liis  circumstances  is  raised  above 
Xhe  necessity  of  make-shifts  to  get  along,  lying 
might  seem  less  excusable  than  in  a  poor  man.  — 
Wanting  in  understanding,  eKaTToififvov  avviaei. 
This  is  added  as  explaining  the  preceding  sur- 
prising  thought,  "  an  old  man  who  is  an  adul- 


terer! "  Gutmann  has  noticed  that  the  Talmnd 
(Tt.  D"'DDr,  fol.  113)  calls  attention  to  these 
three  hateful  things,  and  adds  to  them  a  fourth, 
namely,  "a  trustee  (Vorsteher)  who  without  rea- 
son proudly  exalts  himself  over  his  congregation." 
Ver.  7.  Nine  things,  virovorj/xara.  Supposi- 
tions, thoughts;  but  hei'e,  subjects,  classes  of  per- 
sons. It  is  not  clear,  however,  that  our  author 
does  mention  so  many  classes,  and  it  is  natu- 
rally suspected  that  something  has  been  lost 
from  the  text.  The  different  classes  spoken  of 
are  distributed  as  follows  :  Two  in  verse  7,  three 
in  verse  S,  two  in  verse  9,  one  in  verse  lu, 
and  one,  without  doubt  the  tenth,  in  verse  11. 
Fritz.sche  conjectures  that  a  clause  may  have 
been  lost  .after  ajAio-Sijo-e  in  verso  S.  (See  Text. 
Notes.)  The  ten  could  be  made  out,  too,  if  in 
verse  11  the  reading  ayainiais  be  adopted  for 
(p6&os,  with  248.  Co.  and  our  English  ver.sion. 
But    this    is   obviously   an    afterthought.      Tho 


M8 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


addition,  moreover,  found  in  the  Syriac  and  Ar- 
abic translations  after  verse  9, —  "Happy  is  he 
who  is  not  cast  do«Ti  in  poverty.  And  who  iu 
misfortune  does  not  lose  courage,"  —  does  not 
inspire  confidence,  since  the  text  of  these  versions, 
at  this  point,  in  other  respects  is  confused  and 
incomplete. 

Ver.  15.  No  head  above  the  head.  We 
have  here  indeed  K((paKT]  ;  but  it  is  doubtless 
given  as  the  translation  of  C"^1,  which  ought  to 
have  been  rendered  by  poison,  as  not  infrequently 
in  the  Old  Testament.  Cf.  Deut.  xxxii.  33  ;  Ps. 
ixix.  21 ;  Jer.  viii.  14  ;  Lam.  iii.  5,  19. 

Ver.  17.     Sackcloth,  o-Akkov,  J^^,  a  sack.    A 


dark-colored,  coarse  upper  garment.  The  read- 
ing &PKOS  (3'^),  bear,  seems,  however,  on  soma 
accounts  preferable,  and  is  well  supported.  Cf. 
Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  18.  He  heareth.  Whether  it  be  of 
happy  or  miserable  homes,  his  own  heart  ia 
heavy,  and  relieves  itself  in  sighs. 

Ver.  22.  The  A.  V.  imputes  the  anger  to  the 
woman.  The  Greek  text,  however,  leaves  it 
indefinite  to  whom  it  is  to  be  imputed. 

Ver.  24.  We  all  die.  In  that  death  is  the 
consequence  of  sin,  which  she  introduced  into  the 
world.  Cf.  Rom.  v.  12  ;  2  Cor.  xi.  3;  1  Tim.  ii. 
14. 


Chapter  XXVI. 


Blessed  is  the  man  that  hath  a  good  ^  wife, 
And  ^  the  number  of  his  days  shall  be  double. 
A  capable  wife  ^  rejoiceth  her  husband, 
And  he  shall  fulfill  his  years  *  in  peace. 
A  good  wife  is  a  good  portion  ; 

It  ^  shall  be  given  in  the  portion  of  them  that  fear  the  Lord. 
The  heart  of  a  rich  and  also  of  a  poor  man  is  content, 
At  all  times  his  countenance  is  cheerful." 

There  he  three  things  that  mine  heart  feareth, 
And  over '  the  fourth  I  humbly  pray : 
The  slander  of  a  city,  and  *  the  gathering  together  of  an  unruly  multitude,  and  a 

false  accusation  ; 
All  these  are  more  distressing^  than  death. 

A  ^^  grief  of  heart  and  sorrow  is  a  woman  that  is  jealous  over  another  woman, 
And  a  scourge  of  the  tongue  which  communicateth  with  all. 
An  evil  wife  is  an  vmmatched  yoke  of  oxen  ;  ^^ 
He  that  layeth  '^^  hold  of  her  is  as  one  that  graspeth  "  a  scorpion. 
A  drunken  woman  ^*  cattseth  great  anger. 
And  she  will  not  cover  her  '^  shame. 
The  whoredom  of  a  woman  is  in  her  bold  eyes 
And  in  her  eyelids  recognized. '' 
Keep  watch  over  a  headstrong  daughter, 
Lest  having  indulgence  she  use  it  against  herself." 
Guard  against  the  seductions  of  a  bold  ^^  eye, 
And  marvel  not  if  it  lead  thee  astray.^^ 
As  a  tliirsty  traveller  wUl  open  his  mouth,^" 
And  drink  of  every  water  near  at  hand,''^ 
So  right  before  every  peg  ""^  will  she  sit  down. 
And  open  her  quiver  over  against  the  '^  arrow. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  i  A.  V. :  virtuous  (Ayaevjs.  Cf.  ver.  3).  2  por  (Kat).  s  yiptuoTis  woman  (tui^  AvSpeia.  Cf.  Ruth  iil 
11 ;  PrOT.  lii.  4,  b^n  nt?'S).  *  The  years  of  hia  life  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  T>is  fuit  before  avioij).  »  Wkick 

*  Whether  a  man  be  rich  or  poor,  if  he  have  a  good  heart  towards  the  Lord  (n-Xovcriov  Se  <cal  nrtuxo"  (capita  aya^i^ ;  248. 
Co.  ^d  irpb?  Kvpiov),  Ue  shaU  at  all  times  rejoice  with  a  cheerful  countenance  [ev  iravTi  Kaifna  upoVtun-oc  lAopdf  ,  248 
Co.  Insert  exoire?  before  IKapov,  and  yavpiaaovvtv  after  it.     The  reference  is  still  to  the  man  who  has  a  good  wife). 

Vers.  5-8.  —  '  A.  V.  :  for  (eiri')-  '  w'as  sore  afraid  (jrpo(Tiiiri|)  eStTJflTjr.     Codd.  III.  65.  106.  156.  167.  248.  263.  296. 

with  Co.  Old  Lat.,  read  e^o^riiriv  for  the  latter)  ....  omits  and.  »  worse  (|iiox*^pa-  Cf-  C"™-  "■>  ">*  whole  passage) 
w  But  a.  '1  is  a  yoke  (niarg.,  yoke  of  o:ren)  shaken  to  and  fro  {coXevofkevov  =  driven  hither  and  thither,  i.e.,  because 
lU-matched).  "  hath  (xparili').         "  though  he  held  (o  8po<riTip.e«'OS.     The  article  is  omitted  by  III.  H.  55.  106.  248 

264.  Co.).         '*  woman  and  a  gadder  abroad  (248.  Co.  add  (coi  pejujSa?).        ""  her  own  (aiiTTJs). 

Vers.  9-13.  — '"  A.  V. :  may  be  known  in  her  haughty  looks  and  eyelids.  ^'  If  thy  daughter  be  shameless  (sea 

Com.),  keep  Iter  in  straitly.  Lest  she  abuse  herself  through  overmuch  liberty  (see  Com.).  ^^  Watch  over  (see  Com.)  aa 
Impudent.  '•  She  trespass  against  thee  (tU  ire  nKruititX^a^).  ^  She  will  open  her  mouth,  as  a  thirsty  travellel 

when  he  hath  found  a  fountain  (248.  Co.  add  evpitv  in)yfiv  after  trraiia  avoi^et ;  Old  Lat.,  adfontem).  2'  near  ker 

*9  By  every  hedge  (marg,,  slake ;  Gr.,  jratro-aAou).        '^  against  every  (Ivai-Ti  piKov%). 


10 


11 


12 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


349 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


28 


29 


The  grace  of  a  wife  delighteth  her  husband, 

And  her  discretion  fattens '  his  bones. 

A  silent '"  woman  is  a  gift  of  the  Lord  ; 

And  there  is  nothing  so  much  worth  '  as  a  mind  well  instructed. 

A  shamefaced  woman  is  grace  upon  grace,* 

And  a  continent  mind  cannot  be  valued.* 

The  sun  arising  in  the  heights  of  the  Lord,* 

So '  the  beauty  of  a  good  wife  in  the  ordering  of  her  house. 

A  light  upon  the  holy  candlestick  beaming  forth,' 

So  °  beauty  of  face  '"  on  a  noble  stature." 

Golden  pillars  upon  a  silver  pediment,^^ 

So  fair  feet  upon  firm  soles.'^ 

Over  two  things  my  heart  is  grieved. 
And  over  the  third  cometh  anger  upon  me  :  ^* 
A  man  of  war  that  suffereth  poverty, 
And  if  '^  men  of  understanding  are  not  set  by,*' 
One  "  that  returneth  from  righteousness  to  sin  — 
The  Lord  prepareth  him  '*  for  the  sword. 

A  merchant  wUl  "  hardly  keep  himself  from  doing  wrong ; 
And  a  huckster  will  *'  not  be  declared  free  '■"  from  sin. 


Vers.  14-18.  —  *  A.  V. :  will  fat.  *  silent  and  loving  ( H.  248.  Co.  add  leal  evvovs  ;  Old  Lat.,  sensata).  *  worth 

aee  Com.).  *  shamefast  (obs.  "Shamefaced  was  once  shamefast,  shamefacedness  was  shamefastness,  like 

■teadfast  and  steadfastness  ;  but  the  ordinary  manifestations  of  shame  being  by  the  face,  have  brought  it  to  its  present 
orthography,"')  and  faithful  (an  addition  of  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.)  .  .  .  .  jj  a  double  grace.  6  her  (avTij?,  added  by  23. 

S48.  253.  Co.)  ....  valued  (ov«  etm  ora^/xbs  jras  a^tos,  there  rs  nol  any  wortky  weight,  i.  e.,  to  weigh  it).  8  As  the 

iuu  when  it  ariseth  (t/Aio?  a.va.riKKiav]  in  the  high  heaven  (marg.,  Qr.,  in  the  highest  places  of  the  Lord).  ^  So  is. 

'  .45  the  clear  light  is  upon  the  holy  candlestick  {\v)^vo^  €K\dfi.n(x}v  eirc  Au^i'ia?  ayi'as).  ®  So  is  the.  i"  the  face. 

*l  in  ripe  age  {marg.,  in  constant  age ;  gee  Com.),  12  ^5  the  golden  pillars  are  upon  the  sockets  of  silver  (ewl  Patreui 

dipyvpa;.    The  same  in  the  dat.  plur.  in  248.  Co.  Old  Lat. ).  '^  So  are  the  fair  feet  with  a  constant  heart  (see  Com. 

For  vers.  19-27,  see  next  note). 

Vers.  1&-27.    These  verses,  with  alight  variations,  are  an  addition  found  in  H.  248.  Co.  Syr.  Ax.  A.  V.  :  — 

19  My  son,  keep  the  flower  of  thine  age  Pound ; 
And  give  not  thy  strength  to  strangers. 

20  When  thou  hast  gotten  a  fruitful  possession  through  all  the  field, 
Sow  it  with  thine  own  seed,  trusting  in  the  goodness  of  thy  stock. 

21  So  thy  race  which  thou  leavest  shall  be  magnified. 
Having  the  confidence  of  their  good  descent. 

22  A  harlot  shall  be  accounted  as  spittle  : 

But  a  married  woman  is  a  tower  against  death  to  her  husband. 

23  A  wicked  woman  is  given  as  a  portion  to  a  wicked  man: 
But  a  godly  woman  is  given  to  him  that  feareth  the  Lord. 

24  A  dishonest  woman  contemneth  shame  : 

But  an  honest  woman  will  reverence  her  husband. 

25  A  shameless  woman  shall  be  counted  as  a  dog  ; 
But  she  that  is  shamefast  will  fear  the  Lord. 

26  A  woman  that  honoureth  her  husband  shall  be  judged  wise  of  all ; 

But  she  that  dishonoureth  him  in  her  pride  shall  be  counted  ungodly  of  all. 

27  A  loud  crying  woman  and  a  scold 

Shall  be  sought  out  to  drive  away  the  enemies. 
Vers.  28, 29-  —  "  A.  V. :   There  be  two  things  that  grieve  my  heart.  And  the  third  maketh  me  angry.  u  omitt  If 

w  that  are  not  set  by  (see  Com,).        "  And  one  (leat  is  found  in  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.).        18  such  a  one  (auroi/).        i»  shall 
*  freed. 

Chapter  XXVI. 


Ver.  1 .  Shall  be  double.  As  though  doubled, 
because  not  embittered  by  a  eomfortle.ss  home. 
Cf.  Prov.  xxxi.  10. 

Ver.  2.  Cf.  Prov.  xii.  4.  n\-rip6a.  This  word 
is  often  used  in  New  Testament  Greek  as  synony- 
mous with  T€A€?»/,  to  finish,  conclude.   As  it  respects 

time,  it  is  equivalent  to  the  Hebrew  sbo.     Cf. 
Gen.  xxix.  21  ;  Lev.  xii.  4. 

Ver.  3.  'Aya6ii  is  the  rendering  for  Sitt, 
which  allows  considerable  variety  of  meaning, 
according  to  the  connection. 

Ver.  4.  This  verse  is  closely  connected  with 
the  preceding  in  thought. 


Ver.  5.  Whence  the  A.  V.  derived  the  read- 
ing e<tio$ji6T)v  is  clear  from  the  notes  above.  —  I 
humbly  pray,  irpoattiirw  iSerjBijv,  i.  e.,  with  my 
face  bowed  to  the  earth.  Otlier.s  render  :  /  prai/ 
be/ore  (the  Lord).  —  The  slander  of  a  city,  etc. 
There  is  great  diversity  of  renderings.  The  Greelc 
is :  Sm^o^V  ttoK^qis,  Hal  eKKA-rjalav  ux^ov,  Kal 
KaTa^^euafiov.  The  first  two  wiirds,  at  least,  seem 
correctly  rendered  in  the  A.  V.,  slander  of  a  city  ; 
meaning,  on  the  part  of  a  city,  its  citizens.  The 
rendering  of  Ax^""  by  "  ""Tidy  multitude,"  a 
"  mob,"  would  also  be  allowable.  Cf.  Acts  xxiv. 
18  ;  and  Xen.,  Hist.  Graca,  iv.  4,  11.  Fritzsche, 
however,  suspects  that  there  has  been  a  false 
rendering  on  the  part  of   the  Greek  translator, 


350 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


nbbp  being  read  instead  of  THp  or  H-,  HP. 
He  would  therefore  translate  by  '*  abuse  of  the 
people."  And  it  i.i  not  to  be  denied  that  this 
sense  is  more  suitable  to  the  context.  The  word 
KaTa\pev<Tfi6v  {=  KaTai^euff'i*'),  in  this  foiin,  is  not 
elsewhere  found,  though  its  meaning  is  clear. 

Ver.  6.  Tlie  fourth  thing  against  which  he 
prayed  for  deliverance  is  now  stated.  —  Jealous, 
iyri^rihos,  a  late  and  an  infrequent  word.  It  is  used 
in  the  sense  of  tlie  Latin  zeloli/pus,  aemnlits.  Cf. 
xxxvii.  11.  —  riao'i:'  ^TTiKoivwvQvaa,  which  com- 
municateth  with  all,  i.  e.,  makes  communication 
of  her  suspicions  respecting  her  husband  to  all. 
This  seems  to  be  the  sense,  although  some  critics 
give  a  different  rendering.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk, 
"  Atid  the  scourge  of  whose  tongue  kits  all.^' 

Ver.  8.  'Will  not  cover  her  shame.  She 
will  live  in  open  unchastity. 

Ver.  9.  Grotius  comments  :  "  Oculi  elati  et 
mobiles  j)alpehrce  argunnt  impudicas." 

Ver.  10.  A  headstrong  (iSioTpe'im^)  daughter. 
One  is  meant  who  cannot  be  easily  persuaded  to 
restrain  her  inclinations  on  the  presentation  of 
good  reasons.  —  'Zavrrj  xp^JflToi.  Some  suppose 
self-abuse,  onanism,  is  here  referred  to.  But  the 
meaning  seems  rather  to  be  that,  if  she  have  too 
much  indulgence,  she  will  use  it  to  her  own  detri- 
ment. 

Ver.  11.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  with  De  Wette 
and  others,  like  our  A.  V.,  suppose  that  the  ad- 
monitions given  still  have  reference  to  the  un- 
governable daughter  ;  but  the  peculiar  language 
employed  is  decidedly  against  it :  onlaa  .... 
(pvKa^ai,  guard  against  [going]  after,  or,  if  not,  be 
not  surprised  if  evil  consequences  follow.  The 
next  verse  describes  more  fully  such  a  fallen 
woman ;    and  we  should  not  suppose  that  the 


author  would  draw  directly  for  any  father  such  a 
possible  picture  of  his  own  daughter. 

Ver.  13.  Fatten  his  bones.  Give  them  mar- 
row,—  a  figurative  expression  common  to  the 
Old  Testament. 

Ver.  14.     'Ai'Ta\\a7;uo.     Cf.  vi.  15. 

Ver.  16.  "HXios  is  without  the  article.  There 
being  but  one  in  our  planetary  system,  it  ap- 
proaches the  significance  of  a  proper  name.  Cf. 
Winer,  p.  119. 

Ver.  17.  'HAik(o  (TTacr/fin.  One  point  of  com- 
parison is  in  the  light  on  the  candlestick  ;  and  it 
would  seem  therefore  that  ^\ik(ij  should  be  taken 
here  in  the  sense  of  stature.  So  Linde,  Gaab,  De 
Wette,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  Fritzsche.  Gut- 
mann  translates  as  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  18.  Srepvois  fixTTaBovs.  This  is  the  usual 
reading.  The  words  have  made  great  difficulty. 
Many  critics  (Gaab,  De  Wette,  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
werk, and  Fritzsche)  accept  the  suggestion  of 
Grabe,  to  read  for  the  first  word  irrepvais  (then 
fu<rT({8/toir),  So  fair  feet  upon  Jirm  soles  (lit.,  heels). 
The  Old  Latin  supports  this  conjecture:  "super 
plantas  stabilis  mulieris." 

Ver.  28.  Not  set  by,  <rKv$a\i<T8u<riv.  ^Kvfia- 
Kov  is  dung,  filth,  refuse;  hence  the  verb  means 
to  treat  as  filth. 

Ver.  29.  This  verse  obviously  begins  a  new 
section,  and  should  have  been  the  first  of  the  fol- 
lowing chapter.  The  A.  V.  has  well  rendered 
the  words  e^iropos  and  KdifqXos  (It..  Kiifnj\ot\)  by 
merchant  and  huckster,  respectively.  "The  first 
one  means,  literally,  passenger,  then  one  who  trades 
by  sea  or  land,  a  wholesale  dealer.  The  Kiirn\os 
(or  ayopaios)  purchased  his  goods  of  the  former, 
and  his  business  was  more  local,  and  on  a  much 
smaller  scale. 


Chapter  XXVIL 


1  Many  sin '  for  a  small  sum,' 

And  he  that  seeketh  to  increase  it '  wUl  turn  his  eye  *  away. 

2  As  a  peg  is  driven  ^  between  the  joinings  of  the  stones, 
So  doth  sin  press  in  ^  between  buying  and  selling. 

3  Unless  a  man  hold  Am«e//"  diligently '  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
His  house  shall  soon  be  overthrown. 

4  As  when  one  sifteth  with  a  sieve,  the  refuse  remaineth, 
So  the  filth  of  man  in  his  thought.' 

5  The  furnace  proveth  the  potter's  vessels, 
So  the  trial  of  a  man  is  in  his  discourse.' 

6  Its  fruit  revealeth  '"  if  the  tree  have  been  dressed," 
So  the  utterance  of  the  thought  a  man's  heart.'' 

7  Praise  no  man  before  thou  hearest  him  speak, 
For  this  is  the  trial  of  men. 

8  If  thou  followest  righteousness,  thou  shalt  obtain  her, 
And  put  her  on,  as  a  glorious  long  robe. 

Vera.  1-4.  —  1  A.  V.  :  have  Binned  (aor.).  ^  matter  [see  Com.).  ^^  for  abundance  (see  Com.).  *  his  eyes 

IcK^doAfuSl' ;  II.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  avrov).  **  nail  sticlteth  fast  (TrayiJaeTat  irao-o-aAoy).  *  stick  close  (ffW^Xi/SiJ^era* 
atiafyrtau  I  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Fritzsche  that  this  verb  is  to  be  read  instead  of  (TvyrpifiriaeTat  of  the  MSS.  Cf .  zxxiv 
14  In  the  Grcelc  text,  where  the  former  in  found.  The  Old  Lat.  has  here,  moreover,  angtutiabitur .  Some  critics,  how 
ever  (De  Wette,  Wahl),  would  give  to  avvTpt^ri<jfTai  the  reflexive  sense,  will  press  itself  in,  which  it  will  hardly  bear) 
'  diligently  (see  Com.).        *  talk  (I  adopt  the  marginal  reading.    Cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  5-10. — ^A.  V.:  of  man  ....  reasoning.  ••*  The  fruit  (o  icapirbs  avroy)  declareth.         "  dressed  fsee  Com. 

u  So  u  the  utterance  (Aoyo;  ;  23.  248.  263.  Co.,  XoyKr/ios)  of  a  couceit  in  the  heart  (icapjiac  ;  248.  Co.,  ev  KopSiaj  ot  ui.itt. 
rsM  Com.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  351 


9       The  birds  will  resort '  unto  their  like, 

So  will  truth  return  unto  them  that  practice  it.' 

10  As  the  lion  lieth  in  wait  for  the  prey, 

So  sin  for  them  that  work  unrighteousness.' 

1 1  The  discourse  of  a  godly  man  is  always  wisdom,^ 
But  the  ^  fool  chaugeth  as  the  moon. 

12  Among  men  of  no  understanding,"  observe  the  time,' 
But  be  continually  among  men  of  understanding. 

13  The  discourse  of  fools  is  an  abhorrence,* 
And  their  sport  is  in  the  wantonness  of  sin. 

14  The  talk  of  him  that  sweareth  much  maketh  the  hair  stand  upright, 
And  their  brawls  make  one  stop  his  ears. 

15  The  strife  of  the  proud  is  bloodshedding. 
And  their  wrangling  painful  ^  to  the  ear. 

16  He  who  revealeth  ^'^  secrets  loseth  his  credit, 
And  shall  not  find  a  friend  ^^  to  his  mind. 

17  Love  thi/  friend,  and  be  faithful  unto  him ; 
But  if  thou  revealest '-  his  secrets, 
Follow  no  more  after  him. 

18  For  as  a  man  hath  destroyed  his  enemy,*' 

So  hast  thou  destroyed  **  the  love  of  thy  neighbor. 

19  And  as  thou  lettest  a  bird  go  out  of  thy  ^^  hand. 

So  hast  thou  let  thi/  neighbor  go,  and  shalt  not  get '"  him  again. 

20  Follow  not  after  him,  for  he  keepeth  himself  "  far  off, 
And  hath  escaped  as  a  gazelle  '*  out  of  the  snare. 

21  For  a  wound ^^  may  be  bound  up, and  after  reviling  there  maybe  reconcilement; 
But  he  that  revealeth  ^°  secrets  is  without  hope. 

22  He  that  winketh  with  the  eye  deviseth  ^^  evil. 
And  no  one  will  get  rid  of  °^  him. 

23  When  thou  art  present,  he  will  speak  sweetly, 
And  will  admire  thy  words  ; 

But  afterwards  ^  he  will  alter  his  speech,'^ 
And  give  thy  words  an  offensive  turn.'^ 

24  I  hate  ^'  many  things,  but  nothing  like  him,^ 
And  ^  the  Lord  will  hate  him. 

25  He  who  ^  casteth  a  stone  on  high  casteth  it  on  his  *  head, 
And  a  deceitful  stroke  shall  make  wounds. 

26  He  who  ^  diggeth  a  pit  shall  fall  therein, 

And  he  that  setteth  a  trap  shall  be  taken  therein. 

27  He  that  worketh  mischief,  it  shall  fall  upon  himself,"* 
And  he  shall  not  know  whence  it  cometh  upon  him.'* 

28  Mockery  and  reproach  are  from  the  proud. 

And  "  vengeance,  as  a  lion,  shall  lie  in  wait  for  him.*^ 

29  They  that  rejoice  at  the  fall  of  the  righteous  shall  be  taken  in  the  snare, 
And  anguish  shall  consume  them  before  they  die. 

30  Malice  and  wrath,  also  "*  these  are  abominations. 
And  the  siiaful  man  shall  have  them.'* 

Vera.  9,  10.  — '  A.  V. :  resort  (jtaToAvaei  =  turn  in  to  lodge).  ^  practise  in  her  iipya^otUvovs  avriiv  ;  248.  Co.  omit 
tvT^v)  8  iniquity  (aSiica  ;  248.  Co.,  jcojctac). 

Vera.  11-15.  — *  A.  V. :  with  wisdom  laotfiCa. ;  248.  Co.,  ev  troi^ia).  ^  &.  ^  If  thou  be  among  the  undiscreet 

'U  ixea-ov  a<TvyeTw).        ^  time  (see  Com.).  9  15  irksome  (irpocrox^Kr^a).         "  revilings  ar«  grievous  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  16-20.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Whoso  discovereth.  *i  never  find  friend.  "  bewrayest  (same  verb  rendered  "  dlscover- 
eth,"  I.  «.,"  revealeth,"  in  preceding  verse).  i3  enemy  (see  Com.).  "  lost  (an-cjAeo-a?.    The  verb  is  aTrtiXeirev  in 

the  preceding  line)  ....  thy  neighbour  (toO  n-X,jo-i'ov  ;  Toi  irXijo-ioy,  II.  III.  X.  23.  56.  al.).  "  As  one  that  letteth  a 

bird  go  out  of  his  (xal  ay;  irereivov  eK  \eip6s  trov  aneKviTaq).  "^  get  (frijpcuo-eis,  i.  e.,  get  fry  hunting}.  *'  Follow  after 
him  no  more,  for  he  is  too  (aTre'cmj).        ^^  He  is  as  a  roe  (see  Corn.)  escaped. 

Vers.  21-30. —  '»  A.  V. :  As  for  (ori)  a  wound  {text,  ree.,  epavoita;  for  which  Fritzsche  reads  Tpaffta,  with  III.  X.  C. 
23.  65.  248.  al.  Co.    It  is  also  the  reading  of  II.)  it.  ^^  bewrayeth  (see  ver.  17).  'i  eyes  worketh  {reKTaivei). 

*2  he  that  knoweth  him  will  depart  from  (ovSeis  ai/Tov  aTrotrniaei  ;  H.  248.  Co.,  6  eiSws  aurb*'  aTrotmjcreTai).  23  at  the 

last  {vorepov).  24  writhe  his  mouth  iBttunpeif/ei  to  trrofjuo.  ainov.     For  last  text.  rec.  has  <rou  ;  auTov,  III.  X.  Co  al. 

I  adopt  the  marg.  reading  of  A.  V.).  2^  slander  thy  sayings  (see  Com.).  ^  have  hated.  27  him  (see  Co»i. , 

"  For.  »  Whoso.         30  ijig  own.  3i  him.  ss  „,„„j  upon  him.  sa  But.  si  them  (23.  248.  Co.  haw. 

ttvToJ?  for  auric).  ^  even  (koi,  aiso,  i.  e.,  in  addition  to  what  has  been  already  mentioned).        **  them  both. 


852 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapteb  XXVII. 


Ver.  1.  'ASia(fi6pov.  The  same  word  is  found 
at  vii.  18,  and  xlii.  5.  The  connection  shows  that 
"  a  small  amount  of  property "  is  meant.  — 
U\riBvvai,  to  increase  his  little.  Cf.  Prov.  xxviii. 
22,  and  1  Tim.  vi.  9.  —  Will  turn  his  eye  away. 
Some  understand  /ro)(i  the  poor ;  others,  from  jus- 
tice and  honesty ;  and  still  others,  apparently 
nearer  the  truth, yiom  God. 

Ver.  3.  KpaT-qari  Kara  OTrovS'fiv.  Fritzsche  and 
some  others  conjecture  that  the  last  two  words 
are  a  false  translation  for  something  in  the  He- 
brew which  stood  for  "  wealth,"  and  would  ren- 
der, therefore :  "  If  one  do  not  acquire  property 
in  the  fear  of  the  Lord."  This  would  certainly 
correspond  better  with  the  context  than  the  ordi- 
nary rendering.  But  the  writer  may  have  left  the 
thought  suggested  by  Fritzsche,  or  a  similar  one, 
to  be  inferred  from  what  he  actually  says  :  "  The 
one  who  without  reference  to  the  fear  of  the  Lord 
(goes  about  the  acquisition  of  property),  His 
house,"  etc. 

Ver.  4.  StTa-iia  for  crcKT/iiis  occurs  only  here.  — 
It  is  the  refuse,  not  properly  the  chaff,  but  the 
heavier  stuff,  dirt,  that  will  not  blow  away.  —  In 
his  talk  (A.  V.).  Better,  in  his  thought,  mind  {\oy- 
iiTij.$).    It  does  not  go  away  with  the  small  talk. 

Ver.  5.  AiaXo7i(7;u^,  (A.  V.)  reasoning.  Better 
here  discourse.  This  shows  what  the  man  has  in 
him. 

Ver.  6.  Teiipyiov  is  variously  rendered,  and 
has  in  itself  several  meanings.  Bretschneider 
and  Bunsen's  Bibetwerk  think  of  inoculation,  graft- 
ing ;  De  Wette,  Gutmanu,  and  Gaab,  on  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  tree  in  general.  Fritzsche,  going 
back  to  the  Hebrew  nitt?,  supposes  the  quality 
of  the  soil  is  referred  to.  Cf.  Matt.  xii.  33,  "  for 
the  tree  is  known  by  his  fruit."  —  OStius  \6yos 
4i'6vfj.rifj.aTos  KapSias  avdpiinrov.  After  \6yos,  Wahl 
would  supply  KapTr6s  iaTiv.  This  makes  tolerably 
good  sense,  but  does  not  satisfy  all  the  critics. 
Fritzsche  is  inclined  to  accept,  for  eVflu/iij/ioTos, 
ev6v/j,riij.aTa,  suggested  by  Grotius,  and  supply 
iK(paii'fi.  The  meaning  would  then  be  :  "  So  re- 
veals the  (spoken)  word,  the  fruits  of  man's  heart," 
I.  e.,  his  thoughts. 

Ver.  8.  The  iroS-fipri  was  the  talar,  a  gar- 
ment reaching  to  the  feet.  Cf.  the  Apocalypse, 
i.  13. 


Ver.  10.  The  curse  of  sin  is  sin,  and  ever 
more  and  greater  sin.  Cf.  Prov.  xiii.  21. — For 
6r)pai',  prei/,  in  the  first  line.  Cod.  II.  has  Sipav. 
Cf.  Gen.  iv.  7  ;  Job  xxxi.  9. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Changeth  as  the  moon.  He  says 
now  this,  now  that.  The  thought  is  antithetic  to 
the  "  always  wisdom  "  of  the  preceding  clause. 

Ver.  12.     Observe  the  time.  i.  e.,  to  go  away, 

Ver.  15.  The  word  SLaKoiSipTjais,  tcrangiing,  is 
said  to  be  found  nowhere  else. 

Ver.  18.  Bretschneider,  who  is  followed  by 
Bunsen's  Bibdwerh,  supposed  that  the  Greek 
translator  read  here  ~)y,  enemy,  instead  of  ^^S, 
prey,  game,^  which  stood  in  the  Hebrew  text.  But 
the  common  text  gives  a  passable  sense :  "  As 
a  man  hath  destroyed  his  enemy,"  i.  e.,  totally 
(aTrdA€a-(f) ,  "  So  hast  thou  destroyed  the  love  of 
thy  neighbor." 

Ver.  20.  As  a  gazelle  (SopKois).  The  animal 
meant  is  what  is  more  generally  known  as  the 
antelope.  The  Arabs  hunt  it  with  dogs.  It  is 
still  common  in  Palestine.  Cf.  art.  "  Gazelle,"  in 
Riehra's  Hanilworlerhuch. 

Ver.  22.  AVinketh,  i.  e.,  as  is  sometimes  said 
colloquially,  "tips  a  wink."  The  man  who,  in- 
stead of  speaking  out  frankly  his  meaning,  com- 
municates it  by  wiuks  and  sly  suggestions. 

Ver.  23.  Give  thy  words  an  offensive  turn. 
Lit.,  "  And  in  {through,  ^v)  thy  words  will  give 
offense"  {crKipSaXoi' ;  248.  Co.,  the  plur.).  The 
last  word  may,  however,  be  taken  in  its  original 
sense,  and  then  the  meaning  would  be :  And 
through  thy  ivords  will  lay  a  trap. 

Ver.  24.  I  hate.  The  aorist,  e'/iiVno-a,  is  used, 
as  so  often,  to  express  what  is  usual,  and  always 
true.  —  Kal  ovx  ui^oiiaffa  ain-^.  And  I  do  not  com- 
pare anything  with  him,  i.  e.,  in  hate,  or,  /  hate 
him  worst  of  all. 

Ver.  2.').  A  deceitful  stroke  =  a  stroke  given 
one  in  the  back,  from  a  place  of  concealment.  It 
makes  trouble  fur  him  that  gives  it.  There  is  an 
old  proverb  with  a  similar  sense :  "  For  an  honest 
man  half  his  wits  is  enough  ;  the  whole  is  too 
little  for  a  knave ;  "  and  another  :  "  The  fox  ends 
by  getting  into  the  furrier's  shop." 

Ver.  29.  Consume  them  before  they  die  = 
before  the  common  period  appointed  for  a  man's 
life  has  elapsed,  or  up  to  the  time  o/daith. 


Chapter  XXVIH. 


1  He  that  revengeth  shall  find  vengeance  from  the  Lord, 
And  he  will  surely  keep  his  sins '  in  remembrance. 

2  Forgive  to  thy  neighbor  an  injustice,'^ 

And  then  thy  sins  shall '  be  forgiven  when  thou  prayest. 

3  One  man  holdeth  fast  anger  *  against  another, 
And  doth  he  seek  pardon  ^  from  the  Lord  ? 

4  He  hath  not  mercy  on  a  man  ^  like  himself, 
And  doth  he  plead  on  account  of  his  own  '  sins  ? 

Vers.  1-4. —  ^  A.  V. :  sinfl  (6ia(m)piu)i'  {loo-rripitrcc.  Fritzsche  give.s  this  as  the  reading  of  III.  X.  C.  68.  Aid.  Augnst 
It  is  also  that  of  II.  But  this  critic  retjiins  in  his  text,  ha-nipiov  Sianjp^crei.  There  is  but  little  difference  in  the  generaj 
meaning).  2  Forgive  thy  ....  tlie  hurt  (d^iKTjfia  ;  it  has  the  article  iu  248.  Co.    The  same  omit  o-ou  after  TT\T)(rioy 

that  lit  ftath  dnne  unto  thee.         *  So  shall  (ical  rire) ....  sins  also.  *  beareth  hatred  {trvvrrjpei  op-yr/v).         ^  pardoc 

[laa^v  htntmii).        "  shcweth  no  mercy  (oii«  ix'^i  eAeos)  to  a  mau  wkick  is.        '  as\i  forgiveness  of  (Seirac)  hia  own. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  353 


5  He  that  is  tlesli  keepeth  resentment! ' 
Who  will  atone  for  ^  his  sins  ? 

6  Remember  the  end,'  and  let  enmity  cease ; 

Remeiiiher  coiruption  and  death,  and  abide  in  the  comjnandments. 

7  Remember  the  commandments,  and  cherish  not  resentment  against  thy  *  neighbor ; 
Remember  the  covenant  of  the  Highest,  and  overlook  a  fault.^ 

8  Abstain  from  strife,  and  thou  shalt  diminish  thy  sinning  ;  ' 
For  a  furious  man  will  kindle  strife, 

9  And '  a  sinful  man  disquieteth  friends, 

And  scattereth  calumny  '  among  them  that  be  at  peace. 

10  As  the  material  ^  of  the  fire  is,  so  it  burneth  ; 
And  as  the  subject  of  the  strife  is,  so  it  burneth.'" 
As  a  man's  strength  ''  is,  so  is  his  wrath, 

And  according  to  his  riches  his  anger  riseth. 

11  A  hasty  contention  kindleth  a  fire. 
And  a  hasty  fighting  '^  sheddeth  blood. 

12  If  thou  blow  the  spark,  it  shall  burn. 

If  thou  spit  upon  it,  it  shall  be  quenched  ; 
And  both  these  come  out  of  thy  mouth. 

13  Curse  the  whisperer  and  double-tongued, 

For  he  hath  "  destroyed  many  that  were  at  peace. 

14  A  backbiting  "  tongue  hath  unsettled  '^  many, 
And  driven  them  from  nation  to  nation  ; 
And  '^  strong  cities  hath  it  pulled  down, 
And  overthrown  houses  "  of  great  men. 

15  A  backbiting  tongue  hath  cast  out  capable"  women, 
And  deprived  them  of  their  labors. 

16  He  who  giveth  heed  unto  it  shall  find  no  "  rest, 
Nor  shall  he  dwell  in  peace. 

17  The  stroke  of  the  whip  maketh  marks  ^  in  the  flesh, 
But  the  stroke  of  the  tongue  breaketh  the  bones. 

18  Many  have  fallen  by  the  edge  of  the  sword, 
But  not  so  many  as  have  fallen  by  the  tongue. 

19  Happy  is"'  he  that  is  defended  from  it. 

Who  ''^  hath  not  experienced  the  fury  thereof ;  * 
Who  hath  not  borne  ^*  the  yoke  thereof, 
And  hath  not'-^  been  bound  in  her  bands. 

20  For  the  yoke  thereof  is  a  yoke  of  iron, 
And  the  bands  thereof  are  bands  of  brass. 

21  The  death  thereof  is  an  evil  death, 
And  Hades  "^  were  better  '■'''  than  it. 

22  It  shall  not  get  possession  of  the  godly,'^' 

And  they  shall  not  burn  in  '^  the  flame  thereof. 

Vers.  5-9.  —  ^  A.  V. :  If  he  that  is  but  flesh  nourish  hatred  (auibq  a-dp$  u*-  i.arrjpet  firivtv).         *  intreat  for  pardon  ol 
(e^tAaueTai).  ^  tky  end  (rd  eirxara).  *  bear  no  malice  to  thy  (^tj  fj.rivi<rf}s  rw  n^Tjtriov;  cf.  Ter.  5).  6  wink  at 

ignorance  (see  Com.).  ^  thy  sins  (i^aprta?,  but  obviously  in  the  sense  of  sinning,  one's  own  sinning).  t  omits 

And  (with  248.  Co.).  «  maketh  debate  il^L^aAcl  SiaPo\^v.     Fritzsche  receives  the  former  from  III.  X.  55.  al.  Co.  Old 

Lat. ;  text.  Tec.  (with  II.),  e/x^dAAel). 

Vers.  10-12.  — ^  A.  V.  :  matter  (see  Co7n.}.  >o  .\nd  the  stronger  they  are  which  contend,  the  more  they  will  be 

inflamed  (see  Com.).  "  And  (X.  53.  254.  296.  have  icai)  as  ...  .  strength  (  ?  influence).  ^  fighting  ((iiixi,  rendered 
ver.  8,  "  strife  j  "  but  it  means  here  a  strife  that  comes  to  blows  and  blood). 

Vers.  13-17.  —  >3  A.  V.  :  suck  have  {text.  rec.  with  II.  plur.     Fritzsche  adopts  the  sing,  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  155.  157. 
307.).  '*  backbiting  (lit.,  "  a  third.''  but  248.  Co.,  Sio-ini,  as  also  in  the  following  verse,  with  157.     At  this  point 

the  Rom.  ed.  of  the  LXX.  (1587)  has  the  following  annotation  in  the  margin  :  *'  In  the  margin  of  the  Vatican  Codex 
(?  II.)  there  is  written,  yKtatrtro.  rpi-nj,  TeTpTjTnjpLe'nj."  Nothing  of  this  sort  appears  in  the  edition  of  this  MS.  by  Cozza). 
15  disquieted  (not  strong  enough  for  ^ffdAevo-e  here).  1"^  omiVs  And  (as  55.  254.).  ''the  houses.  "virtuous 

(dvSpti'as  ;  cf .  sxvi.  2).  '**  Whoso  hearkeneth  ....  shall  never  find.  20  j^^^  never  dwell  quietly  ....  marks 

VwAiu^ras.     Fritzsche  adopts  ixuiKtoira  from  111.  X.  C.  55.  106.  al.  ;  Old  Lat.,  livorem). 

Vers.  18-22.  —  ='  A.  V.  :  Well  is.  22  And.  23  passed  through  the  venom  thereof  (^i^ASev  if  tm  Su/xu  avris 

*  passed  through  in  the  midst,"  etc.).  21  drawn  le'iAKvtre,  but  better  understood  in  the  Occident  if  "  borne  "  is  used). 
»  .N'or  hath.  26  The  grave.  27  better  (AvaireAiis  ;  cf.  Too.  ill.  6.).        2»  have  rule  over  (itpoiTiioT))  them  that  fe.nr 

<Jod  ifytre^v).        29  Neither  shall  they  be  burnt  with  Uv  .  .  .  .  ov  icarjavyTtu). 
23 


354 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


23 


24 


25 


26 


They  that '  forsake  the  Lord  shall  fall  into  it, 

And  it  shall  burn  among  them,"  and  not  be  quenched ; 

It  shall  be  sent  upon  them  as  a  lion, 

And  destroy  "  them  as  a  panther.* 

Look  that  thou  hedge  thy  possession  about  with  thoma, 

Bind  ^  up  thy  silver  and  thy  °  gold, 

And  weigh  thy  words  in  a  balance,' 

And  make  a  door  and  bar  for  thy  mouth  ; 

Beware  lest  perchance  thou  slip '  by  it, 

And  '  fall  before  him  that  lieth  in  wait. 


Vers.  23-26.  — *  A.  V.  Such  as  (oi).  ^  in  them  (ei*  aiiroU  UKar/treTaL  ;  cf.  Com.),  ^  devour  (Xxiiavitrai) 

leopard  (see  Com.).  ^  And  bind.  •*  omits  thy  (as  text.  rec.  and  II.     Fritzsche  receives  mv  from  X.  C.  H.  56 

106.  al.  Old  Lat.).  ^  weigh  thy  words  in  a  balance  (tois  Aoyoi?  crou  jroiriaov  ^vyhv  koX  <rTajBfi6v.     In  248.  Co.  the  two 

words  are  written  together,  ^vy6aTa6fj.ov .    Both  were  used  for  the  balance,  the  former  standing  for  the  beam^  and  th* 
latter  for  the  weight,  and  they  are  probably  used  in  connection  here  for  emphasis,  *'  weigh  carefully  ").  "  " 

thou  slide  not  (npotrtx^  fii^irws  6Aiffi^(ry)f }.        ^  Lest  thou. 


s  Beware 


Chapteb  XXVUI. 


Vers.  1,  2.  Cf.  Ps.  cxxx.  3  ;  Matt.  vi.  14,  15, 
vii.  2,  xviii.  35;  Rom.  xii.  19.  On  the  difference 
between  the  teaching  of  our  book  and  that  of  our 
Lord  in  the  passages  of  the  New  Testament  re- 
ferred to,  see  Keerl,  Die  Apokryphenfrage,  p.  46.  — 
Shall  be  forgiven,  KvO-naovTat.  The  verb  means 
to  loosen,  as  opposed  to  5€€i>',  to  bind.  On  its  force 
at  Matt.  xvi.  19,  cf.  the  commentators,  and 
Cremer's  Lex.,  sub  voce. 

Ver.  7.  Overlook  a  fault,  wiptSt  iyyoiav.  On 
the  latter  word,  cf.  xxiii.  2,  and  1  Esd.  viii.  75. 

Ver.  10.  The  members  are  misplaced  in  the 
common  text.  That  which  is  put  at  the  end 
should  come  immediately  after  the  first,  in  order 
to  preserve  the  parallelism  :  "  As  the  material  of 
the  fire  is,  so  it  burneth;  As  the  subject  (o-Tepe- 
ttiffii')  of  the  stiife  is,  so  it  burneth."  It  is  prob- 
able, as  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  agree, 

that  C'*V3  stood  in  the  original,  in  the  sense  of 
"  according  to  the  subject ;  "  but  the  translator 
mistook  it  for  'Z'''VZ,  firmness,  strength.  Still, 
with  the  latter  meaning  an  intelligible  sense  is 
possible.     Cf.  for  the  thought,  Prov.  xxvi.  20,  21. 

Ver.  12.  Come  out  of  thy  mouth,  i.e.,  are 
within  thy  easy  control. 

Ver.  13.  KaTopoireai.  The  infinitive  for  the 
imperative.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  316. 

Ver.  14.  A  backbiting  (rphri)  tongue.  The 
A.  V.  brings  out  the  sense  correctly.  "  A  third 
tongue,"  according  to  Oriental  usage,  means  a 
tongue  that  makes  discord,  sows  calumny.  It  is 
thought  by  some  that  the  author  had  the  Samari- 
tans in  view,  who  are  mentioned  in  Ez.  iv.  It  is 
more  probable,  however,  if  any  particular  case  is 
in  view,  that  the  intrigues  of  court  are  meant. 
A  parallel  passage  is  quoted  from  the  Talmud 


(T^iy,  fol.  15).  In  the  Orient  one  says  :  "  The 
third  tongue,  or  the  tongue  between,  slays  three 
persons,  —  the  calumniator,  the  calumniated,  and 
him  who  listens."     Cf.  Gutmann,  Com.,  in  loc. 

Ver.  19.  Borne  the  yoke.  Cf.  Matt.  xi.  29  ■ 
Upare  rhv  (uy6i>  ;uou.  At  Deut.  xxi.  3  we  have 
the  expression,  "  drawn  in  the  yoke  "  ( viVB). 
Cf.  Van  Lennep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  76. 

Ver.  21.  Real  death  is  preferable,  he  would 
say,  to  such  a  death-in-Iife,  such  a  civil  and  social 
ostracism,  as  it  causes. 

Ver.  22.  Kpar-fiari,  shall  not  get  at,  get  power 
over,  and  so  dominate.  The  first  thought  is  more 
in  place  here  :  not  even  get  possession  of,  much 
less  rule. 

Ver.  23.  Into  it.  The  stinging,  torturing  fire 
which  a  calumniating  tongue  kindles,  is  meant. 
Cf .  .Tas.  iii.  6.  —  'Ev  auTois  iKKa-l]aerat.  Cf.  the 
Hebrew  and  LXX.  at  Numb.  xi.  1  :  "  The  fire 
of  the  Lord  burnt  among  them,  and  consumed 
them."  —  As  a  leopard  (iropSoAis).  The  Greek 
word  was  used  by  the  ancients  for  leopard,  pan- 
ther, and  ounce.  In  Homer  the  word  TravBrip  is 
also  found,  and  TrSpSaXis  is  his  usual  way  of  spell- 
ing the  former  word.  On  the  panther  (which  is 
here  meant)  and  its  habits,  cf.  Van  Lennep,  Bible 
Lands,  pp.  249-254.  The  word  "  leopard "  is 
never  properly  used  of  the  "l^?  °^  Scripture.  It 
was  a  word  first  introduced  in  the  fourth  century 
to  distinguish  the  African  from  the  Asiatic  "  pan- 
ther." 

Ver.  24.  The  meaning  seems  to  be  :  "If  thoD 
wouldest  not  suffer  irreparable  loss,  be  watchful 
over  thy  tongue  :  it  needs  guarding  qnite  as  mud 
as  thy  land,  or  thy  silver  and  gold." 


Chapter  XXIX. 

1  He  that  practiceth  mercy  ^  will  lend  unto  his  neighbor, 

And  he  that  supporteth  with  ^  his  hand  keepeth  the  commandments. 

2  Lend  to  Iht/  neighbor  in  time  of  his  need. 

And  pay  thou  thy  neighbor  again  in  due  season. 

Ver«.l,2.— '  A.  v.:  is  merciful  (irocii' f\eos).        >  strengtheneth  (see  Com.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  356 


3  Keep  thy  ^  word,  and  deal  in  good  faith  ^  with  him, 

And  thou  shalt  always '  find  the  thing  that  is  necessary  for  thee. 

4  Many  reckon  what  is  lent  as  something  found,^ 
And  put  them  to  trouble  that  help  ^  them. 

6  Till  he  get  it,'  he  will  kiss  one's  hands,' 

And  for  his  neighbor's  money  he  will  speak  humbly ; ' 
But  when  he  should  repay,'  he  wUl  prolong  the  time, 
And  return  words  of  grief, 
And  complain  of  the  time. 
€       If  he  be  able,^"  he  shall  hardly  get  back  "  half, 
And  he  will  count  it  as  something  found  ;  ''^ 
But "  if  not,  he  hath  deprived  him  of  his  money, 
And  he  hath  gotten  him  an  enemy  without  cause ;  " 
He  payeth  him  with  cursings  and  railings. 
And  for  honor  he  wUl  pay  him  disgrace. 

7  Many  therefore  refuse  because  of  such  baseness," 
Fearing  to  be  defrauded  to  no  purpose." 

8  Yet  have  thou  patience  with  a  man  in  poor  estate, 
And  delay  not  to  shew  him  mercy. 

9  Help  a  poor  man  "  for  the  commandment's  sake, 

And  turn  him  not  away  empty  '*  because  of  his  poverty. 

10  Lose  money  for  the  sake  of  a  brother  and ''  friend, 
And  let  it  not  rust  under  the  '^  stone  to  be  lost. 

11  Lay  up  thy  treasure  according  to  the  commandments  of  the  Most  High, 
And  it  shall  bring  thee  more  profit  than  the  ^  gold. 

12  Shut  up  alms  in  thy  storehouses. 

And  it  shall  deliver  thee  from  all  Ul-fortune.^^ 

13  It  shall  fight  for  thee  against  thine  enemy ,^ 
Better  than  a  mighty  shield  and  strong  *•  spear. 

14  A  good  man  will  be^  surety  for  his  neighbor; 
But  he  that  is  shameless  wUl  fail  ^°  him. 

15  Forget  not  the  favor  "  of  thy  surety, 
For  he  gave  himself  "'  for  thee. 

16  A  sinner  will  overthrow  the  fortune  of  ™  a  surety, 

17  And  a  man  of  ^^  unthankful  mind  will  fail  him  that  delivered.** 

18  Suretyship  hath  undone  many  of  good  estate. 
And  shaken  ^-  them  as  a  wave  of  the  sea ; 
Mighty  men  hath  it  driven  from  their  homes,*' 
So  that  they  wandered  among  foreign  ^*  nations. 

19  A  sinner  falleth  ^'  into  suretyship, 

And  he  that  runneth  after  gain  falleth  into  suits.°° 

Vers.  3-6. — '  A.  V.  ;  Keep  {irrepeaam  ^  make Jirm,  strong :  in  the  LXX.  generally,  c<m/!nn,  nt«s)  thy  (H.  248.  Co 

add  aov).  -  faithfully.  3  always  (ei-  waiT-I  (caLpu,  at  any  and  every  time  of  need).  *  when  a  thing  was  lent  them^ 
reckoned  it  to  be  found  (oj?  eiJpewa  ev6(xi(Tav  Savo^).        ^  helped.         ^  hath  received  (Aa^ij).  ^  a  man's  (auroO  =2  the 

lender's)  hand.    (Fritzsche  adopts  the  plur.  from  III.  X.  106.  155.)        ^  submissly  (obs.).         *  repay  {koI  ev  KatptiJ  an-o- 

Vers.  6-10.  —  10  A.  v.:  prevail  (I  adopt  the  words  in  the  margin.  The  Greek  is,  eav  icrxvoTj.  It  refers  to  the  borrower). 
11  receive  ((co^icerai)  the.  '^  count  as  if  he  had  found  it  (Aoytetrac  airo  ws  eupe/jio).  '^  omits  But  (fie).  ^*  cause 
(II.,  with  Aid.,  has  ov  before  5wpeac).  15  therefore  (GUI'.      It  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X.  H.  55.  106.  155. 

248.  264.  Co.  ;  text.  rec.  omits)  have  refused  to  lend  for  oilur  men's  ill  dealing  {xapiv  nomjpiai;  a-nitrTpeipav  ;  55.  106.  157. 
Z64.  add  x^lpa-  ;  248.  Co.,  d,rb  tov  avQpijnov).  "^  defrauded  (aTroorcpijflYJi'ai  ^tapeav  evKafirj07j(rav ;  23.  65.  248.  253.  Co. 

add  fie  after  the  first  word  ;  the  second  is  omitted  by  248.  Co.  as  A.  V.).  i'  the  poor  (ttc'i^jtos).  18  omits  empty 

{Ktvoy,  as  23.  248.  Co.).         '^  thy  money  for  thy  (5ia)  brother  and  t/iy.  ^  a  (the  art.  is  found  in  the  Greek,  referring 

to  some  particular  and  much  thought  of  stone,  tliat  stone.    For  twfl^To,,  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  KaraKpvfiri  avTo.    SeeOo?n.). 

Vers.  11-15.  —  -^  A.  V. :  oynits  the.  --  affliction  (ica^cojCTew?  ;  others,  ill  treatment).  ^'  enemies.  -*  strong 

(Fritzsche  receives  oAxis  from  III.  X.  H.  23.  55. 106.  155.  157.  254.  2a6.  307.  308. ;  text,  rec,  aAjt,J!.  The  former  is  also 
the  reading  of  II.).  ^^  An  honest  {ayaHs)  ....  is  {eyyuria-frat].  ""  impudent  ....  forsake  (I  adopt  the  marg.  read 
ing.  Fritzsche  adopts  eyKaraKei^ei  from  55.  106.  157.  248.  253.  254.  Co. ;  III.,  ivKaTa\eiif/et ;  text,  rec,  KaraXftipei) 
^  friendship  (xaptras).         ^  hath  given  his  life  (eSuxe  ....  TTjf  i^/uxijc  avrou). 

Vers.  16-19. — -^  A.  V.  :  good  estate  [ayada)  of  his  (248.   Co.,  ayoBiqv  eyyUTji'  avarpetpei).  so  he  that  is  of  an 

M  leave  (see  ver.  14)  him  in  danger  ....  delivered  him.  ^^  shaked.  ^  houses  (a7rw«tae).  ^  strange.  35  ^ 

wicked  man  transgressing  the  commandments  of  the  Lord  (d/iaprwAbs  irapafiaivinv  et-To^ac  Kvpc'oy,  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat. 
Syr.  Ar.)  shall  fall  {fnirea-atv  ;  III.  55.  106.  al.  Co.,  ifj.ireaelrai).  ^e  undertaketh  and  foUoweth  other  men's  business 
Cor  gain  shall  fall  iuco  suits  (see  Com.). 


356 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


20  Help  thy  neighbor  according  to  thy  power, 
And  take  heed  to  thyself  that  thou  fall  not.' 

21  The  chief  thing  for  life  is  water,  and  bread, 
And  clothing,  and  a  house  to  cover  shame. 

22  Better  is  the  life  of  a  poor  man  under  a  roof  of  beams,' 
Than  delicate  fare  in  other  men's  houses? 

23  Be  it  little  or  much,  hold  thee  contented, 

And  the  reproach  that  thou  art  a  stranger  thou  shalt  not  hear.* 

24  It  is  ^  a  miserable  life  io  go  from  house  to  house  ; 

And  ^  where  thou  art  a  stranger,  thou  canst  not  open  thy  mouth.' 

25  Thou  shalt  entertain,  and  feast,  and  have  no  thanks ; 
And  besides,*  thou  shalt  hear  bitter  words : 

26  Come  along,  stranger,  furnish^  a  table. 
And  feed  me  if  tliou  hast  anything  ^°  ready. 

27  Give  place,  stranger,  to  an  honorable  man  ;  " 

My  brother  cometh  to  be  lodged,  and  I  have  need  of  mine  house. 

28  These  things  are  grievous  to  a  man  having  discernment :  *^ 
Upbraiding  about  a  dwelling,  and  the  reproach  of  a  creditor." 

Ver.   20.  —  ^  A.  V. :  beware  that  thou  thyself  fall  not  into  the  same. 

Vers.  22-25.  —  2  a.  V.  :  man  in  a  mean  cottage  (the  literal  rendering  is  better).  3  another  man^B  house  (ev  oAX* 

rpioi«).  *  That  thou  hear  not  the  reproach  of  thy  house  (Fritzsche  receives  this  member  from  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr 

Ar.  which  is  not  found  in  the  text.  r«.,  adopting,  however,  the  suggestion  of  Grotius  to  read  irapoiKiac  for  oiiciaf  ;  Old 
\j&t., peTegrinalionis.    See  Com.).  ^  For  it  is.         ^  por.         ^  dare.^t  not  open  thy  mouth, Fritzsche  adopts  iropoiic^- 

tretv  and  di'of^ew  from  III.  X.  65.  106.  157.  al.  Co. ;  text.  Tec,  irapoLKijirei  and  twoi^et).  *  Moreover  (koX  wpbt  iirl 

TOUTOis.     Such  a  collocation  of  words  is  found  also  in  Aristoph.,  Plut.,  1001). 

Vers.  26-28.  —  ^  A.  V  :  ikou  stranger,  and  furnish.  "*  o/th:it  thou  hast  (el  rt  iv  rjj  x^ipi).  "  thou  stranger  .... 
honourable  man  (see  Coin.).  ^-  man  of  understanding  {avfl/jwTrw  exotn-i  tftpomjmv.    The  first  word  is  wanting  in 

248.  Co.  Fritzsche  renders  the  last  word  by  insight,  discernment;  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk ,  viit\l  others,  by  "  Gefuhl," 
Reeling,  sensibility,  Old  Lat.,  sensus,  which  Fritzsche  says  is  not  the  meaning  of  the  word  "here  or  elsewhere  ") 
*>  The  upbraiding  of  house-room  (67riTt(iT)(ns  oiicios),  and  reproaching  of  the  lender  (icat  ocetSctr^ib?  Saveitnov). 


Chaptek  XXIX. 


Ver.  1.  'O  eTTitrxvuv,  one  who  makes  strong,  swjo- 
ports.  This  is  tlie  meaning  of  the  Hiphil  of 
p'^n,  for  which  this  Greek  word  probably  stands. 
It  refers  to  lending  to  the  poor  neighbor.  Cf. 
Deut.  XV.  7,  8  ;  Prov.  xix.  17  ;  Matt.  v.  42. 

Ver.  2.  And  pay  thou  ;  namely,  thou  debtor, 
thou  that  liast  burrowed. 

Ver.  .3,  The  thing  that  is  necessary.  The 
money  that  one  needs  10  borrow  will  be  forth- 
coming, if  one  pay  his  debts  promptly  and  keep 
his  promises. 

Ver.  5.  Return  words  of  grief.  Instead  of 
paying  back  the  borrowed  money,  he  will  put  on 
a  doleful  countenance,  and  talk  of  misfortunes 
and  hard  times.  —  'AKn^bias,  "without  care,  but 
used  here  in  the  sense  of  grief,  as  also  at  Bar. 
lii.  1. 

Ver.  6.  '^av  io-xuffj?.  If  he  (the  debtor)  have 
the  power,  be  able  (to  pay).  —  He,  namely,  the 
other,  the  creditor.  —  But  if  not,  namely,  if  the 
debtor  be  not  able  to  J)ay.  This  sudden  change 
of  subject  is  not  uncommon  in  Greek  prose  au- 
thors. See  also  Luke  xi.-i.  4  ;  Mark  ix.  20.  Cf. 
Winer,  p.  6.')2.  —  And  he  (the  creditor)  hath  got- 
ten him  an  enemy.  —  He  (the  debtor)  payeth. 

Ver.  b.  It  is  sujiposed  that  the  man  is  really 
poor;  and  not  like  him  just  njentioned,  one  who 
pleads  ])0verty  to  get  rid  of  paying  his  just  dues. 
Cf.  Matt,  xviii.  26. 

Ver.  ID.  The  meaning  is:  "Kather  lose  thy 
money  by  lending  it  to  thy  poor  Israelitish  brother, 
than  by  hoarding  it  up  in  a  miserly  way  to  do  no 
one  any  good."  —  'laifl^ru,  rust.  Used  in  this 
sense  only  in   the  language  of   llie  people,  since 


gold  cannot  properly  rnst.  Cf.  xii.  10,  and  Ep.  of 
Jer.  12,  24;  Jas.  v.  3,  with  Meyer's  Coin,  on  the 
last  passage. 

Ver.  11.  More  profit  than  the  gold.  Be 
more  useful  than  the  mere  heaping  up  of  money. 
Cf.  Luke  xii.  33. 

Ver.  12.  Shut  up  alms.  Money  for  benevolent 
purposes  {eXe'qfj.otrui^rjy). 

Ver.  15.  Himself,  TtV  "("'X^'' ""''■''"■  "  Pericuh 
damni  aid  t^tiam  strvilutis  semet  opposuit,  ut  te  liber- 
wet."  Grotius.  The  debtor  who  did  not  pay 
could  be  sold  with  his  wife  and  children  into 
servitude.     Cf.  Keil,  ArcIiaoL,  p.  726  ff. 

Ver.  18.  Mighty  (SufttTous),  i.e.,  wealthy, and 
so  influential. 

Ver.  19.  A  sinner  (ajuaprtoArSs)  faUeth  into 
suretyship.  He  does  not  become  surety  for  an- 
other as  a  matter  of  friendship  or  duty.  He  goes 
into  it  rashly  for  the  sake  of  gain,  and  so  ruins 
himself.  There  is  no  occasion  for  rejecting,  with 
Bretschneider  and  Bunsen's  Bihehverl^,  afxapr(i)\6i 
as  a  corruption;  or  with  De  Wette  to  render: 
"  He  becomes  a  sinner  who  falls  into  suretyship." 
—  Runneth  after  [jobs  for  the  sake  of|  gain, 
SiciKoiv  epyoKa^elas.  The  latter  word  means,  a 
contract  for  doing  work.  The  \erb  in  a  secondary 
sense  signities  to  do  anything  to  make  money  ; 
and  that  seems  to  be  the  thought  here,  with 
special  reference  to  advancing  money  in  enter- 
prises where  great  returns  are  expected.  —  FaUeth 
into  suits  (eh  KpiVeir),  namely,  suits  at  law.  or, 
perhaps  better,  into  judgments.  He  will  be  con- 
demtied  by  the  courts,  and  so  have  the  re|)iitaiioii 
of  a  bad  or  dangerous  character  in  the  corurnu- 
niiy. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  357 


Ver.  2 1 .  The  chief  thing  [apx'h )  •  the  staff,  as  we 
iro  more  accustomed  to  say.  —  To  cover  shame. 
This  refers  to  the  clothiLg,  rather  than  to  the 
house.  Cf.Phil.iv.il.  Grotius,  Bretschneider, 
Fritzsche,  and  others  receive,  on  the  basis  of  the 
authorities  above  given,  the  additional  words 
found  in  the  text  as  the  second  member  of  this 
verse  :  "  And  the  reproach,"  etc.    Naturally,  how- 


ever, it  will  always  be  suspected  that  the  sentence 
was  inserted  by  somebody  to  snpply  the  place  of 
a  lost  clause. 

Ver.  27.  'Airi  irpoaciirou  5(i|7js  means  either 
from  before  ((o)  a  man  of  honor,  or  with  Fritzsche 
it  may  be  referred  to  the  dwelling,  "  (?e(  o»t  of 
this  splendor,"  i.  e.,  this  splendidly  furnished 
dweDing. 


Chapter  XXX. 


1  He  that  loveth  his  son  causeth  him  oft  to  feel  the  rod, 
That  he  may  have  joy  over  his  later  life.^ 

2  He  that  disciplineth  his  son  shall  have  joy  in  him,'^ 
And  shall  rejoice  in  '  him  among  his  acquaintance. 

3  He  that  teacheth  liis  son  maketh  his  enemy  envious,* 
And  before  his  friends  he  shall  rejoice  in  ^  him. 

4  Though  his  father  die,  yet  he  is  as  though  he  were  not  dead,* 
For  he  hath  left  one  behind  him  that  is  like  himself. 

5  While  he  lived,  he  saw  and  rejoiced,' 
And  when  he  died  he  was  not  sorrowful : 

6  He  left  behind  him  an  avenger  against  his  enemies, 
And  one  that  shall  requite  kindness  to  his  friends. 

7  He  that  indulgeth  a '  son  shall  bind  up  his  wounds, 
And  shall  be  inwardly  °  troubled  at  every  cry. 

8  A  horse  not  broken  becometh  "  headstrong. 
And  a  son  left  to  himself  will  be  willful. 

9  Treat  tenderly  a  '^  child,  and  he  shall  make  thee  afraid. 
Play  with  him,  and  he  will  bring  thee  to  heaviness. 

10  Laugh  not  with  him,  lest  thou  have  sorrow  with  him, 
And  lest  thou  gnash  thy  teeth  in  the  end. 

11  Give  him  not  ^^  liberty  in  his  youth. 
And  wink  '^  not  at  his  follies." 

12  Bow  down  his  neck  while  in  his  youth,^' 
And  beat  his  sides  '"  while  he  is  a  child. 

Lest  he  become  "  stubborn,  and  be  disobedient  unto  thee, 
And  thou  have  anguish  of  soul.'* 

13  Discipline  ''  thy  son,  and  hold  him  to  labor,^ 

Lest  his  shameful  "^^  behavior  be  an  offense  unto  thee.''^ 

14  Better  a  poor  man,^'  sound  and  strong  of  constitution,'^ 

Vers.  1-4.  —  1  A.  V. :  Of  him  in  the  end  {eir'  itrxiiniv  avrov.  Fritzsche  reads  eaxaTw*/,  with  X.  23.  55. 155.  al.  Co. ;  /ctf. 
ree.,  dat.  Bing. ;  Cod.  n.  also  has  etrxaruv,  by  the  first  hand.  The  title  of  this  section  in  II.  III.  X.  al.  is  Trepl  riievwv) 
'  chastiseth  (iraiSevwcJ  ....  joy  in  him  (marg.,  good  by  him  ,■  Gr.,  ot^creTai  cir'  auTiii ;  248.  Co.,  evrftpavBriiTsTai  €7r*  avrif) 
8  Of.  *  grieveth  the  enemy  (Tropa^TjAwtrec  Toi/  exOp^v)-  ^  Of.  ^  dead  {lit.,  "  His  father  died,  and  it  is  as 

though  he  died  not"). 

Vers.  6-9.  —  ^  A.  V. :  rejoiced  in  him  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  en-'  avrw).  ^  maketh  too  much  of  hix  (irepti/nj;(<i)i/ ;  248. 

Co.,  Trepii/i^xwi'-  See  Com.}.  ^  his  bowels  will  be.  ^^  becometh  (eic(3atVei.  So  Fritzsche,  with  III.  X.  0.  H.  23.  65. 
106.  155.  al.  Co.  ;  text,  rec,  ajrofiaivet).  ^1  child  left  to  himself  ivl'o^  afei^ieVos,  let  hose]  will  be  wilful  {iKfieUvei 

irpooAi}?.  The  latter  word,  used  metaphorically,  means,  inclined  to  a  thing,  ready,  and  then,  hasty,  rash.  Bnosen's 
Bibelwerk,  muthwiUig).     Coclier  thy. 

Vers.  11-13.  — •-  A.  V. :  no.  ^3  wink  (n-apiSjjs,  look  to  one  side,  overlook).  ^*  follies  (a-yvotas,  generally,  igno- 

rances, but  here  properly  rendered.  In  the  text.  rec.  there  is  some  confusion  in  the  text  of  vers.  11, 12,  owing,  it  should 
seem,  to  a  fault  of  the  transcriber.  He  omitted  two  lines,  the  last  of  ver.  11  and  the  first  of  ver.  12.  Tbey  are  wanting 
in  II.  in.  X.  C.  23.  55.  68.  Fritzsche  has  followed  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  in  restoring  them.  They  are  already 
found  in  the  A.  V.).  ^°  he  is  young  {iv  ceinjrt,  as  in  the  previous  line).  l^  beat  him  on  the  sides  [QKacrov  las 

ffAmpas  ovToO,  pound,  bruise  his  ribs  ;  Luther  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  make  his  back  blue).  '^  wax  stubborn  (cr<A.*jpvi'- 
0€ts).         "  so  bring  sorrow  to  thine  heart  'eorat  troi  bSvvrj  iln^x^?).        ^'*  Chastise  {jrai&evtrov).  20  labour  (epyao-ai  ev 

aifToJ.  Gaab,  De  Wette,  take  pains  with  him  ;  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  let  him  serve  thee.  The  A.  V.,  however,  seems  to 
have  got  the  true  sense).  21  lewd.  -2  offence  unto  thee  {aiiTov  npoa-Ko^ji?,  which  Fritzsche  adopts  from  III.  X.  G. 
23.  55.  106.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  <rou  Trpoo-*c6i/n7.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  renders,  "  Lest  thou  have  vexation  through 
»L!  disgrace  "). 

Vers.  14-18.  —  -3  A.  V. ;  15  the  poor,  being.  {The  heading  of  this  section  ii.  some  authorities  is  n-epl  vyteias ;  in  II.,  as 
ai  55.  254.  n-ept  ^pw^dTwe.     Other  M3S.  place  the  title  before  ver.  16. )        ^*  constitution  {efet  ^  a  permanent  condition, 


358 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Than  a  rich  man  that  is  afflicted  in  his  body. 

15  Health  and  a  good  constitution  are  '  above  all  gold, 
And  a  strong  body  above  infinite  wealth. 

16  There  is  no  riches  above  a  sound  body, 
And  no  joy  above  the  joy  of  the  heart. 

17  Death  is  better  tlian  a  bitter  life, 

And  eternal  rest  than "  continual  sickness. 

18  Delicacies  poured  out '  upon  a  mouth  shut  up 
Are  as  messes  of  food  set  *  upon  a  grave. 

19  What  good  doth  an  °  offering  unto  an  idol  ? 
For  it  can  neither  eat  ^  nor  smell ; 

So  is  he  that  is  afflicted '  of  the  Lord : 

20  He  seeth  with  his  eyes  and  groaneth, 

As  an  eunuch  that  embraceth  a  virgin  and  sigheth. 

21  Give  not  way  '  to  heaviness, 

And  afflict  not  thyself  with  thy  reflections.' 

22  Gladness  of  heart  is  the  life  of  a  man,'" 

And  the  joyfulness  '^  of  a  man  prolongeth  his  days. 

23  Love  thyself,*'^  and  comfort  thy  heart, 
Remove  sorrow  far  from  thee  ; 

For  sorrow  hath  killed  ''  many. 
And  there  is  no  profit  therein. 

24  Envy  and  wrath  shorten  the  life, 

And  care  '*  bringeth  age  before  the  time. 

25  A  liberal  heart  and  one  merry  by  good  cheer 
Will  have  care  for  its  food.'^ 


kabit.    Of  following  Terse).  >  and  good  state  of  body  are.  >  Or.    (The  words  KaX  avairavnt  aiirvot  Fritzsche 

with  Bretschneider,  receives  from  H. ;  Old  Lat.,  requUs  alema ;  3yr.  Ar.,  the  grave  ;  text.  ree.  omita-)  *  delicates 

poured.         ^  messes  of  meat  set  (de'^ara  fiptufxaTiov). 

Vers.  19-20.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  the.  *^  For  neither  can  it  eat  nor  smell.  '  persecuted  (marg.,  afflicted  ;  Or.,  ckSiuko. 

ucvos.     Sickness  is  referred  to).  *  over  thy  mind  (rijc  i^xi^i*  (rou,  i.  e.,  thyself).  ^  in  thine  own  counBel  (sea 

Com.).  ^^  The  gladness  of  the  ...  of  man.         i^  (marg.,  exultation ;  Gr.,  ayaAAia/ia).  '2  thine  own  soul  (tti*' 

^nrxri'  o-ov.  See  ver.  21.  Codd.  C.  23.  155.  253.  254.  307.  308.  read  irrirc  for  iiiita  ;  cf.  xiv.  16).  ■=  killed  (Fritzsche 
adopts  anuiKeirev  from  III.  X.  C.  H.  106.  165.  157.  296. ;  248.  Co.  the  same,  and  add  koX  airdxTeivev  ;  text,  ree.,  aveKTeivev), 
^*  carefulness.  i^  cheerful  and  good  heart  will  have  a  care  of  his  meat  and  diet  (Aofijrpa  —  cf.  xxxi.  23 —  KopSia  Kal 
ayoBri  ewi  eSeV^ao-i  Taif  fipajixiTwv  avT^s  cTrt/ieA^aeTai.  This  Terse  is  the  twelfth  of  chap,  xxxiii.  of  the  Greek  text.  See 
Com.). 

Chapteb  XXX. 


Ver.  1.  'EvSeXfx^iTfi-  Here  used  e.xceptionally 
in  a  transitive  sense.  Avroii  refers  to  "  son,'*  and 
limits  iffxaToiv,  may  rejoice  over  his  later  life. 

Ver.  2.  Rejoice  in  him.  Cf.  for  a  similar 
construction  Ps.  xlix.  6  ;  Pi-ov.  xxv.  14  ;  Rom.  v. 
2.  —  Among  (his)  acquaintance.  Naturally,  it 
would  not  he  iu  good  taste  to  rejoice  over  him  in 
this  sense  among  strangers  or  doubtful  friends. 

Ver.  3.  Saw  and  rejoiced.  Saw  during  his 
life  the  sou,  and  rejoiced  in  him  as  a  well  edu- 
cated, dutiful  son,  and  died  in  peace  with  the 
assurance  that  he  would  go  on  as  he  had  begun. 

Ver.  B.  An  avenger.  Cf.  art.  "  Cities  of 
Refuge."  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet. ;  and  "  Blutrache," 
in  Keil's  Bib.  Arc/idol. ,  pp.  720,  734. 

Ver.  7.  nepn^f/p^ofc,  cool  off  round  about,  and  so 
refresh,  indubje.  —  Bind  up  his  wounds,  produced 
in  brawls  into  which  his  ungovcrned  passions  had 
led  him.  —  Troubled  at  every  cry,  ;'.  e.,  while  his 
wounds  are  dressed. 

Vcre.  9-12.  One  might  suppose  the  advice 
here  given  was  for  the  treatment  of  slaves  rather 
than  children,  and  it  would  even  then  be  harsh. 
The  underlying  idea  is  undoubtedly  good,  and 
needful  in  our  day,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the 
iinthor  of  our  book.  But,  in  detail,  it  would  be  a 
very  unsafe  principle  to  follow.     The  s])irit  that 


rules  in  the  inspired  books  of  the  Bible  is  quite 
another  one.  Cf.  Dent.  xxxi.  12,  13 ;  Prov. 
xxiii.  15.  It  encourages  no  weak  indulgence 
(Prov.  xiii.  24;  xxii.  15;  xxix.  15),  but  just  as 
little  unsympathetic  and  unloving  harshness 
(Matt.  xix.  13;  Acts  ii.  39  ;  Eph.  vi.  4  ;  Col.  iii. 
21).  An  old  Greek  proverb  is  also  worth  con- 
sidering ;  "  He  who  is  most  severe  against  his 
son  in  admonitions  is  harsh  only  in  words  ;  in  his 
treatment  he  is  a  father.  —  ToiKptiCftv  =:  to  have 
pain  in  the  hack  teeth,  but  here  is  equivalent  to 
$pvXfti>.  The  name  y6ii(pws  was  given  to  the 
molar  tooth. 

Ver.  14.  Afilicted.  Tlie  word  fjteiMcumya>/j.evos 
means,  rather,  sconn/ed,  beaten.  But  as  the  refer- 
ence of  the  context  is  to  sickness,  the  A.  V.  doubt- 
less gives  the  true  sense. 

Ver.  17.  Eternal  rest,  i.  e.,  in  the  grave. 
There  is  probably  no  reference  to  the  promised 
rest  of  tlie  godly,  and  the  jiassage  itself,  as  will 
be  seen,  is  but  poorly  supported. 

Ver.  18.  Cf.  remarks  at  Tohit  iv.  17,  on  cer- 
tain funeral  customs 

Ver.  19.  'EKSiaK6/xeyoi,  afflicted.  This  verb 
means  to  chase  up,  drive  out,  banish.  The  sense 
here  must  be,  punishes,  or  visits  with  chastisement, 
affliction.      Luther   renders:   "  whom    God  maket 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


359 


tichly.  Sickness  is  held  to  be  a  chastisement  also 
at  xxxviii.  15. 

Ver.  21.  In  thine  own  counsel  (A.  V.),  h 
0ov\ii  ffov.  This  rendering  is  not  clear.  Bov\f! 
might  better  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  deliberation, 
reflection,  and  refer  to  that  revolving  of  painful 
thoughts  in  one's  mind  which  is  so  characteristic 
of  certain  temperaments. 

Ver.  23.  A  proportionate  regard  for  one's 
self  is  the  highest  duty.  "  The  liest,  the  most 
Christian-like  pity  we  can  show  is  to  have  pity  on 
our  own  souls ;  the  best,  the  most  acceptable  ser- 
vice we  can  render  is  to  do  justice  and  show  mercy 
to  ourselves."  Coleridge's  Aids  to  Reflection.  Be- 
tween verse  24  of  this  chapter  and  xxxvi.  16,  the 
chapters  and  verses  of  the  common  Greek  text 


are  in  great  disorder.  And  although  this  text  is 
supported  by  all  the  Greek  MSS.  with  but  one 
exception  (248.),  it  is  obviously  incorrect,  as  the 
want  of  connection  in  the  thought  sufficiently 
proves.  The  Old  translations,  Arabic,  Syriac, 
and  Old  Latin,  on  the  other  hand,  give  a  differ- 
ent arrangement.  And  since  the  latter,  as  far  as 
age  is  concerned,  have  nearly  or  quite  as  much 
weight  as  the  former,  they  have  been  commonly 
followed.  In  Fritz.sche's  judgment,  only  thought- 
lessness and  exegetical  incapacity  would  lead  any 
one  to  decide  in  favor  of  the  order  of  the  Greek 
MSS.,  since  according  to  them  some  verses  would 
be  wholly  unexplainable,  and  without  any  proper 
connection  in  the  text.  Happily,  in  this  case,  we 
find  our  English  text  already  on  the  right  side. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


Chapter  XXXI. 

Sleeplessness  for  the  sake  of  *  riches  consumeth  the  flesh, 
And  the  care  thereof  driveth  away  '^  sleep. 
Sleepless  care  °  will  not  let  n  man  slumber,* 
As  a  sore  disease  breaketh  ^  sleep. 

A  rich  man  tLi-eth  himself  out  ^  in  gathering  riches  together. 
And  when  he  resteth,  he  is  sated  with  his  delicacies.' 
A  poor  man  tireth  himself  out  in  a  straitened  life, 
And  when  he  resteth,  he  cometh  to  want.* 
He  that  loveth  gold  shall  not  be  justified,^ 
And  he  that  followeth  corruption  shall  be  sated  with  it,^ 
Gold  hath  been  the  ruin  of  many,'' 
And  their  destruction  was  before  them.'^ 
It  is  a  stumbling-block  '^  unto  them  that  sacrifice  unto  it, 
And  every  fool  shall  be  taken  therewith. 
Blessed  is  a  rich  man  who  ^*  is  found  without  blemish, 
And  hath  not  gone  after  gold. 
Who  is  he  ?  and  we  will  call  him  blessed  ; 
For  wonderful  things  hath  he  done  among  his  people. 
Who  hath  been  tried  thereby,  and  found  perfect  ? 
Let  it  also  be  to  his  '^  glory. 
Who  could  transgress,  and  transgressed  not  ?  *° 
Or  do  evil,  and  did  it  not?  " 
His  goods  shall  be  assured,'* 
And  the  congregation  shall  speak  much  of  "  his  alms. 

If  thou  sit  at  a  bountiful  table. 
Be  not  greedy  over  -"  it. 

And  say  not,  There  is  really  a  great  deal  ^  on  it. 
Remember  that  a  greedy^'-  eye  is  an  evil  thing. 
What  '*  is  created  more  greedy  '^  than  an  eye  ? 
Therefore  it  weepeth  from  every  face.^ 
Stretch  not  thine  "^  hand  whithersoever  it  looketh, 


Vers.  1-3. — *  A.  V. :  Watching  for  (iypuTrvia,  followed  by  the  gen.).  ^  (inveth  away  (o^tcrriy.    For  the  form,  el. 

fflner,  p.  79).  ^  watching  care  (lit.,  care  of  sleeplessness).  *  slumber  (see  Com.).  ^  breaketh  (see  Com.). 

*  The  rich  hath  great  labour  (^KOTriowre  TrAovo-to?).        '  filled  with  his  delicates. 

Vers.  4-8.  —  ^  a.  V.  :  The  poor  laboureth  in  kis  poor  estate  (eicon-iWe  tttw^os  iv  ^Ka-nwaei  fiiov)  ....  leaveth  off  (see 
Ter.  3) ....  is  still  needy  (eTriSojs  y.^erai,  i.  «.,  comes  to  utter  want).  »  justified  (declared  just ;  he  will  be  found 

guilty  of  false  dealing).  i"  have  enough  thereo/isee  ver.  3).  '•  many  (lit.,  many  were  given  to  {243.  Co.,  ideBriaav) 
fall  on  account  of  gold).        ^^  present  (see  Com.).        ^  stumbling-block  (see  Com.).        ^*  is  the  rich  that. 

Vers.  10, 11.  —  15  A.  V. :  Then  let  him  [koX  etrrw).  i"  might  offend  ....  hath  not  offended  (the  verb  is  irapafiiivai, 
preceded  in  the  first  clause  by  ciui'aTo).  ^^  done  ....  hath  not  done  it.  i8  established  {see  Com.).  ^^  declare 
(c«5iTry^a€T(Zi). 

Vers.  12-16.  —  ^^  .4.  V.  ;  upon  (marg.,  open  not  thy  throat  upon).  *l   Thfre  is  much  meat  (n-oMd  -ye  Ta  ev  auTTJc) 

12  a  wicked  {novTjpos,  but  its  special  sense  is  determined  by  the  context).  23  ^nd  what.  ^4  wicked  (see  fir*'-  mem- 
ber). 25  upon  every  occasion  (see  Cotn.).        2a  thine  (<rov  is  added  in  litS.  Co.  Old  Lat.). 


360  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

And  crowd  not  together  with  it  ^  into  the  dish. 

15  Judge  of  thy  neighbor  ^  by  thyself, 
And  reflect  over  every  matter.' 

16  Eat,  as  *  a  man,  what  is  ^  set  before  thee, 
And  devour  ^  not,  lest  thou  be  hated. 

17  Leave  off  first,  for  manners''  sake, 
And  be  not  insatiable,*  lest  thou  offend. 

18  And  if  ^  thou  sittest  among  many, 
Reach  not  thine  hand  out  before  them.'" 

19  How  satisfying  is  little  ^'  for  a  man  well  nurtured  I 
And  he  is  not  troubled  for  breath  ^^  upon  his  bed. 

20  Sound  sleep  cometh  of  moderate  eating  ;  ^' 
He  riseth  early,  and  his  wits  ^*  are  with  him. 
Wearisome  sleeplessness,  and  cholera  morbus, 
And  colic,  are  with  an  insatiable  ^^  man. 

21  And  if  thou  hast  eaten  too  much,'' 

Arise  and  go  forth  for  a  walk,  and  thou  shall  get  relief." 

22  My  son,  hear  me,  and  despise  me  not. 

And  at  last "  thou  shalt  find  my  words  true  ;  ^ 

In  all  thy  works  be  active,* 

So  shall  not  any  sickness  "'  come  upon  ^  thee. 

23  Him  who  is  liberal  with  food,^'  men  shall  speak  well  of ;  ** 
And  the  report  of  his  liberality  is  true.^ 

24  Over  him  who  is  a  niggard  with  food  a  ^°  city  shall  murmnr; 
And  the  report '"  of  his  niggardness  is  correct.^ 

25  Show  not  valiantness  ^  in  wine, 
For  wine  hath  destroyed  many. 

26  The  furnace  proveth  the  edge  by  dipping. 

So  doth  wine  hearts,  by  the  strife  of  the  proud.'" 

27  Wine  is  as  life  to  men,  if  it  be  drunk  in  its  measure;*^ 
"What  kind  of  a  life  is  that  which  ^-  is  without  wine  ? 
And  ^^  it  was  made  to  make  men  glad. 

28  Wine  drunk  measurably  and  in  season  '^  is  gladness  of  heart,  and  joy  of  sonl  ;** 

29  Wine  drunken  to  excess  is  bitterness  of  soul,'' 
With  excitement  and  quarrelsomeness." 

30  Drunkenness  increaseth  the  rashness  '*  of  a  fool  till  he  offend  ; 
It  diminisheth  strength,  and  maketh  ''  wounds  besides. 

31  Rebuke  not  thy  neighbor  at  a  wine  party, ^^ 
And  treat  him  not  slightingly^'  in  his  mirth. 
Speak  not  to  him  a  reproachful  word,*'^ 
And  press  not  upon  him  with  a  demand.^' 

Vers.  14,  15.  —  i  A.  V. ;  thrust  it  not  with  him  (fir)  tnivQXi-^av  auTw  ev  rpu^Xiy.  Cf.  Matt  xxri.  23).  *  neighbour 
'eee  Com.'),        ^  be  discreet  in  eTery  point  leirl  iracTt  Trpdy^ari  hio-voov). 

Vers.  16-13.  — *  A.  V. ;  as  it  becoTneth.  ^  those  things  which  are  (cf.  Luke  x.  8).  "  devour  (see  Com.).  ^  mAD- 
ners' (TTocSeiot).  »  unsatiable.  »  When  («a'i  ei)-         l°  first  of  all. 

Vers.  19-24.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  A  very  little  is  sutfitieut  (a>?  iKavof  ....  to  oKiyov).  12  fetcheth  not  his  wind  short  (marg. 
And  lielk  not  jiiiffins  nnU  blowing ;  Gr.,  ou<c  aafl^atVei).  ^^  moderate  eating  (etn-tpw  fierpitf,  moderate  intestine,  OT 

bowel),  '*  wit8(see  Co7n.).  15  £u^  the  pain  of  watching  (ttocos  aypun-ftas  ;  cf.  ver.  1)  and  cboler(xoA£pay  ;  248.  Co 
Old  Lat.,  xoAe'pa)  and  pangs  of  the  belly  (oTp6(^o?)  ....  unsatiable.  '*'  been  forced  to  eat  (e^iacr^T)?  ev  eSe'tr/iao-ii',  art 

overpowered  throui;/t/ood,  i.  e.,  hast  eaten  to  surfeit).  ^^  Arise,  go  forth,  vomit  (see  Com.     Fritzsche  reads  /leero- 

iropoic  with  68,  lUG.  254.  307.  Aid. ;  text  rec,  ^eaorttapuiv  ;  Old  Lat.,  surge  e  medio,  evome,  etc.  ;  248.  Co.  add  to  ^letronopi^v 
the  word  e/ieo-of)  ....  have  rest.        18  the  last.        1"  as  I  told  thee.  -^  quick  (see  Com,],  21  there  no  sickness. 

22  unto.        23   \y/toso  f5  ....  of  his  meat.        24  of  him.      .  2.''  good  housekeeping  will  be  believed  (see  Com,).  26  £uz 

against  him  that  is  a  niggard  of  his  meat  the  whole,  27  testimonies  (17  ^aprupt'a,  as  in  ver.  23).  28  shall  not  be 

doubted  of  (aKpl^>i!,  txact,  correct). 

Vers.  25-31.  —  2i»  \,  \. ,.  thy  valiantness.  ^'^  the  hearts  of  the  proud  by  drunkenness  (H.  ^8.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read 

olcof  iv  KapSi'ij  (Kap£i'ac,  11. ;  Old  Lat.,  corda)  viTef>ri<f>avatv  cV  fxc0T]).  ^^  is  as  good  as  life  to  a  man  (Fritzsche  adopts 

dat.  plur.  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  106.  ai.  Co.  Old  Lat.)  ....  moderately  (ei/  /ieVpti),  23.  66.  106.  al.  Co.  instead  of  p-hpta 
aVToD).        33  jife  is  then  to  a  man  that.  ^  For.  3*  measurably  drunk  and  in  season.  ^  Bnngeth  gladness  of 

the  heart  .  .  .  cheerfulness  of  the  mind  (evi^potrvrrj  tlnj\ri^).  3"  But  wine  drunken  with  excess  maketh  ....  the  mind 
•^  brawling  and  quarrelling  (see Com,).  38  rage  (dvfiof,  but  here  in  the  sense  of  heat,  rashness).  ^a  maketh 

(TrpocTTTotif,  addeth  to,  besides).  *°  the  wine  ((rvjuiroa-iy).  ""  despise  him  not.  "  Qiye  him  no  despiteful  words. 
*3  urging  him  to  drink  ^iv  aniuT^o'ei ;  248.  Co.,  iv  airavrrtati.  aitrov). 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


361 


Chapter  XXXI.  (xxxiv.  of  the  Greek  text). 


Ver.  2.  'ATToiT^ffci,  demand  hack,  or  demand 
urgently.  This  meaning  is  not  here  suitable  ;  and 
the  reading  airoi7T77<r€i,  suggested  by  Bretschneider 
and  adopted  by  Fritzsche,  seems  on  the  whole  the 
best  among  those  proposed  by  critics.  Cf.  theLXX. 
at  Esther  vi.  1  :  6  Se  Kupios  OTreiTTTjffe  Thv  virvov. 
—  'EKPVif/fi.  The  verb  etcf-n^ai  means  literally  to 
sleep  off  the  effects  of  drunkermess ;  and,  figura- 
tively, to  become  sohrred  in  an  intellectuiil  and 
spiritual  sense.  Some  (Gaali)  would  translate: 
"  and  sleep  sleepeth  off  a  severe  sickness,"  /.  e.,  it 
prevents  sickness  by  banishing  care.  But  this 
verb  is  always  used  intransitively.  The  words 
a^^iiffTrjfxa  $ap6  are  to  be  taken  rather  as  nomina- 
tive absolute,  and  the  verb  as  a  translation  of 
VV^,  'Pill  u.-ake,  i.  e.,  be  wakeful.  The  A.  V. 
gives  the  true  sense.  Cod.  II.,  together  with 
C.  68.  296.  307.  Aid.,  has  virvoi'  instead  of  the 
nominative,  i.  e.,  understood  the  verb  transi- 
tively. 

Ver.  3.  When  (he)  resteth.  Retires  from 
business,  or  cea.^es  to  strive  after  wealth. 

Ver.  6.  Koto  Trp6<rQnTotf  avrutv,  before  them. 
On  the  path  they  went,  so  that  they  reached  it  as 
though  it  had  been  a  goal. 

Ver.  7.  Stumbling-block,  ^^Kov  wpocrK^ti^ros. 
A  trap  made  from  wood,  for  catching  animals. 
So  Dere.ser  and  Gaab.  Fritzsche,  however,  thinks 
it  means  simply  a  block  against  which  one  stum- 
bles. Cf.  Rom.  ix.  32,  33.  Others  still  (Bret- 
schneider)  think  an  idol  image  is  meant. 

Vers.  8,  9.  Gone  after.  Run  after,  made  it 
the  great  object  of  pursuit,  "  hasteth  to  be  rich." 
Cf.  Prov.  xxviii.  22  ;  Luke  vi.  24. 

Ver.  11.  His  goods  {i.e.,  property)  shall  be 
assured.  He  will  be  sure  of  having  them,  and  of 
having  enough  to  give  abnndant  alms,  and  such 
too  as  were  honestly  obtained,  to  his  poor  neigh- 
bors. 

Ver.  13.  From  every  face,  airh  Travrhs  irpoa- 
(liirou.  So  we  translate,  with  Gaab  and  Fritzsche. 
The  meaning  seems  to  be  that  tears  are  an  evi- 
dence of  envy  and  greed,  and  are  seen  in  all 
eyes.  Others  (Bunsen's  Bibelwerk)  render:  "on 
every  side ;  "  De  Wette,  Wahl :  "  down  over 
the  entire  face;"  others, /or  every  cause, for  every 
kind  of  object,  etc.  Bretschneider  thinks  the  en- 
tire clause,  with  the  preceding  one,  was  a  later 
addition,  taken  from  Prov.  xxiii.  6.  Cf.  Ecclus. 
siv.  10. 


Ver.  14.  'With  it.  The  eye.  Do  not  reach 
after  a  thing  as  soon  as  you  see  it,  and  so  come 
into  conflict  with  others  who  possibly  desire  the 
same  thing. 

Ver.  15.  Judge  of  (thy)  neighbor  (t4  toS 
itAtjo-W),  i.e.,  thy  neighbor's  matters,  his  wishes, 
his  likes  and  dislikes.  Cf.  Tob.  iv.  15  ;  Matt.  vii. 
12. 

Ver.  16.  Devour,  SiafiaaiZ.  This  word  means 
literallv  chew  vp,  cheir  to  pif^res.  The  idea  seems 
to  be  :  "  Do  not  make  a  great  affair  of  eat- 
ing." Gaab  suggests  schmatzen,  smack,  as  the 
proper  rendering.  And  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  with 
Fritzsche,  translates  :  chew  not  with  smacking. 

Ver.  20.  His  wits  (are)  with  him,  fi  i//uxi 
aiiTov  ix€t'  aliTav.  His  spirit  is  with  him  ;  he  is 
in  good  spirits. 

Ver.  21.  Arise  and  go  forth  for  a  walk, 
afdffTa  fifCOTTOpuv.  Lit.,  arise  going  in  the  midst 
{of  the  way,  understood).  Others  (De  Wette, 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk)  render:  Arise,  withdraw  thy- 
self from  the  company.  Wahl :  "  Surge  media  in 
via  versatjs,"  in  the  sense  of,  Ai'ise  at  once. 

Ver.  22.  'Eirrpex'h^,  (T^i^^),  quick,  zealous,  alert. 
The  Greek  word  means  ready,  skiltfid.  The  idea 
is  simply  that  activity  of  body  and  mind  is  a 
good  preventive  of  sickness. 

Ver.  23.  KaXAof^s,  excellence ;  but  here  liber- 
alitt).  — nicTT^),  believable,  true  ;  others  (Gaab,  Bun- 
sen's Bibelwerk],  lasting ;  De  Wette  :  certain.  The 
author  would  praise  him  that  is  liberal  with  his 
food,  and  says  that  is  really  true  of  such  an  one 
that  he  is  a  generous  soul. 

Ver.  26.  By  the  strife  of  the  proud,  iv  fiol-XV 
Oirepricpai/ay.  In  so  far  as  he  engages  in  it,  or  ab- 
stains from  it. 

Ver.  29.  'Ev  ipeOLtrfi^  Kal  avTinTcitfxari,  with 
excitement  and  quarrelsomeness.  On  the  last 
•word  cf.  the  Greek  text  at  xxxv.  20.  where  alone, 
in  addition  to  the  present  passage,  it  is  said  to  be 
found.  It  means  literally  a  falling  against,  and 
here  apparently  resistance,  i.  e.,  readiness  to  resent 
injuries  real  or  supposed.  Buusen's  Bibelwerk 
renders  freely  :  "  If  men  fall  into  strife,  and  pitch 
into  one  another."  But  iv  is  to  he  taken  here 
rather  in  the  sense  of  with,  as  denoting  what  ac- 
companies excessive  drinking,  as  the  A.  V.  cor- 
rectly renders. 


Chapter  XXXII. 


If  thou  be  made  master  at  a  feast}  lift  not  thyself  up, 

Be  ^  among  them  as  one  of  them  ;  * 

Take  care  of  *  them,  and  so  sit  clown, 

And  having  done  ^  all  th_v  office,  take  thy  place,' 

That  thou  mayest  be  merry  for  their  sake,'' 

And  receive  a  crown  for  the  fine  arrangements.' 


Vera.  1, 2.  —  i  A.  V. ;  the  master  of  ttis  feast     (The  title  of  the  present  section,  n-ept  i)yavit.iv(av ,  is  wanting  in  II.  III. 

.  65. 106.  al.)  2  5a(  be.  8  the  rest  (ef  avTwi').  *  take  diligent  care  for  {(^poin-io-o^).  8  when  thou  hast  dona 
\ffoi,j<ra?).         ^  take  thy  place  (ifajreae  ^zfall  back,  recline,  i.  e,  at  table).         '  with  them  (see  Com.)  8  thy  well 

•rdering  of  thi  feast. 


862  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


3  Speak,  elder,*  for  it  becometh  thee,  with  sound  judgment,' 
And  hinder  not  music. 

4  Do  not  keep  up  a  chatter  where  one  would  hear,' 
And  show  not  thy  *  wisdom  out  of  time. 

5  A  concert  of  music  at  ^  a  banquet  of  wine 
Js  as  a.  signet  of  carbuncle  set  in  gold.' 

6  As  a  signet  of  an  emerald  set  in  a  work  of  gold. 
So  ?s  the  melody  of  music '  with  sweet '  wine. 

7  Speak,  young  man,  if  there  be  need  of  thee, 
And  yet  scarcely  twice  if  thou  art  asked.' 

8  Let  thy  speech  be  short,  much  in  little  ;  *° 

Be  as  one  that  knoweth  and  at  the  same  time  is  silent." 

9  If  thou  be  among  great  men,  make  not  thyself  an  equal ;  ** 
And  when  another  is  speaking  talk  not  much  idly." 

10  Before  thunder  goeth  **  lightning, 

And  before  a  shamefaced  man  *^  shall  go  favor." 

11  Rise  up  betimes,  and  be  not  the  last. 
Get "  thee  home  without  delay.** 

12  There  take  thy  pastime,  and  do  what  thou  wilt ; 
But "  sin  not  by  proud  speech. 

13  And  for  these  things  ^''  bless  him  that  made  thee, 
And  hath  replenished  thee  with  his  good  things. 

14  He  that^*  feareth  the  Lord  will  receive  ^^  discipline  ; 
And  they  that  rise  early  to  seek  him  '^  shall  find  favor. 

15  He  that  seeketh  the  law  shall  be  filled  '^^  therewith. 
But  ^^  the  hypocrite  will  be  offended  thereat.'^' 

16  They  that  fear  the  Lord  shall  find  judgment," 
And"  shall  kindle  justice  ^'  as  a  light. 

17  A  sinful  man  turneth  away  from  reproof,''' 
And  '"  flndeth  an  excuse  '*  according  to  his  will. 

18  A  man  of  judgment  doth  not  overlook  the  opinion  of  another,** 
But  a  proud  man  will  not  crouch  from  fear  ;  '^ 

And  having  acted  by  himself  without  judgment," 

He  will  also  be  convinced  of  his  want  of  consideration. 

19  Do  nothing  without  advice,'* 

And  when  thou  hast  done  it,  thou  shalt  not  repent." 

20  Go  not  on  a  damaged  road,'' 

And  thou  shalt  not  stumble  among  ''  stones. 

21  Be  not  confident  in  a  plain  way. 

Vera.  8-6  —  ^  A.  V.  ■  thou  that  art  the  elder.  ^  but  (248.  Co.  have  Se)  with  sound  judgment  [iv  oKfufiti  iinvr^ii^. 

mtEscbe,  vrith  exact  knowledge.  But  does  not  the  context  require  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  i.  e.,  ajine  senAe  of  what 
the  occasion  demands  ?)  ^  Pour  not  out  words  where  there  is  a  musician  (ottou  axp6ap.a.    The  latter  word  was  ren 

dered  by  the  A.  V.  as  though  the  abstract  stood  for  the  concrete.    See  Com.).  *  forth,  *  in.  ^  set  in  gold 

linl  notTntft  xpvotf)).  '  melody  of  musick  (^e'Xos  furvaiKtiiv.    Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  "song  and  playing  "  ;  Fritzsche, 

"  harmonious  music  ").         ^  pleasant  (*)6el). 

Vers.  7-13.  — ^  A.  V. :  scarcely  when  thou  art  twice  asked  (  ^iXcs  Sts  eav  eirepu-niQjji).  i"  comprehending  much  in 

few  words  (the  sentence  is  needlessly  burdened).  **  yet  holdeth  his  tongue  (a^a  atuindv,  i.  e.,  can  be  silent). 

'*  thyself  equal  with  them.  *3  ancient  men  are  in  place  (ere'pov  Xe'-yoio-oy  ;  oirov  yepocres  {Keyovre^,  248.),  248.  Co.  Old 

Lat.  Syr.  Ar.)  use  not  many  words  (fiij  n-oXAa  a6oA«(Txet,  "  do  not  gabble  much  '')  ^*  the  thimder  goeth  {Kara- 

nrtvStt,  hastens).  »  shamefast  man.  '»  favour  (see  Com.).  "  But  get.  "  delay  (see  Com.).  '»  But  (itai'l 
*>  for  these  things  (cVl  toutol?.    Others,  besides). 

Vers.  14-17.  —  "  A.  V. :  Whoso.         '-  receive  his  (aiirov  is  read  after  rraiSeiay  by  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  »  him  eany 

(H.  Old  Lat.  read  irpo?  airov  after  opSpifoi'Tei.    Cf .,  on  the  last  word,  iv.  12).  "  filled  (i.  e.,  satisfied.    Cf.  ii.  16). 

M  But  (Kai).  2"  offended  thereat  (uKai'SoAtCTd^ffeTat  ev  o{rT^.    Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  essentially  Linde,  "dem 

gereicbt  es  zum  Falle,"  "  him  brings  it  to  his  fall  ").  ^7  judgment  (see  Com.).  2'  justice  (see  Com.).  »  will 
not  be  reproved  (eicjtXtfei  cXey(Li6»').        ^o  But.        ^1  excuse  (ovyKpiiua,  Bunsen's  i>i6c/tiJcrA,  "  punishment  "). 

Vers.  18-24.  —  ^"^  A.  V. :  counsel  will  be  considerate.  (Fritzsche  joins  oAAoTptov  to  this  line,  adopting  the  suggestion 
of  QaAb,  that  it  should  be  read  for  oAA^Tpios,  making  this  member  read,  'Ai/tjp  PovA^?  ov  juij  Trapt'Sji  {lofoij^a  oAAoTpwu) 
^  But  (itai)  a  strange  and  (see  preceding  note)  pioud  vian  is  not  daunted  (fcaTaTrr^^et,  crouch,  cower  down)  with  feat 
'*  Even  when  of  himself  he  hath  done  without  counsel  [koX  /lera  to  TroiTjoat  p.er  avrou  avev  ^ovAii?.  Fritzsche  adds,  on 
the  basis  of  the  Old  Lat.,  a  line  to  complete  the  obviously  imperfect  sense  :  »cai  ttj?  afftpoovrTj?  avrov  eAeyx^'oerat ;  Old 
\^1,.,"et  suisinsectatinnibus  arguetuT."     Cf.  Com.).  »»  advice  OouAit.     Others,  rf/ffcf/on).         '«  once  done,  repen' 

aot  (see  Com.).  "  in  a  way  wherein  thou  mayest  fall.  3"  stumble  not  (see  ver.  19)  among  the. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


363 


22  And  ^  beware  of  thy  children. 

23  In  every  work  ''■  trust  iu  thyself ;  ° 

For  this  also  is  keeping  ^  the  commandments. 

24  He  that  believeth  the  law  taketh  heed  to  the  commandments  ;  ' 
And  he  that  trusteth  in  the  Lord  *  shall  not  want.' 


Vere  22-24  —  '  A.  V  i  And  (=  "And  bo,''  or  "  Even  ■').         '  thine  own  ....  good  work  (248.  808.  Co.  add  iyae<p). 

thy  own  soul.        «  this  is  the  keeping  ol.         =  in  the  Lord  (243.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  Kupiy  for  ko/x,.)  conunandment  (so 
X.  23.  248.  253.  307.  Co.).  «  in  him  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  i-n  aii-fi  for  mipiif). 

ihall  not  be  hurt.     Gr.,  ouic  cAaTTw^ffrrai). 


7  fare  never  the  worse  (marg.* 


Chapter  XXXII.  (xxxv.  of  the  Greek  text). 


Ver.  1.  'Hyovfihuv.  The  symposiarch  is  clearly 
meant.     Cf.  2  Mace.  ii.  27  ;  John  ii.  8. 

Ver.  2.  At*  aiiTovSt  on  their  accoiint,  not  with 
them.  They  are  at  their  ease  and  merry,  and  so 
the  master  of  the  feast  has  accomplished  his  pur- 
pose, has  well  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office. 

Ver.  4.  'AKpdafia.  Something  to  be  heard, 
like  music  or  a  speech,  especially  something  that 
is  meant  to  entertain.  Cf.  Xen.,  Sympos..  ii.  2  ; 
Hier.,  i.  14.  —  And  show  not  thy  wisdom. 
There  is  a  time  for  everything,  the  author  would 
Bay.  At  a  feast  one  should  not  discuss  abstruse 
and  difficult  subjects. 

Ver.  10.  Before  a  shamefaced  mau  (aiVxi'i'- 
mpov).  The  A.  V.  has  given  the  correct  meaning 
to  this  word  here.  See  .xxvi.  15;  xlii.  1.  But 
the  point  of  the  comparison  is  lost  in  rendering 
xipis  in  the  next  clause  by  "  favor."  It  refers  to 
that  which  characterizes  and  makes  manifest  such 
a  man  wherever  he  goes  ;  namely,  modesty  of  be- 
havior, inward  and  outward  grace,  propriety. 

Ver.  11.  Rise  up  betimes,  i.e.,  from  the 
feast.  —  Delay  not,  fiii  ^a9u;aei.  It  would  seem 
to  agree  better  with  the  context,  and  gives  its 
original  meaning  to  this  word,  to  translate.  "  Be 
not  frivolous,"  i.  e.,  "  Do  not  go  home  shouting 
and  carousing,"  or,  perhaps,  "  Do  not  remain  be- 
hind at  the  house  of  the  friend  to  give  yourself 
up  to  revelry." 


Ver.  15.  Seeketh  [foUoweth  after]  the  law, 
shall  be  filled  therewith.  He  will  find  satisfac- 
tion in  it.     Cf.  ii.  16. 

Ver.  16.  Kpifia.  It  is  not  easy  to  give  a  suit- 
able rendering  to  this  word  and  to  the  following, 
Sixaiw/iaTO.  The  first  would  seem  to  mean  de- 
cision, i.e.,  what  is  judged,  and  so  a.  judgment  in 
this  sense.  The  second  word  has  also  much  the 
same  meaning.  It  is  the  result  of  the  Si/taioDy, 
and  so  a  legal,  just  decision,  statute  of  right. 

Ver.  18.  We  have  read  here,  with  Fritzsche, 
aWoTptov,  joining  it  to  the  preceding  clause,  and 
added  a  line  to  the  verse  to  complete  the  obviously 
imperfect  thought,  as  noted  above.  The  idea  of 
tlie  lost  clause  must  have  been  something  similar 
to  this.  Having  acted  thoughtlessly,  he  must 
bear  the  penalty  of  the  same. 

Ver.  19.  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  with 
which  Gaab  and  De  Wette  accord,  "  repent  not," 
is  grammatically  allowable,  but  does  not  agree 
well  with  the  context,  —  not  alone  with  thepre- 
ceding  as  amended,  but  with  the  following.  When 
two  imperatives  are  thus  connected,  the  second 
often  expresses  the  necessary  result.  Cf.  Winer, 
p.  311. 

Ver.  23.  Have  a  sufficient  degree  of  self- 
confidence.  Do  not  be  without  courage.  This, 
too,  is  a  matter  of  commandment.  Cf.  1  Sam.  iv. 
9. 


Chapter  XXXIH. 

1  There  shall  no  evil  happen  unto  him  that  feareth  the  Lord, 
But  in  temptation  even  again  he  will  deliver  him.' 

2  A  wise  man  hateth  not  the  law, 

But  he  that  is  a  hypocrite  therein  is  as  a  ship  in  a  storm. 

3  A  man  of  understanding  trusteth  in  the  law, 

And  the  law  is  as  trustworthy  for  him,  as  an  answer  of  the  Urim.* 

4  Prepare  what  to  say,  and  so  thou  shalt  be  heard  ; 
Bind  up  instruction,  and  so  '  make  answer. 

5  The  mind  of  a  fool  is  *  like  a  cartwheel, 
And  his  thought  ^  like  a  rolling  axletree. 

6  A  stallion  is  •*  as  a  mocking  friend, 

He  neigheth  under  every  one  that  sitteth  upon  him, 

7  Why  doth  one  day  excel  another, 

Vers.  1-6.  —'  A.  V. :  him  (oiirov  is  found  only  in  248.  Co.).  '  is  faithful  (iriorij)  mito  him,  as  an  oracl»  (maig., 

at  the  asking  of  Vrim.    SeeCtom.).        s  jlnd  bind  up  instruction  ((nivSriiroi' itaiiei'm-.     See  Com.)  and  then  (rdre  is  added 
by  65. 157.  248.  263.  264.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  oSt«is,  by  X.  H.  106.  307.).  •  heart  (see  Com.)  of  the  foolUh  ((uupoii)  it 

5  thoughts  (i.  SioXoyiffjiis)  art.         '  stallion  horse  ij  (Jinro?  eii  oxciov  =  a  horse  for  impregnating  ;  or,  as  others  would 
render  "  A  lustful  stud,'  t.  «.,  a  horse  inclined  to  (tij)  oxtuu/). 


364  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


When  '  all  the  light  of  every  day  in  the  year  is  from  "  the  sou  ? 

8  By  the  knowledge  of  the  Lord  they  were  distinguished ; 
Aid  he  made  *  seasons  and  feasts  diverse.* 

9  Some  of  them  ^  he  made  high  days,  and  hallowed  them, 
And  some  of  them  ^  he  made  ordinary  days. 

10  And '  all  men  are  from  the  ground, 
And  Adam  was  created  of  earth. 

11  In  great  wisdom  ^  the  Lord  made  a  difference  among  '  them, 
And  made  their  ways  diverse. 

12  Some  of  them  '°  he  blessed  and  exalted. 

And  some  of  them  "  he  sanctified,  and  set  near  himself ; 
Some  of  them  '^  he  cursed  and  brought  low. 
And  turned  them  out  of  their  place.^^ 

13  As  the  clay  of  the  potter  is  in  his  hand,'' 
All  its  forms  according  to  '■*  his  pleasure. 

So  men  are  '^  in  the  hand  of  him  that  made  them," 
To  render  to  them  according  to  his  determination." 

14  The  good  is  over  against  the  evU,'* 
And  life  over  '*  against  death  ; 

So  is  the  sinner  over  against  the  godly.''"' 

15  And  '•''  so  look  upon  all  the  works  of  the  Most  High, 
And  there  are  two  and  two,  one  over  '^^  against  another. 

16  And,  as  for  me,  I  put  forth  sleepless  effort  as  the  last," 
And  -*  as  one  that  gleaneth  ^^  after  the  grape-gatherers; 
By  the  blessing  of  the  Lord  I  overtook  them,-' 

And  filled  my  winepress  like  a  gatherer  of  grapes. 

17  Consider  that  I  labored  not  for  myself  only, 
But  for  all  them  that  seek  learning. 

18  Hear  me,  0  ye  great  men  of  the  people, 
And  give  ear  '■"  ye  rulers  of  the  congregation. 

19  Son  ■-*  and  wife,  brother  and  friend. 

Give  them  not  '^  power  over  thee  while  thou  livest, 

And  give  not  thy  goods  to  another. 

Lest  it  repent  thee,  and  thou  intreat  for  them.*" 

20  As  long  as  thou  livest  and  hast  breath  in  thee. 
Exchange  not  thy  position  with  any.'' 

21  For  better  it  is  that  thy  children  should  seek  to  '^  thee. 
Than  that  thou  shouldest  look  to  the  hands  of  thy  sons.** 

22  In  all  thy  works  keep  '■*  the  preeminence. 
Put  not  a  stain  upon  '^  thine  honor. 

23  At  the  time  when  thou  shalt  end  thy  days, 
And  finish  thy  life,  distribute  the  '^  inheritance. 

Vera.  7-13.  —  i  A.  V. :  When  as  (xat,  but  the  sense  is  as  given).       2  i,  of.        ^  altered  (I  render  as  the  eame  word  Ij 
fenderedatTer.il).  *  owji(s  diverse  (see  preceding  note).  ^  5ome  of  them  (ojr' auruj')  hath.  ^  some  .  . ,  . 

them  hath.  '  And  {/cat  consecutivutn  =  And  so).  *  much  knowledge  {€v  irX^flei  eTrtor^^,)?,  probably  for  S'nS 

n^wH,    Cf.  Eccles.  i.  18.).        *  hath  divided  them  {Siexwpio-ef  ai-ToiJs.    I  have  rendered  freely,  in  order  to  bring  the 

T    ;    T 

thonght  into  harmony  with  the  context).  w  5o,„e  of  them  hath.  n  .B«?  50?"?  of  them  hath.  12  turned  out 

....  places  {248.  296.  Co.,  the  plur.).  ^^  is  in  the  potter's  hand  (not  according  to  the  Greek).  '*  To  fashion  it 

In-acrai  ai  65oI  avToi)  ;  U.,  TrAao-at  avTo  ;  Old  Lat.,  plasmare  Utud  ei  disponere.     Cf.  Rom.  ix.  21)  at.         J5  man  (so  248.  Co. 
Old  Lat.)  is.        1"  made  him  (ainov  is  read  by  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.).        ^^  as  liketh  him  best  iKara  Trjv  Kpitrw  avTou). 

Vers.  14, 15.  — ***  A.  V. :  Cood  is  set  against  evil.  ^^  omits  over.  -^  the  godly  against  the  sinner  (so  248.  Co. 

which  also  add  what  appears  in  A.  V.  as  follows  :  "  And  (ovtws)  the  sinner  against  the  godly  ").  21  oinits  And  (as 

307).       »  OOTiljover. 

Vers.  16-18.  — '^  A.  V. :  I  awaked  up  last  o/all  (see  Com.).  24  omits  And  (Fritzsche  adopts  it  from  the  Old  Lat.). 

**  gathereth  (leoAaMwftei'o?.    I  adopt  marg.  reading).        ^ii  profited  (e<f»6a(7a).        2^  hearken  with  your  ears. 

Vers.  18-23.  — '-«  A.  V.  :  Give  not  tky  eon  (I  arrange  the  words  as  in  the  Greek)  ....  thy  brother.  29  0^1(5  Give 

them  not  (see  previous  note).  so  the  same  a^ain.         ^i  Give  not  thyself  over  to  any  (seeCom.).  32  geek  to  (or 

"  need  '').         ^^  stand  to  their  courtesy  (marg.,  look  to  their  hands.    Gr.,  en^AtTrcif  cIs  A*^P*^  vliov  aov).         ^  keep  to 
thyself.  86  Leave  (fiw?)  ....  in.         so  thine  (the  last  two  lines  more  literally  would  be  :  "  In  the  day  of  the  finish 

ing  of  the  days  of  thy  life,  And  at  the  time  of  death  (TeAevTT)?)  give  over  (5ia6os,  which  also  means  "  distribute  "')  thi 
inhermince  "). 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


365 


24  Fodder,  and  a  stick,'  and  burdens,  are  for  the  ass  ; 
Bread,  and  correction,"  and  work,  for  a  servant. 

25  If  thou  set  thy  servant  to  labor,  thou  shalt  find  rest ; 
If  ^  thou  let  him  go  idle,  he  will  *  seek  liberty. 

26  A  yoke  and  a  collar  do  bow  the  neck. 

So  are  tortures  and  torments  for  an  evil  servant. 

27  Plunge  him  in  ^  labor,  that  he  be  not  idle, 
For  idleness  teacheth  much  evil. 

28  Set  him  to  such  ^  work  as  is  fit  for  him  ; 

And '  if  he  be  not  obedient,  put  on  more  heavy  '  fetters. 

29  But  ^  lie  not  excessive  toward  any  ; 
Afcd  without  justice  "  do  nothing. 

30  If  thou  have  a  servant,  let  him  be ''  as  thyself, 
Because  thou  hast  bought  him  with  blood.^^ 

31  If  thou  have  a  servant,  treat ''  him  as  a  brother,'* 
For  thou  wilt  bind  him  to  thee  as  thy  '^  soul ; 

If  thou  treat  him  ill,''  and  he  start  up  and  run  away," 
Which  way  '*  wilt  thou  seek  '^  him. 

Vera.  24-29.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Fodder,  a  wand.  *  And  bread,  correction.         3  But  if.  *  go  idle  {avti  x"P"5  aviy 

he  Bhall.         5  Sendhim  to  (e^^oAe  outoi-K         '^  him  to.         ^  omits  \nd.  8  put  on  more  lieavy  (^apvcoi'.    Others 

"make  lieavy '').  »  But  (itai).  lo  discretion  {jcptVew?).  "  be  unto  thee  (248.  Co.  add  trot).  i^  a  price  (marg. 
•n  blood.  See  Com.).  "  entreat.  "  brother  (Fritische  receiTes  aS(\<l)6v  from  III.  X.  C.  U.  23.  55. 106.  al. ;  ttxl 
rec,  vtavrov).  ^  hast  need  of  him  (eiri5ri7<reis  avTw.     Fritzsche  emends  to  en-tSijffei?  avrof,  su.specting  a  mistransla 

tion.  See  Com.)  a£  q/ thine  own.  ^^  entreat  him  evil.  i^  run  from  thee  (in-apas  djro5pa  j.  i^  Wliich  way  (ei*  n-ot'^ 
oj(i>  ri:  on  what  sort  of  a  way,  i.  e.,  on  which  way).        "  go  to  (needless)  seek. 


Chapter  XXXIII.  (xxxvi.  1-I6a,  xxx.  25-40,  of  the  Greek  text). 


Ver.  1.  Even  again.  He  will  put  him  back 
again  into  the  condition  he  was  in  before  he  was 
tried ;  which  is  a  better  one,  moreover,  in  so  far 
as  he  has  been  now  proved,  while  nothing  that  is 
really  evil  has  happened  to  him. 

Ver.  2.  Ship  in  a  storm.  He  is  driven  here 
and  there  by  his  impulses,  having  no  fi.xed  prin- 
ciples to  guide  him. 

Ver.  3.  'Cls  ipiiTriiia  S-tiKav.  The  reading 
S^Xui/  is  doubtless  correct,  StKalaiy  being  au  emen- 
dation, which  arose  from  a  failure  to  understand 
the  sense.  It  st.ands  for  the  so-called  "  Urim  "  of 
the  Jewish  high-priest.     The  Hebrew  word  for  it 

was  the  plural  of  "^^i*,  light ;  but  it  was  rendered 
in  the  LXX.  by  S^Amo-is  (Ex.  xxviii.  30  ;  Ecclus. 
xlv.  10  (and  Sri'xoi)  Numb,  xxvii.  21  ;  Dent,  xxxiii. 
8),  and  sometimes  by  participles  of  (panl^u  (Ez. 
ii.  63;  Neh.  vii.  65). 

Ver.  4.  'Zvvir\aov  has  here  the  sense  of  collect, 
assemble ;  and  the  force  of  the  exhortation  is. 
Gather  information,  or  gather  up  what  thou 
knowest,  with  consideration,  and  not  till  then 
give  answer. 

Ver.  5.  27rXa7X''''>  ^^'"6  *^«  mirid,  that  wliich 
thinks.  The  fool's  thoughts  move  in  narrow 
circles,  are  concerned  with  but  few  subjects. 
Goethe  says  in  Faust ;  — 

"  Von  dtm  AUem  wird  mir  so  dumm, 
ALs  ging''  Tnir  ein  Mtihlrad  im  Kop/hetum.^^ 

—  A  rolling  ((rrpecprffievos)  axletree.  The  axle- 
tree  only  seems  to  roll. 

Ver.  6.  The  lustful  steed  has  thought  for  noth- 
ing but  gratification ;  so  the  man  who  mocks, 
satirizes,  shows  his  idiosyncrasy  on  every  occa- 
sion, without  reference  to  circumstances. 

Vers.  13-15.  The  philosophy  of  this  writer  is, 
to  say  the  least,  interesting.  He  makes  human 
destiny  quite  dependent  on  the  foreordinatiou  of 


God,  though  not  a  blind  foreordination.  It  is 
one  controlled  by  wisdom.  But  he  says  nothing 
of  human  freedom,  or  the  origin  of  evil.  These 
are  problems  which  seem  not  to  have  disturbed 
his  mind  very  much ;  or  possibly  they  would 
have  disturbed  it  too  much,  and  so  he  let  them 
rest.  Still  he  shows,  in  other  parts  of  his  work, 
that  he  did  not  believe  that  man  is  a  mere  ma- 
chine under  the  guidance  of  a  higher  power.  At 
XV.  12-20,  he  plainly  declares  that  he  is  to  be  held 
responsible  for  his  sins.     Cf.  Rom.  i.x.  15-21. 

Ver.  16.  Kayoj  ^(Txaros  rjypvwfrjaa.  Fritzsche 
thus  explains  the  somcw  hat  abrupt  transition  at 
tliis  point,  which  also  correspomis  with  the  break 
in  the  MSS. :  "  With  the  feeling  that  he  had 
just  spoken  something  of  import.ance,  his  position 
in  general  comes  into  the  author's  mind ;  namely, 
that  he,  although  a  laggard,  had  not  labored  iu 
vain."  He  renders  freely :  "  I  then  put  forth 
sleepless  effort,  as  the  last."  Bunsen's  Bihelwerk : 
"  I,  I  have  awoke  at  last."  As  it  seems  to  us, 
effxttTos  is  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  the  last,  i.  e., 
among  writers  on  \visdom.  Does  he  refer  here  to 
Biblical  writers  also  ?  Probably  not,  but  simply 
to  other  uucanonical  writers  of  his  own  and  pre- 
ceding times,  with  whom  he  does  not  hesitate  to 
compare  himself  favorably. 

Ver.  20.  M))  aWa^ris  c7iavT6v.  The  verb  means 
to  change,  make  otherwise,  and  then  to  give  in  ex- 
change. And  the  meaning  here  may  be  "  exchange 
not  thyself,"  in  the  sense  of  "  give  not  up  thy  posi- 
tion "  to  another. 

Ver.  21.  There  is  a  German  proverb  :  "  One 
father  is  more  willing  to  tiike  care  of  six  chil- 
dren than  six  children  of  one  father  ;  "  and  an- 
other :  "  He  who  gives  bread  to  his  children,  and 
must  then  suffer  want  himself,  strike  him  dead 
with  a  club." 

Vers.  24-28.  The  severity  recommended  in 
these  verses  does  not  aeem  at  all  consistent  with 


366 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


what  follows.  Cf.,  on  slavery  in  general  in  the 
East,  Van  Leniiep,  Bihie  Lands,  jp.  565  ff.,  and 
the  art.  "  Slave  "  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet. 

Ver.  30.  'With  blood  {eVaV;uoTi),  '•  e.,  as  some 
suppose,  at  the  risk  of  thy  own  life  in  battle  (he 
being  a  prisoner  taken  in  war) ;  or,  wiih  thy  blood 
as  his  father  by  a  concubine.  Fritzsche,  with 
some  others,  however,  takes  the   Hebrew  word, 

D^,  for  which  the  Greek  probably  stood,  in  the 
sense  of  pecunia,  pretium.     "  Thou  hast  bought 


him  with  what  was  precious  ;  treat  him  well." 
One  must  feel,  however,  that  this  suggestion 
would  be  somewhat  at  the  expense  of  the  author's 
character.  Bunsen's  Bibeluyrk  renders:  "For 
without  blood  hast  thou  got  him  !  " 

Ver,  31.  The  proper  reading,  judging  from 
the  context,  seems  to  be,  according  to  Fritzsche's 
emendation,  imSriaets  a<n6v,  thou  wilt  bind  him  to 
thee.  The  Greek  text  as  it  stands  —  and  the 
A.  v.,  which  properly  translates  it  —  would  sup- 
port an  unwarrantable  exaggeration  of  the  tratn. 


Chapter  XXXTV. 


1  The  hopes  of  a  man  void  of  understanding  are  vain  and  false ; 

And  dreams  lift  up  '  fools. 

2  He  who  ^  regardeth  *  dreams 

Is  like  him  that  catcheth  at  a  shadow,  and  followeth  after  the  wind. 

3  The  vision  of  dreams  is  this  over  against  that,* 
As  ^  the  likeness  of  a  face  over  against  a  face. 

4  From  '  an  unclean  thinff  what  will  be  clean  ?  ' 
And  from  a  false  thing  *  what  will  be  true?  ° 

5  Divinations,  and  soothsayings,  and  dreams,  are  vain ; 
And  the  heart  fancieth,  as  a  woman's  heart  in  travail. 

6  If  they  be  not  sent  from  the  Most  High  as  a  "  visitation, 
Set  not  thy  heart  upon  them. 

7  For  dreams  have  deceived  many. 

And  they  have  failed  that  put  their  trust  in  them.*' 

8  The  law  will  be  fulfilled  without  deception  ;  ^^ 
And  wisdom  is  fulfilled  by  a  trustworthy  mouth.*' 

9  A  man  that  is  instructed  **  knowetli  many  things  ; 

And  he  that  hath  much  experience  will  discourse  intelligently.** 

10  He  that  hath  no  experience  "  knoweth  little  ; 
But  he  that  hath  travelled  is  full  of  shrewdness." 

11  When  I  travelled,  I  saw  many  things. 
And  I  understand  more  than  I  can  express. 

12  I  was  of ttimes  in  danger  of  death. 

And  **  I  was  delivered  because  of  these  things. 

13  The  spirit  of  those  that  fear  the  Lord  shall  live, 
For  their  hope  is  in  him  that  saveth  them. 

14  He  who  ^'^  f eareth  the  Lord  shall  be  afraid  of  nothing  and  shall  not  be  fainthearted,** 
For  he  is  his  hope. 

15  Blessed  is  the  soul  of  him  that  feareth  the  Lord ; 
On  wliom  doth  he  rely  ?  ^* 

Ajid  who  is  his  support  ?  ^^ 

1 6  The  ^^  eyes  of  the  Lord  are  upon  them  that  love  him  : 
A  ^*  mighty  protection  and  strong  stay. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  Lift  up  {avaTrrfpovaiv  -=zfiutteT  upward,  i.  6.,  raise  false  expectations).  '  Whoso.  *  legard- 
ith  (marg.,  hnth  his  mind  upon.  The  verb  (eTre'xtdv)  is  the  same  as  at  ver.  16,  where  we  rendier  rely  upon,  and  it  might  be 
BO  rendered  here).  *  is  the  resemblance  of  one  tiling  to  another  {FritziJche  receives  Kara  tovto  from  X.  55.  106.  al.  Co. 
(Old  Lat.,  scfU«c/»7n  Aoc) ;  text,  rec,  Kara  rovrov).  ^  Even  as.  8  Qf.  '  can  be  cleansed  (Kaflapicr^o-eTai,  prob- 

ably a  mintake  for  KaSapevaei,  ~^'T^l2r^  having  stood  in  the  original,  in  the  Greek  translator  should  have  rendered  it  as 
Kal,  instead  of  as  Hithpael).        ^  t/iat  thing  whieh  is  false.        "  truth  can  come  (a\7)Seu<rei.     Cf.  preceding  note). 

Vers.  6-8.  —  '»  A.  V.  :  in  thy  (248.  Co.  add  irov.     See  Com.).  "  have  failed  {eiiireirov  =/ell  out  of,  or  ilownfrom, 

and  so  loH)  that  put  their  trust  in  them  (rather,  built  their  hope  on,  eAn-tfoire?  ^jr'  aurois).  ^-  shall  be  found  perfect 

(see  Com.)  without  lies  {avev  t//ev6ovs,  without  awakening  delusive  hopes).  13  is  perfection  (see  Com.)  to  a  faithful 

mouth  (oTo^aTi  ntCTTw,  dat.  of  instrument.  Wisdom  reaches  its  fulfillment,  shows  itself  to  be  such,  when  uttered  by 
a  mouth  that  can  be  trusted). 

Vers.  9-14.  —  »  A.  V. :  that  hath  travelled  (irtwa.Lievii.ivK  ;  X.  23.  248.  307.  Co.  Trentjunnxivot).  "  declare  wisdom 

(iit6i»ryi<TeTai  <7-iVe<rci/).         '»  (See  Com.)  "  prudence  (irni'ovpYiai').  "Vet.  "Whoso.  »>  shall  not  fea» 

(oviiv  tiiKafi-qiriunai.  Fritzsche  receives  the  former  word  from  X.  23.  66.  106.  al.  Co.  (Old  Lat.,  nihil  trepidabil)  ;  text 
rec,  ov  fiTj)  Nor  be  afraid  (koI  ov  ^lrt  SfiAiaoTj). 

Vers.  16-17.  — 21  A.  V.  •  To  ...  .  look.  =-  strength  ((rn}piyp.a  ;  another  reading,  airnirr^piyp.a).  ^'  For  ^h» 

»*  He  is  their. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


367 


A  defence  from  heat,'  and  a  covering^  at  midday," 

A  preservation  from  stumbling,  and  a  help  from  falling. 

17  He  raiseth  up  the  soul,  and  lighteneth*  the  eyes ; 
He  giveth  health,  life,  and  blessing. 

18  Sacrificing  what  is  wrongfully  gotten,  is  an  offering  of  mockery,* 
And  the  mockeries  of  transgressors  are  ^  not  accepted. 

19  The  Most  High  is  not  pleased  with  the  offerings  of  the  godless  ;' 
Neither  is  he  propitiated  '  for  sin  by  the  multitude  of  sacrifices. 

20  He  who  °  bringeth  an  offering  of  the  goods  of  the  poor 
Doelh  as  one  that  killeth  the  son  before  his  father's  eyes. 

21  The  bread  of  the  needy  is  the  life  of  the  poor  ; '" 
He  that  defraudeth  hhn  thereof  '^  is  a  man  of  blood. 

22  He  that  taketh  away  his  neighbor's  living  slayeth  him  ; 

And  he  that  defraudeth  the  laborer  of  his  hire  is  a  bloodshedder. 

23  When  one  buildeth,  and  another  puUeth  down, 
What  profit  have  they  more  than  labors  ?  " 

24  When  one  prayeth,  and  another  curseth, 
Whose  voice  wUl  the  Lord  hear  ? 

25  He  that  washeth  himself  because  of  "  a  dead  body,  if  he  touch  it  again. 
What  availeth  his  washing  ? 

26  So  '*  a  man  that  fasteth  for  his  sins, 
And  goeth  again,  and  doeth  the  same  : 
Who  will  hear  his  prayer  ? 

Or  what  doth  it  profit  that  he  humbled  himself  ?  '° 

Vers.  18, 17.  —  A.  V. :  '  heat  (see  Com.).  s  cover.  •  from  the  sun  at  noon  (lit., yrom  tht  noon,  midday). 

*  lighteneth. 

Vers.  18-20. — "A.  V.:  He  that  sacrificeth  of  a  thing  (evoLo^tjiv  —  the  translator  probably  read  n^^*  ^^®°  ^* 
Ihould  haye  read  P^jT,  i.  e.,  took  the  person  for  the  thing  —  ef  aZUov)  . ...  Ms  offering  is  ridiculous.  •  giita 

[marg.,  the  mockeries.    In  248.  Go.  there  was  read  Sup^/xara  for  jLLoixTJ/iara)  of  unjust  Tnen  (afo^ui^)  are.  t  wicked 

[a<re^fav).  ^  pacified  (e^iAaaitcTat).  0  Whoso.  ^o  w  their  life  (^wij  irTwxwf).  '^  Aim  thereof  (A.  V.  probably 
read  o-inov  after  airocrrfepuf ,  instead  of  aur^c,  i.  e.,  made  the  pronoun  refer  to  '^  bread,"  and  not  to  '*  life  "  ;  so  248.  Co.). 

Vers.  23-26.  —  ■«  A  V.  :  then  but  labour.  's  after  the  touching  of  (ivo  ;  not  vTre'p,  as  at  1  Cor.  r?.  29).  "  So  u 

It  with.        ^B  his  humbling  profit  him. 


Chapter  XXXIV.  (xxxi.  of  the  Greek  text). 


Ver.  3.  The  vision  of  dreams  (Spoiris  ivuw- 
viwv),  or  Me  dream-vision,  or  simply  the  vision,  is 
rovro  Kara  rovro,  this  after  that,  or  this  over  against 
that.  What  is  meant  is  shown  by  the  following 
clause.  Visions  are  simply  reflections  of  realities 
as  the  face  is  reflected  from  a  mirror.  They  are 
not  themselves  realities.     Cf.  Is.  xxix.  8. 

Ver.  4.  The  reference  is  still  to  dreams,  which 
as  unreal  cannot  be  expected  to  lead  to  what  is 
real  and  true. 

Ver.  6.  As  a  visitation,  i.  e.,  in  the  time  when 
one  is  undergoing  special  disciplini',  when  he  is 
Buffering  chastisement.  It  is  possible,  however, 
to  take  iv  iirta-Koirfi  here  in  a  good  .sense.  Cf. 
Gen.  XX.  .3,  xxxi.  10,  xl.  8,  xli.  16,  25;  Numb. 
xii.  6;  I  Kings  ill.  5;  Dan.  ii.  1,  v.  12,  vii.  1. 
Great  weight  was  attached  to  dreams  in  ancient 
times,  among  all  peoples.  Those  which  come 
towards  morning  were  regarded  as  particularly 
important.  The  Jews  in  the  later  periods  of  their 
history  became  quite  superstitious  in  this  respect. 
Cf.  Jos.,  Antig.,  xvii.  6,  §  4 ;  Bell.  Jud.,  iii.  8,  §  3. 

Ver.  8.  'S.vvTi\iiaBa.i  for  nb2,  be  fulfilled. 
Cf.  Gesenins'  Lex.,  under  the  word,  1  (b).  The 
word  TeAefwffij  in  the  following  clause  must  have 
the  same  general  meaning,  also,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve the  parallelism. 

Ver.    10.       ''EireipaSri    miglit    be    taken,    with 


Fritzsche,  in  the  sense  of  tempted,  tried,  proved, 
i.  e.,  here,  by  much  intercourse  with  the  world. 

Ver.  11.  Understand  more  than  I  can  ex- 
press. Lit.,  .\nd  more  than  my  words  is  my  under- 
standing, intelligence.  Others  render:  "And  the 
multitude  of  things  which  have  befallen  me  are 
my  intelligence  ;  "  /.  e.,  have  made  me  intelligent. 

Ver.  12.  Of  these  (things).  Not,  as  it  should 
seem,  his  acquired  intelligence,  but  what  follows, 
especially  the  arm  of  the  Lord  that  is  ever 
stretched  out  to  save  those  that  fear  Him. 

Ver.  15.  The  answer  to  these  questions  is 
found  in  the  following  verse. 

Ver.  16.  Kaiaraivos.  The  east-wind  (D""!") 
is  probably  meant,  which  came  from  the  steppes 
of  western  Arabia,  and  was  very  sharp  and  vio- 
lent (Gen.  xli.  6  ;  Job  xxvii.  21 ;  Is.  xxvii.  8),  as 
well  as  very  dry  and  burning,  and  hence  often 
quite  injurious  to  vegetation. 

Ver.  17.  Lighteneth  the  eyes.  Makes  thera 
beam  with  joy.     Cf.  Ps.  xxxiv.  5 ;  Prov.  xxix.  13. 

Ver.  20.  He  would  rob  the  poor  of  that  which 
is  the  support  of  their  life,  and  so  really  robs 
them  of  life,  and  that  under  circumstances  espe- 
cially aggravating. 

Vers.  2.3-26.  The  thought  of  the  preceding 
verses  is  carried  forward.  The  poor  man,  and 
he  who  robs  him  under  a  pretense  of  serving  God,, 


368  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


are  working  against  each  other.  The  latter  prays, 
while  the  former  cnrses,  and  a  righteous  God  is 
more  likely  to  hear  the  curses  than  the  prayers. 
An  external  observance  of  the  ceremonial  law 
cannot  be  of  any  help  to  one,  if  the  moral  law. 


in  letter  and  spirit,  is  willfully  transgressed.  The 
25th  verse  was  used  in  the  early  Christian  charch 
in  the  controversy  respecting  the  baptism  of  her 

etics. 


Chapter  XXXV. 


1  He  that  keepeth  the  law  bringeth  many  offerings,^ 

He  that  taketh  heed  to  the  commandment  offereth  a  thank  offering.* 

2  He  that  requiteth  a  good  turn  offereth  fine  flour, 
And  he  that  giveth  alms  sacrificeth  praise. 

3  To  depart  from  wickedness  is  a  thing  pleasing  to  the  Lord, 
And  to  depart  from  ^  unrighteousness  is  a  propitiation. 

4  Thou  shalt  not  appear  empty  before  the  Lord, 

5  For  all  these  things  are  to  be  do?ie  because  of  the  commandment. 

6  The  offering  of  a  just  man  *  maketh  the  altar  fat, 
And  the  sweet  savor  thereof  is  before  the  Most  High. 

7  The  sacrifice  of  a  just  man  is  acceptable. 

And  the  memorial  thereof  shall  not  ^  be  forgotten. 

8  Give  the  Lord  his  honor  with  a  friendly  °  eye, 
And  diminish  not  the  firstfruits  of  thine  hands. 

9  In  all  thy  gifts  show  a  cheerful  countenance, 
And  dedicate ''  t/iy  tithes  with  gladness. 

10  Give  unto  the  Most  High  according  as  he  hath  given,' 
And  as  thou  hast  gotten,  pive  with  a  friendly*  eye. 

11  For  the  Lord  is  recompenser,'" 

And  will  give  thee  seven  times  as  much. 

12  Do  not  think  to  corrupt  with  gifts,  for  such  he  will  not  receive ; 
And  trust  not  to  unrighteous  sacrifices, 

For  the  Lord  is  judge, 

And  with  him  is  no  respect  of  persons. 

13  He  will  not  accept  a7ty  person  against  a  poor  man. 
And  ^^  will  hear  the  prayer  of  him  that  is  wronged.** 

14  He  will  not  overlook  '^  the  supplication  of  an  orphan, 
And  a  "  widow,  if  she  pour  out  her  complaint.'^ 

15  Do  not  the  tears  run  down  the  widow's  cheeks  ? 

And  is  not  '^  her  cry  against  him  that  causeth  them  to  fall  ? 

16  He  that  serveth  acceptably  shall  be  received," 
And  his  prayer  shall  reach  unto  the  clouds. 

17  The  prayer  of  the  humble  passeth  through  '*  the  clouds, 
And  till  it  come  nigh,''  he  will  not  be  comforted. 

And  will  not  depart,  till  the  Most  High  shall  look  upon  him,* 
And  judge  righteously,"  and  execute  judgment. 

18  And  '^  the  Lord  will  not  be  slack, 

Neither  wUl  he  be  long  suffering  ^  towards  them. 

Vers.  1-6.  —  i  A.  V. :  bringeth  offerings  enough.  (The  word  is  TrXeoi'a^ei,  but  means  no  more  than  that  the  offeriogg 
an  abundant  and  rich.)  2  peace  offering  (o-wTT)piou  z^  Qvtria  o-wTTjpiov,  an  offering  for  some  blessing  received, 

especially  deliverance  from  some  evil),  3  forsake  (same  word  is  rendered  "  depart  from  ■■  in  the  preceding  member). 
*  the  righteous  (Siieaiov).        ^  never  (oi»e). 

Vers.  7-11.  — ^  A.  V.  good  (see  Com.).  '  dedicate  (marg.,  set  apart ;  Gr.,  iyiaaov).  s  enriched  thee  (KaT&.Tiiv S6vi» 
ovTov).        ^  cheerful  (d-yaflw,  as  in  ver  8).        •"*  Lord  recompenseth  (avTan-oSiSou's  etrrt). 

Vers.  13-17.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  But.  12  the  oppressed  (:^5tK7)/i«Vov).  '^  despise  (uTrepi'fiTj).  1*  the  fatherless  (&p<|)at^). 
Nor  the  (icot).  ^^  when  she  poureth  {iav  iKxerj)  out  her  complaint  (see  Com.).  i"  is  not  (the  force  of  the  preceding 
c*vxt  is  to  be  brought  along).  1^  the  Lord  shall  be  accepted  with  favour  (see  Com.).  »«  pierceth  (£i^A0e).  *•  it 
(othera,  "  he  ")  come  nigh  (see  Com.).  20  behold  (entcrKiil/iyrat.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  look  into  it  ;  Fritzsche,  appear 
tnter  in). 

Vers.  18-20.  —2'  A.  V. :  To  {xai,  om.  by  248.  Co.)  judge  righteously  (text,  rec,  5i«ai<os  ;  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.,  {iicoiovi 
fritzsche  receives  2iic<uots  from  111.  X.  55.  106.  155.  al.).        --  For  (xai).        ^  the  Mighty  (248.  Co.  add  6  Kparaios  aft4 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


369 


Till  he  have  smitten  to  fragments '  the  loins  of  the  unmerciful, 

And  repaid  vengeance  to  the  heathen  ; 

Till  he  have  taken  away  the  multitude  of  the  proud, 

And  smitten  to  fragments  ^  the  sceptre  of  the  unrighteous ; 

19  Till  he  have  repaid  a  *  man  according  to  his  deeds, 
And  ^  the  works  of  men  according  to  their  devices ; 
Till  he  have  judged  the  cause  of  his  people, 

And  made  them  to  rejoice  in  his  mercy. 

20  Mercy  is  seasonable  in  the  time  of  his  affliction,^ 
As  clouds  of  rain  in  the  time  of  drought. 

•vtok)  be  patient  {fiatcpodvtirjtrp).         ^  iu  sunder  (tn/wpti/fTj,  name  Terb  as  in  the  third  line  foUowing).         *  broken  (sM 
preceding  note).  ^  rendered  to  every  {translated  '*  repaid,"  in  preceding  Terse  ;  "  recompenseth,"  ver.  U  j  "  requit* 

eth,"  Ter.  2).         *  And  to.         »  of  affliction  (airoS  is  omitted  by  X.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.). 


Cbapteb  XXXV.  (xxxii.  of  the  Greek  text.) 


Ver.  1.  The  meaning  is  that  the  observance 
of  the  law  is  equivalent  to  the  offering  of  many 
sacrifices.  To  keep  the  commandments  is  to  offer 
a  thank-offering.  Cf.  1  Sam.  xv.  22;  Ps.  li.  17, 
19;  Judith  xvi.  16. 

Ver.  2.  Kequiteth  a  good  turn  [towards  a 
fellow-man]  offereth  flue  flour.  That  is  the  same 
as  saying  that  he  makes  a  "meat  offering."  — 
Giveth  alms,  iroiuv  i\€7jfj.o(T6vT]v.  Shows  a  mer- 
ciful spirit  in  his  relations  to  his  fellow-men, 
practices  beneficence.  —  Sacriflceth  praise,  Buoi- 
a(ocv  aifeaeus,  i.  e.,  is  a  sacrijicer  of  praise.  The 
participle  is  used  as  a  substantive.  Cf.  Winer, 
p.  353  f. 

Vers.  4-6.  The  outward  act  of  sacrifice  was 
not  indeed  the  most  important  matter,  but  it  was 
important  and  needful.  —  Maketh  the  altar  fat. 
The  fatness  would  be  a  sign  of  the  excellence  and 
abundance  of  the  offerings. 

Ver.  8.  The  friendly  (a.ya6f)  eye  is  spoken 
of  as  distinguished  from  the  niggardly  one.  Cf. 
Prov.  xxii.  9.  Probably  HSitO  'C^'S.  stood  in  the 
original,  which  is  often  found  in  the  Talmud  also 
as  an  expression  for  generosity. 

Ver.  9.  Cf.  2  Cor.  ix.  7  :  "  Not  grudgingly, 
or  of  necessity :  for  God  loveth  a  cheerful 
giver." 

Ver.  12.  AiiipoK($ir6i.  The  word  is  found  only 
here  and  at  3  Mace.  iv.  19,  in  Biblical  Greek. 
It  means  to  bribe  with  gifts.    Something  like  do  not 


think,  or  seek  not,  must  be  supplied,  aa  in  the 
A.  V. 

Ver.  14.  Her  complaint,  Xa^idv.  This  Greek 
word  indicates  that  the  petition  was  rich  in  words, 
as  does  also  the  preceding  verb,  but  without  sug- 
gesting thereby  any  depreciation  of  it. 

Ver.  1.5.  Is  not  her  cry  against.  Her  cry  for 
help  witnesses  against  him.  It  is  not  meant  that 
her  prayer  is  itself  an  imprecation.  Cf.  Ex.  xxii. 
22,  23  ;  Deut.  xxiv.  17  ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  5  ;  Prov.  xxiii. 
10,  11. 

Ver.  16.  'Ev  (iiSoKiti  is  obviously  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  preceding  word,  depattfiav,  and 
not  with  the  following,  as  in  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  17.  Come  nigh,  i.e.,  to  God;  until  it 
has  reached  God,  or,  in  other  words,  until  an 
answer  comes,  he  will  not  rest. 

Ver.  18.  The  verses  18-20,  as  well  as  the  fol- 
lowing prayer,  xxxvi.  1-19  (xxxiii.  1-11,  xxxvi. 
11-1 7,  of  the  Greek  text),  show  that  our  book  was 
written  in  a  time  of  great  trouble. 

Ver.  20.  Mercy  (i.  e.,  here,  as  the  context 
shows,  the  mercy  of  God)  is  seasonable  {oipaiov) , 
fitting,  delightful.  In  order  to  understand  the 
force  and  beauty  of  this  illustration,  one  needs 
to  recall  the  fact  that  in  Palestine  the  rain  came 
only  after  a  long  season  of  drought,  and  that  it 
brought  with  it,  for  the  whole  land,  coolness, 
health,  verdure,  and  fruitfulness.  The  summer 
begins  at  the  end  of  April,  and  continues,  with 
ever-increasing  heat,  under  clear,  cloudless  skies, 
until  October. 


Chapter  XXXVI. 


1  Have  mercy  upon  us,  0  Lord  God  of  all,  and  behold '  ut, 

2  And  send  ^  thy  fear  upon  all  the  nations.' 

3  Lift  up  thy  hand  against  the  strange  *  nations. 
And  let  them  see  ^  thy  power. 

4  As  thou  wast  sanctified  *  in  us  before  them ; 
So  be  thou  magnified  in '  them  before  us. 

5  And  let  them  know  thee,  as  we  also '  have  known  thee, 
That  there  is  no  God  but  thee,  O  Lord.** 

Vers  1-5.  —  i  A.  V.  ;  behold  (eiri0A€i^oi',  look  down  upon.     The  Vulg.  has  respice  nos.    The  idea  might,  however,  b» : 
Look  down  to  see  what  is  so  strangely  going  on).  =  send  (lit.,  east  ....  upon,  i-ni^ake).         »  nations  that  seek  not 

after  thee  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.  have  the  addition).        *  strange  (=:  foreign).        ^  (lUrtatTav,  experience.)        "  (3ee 
Com.)        '  among  (see  Com.).        ^  o/nilj  also.        »  but  oii/y  thou.  0  God. 
24 


370  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


6  Renew  the  ^  signs,  and  repeat  the  '  wonders; 
Glorify  thy  hand  and  thy  right  arm.' 

7  Awaken  *  indignation,  and  pour  out  wrath  ; 
Take  away  the  adversary,^  and  destroy  the  enemy. 

8  Make  the  time  short,  and  °  remember  the  oath,' 
And  let  men  speak  fully  of  thy  great  deeds.' 

9  Let  him  that  would  escape  '  be  consumed  by  a  fire  of  indignation  ;  ** 
And  let  them  perish  ^'  that  do  evil  to  thy  '^  people. 

10  Smite  to  fragments  ^'  the  heads  of  the  rulers  of  the  enemy," 
That  say.  There  is  none  but  ourselves.'^ 

11  Gather  all  the  tribes  of  Jacob  together. 

And  let  them  inherit  ^^  as  from  the  beginning. 

12  0  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  the  people  that  is  called  by  thy  name, 
And  upon  Israel,  whom  thou  hast  made  like  the '"  firstborn. 

13  O  be  merciful  unto  "  thy  holy  city, 
Jerusalem,^'  the  place  of  thy  rest. 

14  Fill  Sion  that  it  may  receive  thy  promises,'" 
And  thy  people  with  thy  glory. 

15  Give  testimony  unto  those  that  thou  hast  possessed  from  "*  the  beginning, 
And  fulfill  the  prophecies  made  ^  in  thy  name. 

16  Reward  them  that  wait  for  thee, 

And  thy  prophets  shall  be  found  trustworthy.'^ 

17  O  Lord,  hear  the  prayer  of  thy  suppliants,''* 
According  to  the  blessing  of  Aaron  over  thy  people. 
That  all  who  are  "^  upon  the  earth  may  know 

That  thou  art  the  Lord,  the  eternal  God. 

18  The  belly  consumeth  all  kinds  of  food,'^' 
Yet  is  one  food  '■"  better  than  another. 

19  As  the  palate  tasteth  food  from  wild  game,^ 
So  a  discerning  heart  ^  false  speeches. 

20  A  froward  heart  causeth  heaviness. 

And  '°  a  man  of  experience  will  recompense  him. 

21  A  woman  will  receive  any  '^  man. 

Yet  is  one  daughter  better  than  another. 

22  The  beauty  of  a  woman  cheereth  the  countenance, 
And  a  man  desireth  nothing  better.*' 

23  If  there  be  kindness  and  gentleness  on  "  her  tongue, 
Then  is  not  her  husband  like  other  men. 

24  He  that  getteth  a  wife  beginneth  ^  a  possession, 
A  help  meet  for  ^  himself,  and  a  pillar  of  rest.'^ 

25  Where  no  hedge  is,  there  the  possession  is  spoiled ; 

And  he  that  hath  no  wife  will  wander  up  and  down  sighing." 

26  For  '*  who  will  trust  a  thief  well  appointed, 

Ver.  6.  —  1  A.  v. ;  Shew  new  {eyKotVio-oi').  =  make  other  strange  (see  Com.).  »  See  Com.    After  thij  line  H 

248.  Co.  have  an  addition  which  also  appears  in  the  A.  V.  as  :  *'  That  they  may  set  forth  thy  wondrous  works."  Of 
ver.  8. 

Vers.  7-11.  — *  A.  V. :  B^ise  up  [hfeipov,  which  is  better  rendered  here  as  above).  ^  (See  Com.)  «  omits  And. 

'  covenant  (mari;.,  oath.    See  Com.).  ^  them  declare  thy  wonderful  works  («6t7jy»i(rao^(D(rai'  to  fxcyoAeta  am* ;  248. 

Co.,  «Si>)7.  froi  TO.  BaviiiiTid  crov).  '  that  escapeth  (see  Com.).  "  (See  Com.)  "  [hit. ,Jind  dtstnution.)  i»  op- 
press the  ((coutoui^es  ....  o-ou).  ^  Smite  in  sunder  ((nicTpn^oc).  "  heathen  (exdpiav  ;  106.  157.  Co.  Syr.,  ^dvHtv). 
'5  other  but  we.        '"  And  inherit  thou  them  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  12-17.  —  ^^  A.  V.:  named  thy  (ufioiua-ai  ;    167.  248.  Co.  Syr.  Ar.,  oi^'o^oo-as,  with  the  accusative  following). 
"  unto  Jerusalem  (properly  joined  to  the  next  member).  ^^  omits  Jerusalem.  *"  Sion  with  thine  unspeakable 

oracles.    {yiM^.,  that  it  may  magnify  thine  oractf a.    See  Com.)  ^Mei'.)         22  rajge  up  prophets  (marg  ,  ;7rrtp^tffi>5. 

The  common  text  has  TTpo<i>ifTeia'; ,  but  248.  Co.,  7rpo'in7Tas.    See  Com.)  that  have  been.  zs  let  ....  be  found  faithful 

(Fritzsche  adopts  e^jrt<jT€v^(T-o(^ai  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  al.  ;  text,  rer.,  efiTriarev^qTwo-av).  ^  servants  (I  adopt  the  marg. 
reading.    Or.,  UeTwi';  but  III.  X- 155.  Co.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.,  oticeTaii').        25  they  wliich  tfweW  1  lit.,  And  all  ....  shall) 

Vera.  18-21.  — 20  a.  V. :  devoureth  all  meats.        -'  meat.        ^s  divers  kinds  of  venison  {fipuinara  e^pas).         -^  doth  a 
heart  of  understanding.        30  jjut.        81  every  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  22-26.  — »'  A.  V. :  loveth  nothing  better  (lit.,  "  excelleth  above  every  de!>ire  of  a  man  ").        "  kindness,  meek- 
ness,  and  comfort  (24S.  Co.  Old  Lat.  add  nai  laati)  in.        •'•'  beginneth  (see  Com.).        »  like  unto  (see  Com.).        '«  rest 
^text.  rec.,  avanavaeiuv.    Fritzsche  adopts  the  gen.  sing,  from  III.  X.  et  libri  fere  omnes.      It  is  the  reading  of  II 
'"  ninmiKHK '(TTirMafet).         ^^  omits  VoT. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


371 


That  skippeth '  from  city  to  city  ? 

So  who  will  believe  a  man  that  hath  no  house, 

And  lodgeth  wheresoever  the  night  tindeth  "  him  ? 

X.  23.  65. 157.  al.;  e<^aAAo|x<V<,>,  106. 156.  248. ,  text.  tk. 


Ver.  26.  —  1  A.V, 


:  (Fritzsche  receives  a^oAAo^eVip  from  111. 
taketh  (see  Com.). 


Chapter  XXXVI.  (xxxiii.  1-Ila,  and  xxxvi.  166-31,  of  the  Greek  text). 


Ver.  4.  'Hyiao-flTjj  =  here,  shown  thyself  as  holy. 
The  sense  is  clear.  The  Israelites  had  been 
brought  into  affliction  on  account  of  their  sins, 
«nd  so  God  here  proved  himself  a  lioly  God. 
The  writer  remarks  that  in  a  simihir  way  he 
would  manifest  his  power  on  the  heathen  before 
the  Israelites  whom  they  had  oppressed.  —  Meyo- 
Kvvdflf]!^  here,  show  thyself  yieat. 

Ver.  6.  The  signs  and  wonders  done  in  Egypt 
are   meant.  —  'AWolwcroi'  should   probably   have 

been  Sivripunov  (n3tt'').  So  Grotius,  Fritzsche, 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  3.ni  others.  —  (Thy)  hand 
and  (thy)  right  arm  =  the  hand  of  thy  right  arm, 

Ver.  7.  Adversary,  ofTiSi/coi/.  It  meant,  first, 
the  opposite  party,  whether  plaintiff  or  defendant 
in  a  suit ;  then,  any  opponent,  adversary. 

Ver.  8.  The  oath  {dpKurii6s.  Cf.  Gen.  xxiv. 
41  ;  Lev.  v.  1  ;  1  Mace.  vi.  62)  made  with  the 
Patriarchs  is  meant.  The  Hebrew  word  was 
probably  not  jT""!?,  but  H /S.  The  former 
word  is  always  translated  by  Siafl^JK??  in  the  LXX., 
except  at  Deut.  ix.  15  (fiapriptav),  and  1  Kings 
xi.  11  [ii/ToK-n). 

Ver.  9.  Him  that  would  escape,  6  (ra^ifitvos. 
The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  him  that  escapeth, 
does  not  bring  out  the  meaning  with  sufficient 
clearness.  The  idea  is  that  none  should  be  per- 
mitted to  escape  from  among  the  enemy.  Others, 
however,  find  here  a  mistranslation ;  supposing 
that  for  the  Hebrew  word  meaning  rebel,  T~i^. 

the  translator  read  T'~lCi7,  fugitive.  So  Hitzig, 
who  is  followed  by  Bunsen's  Bibdwerk.  —  Kage 
of  the  fire.  There  are  various  meanings  given 
to  the  words,  iv  opy^  wpis,  by  different  com- 
mentators ;  bnt  they  seem  to  refer  to  the  con- 
suming fire  which  might  be  expected  to  come 
upon  them  in  consequence  of  (the  divine)  indigna- 
tion. 

Ver.  11.  The  reading  of  the  MSS.,  KareKXttpa- 
v6fLT]aa,  arose,  it  is  likely,  simply  from  the  mis- 
placement of  this  clause  in  the  Greek  text.  It  is 
the  last  part  of  verse  16  of  chapter  xxxvi.,  and  so 
follows  TiypinuTjcra.  Undoubtedly,  with  Fritzsche, 
KaTaK\ripov6tJ^'f](Tov  or  KaTaKKripov6fj.'i\(Tai  is  to  be 
read  in  its  place. 

Ver.  14.  IWrtdOv  "Ziivvdipai  ra  \6yi6.  aou.  The 
A.  V.  seems  to  have  been  influenced  by  the  Old 
Latin  :  "  Reple  Sion  inenarrabilihus  verbis  tuis  et 
gloria  tua  populum  tuum."  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk,  and  others  regard  Spoi  as  intended  for 
a  translation  of  Sti'^,  one  of  whose  meanings  is 
to  take  up  and  carry  away,  i.  e.,  receive,  appropri- 
ate. The  sense  of  the  whole  passage  would  then 
be  :  "  Fulfill  to  Zion  the  promises  that  have  been 
made  on  her  behalf."  Cf.  verses  4-7.  Others 
(De  Wette)  take  Spai  in  the  sense  of  extol,  praise. 
Others  still:  "Fill  Zion  (with  readiness)  to  ac- 
cept thy  doctrines."  Fritzsche  makes  the  re- 
mark in  his  critical  apparatus  at  this  point  that, 
on  the  testimony  of  'Tischendorf,  II.  hag  here  the 
reading   aptTuKoyias  aov,   and   adds :    "  Sed  hoc 


quidem  hie  niillo  modo  locum  habere  potest."  The 
new  edition  of  this  MS.  shows  the  statement  of 
Tischendorf  to  be  a  fact.  The  letters  at,  however, 
have  been  written  over  the  e.  It  is  probable  that 
Sp6  is  but  a  wrong  spelling  for  Spat ;  but  possibly 
the  noun  apfraXoyla  (genitive,  ipsToAoyfus)  was 
thought  of. 

Ver.  15.  The  author's  meaning  is  not  so  easy 
to  find.  The  words  KTitriiaal  aov  seem  to  refer  to 
the  Israelites.  They  were  the  creatures  of  God  in 
the  beginning,  i.  e.,  in  verv  early  times.  Bunsen's 
Bibtlwerk  translates  :  "  (rive  a  witness  for  thy  deeds 

in  the  early  time. — ''Eyeipop  (^^pn)  ■jTpocp'i^T€las  = 
fulfill  the  prophecies  made  in  thy  name."  So 
Grotius,  Gaab,  Bretschneider,  Wahl,  Fritzsche, 
Buusen's  Bibelwerk.  De  Wette  :  **  Awaken  proph- 
ecy in  thy  name."  Cf.  Jer.  xxix.  15  ;  1  Mace, 
iv.  46,  ix.  27,  xiv.  41.  The  latter  rendering  does 
not  so  well  harmonize  with  the  thought  of  the 
conte.xt. 

Ver.  18.  With  this  verse,  it  is  evident,  begins 
a  new  section,  which  treats  of  various  social  rela- 
tions and  extends  to  xxxix.  11. 

Ver.  19.  Tasteth  =  testeth,  i.e.,  knows  how  to 
distinguish  dishes  made  from  wild  game  from 
other  dishes. 

Ver.  20.  A  froward  {(TTpfSKri)  heart  =  by 
metonymy  a  heart  that  is  crooked  in  its  ways. 
The  word  is  used  with  )roAa((r/naTo  for  tricks  of 
wrestling. 

Ver.  21.  A  woman  will  receive  [receive  as 
husband)  any  man.  With  the  men  there  was 
on  the  other  hand,  opportunity  to  choose  among 
women.  This  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  the 
verse,  and  it  serves  to  show  in  what  a  sunken 
condition  woman  was  at  this  time,  even  among 
the  Jews.  Cf.,  on  the  general  subject,  Van  Len- 
nep,  Bible  Lands,  p.  5.39  fE. 

Ver.  23.  Other  men.  Lit.,  sons  of  men.  He 
is  unlike  them  in  the  sense  that  he  is  superior  to 
them. 

Ver.  24.  Getteth,  KriiJievos-  The  idea  of 
buying  is  not  excluded.  —  A  wife.  The  context 
shows  that  a  good  one  is  meant,  such  an  one  as 
had  been  just  described.  —  Beginneth  a  posses- 
sion. The  Greek  translator  seems  to  have  read 
bn'',  when  he  should  have  read  brij"'  Still, 
the  Greek  (ivipxerai)  may  be  correct;  and,  if  so, 
the  A.  V.  has  rendered  it  properly.  The  man 
who  has  obtained  a  good  wife  has  laid  a  founda- 
tion for  great  prosperity.  —  Kar'  auT<f;'  =  corre- 
sponds to  him,  i.e.,  is  fitted,  meet  for  him. 

Ver.  26.  'Well  appointed,  ev^<ivif>  (lit.,  well 
girded),  and  so  ready  for  anything.  The  word 
(T<pa\\6fiei'os  would  hardly  be  used  of  a  thief,  or 
Oriental  robber.  Hence  it  is  better  to  accept, 
with  Bretschneider,  Fritzsche,  and  others,  the 
reading  of  most  of  the  MSS.,  ocpaAAo/ifVii),  springs 
off,  springs  forth,  or  skippeth.  Cf.  the  A.  V.,  which 
seems  to  have  followed  the  Old  Latin  (exiliens). 
—  Noffiriai',  nest,  which  is  figuratively  used  for  a 
fixed  dwelling-place.  Cf.  Prov.  xxvii.  8.  —  05 
^^1/  o^laji.    Lit.,  where  he  may  come  late. 


B72  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  XXXVH. 

1  Evert  friend  saith,  I  am  a  ^  friend  also  ; 
But  many  a  friend  is  -  only  a  friend  in  name. 

2  Is  it  not  a  grief  ^  unto  death, 

When  a  companion  and  friend  is  turned  to  an  enemy  ?  * 

3  O  wicked  imagination/  whence  camest  thou  in 
To  cover  the  earth ''  witli  deceit  ? 

4  A  comrade  rejoiceth '  in  the  prosperity  of  a  friend,' 
And  ^  in  the  time  of  trouble  will  be  against  hint ; 

5  A  comrade  helpeth  a  ^°  friend  for  tlie  belly's  sake;** 
In  the  presence  of  conflict  he  taketh  the  shield.*^ 

6  Forget  not  thy  friend  in  thy  mind,^^ 

And  be  not  unmindful  of  him  in  thy  riches. 

7  Every  counsellor  extolleth  '*  counsel ; 
But  many  a  one  '^  counselleth  for  himself. 

8  Beware  of  a  counsellor, 

And  know  before  what  need  he  hath,^' 
For  he  will  counsel  for  himself ; 
Lest  he  cast  the  lot  upon  thee, 

9  And  say  unto  thee,  Thy  way  is  good  ; 

And  afterward  he  stand  on  the  other  side,  to  see  what  shall  befall  theo;. 

10  Consult  not  with  one  that  suspecteth  thee  ;  " 
And  hide  thy  counsel  from  such  as  envy  thee. 

11  Neither  consult  with  a  woman  touching  her  of  whom  she  is  jealous; 
Neither  with  a  coward  on  ^*  matters  of  war ; 

Nor  with  a  merchant  concerning  barter  ;  ^' 

Nor  with  a  buyer  of  selling  ; 

Nor  with  an  envious  man  of  thankfulness  ; 

Nor  with  an  unmerciful  man  touching  kindness  ; 

Nor  with  the  slothful  on  ^  any  work  ; 

Nor  with  a  hired  man  of  a  household  on  ''^  finishing  work; 

Nor  with  an  idle  servant  of  much  business  : 

Depend  not  on  ^-  these  in  any  matters  of  counsel. 

12  But  be  continually  with  a  godly  man. 

Whom  thou  knowest  as  keeping  the  commandments," 

Whose  mind  is  •*  according  to  thy  mind. 

And  who  ^'  will  sorrow  with  thee,  if  thou  shalt  miscarry."* 

13  And  let  the  counsel  of  thine  own  heart  stand, 

For  there  is  no  man  more  faitliful  unto  thee  than  it. 

14  For  a  man's  mind'^'  is  sometimes-'  wont  to  tell  him  more 
Than  seven  watchmen,  that  sit  on  high  to  keep  watch.™ 

Vers.  1-3.  —  *  A.  V. :  his  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  avrif  after  ei^tAtWa,  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  and  nearly  all  the  M8S. 
It  is,  howeyer,  found  in  II.).  2  There  is  a  friend  which  is.  ^  {Xvjnj  is  followed  by  evi.  It  has  generally  been  con- 
sidered as  a  contracted  form  of  eveirrt.  Winer,  however,  holds  that  it  is  to  be  taken  for  the  preposition  ivi —  ev,  ivC 
with  the  accent  thrown  back  —  which,  like  en-i,  n-apa,  etc.,  is  used  without  elccu.  Of.  Winer,  pp.  80,  423  ;  Buttmann, 
p.  72).         *  enemy  (lit.,  enmity  ;  III.  165.  254.  al.  however,  fxdpov).  ^  imagination  (ev^u/iTj^a.    Fritzsche,  thought. 

Bunsen^s  Bibelwerk,  disposition.    Probably  HSTp  stood  in  the  original,  and  had  Its  bad  meaning  of  machination, 
plot).        »  See  Com. 

Vers.  4-6.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  There  is  a  companion  which  (eratpo?  seems  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  "  comrade,"  and  in  con- 
trast with  "  friend  ")  rejoiceth.  8  friend  (Fritzsche  :  "  A  companion  of  a  friend  rejoices  in  good  cheer."  Bunsen's 
Bibdwerk:  "  The  companion  rejoices  with  the  friend  in  prosperity  ").  »  But.  ^0  There  is  a  companion  vjhick 
helpeth  (see  Com.)  his.  "  the  belly  Ixaptv  yaorpis).  *2  And  (II.  Co.  Old  Lat.  have  Kai)  taketh  up  the  buckler 
(X^t/'cToi  aa-irlSa]  against  the  enemy  (niarg.,  in  presence  of  the  enemy.  Gr.,  ecawi  jroXc>ov ;  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  iroAe- 
fiiou.    See  Ciym.).        ^^  mind  (^xiii  here  better  Acarf,  or  501/i). 

Vers.  7-11.  —  •*  See  Com.         ii^  A.  V. :  there  is  some  that.         "  (marg.,  what  use  there  Is  of  him.)  "  (See  Com. 

J8  in  (wepi,  as  also  in  the  following  cases).  ^^  exchange  (^eTo^oAias).         20  for.  si  a  hireling  for  a  year,  of  (see 

Com.).         2J  Hearken  not  unto  (jiij  en-e^e  eirt). 

Vers.  12-19.  — 23  a.  V. :  to  keep  the  commandments  of  the  Lord  (the  addition  is  found  in  248.  Co. ;  Old  Lat.,  timorem 
Dei).  ^  IhU.,  Who,  in  his  mind,  etc.)  ^^  omits  who.  i*^  mi&c^TTy  (wratcrpi,  stumble,  trip,  make  a  mistake). 

•lind  (^x^-    Cf.  ver.  6).  w  sometime.  20  git  above  in  a  high  tower  (iirl  fiiniapov  Kadrfixevoi  eirl  o-KOirij?  ;  hxt 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  373 


15  And  above  all  this  pray  to  the  Most  High, 
That  he  will  direct  thy  way  in  truth. 

16  Let  reflection  be  the  beginning  of  •■  every  enterprise, 
And  counsel  be  before  ^  every  action. 

17  As  sign  of  a  change  of  view  four  things  appear  :  * 

18  Good  ^  and  evil,  life  and  death  ; 

And  ^  the  tongue  ruleth  over  them  continually. 

19  Many  a  one  is  clever  as  teacher  of  many, 
And  yet  is  unprofitable  to  himself. 

20  Many  a  one  sheweth  wisdom  '  in  words,  and  is  hated ; 
He  shall  be  destitute  of  all  food.* 

21  For  attractiveness  *  is  not  given  him  from  the  Lord, 
Because '"  he  is  deprived  of  all  wisdom. 

22  Many  a  one  is  wise  for  ''  himself. 

And  the  fruits  of  his  understanding  are  true  in  the  mouth.** 

23  A  wise  man  instructeth  his  people, 

And  the  fiuits  of  his  understanding  are  really  true." 

24  A  wise  man  shall  be  filled  with  blessing, 

And  all  they  that  see  him  shall  pronounce  '^*  him  happy. 

25  The  days  of  the  life  of  man  may  be  numbered ; '' 
But  '^  the  days  of  Israel  are  innumerable. 

26  The  "  wise  man  shall  attain  to  confidence  "  among  his  people, 
And  his  name  shall  live  forever.^' 

27  My  son,  prove  thy  soul  by  thy  life,^° 

And  see  what  is  evil  for  it,  and  give  not  that  unto  it ; 

28  For  all  things  are  not  profitable  for  all  men, 
Neither  hath  every  person  ^-^  pleasure  in  every  thing. 

29  Be  not  insatiable  "  in  any  delicacy,^ 
Nor  too  greedy  over  food.^ 

30  For  excess  of  food  ^  bringeth  sickness,'^' 
And  surfeiting  leadeth  to  cholera  morbus.^ 

81       By  surfeiting  have  many  perished  ; 

But  he  that  taketh  heed  prolongeth  his  life. 

X.  248.  Co.  have  the  order  of  the  A.  V.,  and  write  the  last  two  words  together).  *  Let  reason  go  before  (^i^^  vow* 

rot  Ipyou  K6yo^.    See  Com.).  ^  counsel  before.  3  The  countenance  is  a  sign  of  changing  of  the  heart  (txww  iX- 

Xoibj<recD$  fcapjiaf  —  C.,  adds  ffpofftuiroi' ;  248.  Co.  substitute  \apa.^  npoattinov  —  Tfaoapa  t^epr]  o»'aT«AAei.  The  last  thre« 
words  are  added  in  the  A.  V.  to  the  following  line.    See  Com.}.  *  Four  manner  ofthiiigs  appear  :  good  (see  preced- 

ing note).  ''  But,  ^  There  is  one  thai  is  wise  (see  Cotti.)  and  (fcat  is  not  found  in  III.  X.  C.  H.  23.  and 

most  MS8. )  teacheth. 

Vers.  20-26.  —'  A.  V. :  There  is  one  that  sheweth  wisdom  (sec  Com  ).  '  food  (marg.,  itrisdom,  a£  X.  23.  106. 167. 

248.  Co.).  ^  grace  (xaptc,  but  used  in  the  sense  of  "  charm,"  "  attractiTeness ''}.  i^  (See  Com.)  ii  Another  is 
wise  to.         ^'  of  understanding  are  commendable  (aiceroi,  248.  Co.  Old  Lat)  in  (en-i)  his  mouth.  ^  fail  not  (wurroi. 

See  previous  verse  and  Com.).  i*  count.  ^^  (Lit.,  "  The  life  of  a  man  is  in  a  number  of  days.")  '"  (k(U.) 

"  A  (so  H.  248.  Co.).  "  inherit  glory  (248.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  Sofav  instead  of  iriWii').  "  shall  bo  perpetual  (fijye- 
TO* —  248.  C.,  eoToi  —  eis  tov  alCiva). 

Vers.  27-31.  — ^o  A.  V. :  in  thy  life  (see  Com.).        -'  soul  (see  Cam.}.         "  unsatiable.  '^  dainty  thing  (TpvcJijiJ. 

u  upon  meats.  ^^  meats  (marg.,  variety  of  meats).  2a  (Fritzsche  adopts  v6<ro^  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  muitisque  aliis 
\ibris  ;  text,  rec,  ttovos.)        ^7  will  turn  into  choler  (eyyict  ewy  xoKipa.^.    Cf.  xxsi.  20). 

Chapter  XXXVII. 

Ver. 3.  'Wicked  imagination,  i.e.,  from  being  It  would  be  also  grammatically  allowable  to  join 
a  friend  to  become  an  enemy.  —  "Whence  comeat  |  it  with  Iraipos,  or  with  jjSeTai.  The  construction 
thou  in  to  cover  the  earth.  JAt.,  whence  rollesi  thou  oi  the  next  verse,  however,  would  seem  to  favor 
'n  {iviKvKi(r6t}s)  to  cover  the  dry  lavd  {t^p  ^rtpav).  ;  the  rendering  given. 

The  figure  is  that  of  a  mighty  flood  wliich  breaks  I  Ver.  5.  Helpeth  a  friend,  o-u^ttoi*?,  takes 
in  upon  land  usually  dry,  bringing  desolation  in  its  trouble  for  and  with  him,  but  only  because  he  has 
course.  In  the  same  manner  comes  the  wicked  a  common  interest.  This,  too,  leads  him  in  the 
thought  to  divide  those  living  in  peace  and  friend-   presence  of  danger  to  seize  his  shield  for  his  own 


ship.  The  question  whence  it  comes  the  author 
proceeds  to  answer  in  the  following  verses.  Self- 
ishness is  one  cause.  It  rejoices  with  the  friend 
only  when  he  is  prosperous,  or  when  something  is 
to  be  gained  by  it. 

Ver.  4.  The  A.  V.  joins  (pi\ov  with  iv  €i(ppotrii>ri. 


and  his  friend's  defense.  It  is  still,  however,  a 
question  of  self-interest  with  him.  Others  under- 
stand that  he  takes  the  shield  only  in  self-defense, 
and  leaves  his  friend  without  protection. 

Ver.  6.     "  A  friend  in  need  is  a  friend  in  deed." 
"  7s  est  amicus  qui  rejuvat,  ubi  re  est  opus." 


374 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  7.  Extolleth  (^{a(pei).  We  mij^ht  have 
expected  a  word  meaning  qiveth  here,  and  so 
Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  others  trans- 
late. It  IS  possible  that  the  Greek  word  is  a  cor- 
ruption. It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Old  Latin 
has  prodil.  Still,  the  present  text  makes  good 
sense.  "  A  man,"  the  author  would  say,  "  natu- 
I'ally  extols  his  own  business." 

Ver.  8.  For  he  vsrill  counsel  for  himself, 
i.  e .,  to  his  ow  n  advantage.  This  is  parenthetic.  — 
Cast  the  lot  upon  thee.  In  other  words,  "  Leave 
thee  to  take  thy  chances,"  without  the  interest  of 
a  real  friend. 

Ver.  10,  'X-no$\fiToix4vov  fff  =  looketh  upon  thee 
askance,  with  an  evil,  jealous  eye. 

Ver.  II.  (A.  V.)  hireling  for  a  year  ( eVcTeiou, 
as  55.  106.  248.  254.  Co.).  With  the  reading 
^(pitTTtov  (of  the  text.  7-ec.),  the  meaning  would  be 
a  household  servant,  a  hired  man  of  the  house,  i.  e., 
one  who  has  an  assured  position,  and  hence  might 
think  that  there  was  no  reason  for  hurrying. 

Ver.  1.3.  Stand  =  ^e  of  ivorih,  valid.  Do  not 
think  it  of  little  importance.  Have  a  proper 
self-respect.  Do  not  lean  too  much  on  the  coun- 
sel of  others.     Counsel  thyself. 

Ver.  14.  Seven  watchmen.  The  number 
seven  is  used,  like  three  and  five,  as  a  round,  or 
Bo-called  sacred,  number.  Cf.  1  Sam.  ii.  5  ;  Prov. 
xxvi.  16,  25  ;  Jer.  xv.  9. 

Ver.  15.  There  is  a  fine  German  proverb, 
which  is  sometimes  inscribed  on  the  fronts  of 
houses  :  "  An  Gottes  Segen  ist  Alles  gelegen." 

Ver.  16.  A6yos  for  \oyiiiii6s.  Probably  the 
Hebrew  word  was  H^ti'* 

Vers.  17,  18.  Obviously,  no  period  is  to  be 
placed,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  after  xapSias,  which  seems 
to  be  used  in  the  sense  of  disposition,  ruling  pur- 


pose. The  idea  of  the  verse  is  that  according  to 
the  heart  so  will  good  or  evil  show  itself.  Ban- 
sen's  Bibelwerk  translates  :  "  In  consequence  of  a 
changed  disposition  ( Gesinnnng),  four  things 
arise."  The  author  says,  fui'ther,  that  it  depends 
on  the  tongue  how  far  these  signs  may  or  may 
not  appear. 

Ver.  19.  There  is  one  (A.  V.),  taTiv  ivfip. 
The  meaning  of  this  expression  here  and  else- 
where where  it  is  used  in  our  book  would  be 
better  brought  out  by  "  many  a  one." 

Ver.  20.  The  meaning  of  <ro<piC^fitiios  is  modi- 
fied by  eV  \iyots.  The  man  referred  to  is  a 
sophist  who  can  use  wise  words,  without  being 
himself  wise  and  making  his  words  tell  even  for 
his  own  good. 

Ver.  21.  For  ....  because.  The  Greek 
translator  probably  found  in  the  Hebrew  text 
■"S  •  •  •  •  ^2>  and  might  have  rendered  the  last 
by  Kat.  Where  two  or  more  causal  clauses  fol- 
low each  other,  this  particle  is  repeated  in  the 
sense  of  atid  because,  or  and.  See  Gesenius'  Lex., 
sub  voce. 

Ver.  22.  Is  wise  for  himself.  He  uses  his 
wisdom  only  for  his  own  benefit.  The  fruits  of 
such  a  man's  understanding  are  true,  real  (itio-to/), 
^ttI  arinaros,  upon  the  lips,  in  the  mouth  only,  of 
him  that  declares  it.  They  are  not  really  so. 
The  counterpart  of  such  a  man  is  described  in  the 
following  verse. 

Ver.  27.  Life,  i.  e.,  manner  of  living,  experi- 
ence, as  good  or  bad,  helpful  or  injurious.  —  Thy 
soul  (C53).  TA^se//",  thy  entire  being.  Fritzsche 
thinks  the  body,  the  physical  nature  simply,  is 
meant.  But  this  limitation  of  the  idea  is  first 
made  at  verse  28. 


Chapter  XXXVIH. 


1  Honor,  with  reference  to  thy  needs,  a  physician  with  the  honor  due  nnto  him,* 

For  the  Lord  created  ^  him. 

2  For  of  the  Most  High  cometh  healing  ; 
And  he  shall  receive  a  gift  from  '  the  king. 

3  The  skOl  of  the  physician  shall  lift  up  liis  head, 

And  in  the  sight  of  great  men  he  shall  be  in  admiration. 

4  The  Lord  produceth  *  medicines  out  of  the  earth, 
And  a  discreet  man  will  not  be  averse  to  ^  them. 

5  Was  not  the  water  made  sweet  with  wood, 
That  the  virtue  ^  thereof  might  be  known  ? 

6  And  he  gave'  men  skill, 

That  he "  might  be  honored  in  his  marvellous  works  ; 

7  With  them «  doth  he  heal," 

And  taketh  away  one's  sickness ;  " 

8  With  them  '-  doth  the  apothecary  make  a  mixture  ;  *' 
And  he  is  not  through  with  his  labors  " 

Before,  from  him,  peace  is  abroad  upon  ^'  the  earth. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  1  A.  V. :  Honour  a  physician  ....  him  for  the  uses  which  you  may  have  of  him.  '  hath  oreated 

I  honour  of  (instead  of  66/jia,  23.  248.  253.  Co.  read  Sofar).  •  hath  created.  ^  he  that  is  wise  {t^povttJ-tn)  will  not 

abhor  InpoiroxStft)- 

Vers.  6-8. — *  l,\t. ,  .ttren^ih.         ''  A.V. :  hath  given.  ^  Ae  fthiB  rendering  is  the  common  one  ;  but  it  would  ap- 

pear to  be  more  in  harmony  with  what  follows  to  make  "  they,''  i.  e.,  men,  the  subject  of  evSo^d^eaBat :  "  that  they 
might  honor  themselves  through  his  (God's)  marvellous  works  ;  "'  namely,  remedies).  *  such.         '"  heal  men  (it  il 

the  physician  that  is  referred  to).  "  their  pains  (toi'  ttSvov  ai/rov,  i.  e.,  one's  sickness  ;  ovtwi'  is  found  in  55. 10ft 

2.54.  296.).  12  Of  such.  "  confection.  "  of  his  works  there  is  no  end  itrvvreKecr^  :  but  Fritzsche  receives  irvvr* 
\c(r«5  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  106.  157.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.    See  Com.).        "^  And  from  him  is  peace  over  all. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  375 


9  My  son,  in  thy  sickness  be  not  negligent ; 

But  pray  unto  the  Lord,  and  he  will  make  thee  whole.* 

10  Leave  off  doing  wrong,^  and  order  thine  hands  aright, 
And  cleanse  thy  heart  from  every  sin.' 

11  Give  a  sweet  savor,  and  a  memorial  of  fine  flour  ; 
And  make  a  fat  ofiering,  as  though  about  to  die.* 

12  And'  o-ive  place  to  the  physician,  for  the  Lord  created  '  him  ; 
And '  let  liim  not  go  from  thee,  for  thou  hast  need  of  him. 

13  There  is  a  time  when  also  *  in  their  hands  there  is  success  ; ' 

14  For  they  wDl  "  also  pray  unto  the  Lord, 

That  he  would  prosper  them  ia  seeking  to  relieve  and  cure  for  life's  sake.'* 

15  He  that  sinneth  before  his  Maker, 

Let  him  fall  into  the  hands  '-  of  the  physician. 

16  My  son,  let  tears  fall  down  over  a  dead  person," 
And  beglu  to  lament  as  one  suffering  terribly  ;  " 
And  enshroud  his  body  as  suitable  for  him," 
And  neglect  not  his  burial. 

17  Weep  bitterly,  and  make  great  moan," 
And  make  "  lamentation,  as  may  befit  him," 
For  '^  a  day  or  two,  lest  thou  be  evil  spoken  of ;  * 
And  then  comfort  thyself  for  thy  heaviness  ; 

18  For  of  heaviness  cometh  death. 

And  heaviness  of  heart  -'  boweth  down  the  ^  strength. 

19  In  misfortune  too,  there  abideth  heaviness,^ 

And  the  life  of  the  poor  weigheth  upon  '^  the  heart. 

20  Take  no  heaviness  to  heart. 

Put  it  away  as  mindful  of  the  end.'^^ 

21  Forget  it  not,  for  there  is  no  returning ;  ^^ 

And  -''  thou  shalt  not  aid  him,-'  and  shalt  ^  hurt  thyself. 

22  Remember  my  lot,^  for  thine  also  shall  he  so  ; 
Yesterday  for  me,  and  to-day  for  thee. 

23  When  the  dead  is  at  rest,  let  his  remembrance  rest. 

And  be  comforted  for  him,  when  his  spirit  is  departed  from  him. 

24  The  wisdom  of  a  scribe  ^'  cometh  by  opportunity  of  leisure  ; 
And  he  that  hath  little  '-  business  shall  become  wise. 

25  How  can  he  get  wisdom  that  holdeth  '^  the  plough, 
That^*  glorieth  in  the  goad.^^ 

That  driveth  oxen,  and  is  occupied  in  their  labors, 
And  whose  talk  is  of  bullocks  ?  ^^ 

26  He  giveth  his  mind  to  make  furrows  ; 

And  his  sleepless  care  is  "  to  give  the  kine  fodder, 

27  So  every  mason  and  master  builder,'* 
That  laboreth  ^  night  and  day  ; 
And  they  that  cut  and  grave  '"'  seals. 

Vers.  9-15.  — '  iafferat  ae.  2  A.  V. :  from  8ia  (n-A-Tj/i^eAeiav,  with  oftoprtas  In  the  next  line).  •  all  wicked* 

aesB.  <  as  not  being  (marg.,  a.s  a  rfearf  man.    See  Com.).  s  Then  {icat).  «  hath  created.  ^  omits  koA, 

omits  aXm  [Kdl).  »  good  success  (see  C<>ot. ).  ■»  shall.  u  That,  which  they  give  for  ease  and  remedy  to  pro- 
long life  (ouTots  avanavaiV  leal  laaLV  xa-ptv  eii^tMiTeui^).         ^  hand. 

Vers.  16-20.  —  '^  A.  V. :  the  dead.  "  as  if  thou  hadst  suffered  great  harm  thystlf.  '=  Ihtn  cover  (irspi'irreaoK) 

...  according  to  the  custom  (naraaeTiji'KpiViv  oiroC).         i«  (See  Com.)        "use.        "he  is  worthy.        i"  And  that. 

»  (Lit., /or  Ihe  sake  of  calumny,  i.  e.,  to  escape  blame.)  ='  the  heaviness  of  the  heart.  '^  breaketh  (iciifii^ei). 

M  affliction  also  sorrow  remaineth  (see  Com.).        -^  is  the  curse  (lit.,  is  against ;  for  Kara, 65.  248.  254.  Co.  read  Kardpn] 

ol.        2B  Drive  ....  and  remember  the  last  end  (fiyrjiT^eU  rd  IffxaTa). 

Vers.  21-23.  — »  A.  V. :  turning  again.        ^  omits  .A-nd.        =»  do  him  good.  »  but.         *>  judgment  (marg.,  the 

sentence  upon  him.  Fritasche  reads  ilou  after  Kpiiia,  instead  of  avroO^  with  III.  23-  55.  106.  155.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.  See 
Com.). 

Vers.  24-27.  —  **  A.  V. :  learned  man  (Ypaju/xaTeus).  ^2  little  (6  Mao-o-ou^ei-os  n-pa^ei  ai/Tov.    Others,  "  who  has  no 

business  ").  sa  holdeth  (see  Com.).  ^  And  that  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  «at,  as  wanting  iu  III.  X.  55.  106. 155.  al. 
Co.).  8^  (See  Com.)  3tJ  bullocks  (marg.,  "  Gr.,  o///ie  6r«rf  o/"6ii^oc/:5."    The  Greek  is,  ec  uiois  TauptuK).  ^^  is 

diligent  (seeCbm.).  s»  carpenter  and  workmaster  (see  Com  )  »»  laboureth  (Sioyei,  paMM,  s/innrfs.    One  of  the 

meanings  of  the  word  was  also  to  manage,  conduct  business.  But  the  meaning  here  seems  to  be  that  he  spends  the 
night  as  the  day).        '^  See  Com. 


376  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


And  he  who  is  persevering  in  making  manifold  figures,' 
Who  '^  give  themselves  to  make  a  lifelike  picture,' 
And  whose  sleepless  care  is  *  to  finish  a  work. 

28  So  the  smith  ^  sitting  by  the  anvil, 

And  tiring  himself  with  the  rough  iron  ;  • 

The  smoke  '  of  the  fire  wasteth  his  flesh, 

And  he  fighteth  with  the  heat  of  the  furnace  ; 

The  noise  of  the  hammer  deafens  his  ear,*  ' 

And  his  eyes  are  °  upon  the  pattern  of  the  utensil ;  *• 

He  giveth  his  mind  "  to  finish  Ms  work,'^ 

And  his  sleepless  care  is  to  polish  it  on  completion.'* 

29  So  "  the  potter  sitting  at  his  work. 

And  turning  the  wheel  about  with  his  feet, 
Who  is  always  anxious  about  '^  his  work. 
And  maheth  all  his  work  by  number  ; '° 

30  He  fashioneth  the  clay  with  his  arm. 
And  maketh  it  pliable  with  his  feet ;  " 
He  applieth  himself  to  glaze  ^*  it  over  ; 

And  his  sleepless  care  is  "  to  make  clean  the  furnace. 

31  All  these  trust  to  their  hands, 
And  every  one  is  wise  in  his  work. 

32  Without  these  shall  not  a  city  be  inhabited  ;  ™ 

And  men  ^'  shall  not  dwell  abroad,^''  nor  go  up  and  down  ;  •* 

33  They  shall  not  be  sought  for  in  public  counsel. 
Nor  sit  high  in  the  congregation  ; 

They  shall  not  sit  on  the  judge's  '^^  seat, 

Nor  understand  the  statutes  of  the  covenant ;  ^ 

They  shall  not  bring  to  light  instruction  '^^  and  judgment ; 

And  they  shall  not  be  found  where  parables  are  spoken. 

34  But  they  will  maintain  the  world," 

And  their  prayer  be  for  ^*  the  work  of  their  craft. 

Ver.  27.  — '  A.  V.  are  diligent  to  make  great  rariety  (see  Com.).  >  And.  »  counterfeit  imagery  (aee  Com.). 

*  watch  (see  ver.  26). 

Vers.  28-30.  —  '  A.  V. :  The  smith  also  (ovtios  xi^^f"')-  °  considering  (see  Com.)  the  iron  work  (apytf  mi^PV  i 

iv  Ipyiu  (TiSw"".  248.  Co.  ;  jpY""  o-'Sw"".  HI-  167.  307.  ;  Old  Lat.,  considerans  opus  fini  ;  X.  55. 106.  254.  296.  808.  Ipya 
oiB-npov).         '  Tapour.  ^  hammer  and  the  anvil  (the  addition  is  found  in  H.  and  Co.)  is  ever  in  (see  Com.)  his  ears, 

s  took  Mill.  ^°  thing  that  he  maketh  {vKevovi).  ^^  setteth  his  mind  (icap5tac  ainov  ioio-ei.  I  render  as  the  same  is 
rendered  at  Tor.  26).  '^  (plur.,  t.  €.,  the  vessels  just  spoken  of.)  >"  watcheth  (see  vers.  26,  27)  ....  t«  perfectly 

(see  Cbm.).  ^^  So  doth.  16  alway  carefully  set  at.  ^^  [KoXkvtiptBtj.io'i  ■tra.voiri  ipyatria.  avrov.)  *'  howeth 

down  his  strength  before  kis  feet  (marg.,  ttmpereth  it  loith  his  feet).  '»  to  lead  (mii'TeAetrai  tJi  xP'i>'f'o>  '"  complete 

the  smearing).         '"  he  is  diligent. 

Vers.  31-34.  —  'o  A.  V. :  cannot ....  inhabited  (or  built).  '•  they  (not  clear).  '2  dwell  where  they  will 

(TTopoiKijo-ouo-iv).         »  (See  Com.)  =*  judges'  (so  248.  Co.).  =5  sentence  of  judgment  (see  Com.).  "  cannot 

declare  {injuiyuxTi)  justice  (Fritzsche  adopts  niuSeiav  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  165.  al.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  SiKci^oiruvriv).  *'  state 
(248.  Uo.  Syr.  Ar.,  icT^/ia;  other  authorities,  KTiV/»a.    See  Com.)  of  the  world  (aiufos).  "  all  their  desire  (5cit<nc) 

15  in. 

Chapter  XXXVIII. 

Ver.  1.  The  meaning  is:  It  is  a  divine  ar-  Ver.  5.  This  illustration  is  taken  from  Ex.  xv. 
rangement  that  there  should  be  physicians,  and   23-25. 

they  are  also  very  useful ;  hence,  they  should  Ver.  6.  By  marvellous  works  are  meat: 
receive  corresponding  appreciation  and  their  fees  works  of  healing  through  the  use  of  divinely  ap- 
not  be  begrudged  them.  On  the  knowledge  and  pointed  mediciues  under  the  direction  of  physi- 
practice  of  medicine  in  ancient  times,  c£.  Riehm's  cians. 

HartdwOrterbuch  and  Winer,  Bib.  RealwBrterbuch,  ■  Ver.  8.  The  thought  is  rhetorically  exagger- 
under  "  Arzneikunde."  ated,  in  order  to  represent  the  sudden  effect  of 

Ver.  2.     King.     Those  who  stand  highest  are  ,  medicine.  — He  is  not  through,  i.  e.,  he  is  scarcely 
not  above  the  need  of  physicians ;   but  through   through.     The  word  used  for  apothecary  is  fivpe- 
presents  they  seek  to  wm  their  favor  and  atten-   \^6s,  one  who  boils  salve,  unguents  =  an  unguenta- 
tioii.     Cf.  the  case  of  Joram,  2  Kings  viii.  29,  and  i  rius. 
of  Hezckiah,  Is.  xxxviii.  21.  I      Ver.  10.     Leave  off  doing  wrong,  namely,  in 

Ver.  4.  Produceth  medicines  out  of  the  I  that  particular  form  which  was  tlie  occasion  of 
earth.  He  causes  them  to  be  produced  by  the'  the  sickness.  —  The  expression, orrf<r(^/ii'ne)  hantii 
earth,  in  its  plants  and  minerals.  ,  aright,   make  straight    the  hands,   eHeuvov  x^'P"* 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


377 


though  in  itself  peculiar,  recalls  the  words,  "  Make 
straight  paths  for  your  feet."     Cf.  Heb.  xii.  13. 

Ver.  11.  A  memorial.  That  part  of  the 
meat-offering  which  was  burnt  is  meant.  — 'n»  /i^ 
imapxt^v.  Lit.,  as  not  beinij,  i.  e.,  as  one  given  up, 
and  hence  (as  it  might  be  supposed)  inclined  to 
make  generous  sacrifice  to  the  Lord. 

Ver.  12.  Give  place  to  =  maie  roofn  /or,  call 
the  physician. 

Ver.  13.  EvoS/a,  success.  The  power  to  heal 
is  meant,  —  a  power  given  them  of  God,  as  the 
following  verse  intimates. 

Ver.  14.  How  painful  to  think  that,  on  the 
contrary,  so  many  physicians  in  our  day,  instead 
of  praying  for  their  patients  and  with  them,  are 
b:ild  materialists,  and  disbelievers  in  the  efficacy 
of  prayer ! 

Ver.  15.  He  that  sirmeth,  and  as  a  conse- 
quence is  visited  with  disease  as  a  punishment, 
finds  the  good  physician  a  good  friend. 

Ver.  16.  Kara  Se  t^v  Kplffiv  =  and  as  be  fitting, 
according  to  the  proprieties  of  fhe  case,  as  it  may 
be  due  to  this  particular  individual,  his  former 
rank  and  influence.  For  the  last  word,  doubtless 
li-3ir"  stood  in  the  Hebrew.  —  Neglect  not. 
Make  it  as  imposing  as  might  be  expected. 

Ver.  17.  Make  great  moan.  Lit.,  mnl:e  hot 
the  wailing  =  shed  scalding  tears.  — Lest  (thou)  be 
«vll  spoken  of.  What  can  be  thouglit  of  fhe 
morality  of  such  admonitions  as  these,  or  the 
motive  that  is  made  to  support  them  ?  It  is  not 
enough  to  say  with  Fritzsche  that  the  author  is 
"  ice-cold,"  and  sees  everything  from  a  cold,  intel- 
lectual point  of  view.  It  is  something  worse  :  a 
direct  encouragement  of  hypocrisy  for  the  sake  of 
appearances,  and  that  in  the  most  solemn  scenes 
and  the  most  tender  relations  of  life  ! 

Ver.  19.  We  adopt  with  Fritzsche  and  others 
the  readings  iwayayfi  (from  III.  X.  106.  l.'j.i.  1!)7. 
248.  296.  307.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  awayayij) 
and  irapufLhei  (with  III.  23.  I.i7.  248.  254.  296. 
307.  Co.;  text,  rec,  irapa^aivd) ,  as  original.  The 
former  word  is  elsewhere  (ii.  2)  used  by  our 
author  in  the  sense  of  affliction,  misfortune.  The 
two  members  of  this  verse  are  to  be  considered  as 
parallel.  As  in  misfortune,  ton,  sorrow  (that 
preys  upon  the  strength)  remaineth,  is  abiding, 
so  (Kat)  the  life  of  the  poor  is  a>;ainst  {Kara,  i.  e., 
weigheth  upon)  the  heart.  This  sense  harmo- 
nizes well  with  the  context,  both  that  which  pre- 
cedes and  that  which  follows. 

Ver.  20.  Mindful  of  the  end  (ri  ecrxara), 
i.  e.,  being  mindful  that  it  will  hasten  the  time  of 
death. 

Ver.  21.  Forget  it  not,  namely,  death.  —  For 
there  is  no  returning.  There  is  "  no  discharge 
in  that  war."  Eccles.  viii.  8.  —  Not  aid  him. 
The  departed  one. 

Ver.  22.  The  dead  man  seems  to  be  repre- 
sented as  speaking  in  this  verse  throughout.  The 
word  Kplfia,  judgment,  sentence,  i.e.,  with  reference 
to  death,  is  more  clearly  expressed  as  in  tlie 
text. 

Ver.  24.  A  scribe,  ypafifiareas.  This  well- 
known  character  is  probably  meant,  and  not 
simply  a  learned  man  in  general.  —  'Ev  euxaipfa 
cxoX^t  =  the  favorable  opportunity  which  leisure 
affords.  The  assertion  in  the  last  part  of  the 
verse  is  to  be  taken  with  a  grain  of  allowance. 
Leisure  is  not  the  only  necessity,  if  one  would  be 
wise  ;  but,  above  all,  a  desire  to  study. 

Ver.  25.  Holdeth  {KpaTciy)  the  plough,  iu  the 
sense  of  ruleth,  guideth,  as  the  followin;;  clause 


shows.  —  Glorieth  in  the  goad.  Lit.,  glorieth  in 
the  spear  of  a  goad  (i.  e.,  which  is  a  godd).  Tho 
remark  is  made  playfully. 

Ver.  26.  'Aypviryia  is  more  than  diligence.  It 
denotes  a  care  that  is  so  great  as  to  deprive  one 
of  sleep.  The  word  occurs  a  number  of  times 
in  what  immediately  follows  as  a  sort  of  refrain 
to  the  several  cases  mentioned. 

Ver.  27.  Ttxrav  (Cl'^n)  might  indeed  have 
the  meaning  carpenter ;  but  in  connection  with 
what  follows  is  perhaps  better  translated  by 
mason,  and  apxiT^KTtvif  by  head  carpenter.  Cf. 
verse  32.  —  Cut  and  grave.  Rather,  engrave 
cuttitigs,  or  simply  engrave  (yXvipovTft  yXi/ifi-aTa). 
And  he  who  is  persevering  (rj  4irinov^  alnov)  in 
making  manifold  figures  [aWomtrai  TroiKi\lav). 
Lit.,  to  change  manifoldness.  Grotius  gives  the 
sense  well :  "  varias  formas  in  gemmam  intro- 
ducere."  —  Make  a  life-like  picture  {6/j,oiuaai 
^wypatfttay) . 

\  er.  28.  The  smith  generally  does  something 
more  than  merely  consider  the  iron  in  the  rough 
{KaTafMayddvaiv    apyi^   (TidTipcp)  :    he   works   it.       It 

is   probable   that   there   is   mistranslation ;    'J"!^ 

having  been  read  for  Vy^,  as  might  easily  have 
been  the  case,  and  I  have  rendered  accordingly.  — 
The  words  Kaivi€7  rh  ads  avTov  do  not  make  sense. 
Some  critics  would  emend  by  kv^,  rubs,  tickles,  and 
De  Wette,  deafen.  The  latter  idea  is  probably 
correct,  though  scarcely  derivable  from  this  word. 
The  Hebrew  word  for  it  would  be  W~}n  (cf. 
Micah  vii.  16),  and  it  may  have  been  found  in 
the  form  W^Jl'',  and  mistaken  for  Ci7^^',  mean- 
ing to  renew.  Fritzsche  agrees  with  Ewald  and 
Hitzig  in  finding  a  similar  exchange  of  these  two 
words  at  Zeph.  iii.  1 7  ;  but  this  is  doabtful.  Cf. 
Keil's  Com.,  in  loc.  —  The  words  eVl  amTeAelas 
mean  when  it  is  complete,  or  on  completion  ;  and 
are  not  to  be  taken  in  an  adverbial  sense,  as  iu 
the  A.  V. 

Vers.  29,30.  Cf.  art.  "Pottery"  in  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.  "  The  clay,  when  dug,  was  trodden 
by  men's  feet,  so  as  to  form  a  paste,  then  placed 
by  the  potter  on  the  wheel  beside  which  he  sat, 
and  was  shaped  by  him  with  his  hands."  —  All 
his  work  by  number,  /.  e.,  he  works  by  the  job, 
or  has  a  definite  task  set  before  him. 

Ver.  31.  AU  these  different  classes  are  so  busy 
in  their  various  special  occupations  that  they 
have  no  opportunity  for  acquiring  much  knowl- 
edge outside  their  particular  sphere.  Still,  the 
im]>ortance  (jf  such  physical  labor  is  not  to  be 
denied,  nor  t0(]  much  depreciated. 

Ver.  32.  Men  shall  not  dwell  abroad.  The 
meaning  is  that  the  work  of  these  artisans  alone 
gives  occasion  for  commercial  activity  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  lies  at  the  basis  of  much  intellectual 
and  social  progress.  —  Go  up  and  down.  Travel 
here  and  there  in  pursuit  of  knowledge,  or  for 
purposes  of  trade. 

Ver.  33.  EttI  bitfipov  StKaaTov,  on  the  judge's 
seat.  The  person  who  is  referred  to  is  not  strictly 
the  judge  ((cpiTTjs)  who  pronounces  sentence,  but 
one  who  executes  Si'ktj,  maintains  law  and  equity. 
He  was  more  a  juror  than  a  judge.  Cf.  Liddell 
and  Scott's  Lex. :  also  Cremer,  s.  v. ;  and  espe- 
cially Schmidt,  Sgn.  der  griech.  Sprache,  i.,  p 
356  ff.  —  AiaSriKTiv  Kpi/xaTOS-  The  Mosaic  law,  in 
accordance  with  which  decisions  were  made,  seems 
to  be  meant.  Hence  it  might  be  rendered  freely 
by   divine    statutes,    or   statutes  of  the    covenant. 


378  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Cremer,  however  [Lex.,  s.  v.),  would  render  by 
rule,  or  order  of  judgment.  Cf.  xlv.  17,  where  the 
Bame  expression  occurs.  In  Cod.  II.  the  whole 
member,  koI  hiaQ4]Kriv  ....  ZiavtyqQriuov'Tfii,  is  en- 
closed in  brackets. 

Ver.  34.  KrltT^ia  aioivos  (TTTipiirovffi.  The  first 
two  words  seem  to  stand  for  the  world.  These 
persons  are  the  support  of  the  world,  of  that 


external  order  of  things  represented  in  it,  in  so 
far  as  without  them  the  higher  physical  and  social 
life  of  men  would  be  impossible.  —  In  the  work 
of  (their)  craft,  tV  ipyaata  t€x>")s-  This  seems  to 
be  the  meaning,  altliough  the  last  word  might  be 
talien  in  the  sense  of  "  art,'  "  handicraft"  in  gen- 
eral. Their  prayer  is  directed  to  the  carrying 
out  of  such  works  as  have  been  spoken  of. 


Chaptee  XXXIX. 


1  But  he  that  giveth  his  mind  to  the  law  of  the  Most  High, 
And  meditateth  thereon,* 

Will  seek  out  the  wisdom  of  all  the  elders,^ 
And  be  occupied  with  ^  prophecies. 

2  He  will  keep  the  sayings  of  *  renowned  men, 

And  where  subtile  proverbs  *  are,  he  will  have  ingress.* 
8       He  will  seek  out  the  secrets  of  parables,' 
And  be  occupied  with  enigmas  of  proverbs.' 

4  He  shall  serve  among  great  men, 
And  appear  before  princes  ;  ° 

He  will  travel  through  strange  countries. 

For  he  hath  tried  the  good  and  the  evil  among  men.*° 

5  He  will  have  it  at  heart  to  rise  early  to  seek  "  the  Lord  that  made  him^ 
And  wUl  pray  before  the  Most  High, 

And  wOl  open  his  mouth  in  prayer. 
And  make  supplication  for  his  sins. 

6  If  ^'  the  great  Lord  will, 

He  shall  be  filled  with  the  spirit  of  understanding ; 

He  shall  pour  out  wise  sentences,^' 

And  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord  in  "  prayer. 

7  He  shall  direct  aright  his  counsel  ^^  and  knowledge, 
And  in  his  secrets  shall  he  meditate. 

8  He  shall  sliow  forth  that  which  he  hath  learned," 

And  shall  glory  in  the  law  of  the  covenant"  of  the  Lord. 

9  Many  shall  commend  his  understanding, 
And  to  eternity  he  shall  not  pass  away  ;  ^' 
His  memorial  shall  not  depart, ^^ 

And  his  name  shall  live  from  generation  to  generation. 

10  Nations  shall  show  forth  his  wisdom. 

And  the  congregation  shall  publish  ^  his  praise. 

11  If  he  live,-^  he  shall  leave  a  greater  name  than  a  thousand ; 
And  if  he  die,''''  he  shall  increase  it.'^ 

12  I  will  still  further  relate  what  I  have  thought  upon,** 
For  -^  I  am  filled  as  the  moon  at  the  full. 

Vers.  1-3.  — '  A.  V.  :  is  occupied  in  the  meditation  Mer«o/'(Siai'oou^eVou).  ^  ancient  (apxaiW).  *  in.  *  keep 
wyrtipritrti.,  aa  probable  rendering  of  "'^t*' ;  it  might  be  rendered,  with  others,  "  regard  '■)  the  sayings  {tiirY^jtv,  re- 
eeived  by  Fritz?che  from  III.  X.  23.  55. 106.  al.  Co.  ;  tert.  rec,  fiiTjy^crfi?.  So  perhaps,  better  "  hare  regard  to  the  dis- 
course ")  of  the.  Sparables.  8  he  will  be  there  also  ((rvfeio-eAevo-crat.  See  Coth.,  and  cf.  xxsviii.  33.}.  'grave 
Bencencea  (n-opoi^iwi/).        »  conver.flant  in  dark  parables  (ef  aii'ty/Aatrt  napa^oKuiv). 

Vers.  4,  6.—*  Tjyou^ieVwi'  Fritzsche  receives  from  X.  23.  55.  106.  al.  Co.;  text,  rec,  ^yov/ieVou.  '"See  Com. 

"  A.  V. :  give  his  heart  to  resort  early  to  {bpBpLo-tn  rrpo?). 

Vers.  &-11. —  '2  A.  V.  :   When  (eal'l.  '■'  {prifiara  ffoifcia?  aiiTOv,  word.^  of  his  wUdoTTl  :=  wise  words.)  '*  in  his. 

^  direct  {KarevQvvei)  his  counsel  (others,  wilt).  ^"  (TraiSct'ai'  fitfiacncoAta?  auToi).  Gaab  and  De  Wette  similarly  to  the 
A.  v.,  "  hifl  wisdom  learned."  liut  it  would  perhaps  be  better,  with  Fritzsche  and  Buneen's  Bibelwerk,  to  take  the 
words  in  the  sense,  *'  his  wise  teaching,'*  or,  "  teaching,  doctrine  of  his  wisdom.'')  ''  (See  Cotti.)  '^  gQ  i(,ng  aa 

the  world  endureth  it  (not  his  understanding,  but  his  nanie.  himself)  shall  not  be  blotted  out  (on  account  of  the 
tbange  of  subject,  I  have  changed  the  rendering  of  «|aA«ttiftHj(TeTat )■  '"  depart  away.  -*'  declare.  "  die  (set 

Com.).        "live.         -'  iu-noni  (iii7i2.    I'robably  for  S~  ""C"!',  or  S^   ^~'i^. 

Vers.  12-15.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Yet  have  1  more  to  say,  which  I  have  thought  upon  ('En  SiaforjStU  <K5tTry^a-ofAaO.  •*  Fol 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  379 


13  Hearken  unto  me,  ye  holy  sons,' 

And  bud  forth  as  a  rose  growing  by  a  flowing  stream  ;  * 

14  And  yield  a  pleasant  odor  ^  as  frankincense, 
And  bloom  *  as  a  lily  ; 

Diffuse  a  pleasant  odor,^  and  sing  a  song  of  praise,' 
Bless  the  Lord  for '  all  his  works. 

15  Magnify  his  name, 

And  show  forth  his  praise  ' 

With  songs  of  the  ^  lips,  and  with  harps  ; 

And  in  praising  speak  thus :  '" 

16  All  the  works  of  the  Lord  are  exceeding  good, 
And  every  command  shall  be  executed  in  its  '^  season. 

17  And  one  may  not  say,'''  What  is  this  ?  wherefore  is  this?  " 
For  in  its  season  shall  "  all  be  sought  out ; 

At  his  commandment  the  waters  stood  as  a  heap," 

And  at  the  word  of  his  mouth  the  receptacles  of  waters.** 

18  At  his  commandment  is  done  all  that  '^  pleaseth  him  ; 
And  none  can  hinder,  when  he  will  save. 

19  The  works  of  all  flesh  are  before  him. 
And  nothing  can  be  hid  from  his  eyes. 

20  He  seeth  from  everlasting  to  everlasting ; 
And  there  is  nothing  wonderful  before  him. 

21  One  may  not  "  say.  What  is  this  ?  wherefore  is  this  ?** 
For  all  things  are  made  '^  for  their  use.^° 

22  His  blessing  covered  the  dry  land  ^  as  a  river, 
And  watered  it  as  a  flood  : 

23  Just  so  shall  the  heathen  experience  ^  his  wrath. 
As  he  turned  "^  the  waters  into  saltness.^ 

24  As  his  ways  are  plain  unto  the  holy. 

So  are  they  stumbling-blocks  unto  the  wicked.''^ 

25  For  the  good  are  good  things  created  from  the  beginning, 
So  evO  things  for  sinners. 

26  The  principal  of  all  neecU'ul  things  for  ^^  man's  life 
Are  water,  and  ^  fire,  and  -'  iron,  and  salt. 

And  ^  flour  of  wheat,  and  '^  honey,  and  *'  milk, 
Blood  ^*  of  the  grape,  and  oil,  and  clothing  : 

27  All  these  things  are  for  good  to  the  godly  ; 
So  to  the  sinners  they  are  turned  into  evU. 

28  There  are  winds  '■'^  that  are  created  for  punishment," 
And ''  in  their  fury  lay  on  sore  strokes  ;  °'^ 

And  '^  in  the  time  of  destruction  they  pour  out  their  force, 
And  appease  the  wrath  of  him  that  made  them. 

29  Fire,'*  and  hail,  and  famine,  and  death, 
All  these  are  created  for  punishment ;  '^ 

(cat,  but  248.  Co.,  -yap).  ^  children.  ^  the  brook  of  the  field  (marg.,  rivers  of  water.    The  Greek  is  iirl  peu^iarx 

trfpov.  Fritzsche  receives  the  la.'it  word  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  106.  al.  Co.  ;  lext.  rec,  o-ypou).  8  giyg  ye  a  eweet  savour 
;eva)5ia(raTe  hrry-rfv).  *  flourish  {av^trare  ar^os).  ^  Send  forth  (SiaSore)  ....  smell  (cktjldji').  ^  song  of  praise 

{aXviaare  aafrn  ^  praise  a  song,  with  re.«pect  to  a  song,  i.  e.,  sing  a  song  of  praise.  The  peculiar  Greek  is  due  to  the 
Hebrew  idiom).  '  in  (ejri)-        ^  U^otio\oyrjaa(r6e  iv  aivitrei  aijrov.  The  last  three  words  are  wanting  in  248.  Co.  The 

Greek  means,  "  Praise,  acknowledge  him  in  his  praise.*')  ^  the  songs  of  your  (I  have  changed  to  bring  out  more 

clearly  the  distinction  apparently  intended  between  vocal  and  instrumental  music).  *o  ^/„i  you  shall  say  after  thift 
manner. 

Vers.  16-21.  — ^^  A.  V. ;  whatsoever  he  commandeth  ....  accomplished  in  due  {avrov).  i-  none  may  say.  *3  that 
(touto,  as  in  the  foregoing).  i*  at  time  convenient  they  shall.  ^^  (See  Com.)  i^  whatsoever.  ^^  Aman  need 
not  to  {ovK  etntv  eiTreii',  as  at  ver.  17).         ^^  that  (see  ver.  17).         '^  he  hath  made  all  thijtgs.  **>  Fritzsche  receives 

Xpeiav  from  65.  106.  155.  al.  Co.  ;  III.  X.  C.  also  agree  in  giving  the  sing.    See  Com. 

Vera.  22-27.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  dry  land  i^ripav).  --  So  (outo)?,  and  refers  to  what  precedes)  ....  inherit  (Kkripovotirjcret, 

but  with  the  sense  given).  ^  hath  turned.  -*  (In  the  A.  V.  these  two  members  are  read  in  an  inverse  order,  which 
shows  the  course  of  thought  far  less  clearly.  In  III.  C.  106.  loo.  157.  296.  307.  308.  the  second  member,  as  we  have 
given  it,  stood  at  the  close  of  ver.  24.)  ^■'  wicked  (avoVots,  as  antithetic  to  oo-iois  in  the  previous  line).  ^  princi- 
pal things  for  the  whole  use  of  (ipxij  ira<nj?  xP^^'t^s).         ^^  omits  and         ^8  ji„ff  the  blood. 

Vers.  28,  29.  —  -^  A.  V.  :  be  spirits  (see  Com.).  3"  vengeance.  ^i  Which.  32  sore  strokes  (lit.,  make  strong 

their  scourges).        ^^  omtts  .4nd.        34  (i\  ^.^  lightning.)        3.:  were        .  .  vengeance 


380 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


30  Teeth  of  wild  beasts,  and  scorpions,  and  vipers,^ 
And  the  sword,  punishing  the  godless  ^  to  destruction. 

31  They  shall  rejoice  in  his  commandment, 

And  they  shall  be  ready  upon  the  earth,  when  need  is ; ' 
And  in  their  time,*  they  shall  not  transgress  his  word. 

32  Therefore  from  the  beginning  I  was  resolved,^ 

And  thought  upon  these  things,  and  have  left  them  in  writing : 

33  The  °  works  of  the  Lord  are  all '  good, 

And  he  will  supply  *  every  needful  thing  in  its  '  season  ; 

34  And  one  may  not'"  say.  This  is  worse  than  that; 
For  in  time  "  they  shall  all  be  approved.'^ 

35  And  now  praise  '*  with  the  whole  heart  and  mouth, 
And  bless  the  name  of  the  Lord. 

Vera.  80,  31.  —  ^  A.  V. :  scorpions,  serpents  (I  adopt  the  marg.  reading,  Gr.,  exeti)-       *  wicked.       *  upon  earth  . . . 
(€15  XP**°*-    ^^-  *'*  XP^i«*'t  ^^r-  21-    It  might  be  rendered  "  to  be  used  "  "  for  use  ").        *  when  their  time  is  come. 

Vers.  32-35.  —  <^  «mjpix»>i>'  =  «■<"  Sfl/asl,Jirm.  «  A.  V. ;  All  the  (as  C.  106.  248.  307.  Co.).  '  are  (see  p» 

ceding).         ^  gj^e  (xoprjyijffet).  "  due  (see  Ter.  16).  i**  So  that  a  man  cannot  (see  Ters.  17,  21).         i*  (iv  fcatp^ 

Not  in  process  of  time,  but  at  the  right  time.)        ^^  well  approTed.        ^'^  therefore  praise  ye  the  Lord. 

Chapter   XXXIX. 


Ver.  1.  Occupied  with  prophecies,  as  beiug 
the  most  important  product  of  the  ancient  wis- 
dom. 

Ver.  2.  Others  (Wahl  and  Bunsen'.s  Bibel- 
werk)  render  the  second  member  of  the  verse,  eV 
FTpo<pa7sTrapa$oKwi/ tTvvet(7€\ev(TeTat :  And  penetrate 
into  tite  depth  of  {their)  proverbs. 

Ver.  4.  For  he  hath  tried  \expeTienced\  the 
good  and  the  evil  among  men.  This  is  the 
commop  rendering ;  and  the  meaning  is  that, 
having  great  experience,  he  can  travel  without 
trouble  or  danger.  But  Fritzsche  thinks  that 
firelpaffe  should  be  constructed  as  present,  believ- 
ing that  this  was  the  sense  of  the  word  in  the 
original.  The  context  certainly  favors  this  view. 
The  meaning  would  then  be,  that  he  travels  about 
and  experiences  good  and  evil,  i.  e.,  in  order  to 
experience  these,  to  learn  what  there  is  in  the 
world,  whether  good  or  bad. 

Ver.  8.  Law  of  the  covenant,  ySiicii  5io8r))tr)S. 
Cf.  SiaBiiKrjv  Kplfxaros  in  verse  33  of  the  ])receding 
chapter. 

Ver.  11.  'Eaj' e/t^ieiVp  and  4a.v  ayaTratJffTjTot  are 
antithetic  :  //'  he  remain,  i.  e.,  nVwe  —  if  he  (jo 
to  rest,  i.  e.,  die.  —  KaTaAt/i|/fi  means  leave  be- 
hind, namely,  as  a  memorial  of  himself,  wherever 
he  may  have  been  and  his  words  and  activity 
have  been  known,  and  may  ajipropriately  be  said 
of  a  man  while  he  is  yet  alive.  There  is  no 
occasion  on  account  of  this  word,  therefore,  to 
change  the  position  of  the  other  two  verbs,  ex- 
changing the  one  for  the  other,  as  is  done  in  the 
A.  V.  and  by  some  of  the  earlier  commentators. 

Ver.  13.  For  aypov,  vypov  is  doubtless  to  be 
read.  Cf.  authorities  above,  and  Ps.  i.  3 ;  Jer. 
xvii.  8. 

Ver.  17.  Zrirri8^(T(Tai,  shall  be  sought  out, 
and  BO  found  out,  be  clear.  Others  give  the  mean- 
ing, shall  be  asked,  inquired  for  at  the  proper  time, 
as  Bomething  useful  and  desired.     The  lust  jiart 


of  the  verse  seems  to  refer,  not  to  the  passage  of 
the  Red  Sea  by  the  Israelites  (as  some  suppose), 
but  to  the  division  of  the  waters  described  in  Gen. 
i.  6-10.  The  final  clause  would  otherwise  be  diffi- 
cult to  understand.  The  receptacles  of  waters 
stood,  i.  e.,  arose,  came  into  existence. 

Ver.  21.  For  (els)  their  use,  i.e.,  to  be  used. 
They  have  some  real  end,  though  it  be  not  at 
first  apparent. 

Ver.  23.  The  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
is  apparently  referred  to.  By  turning  the  waters 
to  saltness  the  sources  of  fertility  were  destroyed. 

Ver.  24.  "  The  secret  of  the  Lord  is  with  them 
that  fear  him." 

Ver.  27.  The  same  thought  is  found  in  Wisd. 
xvi.  24.  Cf.  also  the  typical  meaning  of  Ebal 
and  Gerizim  in  the  history  of  the  Israelites,  Deut. 
xi.  29  ff.,  aud  ,Tosh.  viii.  .30  ff. 

Ver.  28.  We  understand  Trvtifiara  here  (with 
Luther,  Linde,  Bretschneider,  Dereser,  De  Wette, 
Gutmann,  Wahl,  Fritzsche,  and  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
werk)  to  mean,  not  spirits,  but  winds,  as  the  con- 
text, grammatical  usage,  and  the  course  of 
thought  throughout  the  present  book,  would  ap- 
pear to  demand.     The  word  in  the  original  was 

probably  nir")~i.  The  thought  in  the  verses 
that  follow  relates  almost  solely  to  evU  results 
ari.-iiug  from  natural  causes,  which  are  said  to  be 
used  by  the  Almighty  for  punishment.  The  au- 
thor's views  on  angelology  are  but  little  developed 
in  the  present  book  (cf.  xvii.  17  ;  xlv.  2  ;  xlviii. 
21 )  ;  —  too  little,  it  should  seem,  to  justify  such  a 
pronounced  dogmatical  position  as  this  would  be, 
if  the  word  before  us  were  to  be  understood  as 
relating  to  supernatural  beings,  good  or  bad.  — 
There  are  ^inds  =  certain  winds.  —  Konci^eiv 
=  (1)  to  ffrow  tired  or  weary  ;  then  (2)  to  abate,  to 
lull.  It  is  used  by  Herodotus  (vii.  191)  of  the 
lulling  of  the  wind,  and  may  have  been  suggested 
to  the  Greek  translator  here  bv  the  context. 


Chapter  XL. 


Great  travail  is  created  for  every  man, 
And  a  heavy  yoke  is  upon  the  sons  of  Adam, 
From  the  day  that  thei/  go  out  of  their  mother's  womb, 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  381 


Till  the  day  of  their  burial  in  ^  the  mother  of  all  things. 

2  Their  imagination  of  things  to  come,  and  the  day  of  death, 
Trouble  their  thoughts,  and  cattse  fear  of  heart ; " 

3  From  him  that  sitteth  on  a  throne  of  glory,' 
Unto  him  that  is  humbled  in  earth  and  ashes  ; 

4  From  him  that  weareth  purple  and  a  crown. 
Unto  him  that  is  clothed  in  coarse  linen :  ■* 

5  Wrath,  and  envy,  and  confusion,^  and  unquietness, 
And  ^  fear  of  death,  and  anger,'  and  strife  ; 

And  in  the  time  of  rest  upon  his  bed 

The  sleep  of  night  changeth  *  his  knowledge. 

6  A  little  time,  as  nothing,  is  he  at '  rest, 
And  from  that  time  on  he  is  in  dreams  :  ^° 
As  in  a  day  of  keeping  watch,^^ 

He  is  troubled  by  '-  the  vision  of  his  heart, 
As  if  he  were  escaped  out  of  a  battle. 

7  At  the  time  of  his  rescue,'^  he  awaketh, 
And  marvelleth  that  his  fear  was  nothing." 

8  Such  things  happen  unto  aU  flesh,  both  man  and  "  beast. 
And  sevenfold  more  unto  '^  sinners  : 

9  Death,  and  bloodshed,  and  "  strife,  and  sword. 
Famine,  and  tribulation,  and  scourge  ;  '* 

10  These  things  are  created  for  "  the  wicked. 
And  for  their  sakes  came  the  flood. 

11  All  things  that  are  of  the  earth  shall  turn  to  the  earth  again; 
And  that  which  is  of  the  waters  doth  return  into  the  sea. 

12  All  bribery  and  injustice  shall  be  blotted  out ; 
But  true  dealing ""  shall  endure  for  ever. 

13  The  goods  of  the  unjust  shall  be  dried  up  like  a  river, 

And  shall  die  away  like  the  reverberation  of  loud  ^^  thunder  in  rain. 

14  In  the  opening  of  his  hand  one  "^  shall  rejoice ; 
So  shall  transgressors  come  to  nought. 

15  The  children  of  the  ungodly  shall  not  bring  forth  many  branches ; 
And  ''^  unclean  roots  are  -■*  upon  a  hard  rock. 

16  A  bulrush  on  -°  every  water  and  bank  ^^  of  a  river 
Shall  be  pulled  up  before  all  grass. 

17  Bountifulness  is  as  a  blessed  garden,^' 
And  mercifulness  endureth  for  ever. 

Vers.  1,  2.  —  *  A.  V. :  that  they  return  to  (ewt  rai^ij  elq.    For  the  first  two  words,  we  find  in  in.  C,  eiriTa<(i^,  167., 

mrt(rTpo<^^s,  248.  Co.,  ews  eTrnrrpoi^TJs  ^^e'pay).         2  gge  Co7n. 

Vers.  3-7.  —  ^  Fritzsche  receives  iv&6(ov  from  HI.  X.  C.  H.  23.  65.  muUisquc  litn-is;  248.  Co.,  iof,)!  ;  ttxt.  jee.  (with 
H.)  iv  66|i].  ^  A.  V.  :  with  a  linen  frock.        ^  envy,  tronble  (rapax^.     The  tcai  before  it  is  wanting  in  X.  C.  H.  248. 

Co.).  ^  omits  And.  ^  {^^vtfia,  i.  t.,  the  cause  of  anger,  like  ^^fis,  a  revenge/ttl  temper.     Cod.  308.  has  firfviafiaf 

which  is  but  a  later  form  of  the  former;  248.  Co.,  ^t'^Tjua,  a  copy;  55.  155.  254.,  fjirivt^  ;  text,  rec,  firjpiafia,  another 
form  of  the  first ;  Old  Lat.,  ira  perseverans.}  ^  his  night  sleep,  do  change  (see  Co7n.).  *  or  nothing  is  his. 

10  afterward  (aTr'  cxetVou}  he  is  in  kis  sleep  (ev  uttvois.  He  has  no  more  unbroken  sleep,  but  only  naps.  I  render  freely, 
according  to  the  sense,  with  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibehuerk).  "  (It  means  either  "  a  time  when  one  is  on  watch  ;  " 
or,  "  when  one  in  the  day-time  is  on  watch.'-)  12  Troubled  in.  is  When  all  is  safe  (cc  fcacpt^  o-wrrjp.'a?).  "  that 
the  fear  was  nothing  (el?  oiiheva  ifjd^v). 

Vers.  8-11.  —  1^  liit.,  from  man  to.  i^  A.  V.  :  And  that  is  ...  .  more  (n-pos  ravra,  i.  e.,  besides)  upon.  i^  omits 

and.  1^  Calamities  (cTraywyat.     Fritzsche  strikes  it  out  as  a  gloss,  although  found  in  the  best  authorities.     (1)  He 

thinks  that  seven  things  were  meant  to  be  mentioned,  and  this  word  should  have  been  inserted,  if  at  all,  at  the  begin 
ning  or  end  of  the  list.  (2)  It  is  plural,  while  the  other  words  are  singular.  (3)  The  formation  of  the  sentence  iB 
against  it,  it  having  no  connective  to  join  it  to  the  other  words.  It  may  be  added  that  it  is  a  general  word,  and  ob- 
viously includes  the  rest),  famine,  tribulation  {cvvrpLiiiia,  perhaps  here,  ruin,  desolation,  such  as  is  caused  by  war), 
and  the  (I  omit  the  article  to  harmonize  with  the  other  words,  all  of  which  are  without  it  in  the  original)  scourge. 
10  for  (effi,  Fritzsche,  wider,  against). 

Vers.  12-17.  —  -"  A.  V. :  (Kal  Tri'trrt?).  21  vanish  with  noise  like  a  great  (tljs  fipovrij  iieydXTj  ev  iterw  e^jjxrjaci.    Tha 

verb  means  to  sound  forth,  but  the  connection  requires  here  the  meaning  die  away.  In  Polybius  (xxx.  4,  7),  in  fact, 
it  was  used  to  refer  to  the  prayers  of  the  dying  22  while  he  openeth  his  hand  he  (I  render  as  though  the  same 

person  were  still  referred  to.  The  context,  bo^  the  preceding  and  following,  seems  to  require  it.  The  misfortune,  or 
the  close  of  life,  which  makes  him  open  his  hand,  ifl  a  source  of  joy  to  those  who  have  been  subjects  of  his  injustice. 
For  other  renderings  see  Com.)  -^ 'K\it  are  as.  ^omits&re.  25  xhe  weed(seet7om.)  growiTi^  upon.  ^  {^ur.) 
»T  most  fruitful  garden  (marg.,  a  garden  that  is  blessed.    See  Com.). 


882 


THE   APOCKYPHA. 


18  The  life  of  a  contented  and  a  laborious  man  is  sweet;* 
But  -  he  that  findeth  a  treasure  is  above  them  both. 

19  Children  and  the  building  of  a  city  continue  a  man's  name ; 
But  a  blameless  wife  is  counted  above  them  both. 

20  Wine  and  music  rejoice  the  heart ; 

But  the  love  of  wisdom  is  above  them  both. 

21  Flute  and  harp  *  make  sweet  melody  ; 
But  a  pleasant  tongue  is  above  the7H  both. 

22  Thine  eye  desireth  grace  ■•  and  beauty  ; 

But  more  than  both  the  young  green  of  the  seed.* 

23  A  friend  and  companion  meet  opportunely  ;  ° 
But  above  botli  is  a  wife  with  her  husband. 

24  Brethren  and  help  are  against  time  of  trouble  ; 
But  alms  deliver  more  than  both.' 

25  Gold  and  silver  make  the  foot  stand  sure ; 
But  counsel  *  is  esteemed  above  them  both. 

26  Eiches  and  strength  lift  up  the  heart ; 

But  the  fear  of  the  Lord  is  above  them  both ; 
There  is  no  want  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
And  with  it  one  needeth  °  not  to  seek  help. 

27  The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  a  blessed '"  garden, 
And  it  "  covereth  him  above  all  glory. 

28  My  son,  lead  not  a  beggar's  life  ; 
Better  ^-  it  is  to  die  than  to  beg. 

29  A  man  who  looketh  to  another's  table, 
His  life  is  not ''  to  be  counted  for  a  life  ; 

He  "  polluteth  himself  with  forbidden  food  ;  " 

But  an  intelligent  and  a  well  nurtured  man  "  will  beware  thereof. 

30  Begging  is  sweet  in  the  mouth  of  the  shameless ; 
But  in  his  heart  there  burneth  "  a  fire. 

Vers.  18-23.  —  ^  A.  V. :  To  labour,  and  ( Fritzsche  adopts,  with  Grotius,  a  Kat  before  epyaTw)  to  be  content  with  that 
a  man  hath,  is  a  sweet  life.  2  i^^^i,  as  in  the  following  Terses.)  »  The  pipe  and  the  psaltery.  *  desireth 

(probably  for  "TDH^,  Jindeth pleasure  in)  favour  (xoptf,  here  charm^  attractiveness,  ^ace).  6  com  while  it  is  greeo 

(xAoTji'  cTTTtipov).  *  never  meet  amiss.         '  shall  deliver  (Fritzsche  adopts  putVat  from  III.  X.  C.  23.  106.  al.  ;  text.  rec. 

(with  II.),  the  future)  ....  them  both.  ^  (^ouAtj.    Others  render  by  prudence,  or  sagacity,  which  were  possible,  it 

71^3?  stood  in  the  original.)  ^  And  it  needeth  (for  iv  avT«  after  ejri^ijT^crat,  248.  Co.  read  ^i^ttjco*  eavTu.    It  might 

also  be  rendered,  "  seek  help  with  it  "  ;  its  help  would  be  given  without  seeking).  1"  fruitful.  "  omits  it  (th# 

reference  might  be  to  the  Lord.  Fritzsche  reads  UaXv^pev,  in  place  of  the  plur.  of  the  same,  with  III.  X.  55. 106.  157. 
al.  Co.). 

Vers.  28-30.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  For  better.  i3  The  life  of  him  that  dependeth  on  another  man^s  table  is  not.  "  For  he 
IB  other  men's  meat  [iv  ehetrtiaaw  oAAorptots,  with  strange,  i.  e.,  to  the  Jew,  and  so  forbidden  ./bo(2).  ^"^  a  wise  man 
well  nurtured.        *'  belly  there  shall  (see  Com.)  bum. 

Chapteb  XL. 


Ver.  2.  It  is  obvious  that  either  the  text  of 
this  verse  is  corrupt,  or  that  we  have  another 
example  of  false  rendering  on  the  part  of  tlie 
Greek  translator.  The  second  view,  first  advanced 
by  Bretschneider,  has  been  adopted  by  Bnnsen'a 
Bibelwerh  and  Fritzsche ;  the  latter  conjecturing 

that  the  Hebrew  of  the  second  member  was  "PS 

dh  in?  Dn\"nhE'n.T5,  "Wlth  their  thought 
is  fear  of  heart."  The  other  clause  seems  to  be  but 
an  intensification  of  the  first :  Their  anxious  erpec- 
tation,care  {^trivoia  ■trpoaSoKias)  —  Vfi^pot  rcAeuT^i, 
the  day  of  death.  What  ispecially  recommends 
this  view  is  that  the  parallelism  of  the  verse  is 
therel)y  preserved.  De  Wette  renders :  "  Their 
thowjhts  and  the  J'tar  of  their  heart  are  the  expecta- 
tion of  the  future  and  the  day  of  death."  Gut- 
mftnn :    **  Their  remembrance  of  that  which  stands 


before  them  and  the  day  of  death  excite  their  thought* 
and  the  fear  of  their  hearts." 

Ver.  .5.  'AAAoiot  yvunrtv  ain-ov,  changeth  his 
knowledge,  ('.  e.,  brings  him  strange  phantasies, 
so  that  his  mind  is  too  much  occupied  for  him  to 
fall  asleep. 

Ver.  14.  'Ey  T^  i.i/o'(ai  avrhv  x^V"*'  ^-  ^- • 
While  he  openeth  [his)  hand,  i.  e.,  while  the  right- 
eous openeth  his  hand  in  benefactions,  and  finds 
therein  his  happiness.  So  shall  transgressors  (who 
are  not  kind  and  generous  to  their  fellow  men) 
come  10  nought.  Bunsen's  Bibelwerh,  believing 
the  text  to  be  corrupt,  gives  quite  a  different 
turn  to  the  thought  of  the  first  clause  :  "  If  he 
emigrate,  the  world  rejoices."  De  Wette  :  "  So 
long  as  he  opens  his  hand  is  he  happy."  Others  : 
"  They  are  happy  as  long  as  they  receive  pres- 
ents."     Bretschneider  :    "  As  the  godly,  if  Goi 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


383 


opens  his  hand  to  bestow  greater  benefits,  is  able 
to  rejoic&  " 

Ver.  15.  TTnclean  roots.  Wicked,  corrupt 
ancestors  are  meant.  They  are  as  little  produc- 
tive as  plants  on  a  rock. 

Ver.  16.  'Ax€i.  The  ^HS,  sedge,  bulrush,  is 
clearly  referred  to. 

Ver.  18.  The  text  is  corrupt.  Grotins'  sug- 
gestion to  emend  by  the  insertion  of  Kal  between 
avrdpKovs  and  tpyarov  is  accepted  by  the  best 
recent  critics.     Bretschneider  suspected  that  two 


lines  had  fallen  out.  In  the  A.  V.  the  original 
order  of  the  two  words  is  reversed. 

Ver.  27.  Here,  as  above  at  verse  17,  irapiSettrot 
is  not  a  vegetable  or  flower  garden,  but  is  to  be 
taken  rather  in  the  sense  of  pleasure  grounds, 
park. 

Ver.  30.  The  meaning  is,  that  the  beggar 
uses  sweet,  moving  words  in  order  to  induce  per- 
sons to  give  to  him  ;  but  his  inward  spirit  is  quite 
another  one.  His  pleading  voice  and  attitude 
are  turned  to  angry  gesticulations  and  complaints, 
if  his  wish  is  not  gratified. 


Chapter  XLL 


1  0  DEATH,  how  bitter  is  the  remembrance  of  thee  to  a  man  that  liveth  peace- 

fully ^  in  his  possessions, 
Unto  a  man  without  distraction,-  and  that  hath  prosperity  in  all  things, 
And  who '  is  yet  strong  *  to  receive  food  !  ^ 

2  O  death,  pleasant  °  is  thy  sentence  unto  the  needy,  and  unto  him  whose  strength 

faileth, 
That  is  very  old,'  and  is  distracted  about  all  things  ; ' 
And  to  him  that  despaireth,'  and  hath  lost  patience  ! 

3  Fear  not  the  sentence  of  death. 

Remember  them  that  have  been  before  thee,  and  that  come  after ; 
This  '°  is  the  sentence  of  the  Lord  over  all  flesh. 

4  And  what  dost  thou  refuse  in  the  good  pleasure  ^^  of  the  Most  High  ? 
There  is  no  inquisition  in  the  grave. 

Whether  thou  hast  '^  lived  ten,  or  an  hundred,  or  a  thousand  years. 

5  The  children  of  sinners  are  abominable  children. 

And  they  '^  are  conversant  in  the  dwelling  of  the  ungodly. 

6  The  inheritance  of  sinners'  children  shall  perish. 
And  their  posterity  shall  have  a  perpetual  reproach. 

7  Children  "  will  complain  of  an  ungodly  father. 
Because  they  will  '^  be  reproached  for  his  sake. 

8  Woe  be  unto  you,  ungodly  men. 

Who  '°  have  forsaken  the  law  of  the  most  high  God  !  " 

9  And  if  you  be  born,  you  shall  be  born  to  a  curse  ; 
And  if  you  die,  a  curse  shall  be  your  portion. 

10  All  that  is  of  earth  shall  return  to  earth  :  '* 

So  the  ungodly  shall  go  from  a  curse  to  destruction. 

11  The  mourning  of  men  is  about  their  bodies  ;  ^^ 
But  the  -°  ill  name  of  sinners  shall  be  blotted  out. 

1 2  Have  regard  to  thy  name, 

For  that  shall  continue  with  thee  above  a  thousand  great  treasures  of  gold : 

13  A  good  life  hath  but  few  days  ; 

But  -^  a  good  name  endureth  for  ever. 

14  My  children,  keep  discipline  "  in  peace  ; 

But  ^  wisdom  that  is  hid,  and  a  treasure  that  is  not  seen, 
What  profit  is  in  them  both  ? 

Vers.  1-4-  —  1  A.  v. :  liveth  at  rest  [elpi^veiovri).  2  the  (no  art.  as  in  preceding)  man  that  hath  nothing  to  vex 

(lim  {eee  Com.).        3  Yea,  unto  him  that.         *  able  (ioxvo^tO-  ''meat.  ^  acceptable  (xoAdi').  '  now  in  the 

laet  age  «<rxaT«YT)pcj)).  '  vexed  with  all  Hi'njj  (see  ver.  1).  "(See  Toot.)  1°  For  (so  H.  248.  Co.)  this.  "why 
art  thou  against  (rt  airavaly^  ev)  the  pleasure.        i-  have. 

Vers.  5-13.  — "  A.  V. :  they  that  (see  Com.).  "  The  children.  "shall.  '"Which.  "  (An  addition  from 
248.  Co.  appears  here  in  the  A.  V. :  For  if  you  increase  it  shall  be  to  your  destruction.)  '8  are  of  the  ....  turn 

(aTreAet'o-eroi)  ....  again.  '^  (See  Com.)  »  an  *he  antithesis  is  more  strongly  marked  by  the  def.  article). 

•1  But  (.oi). 

Ver.  14. —  2*  UtuSelav.  The  context  might  be  thought  to  require  here  "instruction."  See  Com.  ■*  A.  V. '- 
For  laj,  omitted  by  H.  248.  Co.  |. 


384 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


15  A  man  that  hideth  his  foolishness  is  better 
Than  a  man  that  hideth  his  wisdom. 

1 6  Therefore  be  ashamed  over  what  I  mention,^ 

For  it  is  not  good  to  be  ashamed  for  everything ;  ^ 
Neither  is  everything  with  truth  approved  by  all.' 

17  Be  ashamed  of  whoredom  before  father  and  mother ; 
And  of  a  lie  before  a  prince  and  a  mighty  man  ; 

18  Of  an  offense  before  a  judge  and  ruler ; 

And  of  transgression  ''  before  a  congregation  and  people  ; 
Of  unjust  dealing  before  thy  partner  and  friend ; 

19  And  of  theft  before  the  people  *  where  thou  sojournest ; 
And  in  regard  to  ^  the  truth  of  God  and  his  covenant ; 
And  to  lean  with  thine  elbow  upon  the  food  ; ' 

Of  being  treated  contemptuously  respecting  giving  and  receiving ;  • 

20  And  of  silence  before  them  that  salute  thee  ; 
To  '  look  upon  a  harlot ; 

21  And  to  turn  away  thy  face  from  thy  kinsman  ; 
To '"  take  away  a  portion  and  ^^  a  gift ; 

And  ^'"  to  gaze  upon  a  married  woman  ;  *' 

22  To  be  overbusy  with  one's  ^^  maid, 
And  stand  not  near  ^^  her  bed  ; 

Of  '^  upbraiding  speeches  before  friends  ; 
And  after  thou  hast  given,  upbraid  not ; 

23  Of  repeating  that  which  thou  hast  heard  ; " 
And  of  revealing  of  secrets  : 

24  And  so  '*  shalt  thou  be  truly  shamefaced," 
And  find  favor  with  every  man.^" 

Ver.  16.  —  ^  A.  V. :  shamefast  according  to  my  word  (the  context  shows  that  he  refers  in  iirl  ro>  pi^iiarC  nov  to  wb&t 
follows).  2  retain  all  shamefastness  (lit.,  "  to  preserve  every  (kind  of)  shame  ").  «  it  altogether  approved  In  every 
thing  {navTa  ttShtiv  if  Tricrret  evSoKi^eirat). 

Vers.  1&-24.  —  *  A.  V.  :  Of  iniquity  {avoiiCas,  transgression  of  the  law).  »  in  regard  of  the  place  (by  meton.,  the 

place  —  TiSn-ou  —  is  mentioned  for  those  who  occupy  it,  as  frequently  now).  fl  And  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  koI,  witli  H. 
248.  Co.)  in  regard  of  (see  Com.).  '  meat.  ^  And  (III.  C.  56.  106.  al.  have  koi)  of  scorning  (a-KopaxKr/iou)  to 

give  and  take  (A^i(/ecus  Kni  aoo-eius).  »  And  to  (so  III.  C.  106.  156.  157.  296.  307.).  '»  Or  to.  "or.  "  Or  (icni  is 
omitted  by  III.  C.  254.}.  i3  another  man's  wife  (yuvaiKosuTracSpou).  "  Or  to  be  over  busy  (the  A.  V.  took  the 

preposition  in  Trepiepyeto?  in  an  intensive  sense.  It  might,  perhaps,  be  better  used  a.*)  meaning  around,  about)  with  his 
(o-eavToiJ.  So  Fritzsche,  from  conjecture  ;  text,  rec,  auroy  ;  65. 157.  253.  296.  308.,  aurrjs).  >5  come  (^n-toTTJ^)  not  near, 
ifi  Or  of.  1'  Or  (248.  Co.  have  Kai)  of  iterating  and  speaking  again  that  which  thou  hast  heard  (aTrb  Sevrepaitrews  (cat 

JtiJyov  a*co^s.  The  construction  is  peculiar.  Perhaps  icai  is  for  tov.  Fritzsche,  however,  claims  that  the  former  is 
genuine.     In  that  case  the  sentence  means  :  •'  Of  repeating  and  [even]  of  repeating  reports  '■).  i^  go,        is  shame- 

fast         20  before  all  men. 

Chapter  XLL 


Ver.  1 .  ' fLttepio-KatrTtji.  To  this  word,  at  1  Cor. 
•'ii.  35,  is  given  the  meaninfi  without  distraction. 
Cf.  Wisd.  xvi.  11.  —  Is  yet  strong  to  receive 
food.  He  is  still  in  a  condition  to  enjoy  all  the 
good  things  of  this  life,  as  the  sickly  man  is  not. 

Ver.  2.  'ATteLBowTt.  Fritzsche,  differing  from 
most  commentators,  gives  to  this  word  here  the 
meaning  of  refractory,  stubborn,  intractable,  which 
certainly  is  etymolugically  correct,  and  is  not  out 
of  harmony  with  the  context. 

Ver.  4.  The  pleasure,  determination  of  God 
respecting  the  time  of  his  death  is  meant.  — 
'EKiyixht  C^Vt-  Lit.,  refuting,  reproviny  of  life. 
The  idea  seems  to  be  that  there  will  be  no  blame 
attached  to  a  person  with  resjiect  to  the  length  of 
time  he  has  lived,  whether  it  be  long  or  short. 

Ver.  5.  The  second  member  of  the  verse  gives 
the  reason  for  what  is  said  in  the  first.  Gutmann 
renders  as  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  1 1 .  About  their  bodies,  namely,  the 
death  of  the  same.  Others  ( Bunsen's  Bihp'lwerk) 
render ;     ",/or    their     relatives.'*      Bretschueider, 


Gaab,  and  De  Wette  :  "The  suffering  of  men  is  in 
their  bodies,  i.  e.,  is  external,  not  deep. 

Ver.  12.  A  good  name  is  a  more  certain  treas- 
ure than  gold  and  silver.  Cf.  Prov.  xxii.  1  ;  Ec. 
vii.  1. 

Ver.  13.  (But)  few  days.  Lit.,  a  {definite] 
nmnber  ofdai/s. 

Ver.  14.  Keep  [observe,  act  upon]  discipline 
(iroiSe/av).  Probably,  here,  instruction,  indoctrina- 
tion in  the  principles  of  true  wisdom,  is  meant.  — 
In  peace.  In  a  calm,  undisturbed  course  of  life. 
The  last  half  of  this  verse  and  the  whole  of  the 
15th  is  put  in  brackets  by  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  as 
a  later  addition.  Luther  also  omits  them.  Still, 
thev  do  not  seem  out  of  place,  and  are  retained 
by  "I"ritzsche  on  the  ground  that  they  bear  the 
character  of  a  current  proverb  ;  and  the  first  part, 
at  lea.st,  is  in  good  harmony  with  the  context. 

Ver.  16.  The  last  part  of  the  verse  is  used 
illnstratively.  It  is  not  fitting  to  be  ashamed 
under  all  circumstances,  just  as  it  is  not  fitting  t« 
approve  of  everything. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


385 


Ver.  17.  And  what  of  God  ?  A  different  spirit 
ruled  in  the  51st  Psalm:  "  Affainst  thee,  thee 
only,  have  I  sinned,  and  done  this  evil  in  thy 
eight,"  etc.  Cf.  also  the  conduct  of  Joseph ; 
Gen.  xxxix.  7  ff. 

Ver.  19.  With  what  triviality  and  apparent 
bluntness  of  conscience  this  author  associates 
moral  offenses  of  the  most  heinous  character  with 
mere  transgressions  of  the  rules  of  social  eti- 
quette, as  though  they  were  of  the  same  impor- 


tance! —  And  in  regard  to  the  truth  of  God. 
This  may  he  a  later  addition  ;  or  at  this  point  the 
author  happens  to  think  that  stealing  is  also  a 
moral  offense  and  expressly  forbidden.  Grotius 
and  some  others  (Fritzsche)  would  read  \iiSrii, 
"forgetf Illness,"  for  a.\ri9elas. 

Ver.  21.  Take  away  a  portion  and  a  gift. 
This  relates  to  what  has  just  been  said,  —  the 
treatment  of  relatives.  —  Gaze  upon.  Karayo- 
iiaiui  is  used  in  a  bad  sense,  of  gazing  lustfully. 


Chapter  XLII. 


10 


11 


12 


13 


Op  these  things  be  not  thou  ashamed, 
And  accept  not  the  '  person  to  sin  thereby  : 
Of  the  law  of  the  Most  High,  and  his  covenant, 
And  of  a  verdict  that  justifleth  "  the  ungodly  ; 
Of  conversation  with  a  partner  and  with  travelers,* 
And  of  giving  over  *  the  heritage  of  friends  ; 
Of  exactness  of  balance  and  weights. 
And  ^  of  getting  much  or  little  ; 
Of  gains  in  barter  and  commerce,^ 
And '  of  much  correction  of  children, 
And  to  make  the  side  of  an  evil  servant  to  bleed. 
A  seal  is  *  good,  where  an  evil  wife  is. 
And  locking  up,^  where  many  hands  are. 
Let  what  thou  deliverest  up  be  by '"  number  and  weight, 
And  put  all  in  writing  that  thou  givest  out,  or  receivest  in. 
£e  not  ashamed  to  correct  '^  the  unwise  and  foolish, 
And  the  extremely  ^''  aged  that  contendeth  with  the  young :  " 
And  so  ^*  shalt  thou  be  truly  instructed,^' 
And  approved  of  every  one  living.^' 

The  father  is  wakeful  "  for  a  ^*  daughter  when  no  man  knoweth, 
And  the  care  of  her  taketh  away  sleep  : 
When  she  is  young,  lest  she  pass  away  the  flower  of  her  age ; 
And  being  married,  lest  she  should  be  hated ; 
In  her  virginity,  lest  she  should  be  defiled. 
And  gotten  with  child  in  her  father's  house  ; 
Living  with  a  '^  husband,  lest  she  should  be  untrue,** 
And  being  -'  married,  lest  she  should  be  barren. 
Keep  a  sure  watch  over  a  headstrong  "  daughter, 
Lest  she  make  thee  a  laughing-stock  to  thme  enemies, 
A  ^  byword  in  the  city,  and  a  reproach  among  the  people, 
And  make  thee  ashamed  among  a  great  '■'*  multitude. 

Look  not  at  any  one  in  fine  clothes,'^ 
And  sit  not  in  the  midst  of  women  ; 
For  from  garments  cometh  the  -^  moth, 
And  from  woman,  woman's  wickedness.'" 


Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V. :  no.  ^  judgment  to  justify  {see  Com.).         3  reckoning  with  My  partners  (X.  C.  H.  Old  Lat. 

floT.;  ias:rg.,  0/ thy  partners' speech.     See  Com.)  and  travellers.        «  Or  of  the  gift  of  (see  Com.).        5  Or. 

Vers.  5-5.  —  "^  A.  V. :  And  of  merchants'  indifferent  selling  (Fritzsche  retains  the  reading  dSiaifiopov,  though  III.  X- 
C.  155.  157.  307.  Co.  have  aia.i)opoii.    The  «ot  before  e/iir6piu>'  is  omitted  by  HI.  X.  C.  23.  106.  155.  al.  Co.    Of.  Com.). 

mriils  And.  *  Sure  keeping  is.  '  shut  up.  ■»  Deliver  all  things  in  (248.  Co.  omit  o  before  irapoSiiip!). 

inform  (marg.,  rebuke.    Gr.,  TratSetas,  in  the  sense  of  set  rights  correct).  r2  extreme.  ^^  those  that  are  yooDg 

marg.,  that  is  accused  of  fornication.     Codd.  253.  .307.  read  Trepl  iropveicL^  for  Trpbs  ve'ovs.     See  Com.).  "  Thus  {Koi). 

15  learned  (jien-aifiev/LieVos,  in  the  sense  of  instructed,  well  nurtured',.         i«  all  men  living. 

Vers.  9-11.  — '■  A.  V.  :  waketh.  '=  the.  '»  jind  having  a  (^eri  i^-SpbtoCo-a.  Codd.  X.  55.  248.  263.  296.  prefix  icoZ) 
'0  misbehave  herself  (rrapa^jj,  turn  aside  to  another  man).        21  when  she  is  (see  ver.  5).  ^  shameless  (cf .  xxvi.  10) 

*3  And  a.        24  before  the  {ev  nXriQet,  ttoAAwi/.     Cod.  106.  omits  the  first  two  words). 

Vers  12-14.  —25  A.  V. :  Behold  not  ((lij  iii^Kerre)  ev.ery  body's  beauty  (iv  xiXXti..    See  Com.).  "  a.  "  from 


386 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


14  Better  is  a  man's  churlishness  than  a  woman's  coquetry ;  * 
Even  a  woman  who  "  bringeth  shame  and  reproach.' 

15  I  will  now  make  mention  of  ■*  the  works  of  the  Lord, 
And  speak  fully  of  what  ^  I  have  seen  ; 

Through  ^  the  words  of  the  Lord,  arose '  his  works. 

16  The  sun  that  giveth  light  looketh  down  *  upon  all  (kings, 
And  the  work  thereof  is  full  of  the  glory  of  the  Lord. 

17  The  Lord  hath  not  given  power  *  to  the  saints  to  set  forth  fully  "  all  his  marvel 

lous  works, 
Which  the  Almighty  Lord  established,^' 
That  whatsoever  is  might  be  established  in  '^  his  glory. 

18  He  searcheth  '"  out  the  deep,  and  the  heart, 
And  considereth  their  subtile  plans  ; " 

For  the  Highest '"'  knoweth  all  that  is  known," 
And  he  looketh  into  the  signs  of  the  times." 

19  He  announceth  '^  the  things  that  are  past,  and  to  "  come, 
And  revealeth  the  steps  of  hidden  things. 

20  No  thought  escapeth  him, 

And  not  one  ""  word  is  hidden  from  him. 

21  He  ^'^  garnished  the  great  ^'^  works  of  his  wisdom, 
And  he  is  ^  from  everlasting  to  everlasting ; 

He  hath  neither  increased  nor  grown  less,''* 
And  he  hath  no  need  of  any  counsellor. 

22  Oh  how  desirable  are  all  his  works ! 
And  as  flowers  to  look  upon.^ 

23  All  these  things  live  and  remain  for  ever  for  all  nses, 
And  they  are  all  obedient. 

24  All  tilings  are  in  pairs,  one  over  against  °°  another ; 
And  he  made  ^  nothing  that  passeth  away.^ 

25  One  thirtg  establisheth  the  good  of  another  ; 

And  who  can  be  sated  ^  with  beholding  his  glory  ? 

women  wickednees  (Aid.  omits  yv^aiKos  at  the  end).  '  w  the  churlishnesB  (ma.rg.,  wickedness.    Gr.,  ironjpia,  bnt 

clearly  to  be  taken  in  a  sense  which  shall  make  it  antithetic  to  the  following  ayadon-oiog)  ....  than  a  courteooB 
woman  {see  Com.).        ^  A  woman,  I  say,  which.        ^  Ljt.^  unto  reproach. 

Vers.  15-17. — *  A.  V. :  remember.  6  declare /Af  rAin^5  that.         «  In.         ''are.         ^  looketh  (jire^Xfi/fe,  followed 

by  Kara.  But  Fritzsche  would  join  Kara  rrav  with  the  preceding  ^uni^tav).  ^  given  power  (^feirotjjo-e  :  (1)  to  make  in, 
vut  into  ;  (2)  to  produce,  create,  in  ;  (3)  to  produce,  cause,  which  seems  to  be  its  use  here).  *o  declare.  "  firmly 

settled  (same  word  as  in  following  line).        '2  for  (iv). 

Vers.  18-19.  —  '3A.V.:  seeketh.  ^*  cT&ity  device?- {■jravovpyi]ft.a(ri.v,  fine,  nice,  subtile  plans).  "  the  Lord  (marg., 
the  Highest.     Fritzsche  receives  vi/'ioros  from  III.  X.  C.  106.  156.  al. ;  text,  rec,  fcvpto^}.  ^^  may  be  known  (eiSijo-ti' ; 

X.  {avviSri'jiv)  C.  55.  155.  254.  296.  307.,  avvfiSTivtv).  "  beholdeth  (ece^Aei/zec)  the  signs  of  the  world  {aloivos.    Bee 

Com.).        i»  dcclareth.        »  for  to.        ^o  Neither  any. 

Vers.  21-26.  —  "  A.  V. :  He  hath  (aor.).  22  excellent  ((xtyoAeio).  ^^  (The  A.  V.  adopted  the  reading  os  ecrrC,  with 
III.  C.  55.  106.  165.  157.  248.  264.  296.  307.  Co.  Old  Lat.  ;  X.  23.  263.,  m  ;  text,  rec,  em,  which  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 
See  Com.)  **  Unto  him  may  nothing  be  added,  neither  can  he  be  diminished.  ^  that  a  man  may  see  even  to  a 

Bpark  (text  rec,  ws  (nrivQripfK  \  H.,  us  (Ttiiv6ripa<; :  X.  C.  55.  248.  296.  Co.,  ews  aTrtfgTJpos.  I  adopt  Fritzsche's  emendation 
and  read  oj«  avdri.  See  Com.).  26  things  are  double  ....  one  against.  =7  j^ath  made.  28  unperfect  (see  Com.). 
<>  shall  be  filled. 


Chapter  XLII. 


Ver.  2.     Verdict  that  justifleth  the  ungodly, 

Kpifj.aTos  SiKaiuaat  rhv  aae^r).  Tlijit  is,  when  the 
uii;_'Oilly  has  the  right  of  a  matter.  Luther, 
whuiii  Biinseii's  Bibilwirk  follows,  renders  the 
last  word  by  ijodly,  i.  e.,  reads  eiio-e^?.  Fritzsche 
suggests  that  '''ti'"'  may  have  stood  in  the  orig- 
inal, and  hieu  meant  in  the  sense  of  one  not  an 
Israelite-,  Sro/ioi. 

Ver.  3.  riepl  \6yov  koivuvov  Kal  iihonr6poiv. 
The  sense  is  not  very  clear,  and  ciinjnuntators 
differ  greatly  in  their  renderings.  The  meaninj; 
rerl.onin//,  which  i^  given  to  \6yos  in  the  A.  V., 
however,  can  hardly  be  justified.  It  would  seem 
to  nicau  here,  as  usual,  word,  speech,  conversation, 


and  the  whole  member  may  be  translated,  "  0/ 
conversation  with  a  partner  and  (fellow)  travelers  ; 
or,  perhaps.  Of  conversation  about  a  partner  and  trav- 
elers. —  Kal  irepl  ZiiTittiS  K\TipoPOtJ.(as  ^Taipaiv.  The 
A.  V.  appears  to  give  the  right  sense:  "Of  the 
(jifl  [ijivini]  over]  of  the  heritage  of  [i.  e.,  that  be- 
longs to]  /nV»f/s. '  'Eralpav  might  well  have  the 
more  specific  meaning  here  of  fellow-heir.  Or 
K\T]povop.ia.  nnght  be  taken  in  a  more  general 
sense  of  possession,  property,  H  Ij.?  ('^f'  P^-  " 
8  ;  Prov.  xx.  21 ) ;  and  the  phrase  would  then  rea4 
(If  the  pecxtniarij  assistance  of  friends. 

Ver.    5.      riepl   aSia(p6pov  rrpdaeias  Kal   4p.ir6pwr 
Lit.,  Of  the  want  of  difference  ofsellini)  and  ofmer 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


387 


chants.  Wahl  would  drop  xaC,  and  render,  "  Of 
e^juable  selling  by  merchants.^*  Retaininff  the  pres- 
ent text,  however,  unimpaired,  and  taking  a  in 
aiia<p6pov  for  a  intensive  (cf.  vii.  18;  xxvii.)  and 
ffi-rripai'  in  the  sense  of  commerce  ("'HO),  the  ab- 
stract for  the  concrete,  we  could  render :  Of 
^ains  in  barter  and  commerce,  i.  e.,  whether  in  a 
retail  or  a  wholesale  business. 

Ver.  6.  A  seal,  aippayls.  See  Com.  at  Bel 
and  the  Dragon,  verse  11. 

Ver.  8.  Here  the  previous  construction  is 
taken  \ip  again,  which  was  changed  in  verses  6 
and  7,  and  Be  not  ashamed  is  to  be  supplied  at 
the  beginning,  as  is  done  in  the  A.  V.  —  That 
contendeth  with  the  young.  Others  (Bret- 
schneider,  Wahl,  De  Wette,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk) 
render  :  who  are  to  be  reckoned  [still]  among  the 
young,  i.  e.,  because  they  have  still  their  baser 
passions  and  weaknesses.  But  cf.  Fritzsche's 
Com.,  ad  loc,  who  maintains  that  we  might  have 
expected  a  different  Greek  text  if  this  idea  had 
been  found  in  the  original. 

Ver.  9.  Pass  away  the  flower  of  her  age. 
Lit.,  lose  her  bloom  (n-opoic^uaflT?),  namely,  before  she 
has  made  a  suitable  match. 

Ver.  12.  'El'  xiWci.  Most  sup])0se  that  physi- 
cal beauty  is  referred  to.  But  the  context  is  de- 
cidedly against  it.  Cf.  verse  1.3.  The  meaning 
is,  Do  not  honor  a  person  simply  on  account  of 
his  clothes.     Cf.  Jas.  ii.  2,  3. 

Ver.  14.  By  an  ayaSoiroihs  yvi/ri  is  doubtless  meant 
a  woman  who  does  well  for  the  sake  of  show,  one 
that  would  mislead ;  and  I  have  therefore  translated 


by  "  coquetry."  The  adjective  means  practicing 
good,  acting  rightly  (1  Pet.  ii.  15).  It  was  also 
used  by  astrologers  in  speaking  of  favorable  con- 
stellations. In  the  sen^e  employed  in  the  present 
passage  it  is  only  found  in  the  later  writers. 

Ver.  15.  Through  the  words  [commands]  of 
the  Lord  (arose)  his  works.  Cf.  Gen.  i.  3  ff. ; 
Ps.  xxxiii.  9;  Eccliis.  xliii.  5,  10. 

Ver.  18.  Looketh  into  the  signs  of  the  times 
(eis  iTfjfj.eloi'  aloipos).  ^■r]fie7ov  is  to  be  taken  in  a 
collective  sense,  and  is  properly  rendered  in  the 
A.  V.  by  the  plural.  Aiii/oshere,  however,  seems 
to  have  the  meaning  of  course  of  time,  the  future. 
It  is  but  another  way  of  saying  that  he  knows 
what  is  coming. 

Ver.  21.  The  A.  V.  (as  Bretschneider,  De 
Wette,  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk)  properly  makes 
God  the  subject  throughout.  Fritzsche,  on  the 
other  hand,  would  make  the  works  of  God  the 
subject  of  the  second  and  third  clauses.  Such 
a  change  of  subject  would  be  unnatural,  and  is 
not  at  all  required  by  the  context.  See  Text. 
Notes. 

Ver.  22.  'X-rivBi^p  corresponds  to  the  Hebrew 
\*i'.;*3  (Is.  i.  31  ;  cf.  Ezek.  i.  7),  and  the  trans- 
lator probably  read  it  instead  of  n"l"3  (cf.  Gen. 

xl.  10),  plural  of  n-23  flower. 

Ver.  24.  'EKKeiirov,  to  die,  of  the  text,  rec,  I 
read  for  i\\e7TTov  (55.  106.  157.  al.  Co.;  X.  23., 
ivKfiTov,  eWiTToy,  III.),  to  be  leji  behind,  to  be  im- 
perfect, incomplete. 


Chapter  XLIII. 


1  The  pride  of  the  height,  the  clear  firmament ; 
The  arch  '  of  heaven,  a  glorious  sight !  - 

2  The  sun  wlien  it  appeareth  proclaimeth  Am  ;  ' 

At  its  rising  a  marvellous  creation,  a  ■*  work  of  the  Most  High  ! 

3  At  its  noon  ^  it  dryeth  up  the  land,^ 
And  who  can  abide  the  heat '  thereof  ? 

4  One  bloweth  a  furnace  in  *  works  of  heat  — 

The  °  sun  burnetii  the  mountains  three  times  more  ; 

It  breatheth  out '"  fiery  vapors. 

And  sending  forth  its  ^^  beams,  it  dazzleth  ^  the  eyes. 

5  Great  is  the  Lord  who  '^  made  it ; 

And  at  his  commandment  it  speedetb  its  course." 

6  And  the  moon,  amidst  all,  appearelh  '*  in  her  season 
As  an  indication  of  ^''  times,  and  a  sign  for  "  the  world." 

7  From  the  moon  is  the  sign  of  feasts, 
A  light  that  waneth  from  the  full.'' 

Vers.  1-5. —  i  A.  V. :  beauty  (etSos  ;  \\t.,form).  2  /115  glorious  shew  (opa/iOTt  So^ijs.  I  render  freely).  ^  ,ieclaring 
at  liis  rieing  {the  last  three  words  are  better  joined  to  what  follows).  *  instrument  (see  Com.),  the.  ^  At  noon 

lauTou  is  found  after  ti.e(n)}j.^fiia).  "  parcheth  the  country  (ofafvjpaiVei  x'"P"*')-  '  burning  heat  (simply  KavfiaTO<;. 
Cf.  vers.  21,  22).  ^  A  man  blowing  {^vaiav  ;  'itvkaafftnv ,  II.  C.  Old  Lat.,  and  X.  by  the  first  hand.  These  are  weighty 
authorities  ;  but  it  is  not  natural  to  suppose  that  if  this  had  been  the  original  reading  it  would  have  been  changed  to 
itviritiv,  while  the  reverse  might  easily  have  been  true.  In  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  Kafxtvov  is  made  the  subject :  "  Der 
Ofen  erhitzet  gliibende  Arbeiten  *")  a  furnace  ("3  in.  ^  But  the.  '^  breathing  out  (Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading 

2«(|>u(nl>i' from  III.  X.  C.  106. 157.  al.  Co. ;  tczr.  rrc,  efK^uo-oif.     See  C0771.).  n  bright.  12  (Hmmeth.  ^2  that. 

^■*  runneth  hastily  (Karitnrevtje  Koptiav.     For  the  former,  23.  157.  24S.  Co.  read  KariTz-avire). 

Vers.  6,  7.  —  ^^  a.  V.  :  He  made  the  moon  also  to  serve  (it  followed  24S.  Co.  :  ical  ireA^inji'  tnoCijaev  elg  araatv  615. 
3rabe  also  suggested  that  for  iv  Tra(rLv  of  the  text.  ree.  there  should  be  read  ev  tna<Tei.,  and  for  oi'ttietftf  the  nom.  of  the 
same.  I  have  rendered  on  the  supposition  that  by  kv  naaiv  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  moon  as  moving  about, 
taxing  and  waning  amidst  clouds  and  winds,  and  the  other  heavenly  bodies  are  referred  to).  •'■  For  a  declaratioD  of. 
*  of.        18  (gee  Com.)        '^  decreaseth  in  her  ..erfection  (see  Cow.). 


388  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


8  The  month  is  called  after  her  name, 
She  waxeth  wonderfully  in  changing ; ' 
A  signal  for  the  armies  on  high,'' 
Shining  in  the  firmament  of  heaven. 

9  The  beauty  of  heaven  is '  the  glory  of  the  stars, 

An  ornament  giving  light  in  the  heights  *  of  the  Lord. 

10  At  the  commandment  of  the  Holy  One  they  stand  as  determined,* 
And  faint  not  ^  in  their  watches. 

11  Look  upon  the  rainbow,'  and  praise  him  that  made  it; 
"Very  beautiful  it  is  in  the  brightness  thereof. 

12  It  compasseth  the  heaven  about  with  a  glorious  circle-^ 
The '  hands  of  the  Most  High  stretched  it  out.' 

13  By  his  commandment  the  snow  maketh  haste,*° 
And  the  lightnings  of  his  judgment  go  swiftly." 

14  Through  this  ^'^  the  treasure  chambers  ^'  are  opened, 
And  clouds  fly  forth  like  birds." 

15  By  his  great  power  he  maketh  the  clouds  strong,^* 
And  the  hailstones  are  broken  small.'' 

16  The  voice  of  his  thunder  maketh  the  earth  tremble," 
And  '*  at  his  appearing ''  the  mountains  are  shaken. 

17  At''"  his  will  the  south  wind  bloweth. 

And  the  storm  from  the  north,"'  and  the  whirlwind. 

As  birds  flying  down  ~  he  scattereth  the  snow. 

And  the  falling  down  thereof  is  as  the  lighting  of  grasshopper! ; 

18  The  eye  marvelleth  at  the  beauty  of  its  whiteness,^ 
And  the  heart  is  astonished  at  its  moisture." 

19  The  hoar  frost  also  as  salt  he  poureth  on  the  earth, 
And  being  congealed,  it  becometh  sharp  points."* 

20  The  ^*  cold  north  wind  bloweth. 
And  the  water  is  congealed  into  ice  ;  ^ 

It  abideth  upon  every  collection  ^  of  water, 

And  the  water  putteth  on  as  it  were  ^  a  breast-plate. 

21  It  consumeth  mountains,^"  and  burneth  pastures," 
And  destroyeth  ^-  the  grass  as  fire. 

22  A  speedy  restoration  for  all  is  a  mist :  °' 
A  dew  coming  refresheth  from  the  heat."^ 

23  According  to  his  plan  he  brought  to  a  rest  the  deep,"* 
And  planted  islands  therein.'^ 

Ver.  8.  —  ^  A.  V. :  increasing  ....  Aer  changing.  *  .Being- an  instrument  of  the  armies  above  (see  Com.).  The  word 
cxAa^TTuv,  in  the  following  line,  would  geem  to  support  our  rendering.     Linde  renders  o-xevos  by  Lagerzelt,  camp 

tent ;  Gaab  by  crown,  Heb.,  v"*  /?    which,  as  he  thinks,  might  have  such  a  figurative  meaning.    Cf.  the  verb    7v3 

This  view  has  much  to  recommend  it,  supposing  that  the  translator  overlooked  for  some  reason  the  final  7* 

Vers.  9-15.  —  ^A.  V.;  o?tuts  is.  *  highest  ^/acM.  ^  will  stand  in  (A^tV  order  (fcara  KpiVa).  ®  never  faint. 

'  raiHbow  (one  of  the  meanings  of  t6^ov  is  "  rainbow  ").  8  jind  the.  ^  have  bended  (iidwaav)  it.  ^'^  he 

maketh  the  snow  lo  fall  apace  (see  Com.).         l^  sendeth  swiftly  ....  of  his  judgment.  ^2  ^Slol  toOto,  i.  e.,  to  Kpifia. 

Others,  "  Therefore.")  '-^  treasures  (the  depositories  of  rain,  hail,  snow,  etc.,  are  meant).        "  as  fowls  (see  ver.  17). 

15  firm  (lo^vo-e  ve(^eAas,  makes  the  clouds  strong,  namely,  to  do  the  work  required  of  them.  Bunsen's  Bihelwerk  renders 
by  makes  thick.     Cf.  Com.).         "■  See  Com. 

Vers.  16-19.  —  •'  A.  V. :  The  first  member  of  ver.  16,  as  it  appears  in  our  text,  is  the  first  of  ver.  17  in  the  A.  V., 
which  follows  the  text.  rec.  Fritzsche,  with  Bretschneider,  adopts  the  former  order  from  23.  106.  167.  248.  253.  Co. : 
"  The  voice  of  the  thunder  maketh  the  earth  to  tremble.''  For  coSinja-c,  C.  23.  106.  157.  307.  308.  Aid.  read  uveiBitrev. 
"  omits  And.  i^  sight.  •"  And  at  (this  disarrangement  of  the  connectives  was  caused  by  the  interchange  of  the 
members  of  vers.  16  and  17,  as  above  noted).  21  So '/orA  the  northern  storm.  22  oTnits  down  {KadttrrafLeva). 

w  the  whiteness  thereof  24  (be  raining  of  it  (seeCom.).  =5  lieth  on  the  top  of  sharp  stakes  (marg. ,11  w  as  the  point 
0/ sharp  stakes.     It  might  be  poi;i/s  o/*rAof7i5,  i.  e.,  as  thorns.     Cf.  Cow.). 

Vers.  20-23.  — ^  A.  V. :  When  the.  -'  (Lit.,  "  ice  is  congealed  from  water.")  ^  gathering  together  {mvaymyriyX 
8  clotheth  the  water  as  with  (to  iiSuip,  more  prop,  the  subject).  3o  jt  devoureth  the  mountains  (see  Com.}.  3i  th# 
vildemess  (sec  Com.).  *2  consunietli  (lit.,  quenches,  but  used  in  the  sense  of  destroys  utterly).  ^  present  remedy 
of  ...  .  mist  coming  speertihj.         ••*  coming  after  heat  ((cauVajvo?,  i.  e.,  the  east  wind)  refresheth.  ^6  By  his  counsel 

(AoYi(T/x«p)  he  appea.-'eth  (fxin-ao-ec)  tlie  licip  {a^vouov.  Cndd.  55.  155.,  with  Co.,  have  the  nom.).  so  planteth  (e<^vT«v- 
vev)  islands  therein  {ev  ainr).  After  thee  words  55.  254.  Old  Lat.  read  o  xiipios  before  vijcrov?  ;  in.  C.  read  the  last  tw# 
words  thus  :  avTrju^o-ous-,  and  II.  X,,  avinvO;  =  ai'TTjf  'lri(Tov^  I      Codd.  106.  155.  157.  308.  Old  Lat.  from  Cod.  S.  Qerm 


ECCLESIASTIC  us. 


389 


24  They  that  sail  the '  sea  tell  of  the  danger  thereof, 
And  we  marvel  at  what  we  hear  with  our  ears  ;  '^ 

25  And  there  are  the  ^  strange  and  wondrous  works, 

Variety  of  every  kind  of  living  things  ;  a  creation  of  whales.* 

26  By  him  it  hath  a  successful  issue,^ 
And  by  his  word  all  things  consist. 

27  We  may  speak  much,  and  reach  him  not ;  ' 
And  to  sum  up,'  he  is  all.* 

28  How  shall  we  be  able  to  glorify  '  him  ? 
For  he  is  great  above  all  his  works. 

29  The  Lord  is  terrible  and  very  great, 
And  marvellous  is  his  power. 

30  In  glorifying  ^°  the  Lord  exalt  him  as  much  as  yon  can ; 
For  even  yet  higher  will  he  be ;  '^ 

And  in  exalting  ^-  him,  put  forth  all  your  strength, 
Tire  not ;  for  you  cannot  reach  him}^ 

31  Who  hath  seen  him,  and  can  relate  it  ?  " 
And  who  can  magnify  him  as  he  is  ? 

32  Many  hidden  things  are  greater  ^^  than  these  ; 
For  we  have  seen  but  a  few  of  his  works. 

33  For  the  Lord  made  '°  all  things  ; 
And  to  the  godly  he  gave  "  wisdom. 

16,  ainTjv  irvptos.    The  true  reading  is  doubtless  that  first  given,  and  the  altemative  one  of  the  leading  uncialB  waa 
due  to  a  failure  in  transcription,  which  once  started  was  not  easily  corrected). 

Vers.  24-26.  —  '  A.  V. :  on  the.  =  when  we  hear  i<  ....  we  marvel  thereat.         s  Jor  therein  be.        *  all  kiTids  o/ 

beasts  and  whales  created.         ^  the  end  of  them  hath  prosperous  success  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  27-30.  —  «  A.  V. :  yet  come  short  loii  nij  eiJiiKiiJfieSa).        '  Wherefore  in  sum  (avvriXeia  Xoyui'.   Lit,,  "  The  end  of 
words,"  t.  «.,  "  All  in  one  word,"  or,  "  In  flue,  to  sum  up  ").  »  (Lit.,  "  the  all  is  he.")         »  magnify  (see  Ter.  30). 

■0  When  you  glorify.  "  yet  will  he  far  esceed.         «  when  you  exalt.         w  And  be  not  weary  (the  sense  seems  to 

be,  that  they  were  not  to  cease  a.s  though  they  had  already  done  enough.    They  were  to  praise  untiringly)  for  you  can 
never  go  tar  enough. 

Vers.  31-33.  —  »  A.  V. :  that  he  might  tell  us.        is  There  are  yet  hid  greater  things  than  these  be.        "  h»th  made. 
"  hath  he  given  (Kio«e ;  Je«u«ev,  ni.  155.  296.  307.  308.). 

Chapter  XLIII. 


Ver.  1.  Fritzsche  would  place  no  comma  after 
vifiout,  but  make  it  with  the  preceding  word  the 
Bubject  of  "  is  "  understood.  "  The  pride  of  the 
light  is  the  clear  firmament."  According  to  the 
usual  construction,  the  verse  is  made  dependent 
on  the  preceding  his  glory,  namely,  The  pride  of  the 
height,  etc. 

Ver.  2.  The  construction  of  this  verse  depends 
upon  that  of  the  preceding.  If  construed  accord- 
ing to  Fritzscbe's  suggestion,  which  has  much  to 
recommend  it,  a  comma  must  be  placed  after 
Siayy€?Oi.tx)y.  The  sun,  when  it  appeareth,  proelaiin- 
eth,  i.  e,.  Him,  God.  —  At  its  rising  a  marvel- 
lous creation,  a  work  of  the  Most  High.  —  The 
word  rendered  instrument  in  the  A.  V.,  (tkcSos  (cf. 
jrse  8).  is  evidently  the  translation  of  '"'^?, 
nything  prepared,  made ;  hence  here,  as  best  snit- 
.3g  the  contft.xt,  work,  creation. 

Ver.  4.  Kafjuvov  ipvauv  4v  ^pyois  Kav^aros.  Lit., 
A  furnace,  one  bloweth  it  in  works  of  [reqnirin!;] 
heat.  The  meaning  is,  Consider  the  furnace 
whose  beat  is  intensified  by  the  bellows  of  him 
that  works  metals  by  means  of  fire.  —  It  breatheth 
out  {iKipvffwv  ',  or  kindles,  ifj.ipv<7wv)  fiery  vapors, 
I.e.,  whichever  word  is  adopted,  the  meaning  is, 
lights  up  the  vapors,  makes  them  fiery  in  appear- 
ance. The  former  reading,  as  wiU  be  observed, 
is  better  supported. 

Ver.  6.  The  Jewish  year  was,  and  still  ia, 
^sed  on  the  uhascs  of  the  moon  ;  so  also  their 


calendar  of  festivals.  —  'S.-niu'iov  aiavot  (C 'i57). 
Fritzsche,  with  Gaab  and  others,  would  translate 
by  sign  of  the  future.  Cf.  xlii.  18.  Buusen's 
Bibelwerk  and  others,  as  the  A.  V.  The  Hebrew 
word  given  above,  of  which  aidiv  is  made  the 
usual  representative  in  the  LXX.,  is  not  wholly 
synonymous  with  it.  The  former  menut  primarily 
an  unlimited  time,  past  or  future,  and  only  sec- 
ondarily a  definite  (future)  time,  whose  limits 
must  be  ascertained  from  the  conte.\t ;  the  latter 
denotes  either  a  definite  space  of  time,  or  the 
(infinite)  course  of  time,  in  geuer.tl  both  future 
and  past,  according  to  the  context.  Cf.  Cremer's 
Lex.,  s.  V. 

Ver.  7.  Ett!  iruvTiXtias.  The  common  rendering 
is,  until  it  disappears.  So  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk, 
"  bis  zuin  Verschwirtden  ;  "  and  Bretschneider,  *'  MS- 
que  non  amplius  appareat."  But  literally  it  is, 
upon  completion,  i.  e.,  obviously,  afer  it  has  become 
full. 

Ver.  8.  The  word  for  mo?ilh  in  Hebrew  is  nn% 
which  comes  from  n~]^.  moon.  —  S/cei/oj  nape/x- 
^oKoiv  if  2i|/ei.  The  translation  of  the  A.  V.  is 
scarcely  intelligible.  On  or/ceCos,  cf.  verse  2,  above. 
It  must  be  allowed  here  some  latitude  of  meaning. 
Fritzsche,  with  Grotius,  employs  it  in  the  para- 
phrastic sense  of  signal  flame,  by  means  of  wHeh 
armies  were  guideti.  The  starry  hosts  of  heavei. 
would  be  thus  represented  as  taking  the  changes  of 


-390 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  in»on  as  their  signal,  and  to  govern  their  move- 
ments by  them.  The  idea  harmonizes  well  with 
the  context,  as  well  as  with  the  limited  knowledge 
of  astronomy  at  that  time. 

Ver.  9.  A  period  should  be  placed  at  the  close 
of  verse  8.  A  new  subject,  the  stars,  is  taken  ujj 
in  the  followini;  verse. 

Ver.  13.  KaTeVirtuffe  x"^^^»  '^^'^  rax^f^t  aarpa- 
TToi  Kpi/xaros  avTov.  This  difficult  passage  prob- 
jibly  arose  from  a  mistake  of  the  Greek  translator. 
The  "  Almighty  "  could  hardly  be  made  the  sub- 
ject of  the  first  verb,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  on  account 
of  the  limiting  words,  at  his  cumtiiand.  Bret- 
schncider  would  make  Karecnrevtre  intransitive, 
change  x'^""  ^'^  X^'M"'  '""'  regard  the  latter  as 
subject  of  raxvv^i :  "  tempestas  acceUrat  et  endem 
crehra  emillit  J'ulgnra  poemirinn  Dei."  But  a  sim- 
pler and  more  natural  explanation  would  seem  to 
be,  with  Fritzsche,  to  suppose  that  the  translator 
falsely  gave  to  the  verbs  THIS  and  ^'K  a  transitive 
force. 

Ver.  1.^.  The  idea  is,  seemingly,  that  the  hail 
<'oming  down  from  heaven  in  masses  is  made 
small  by  the  mighty  clouds  which  the  Almighty 
has  prepared  for  that  end.  The  em])loyment  of 
iffxif"'  in  a  transitive  sense,  here,  stands  perhaps 
alone. 

Ver.  17.  The  point  of  comparison  in  the  first 
clause  is  in  the  multitude  of  flakes ;  in  the  sec- 
ond, in  the  gradual  manner  in  which  they  settle 
upon  and  cover  the  earth. 

Ver.  18.  'Eirl  tov  u^tov  auTrjs,  at  its  moisture, 
t.  e.,  the  amount  of  moisture  which  it  contains 
while  looking  so  white  and  soft.  The  word  for 
rain  (vctov)  is  used  probably  on  account  of  its 
being  the  most  significant  term  for  moisture. 

Ver.  19.  SkoAJttcdj/  liKpa,  sharp  points.  Mo.st 
eritics  make  this  refer  to  icicles  (Gaab,  Wahl) ; 


but  it  is  questionable  whether  this  is  the  meaning 
s\nce  yrost  (irax»'7j),  ^'0«'':/'osf,  rime,  is  the  thing 
spoken  of.  The  word  <rK6\o\fi  means  anything 
pointed  ;  and  the  plural  of  T]ti^  or  ~l^p,  a  thorn, 
may  have  stood  in  the  original. 

Ver.  21.  There  is  a  change  of  subject.  The 
cold  north-wind,  with  its  fearful  effects,  suggested 
the  still  more  terrible  effects  of  the  east-wind. 
That  this  is  meant  seems  clear  from  the  following 
verse.  —  Wilderness  (A.  V.)  (epij^no;'), more  prop- 
erly here  pastures  {7171'TtL)'  doums  (Ps.  Ixv.  13; 
Jer.  ix.  10,  xxiii.  10),  which  dry  up  readily  in  the 
heat. 

Ver.  25.  Creation  of  whales,  ktiitij  K-qruv 
(KTiidiSKTrivuv,  III.  X.  C,  and  the  latter  also  254. 
307.).  The  latter  word  is  derived  from  x""".  and 
in  composition  had  the  meaning  of  abyss,  deep, 
which  meaning  would  give  here  a  more  natural 
sense.  ')"'Jri,  which  might  mean  any  sea-monster, 
probably  stood  in  the  original,  however.  (Cf. 
Is.  xliii.  20 ;  Jer.  xiv.  6 ;  Lam.  iv.  3 ;  Ezek. 
xxix.  3.) 

Ver.  26.  EuoSfa  tc'Aos  axnoi.  The  sea  voyage 
seems  still  to  be  under  consideration.  It  is  suc- 
cessful with  respect  to  the  object  sought  iu  such  a 
voyage.  Or,  on  account  of  what  follows,  it  might 
be  thought  that  ouxoC  refers  to  the  world  in  gen- 
eral, about  which  the  author  has  been  discoursing, 
and  that  he  would  now  say  :  "  By  Him  its  end  ia 
successful,"  I.  e.,  it  accomplishes  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  made.  Fritzsche  renders  :  "  Through 
Him  Cometh  prosperity  for  all." 

Ver.  33.  Cf.  Job  xxvi.  14:  "  Lo,  these  are 
parts  of  his  ways  ;  but  how  little  a  portion  is 
heard  of  Him  t  but  the  thunder  of  his  power  who 
can  understand  ?  " 


Chapter  XLIV. 


1  Let  us  now  praise  famous  men, 
And  our  fathers  by  descent.' 

2  The  Lord  wrought  great  glory,^ 
Showed  his  greatness  '  from  the  beginning. 

3  There  were  those  who  liore  *  rule  in  their  kingdoms, 
And  ^  men  renowned  for  their  power  ; 

Who  gave  counsel  in  their  discernment,^ 
And  uttered  '  prophecies  ; 

4  Leaders  of  the  people  in  counsels  and  in  discernment,' 
Teachers  of  the  people,  wise  in  words  in  their  instruction.' 

5  There  were  those  that '"  found  out  musical  harmonies,'^ 
And  set  forth  poetic  compositions  ^'^  iu  writing ; 

6  Rich  men  furnished  witli  ability," 
Living  peacefully  "  in  their  habitations  : 

Vers.  1-4.  —  '  A.  V. :  that  begat  us  (tj  yevirti,  i.  <■.,  fathers  of  the  .Tewish  race).  '  hath  wrought  (licncrei')  great 

glorj  {-nohkriv  iiiav)  by  them  (U.  56.  248.  Co.  add  iv  aitroU).  '  Through  (there  is  no  verb,  but  by  zeugma  this  force 

may  be  given  to  the  preceding  one.  In  65. 106.  155. 167.  248.  263.  296.  Co.  and  X.,  by  a  corrector,  instead  of  ij.eya\a- 
rvytjy,  the  dat.  is  read,  as  in  A.  V.)  his  great  power.  <  Such  as  did  bear.  »  omits  And.  °  Giving  counsel 

(pouArvTai,  Fritzsche,  with  296.  308.  ;  /SouAeiiorTe!,  55.  106.  l.W.  157.  248.  264.  Co.  ;  text,  rec,  povAeuo-ovTai)  by  their 
understanding  {iv  tnivftret.  auTwv).  '  declaring.  ^  by  ttieir  counsels,  And  by  their  tcnowledge  (I  join  Kat  ovvetrei  to 

what  goes  before)  of  learning  (ypa^/j-aTeis.  This  is  Fritzsche'H  eniendatioii  ;  text,  rec.,  ypatifiaTeia^)  meet  for  the  people 
(XooO.  The  common  text  is  doubtless  the  result  of  a  mistranslation,  and  1  follow  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  in 
the  rendering  given).  '■'  Wise  and  eloquent  in  their  instructions  ((ro(fjoi  Adyot  ev  natBeiei  avrdv.    The  second  word 

should  probably  have  been  written  as  accusative.    So  308. ;  III.,  iv  A'iyoi?). 

Vfvs.  5,  6 —  ^^  A.  V. ;  Such  as.  "  tunes.  ^-  recited  {fiojyoujaei'ot,  but  here  in  the  sense  of  made  tmown,  set  forth 
verses  (marg.,  dittUt.)        "^  (See  Com.)        ><  peaceably. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  391 


7       All  these  were  honored  in  their  generations, 

And  were  the  glory  of  their  times.^ 
S  Some  of  them  left  '^  a  name  behind  them, 

So  that  their  praises  are  much  rehearsed.' 
9       And  some  *  have  no  memorial, 

And  perished,^  as  though  they  had  never  been, 

And  became  *  as  though  they  had  never  been  bom ; 

And  so '  their  children  after  them. 

10  But  these  were  merciful '  men, 

Whose  righteous  deeds  were  not'  forgotten. 

11  With  their  seed  shall  remain  prosperity,*" 

An  inheritance  shall  be  to  their  descendants." 

12  Their  seed  standeth  fast  in  the  covenants, 
And  their  children  for  their  sakes. 

13  Their  seed  shall  remain  for  ever. 

And  their  glory  shall  not  be  blotted  out. 

14  Their  bodies  were*"  buried  in  peace, 
And  '^  their  name  livsth  for  generations.*^ 

15  The  people  will  tell  of  their  wisdom, 

And  the  congregation  will  show  forth  their  *'  praise. 

16  Enoch  pleased  well  *^  the  Lord,  and  was  translated, 
An  "  example  of  repentance  to  the  generations." 

17  Noah  was  found  perfect  and  righteous  ; 

In  the  time  of  wrath  he  became  a  propitiation  ; " 
Therefore  was  he  left  as  a  remnant  unto  the  earth, 
When  the '"'  flood  came. 

18  Everlasting  covenants  were  ^*  made  with  him. 
That  all  flesh  should  not  perish  again  by  a  flood.^ 

19  Abraham  was  a  great  father  of  a  multitude  of  nations,* 
And  '^*  in  glory  was  there  found  '^  none  like  unto  him, 

20  Who  kept  the  law  of  the  Most  High, 
And  was  in  covenant  with  him  ; 

He  established  the  covenant  in  his  flesh ; 

And  when  he  was  proved,  he  was  found  faithful. 

21  Therefore  he  assured  him  *"  by  an  oath. 
That  hi  would  bless  the  nations  in  his  seed, 

That  he  would  multiply  him  as  the  dust  of  the  earth, 

And  exalt  his  seed  as  the  stars. 

And  cause  them  to  inherit  from  sea  to  sea. 

And  from  the  river  unto  the  utmost  part  of  the  land. 

22  And  "  with  Isaac  did  he  confirm  in  like  manner,^  for  Abraham,  his  father's  sak^ 
The  blessing  of  all  men  and  the  covenant, 

23  And  made  it  rest  upon  the  head  of  Jacob. 
He  acknowledged  '^  him  in  his  blessings,'" 
And  gave  him  an  heritage,** 

And  divided  his  portions  ; 

Among  the  twelve  tribes  did  he  part  them. 

Ver.    7.  —  1  Lit.,  "  a  boasting  in  their  days."' 

Vers.  8-15.  —  =  A.  V. :  There  be  ...  .  that  have  left.  3  That  their  praises  might  be  reported.         «  some  there  be 

■which.         6  Who  are  (<al  iTTiiAoi/To)  perished.         «  are  become.         '  omits  so.  "(See  Com.)  »  righteousness 

(plur.)  hath  not  been.  «>  continually  remain  a  good  inheritance  (Sio^iei'er  iycMi).  "  And  their  children  are  within 
the  covenant  (the  common  text  joins  KA^jpoi-o/xia  to  iyaSij.  I  adopt  Fritzsche's  emendations  —  connecting  it  with  what 
follows,  and  transferring  iv  toI?  5ia«>i«ois,  which  is  usually  joined  to  the  next  member,  to  the  first  line  of  ver.  12,  and 
dividing  that  verse  into  two  members  instead  of  making  one  of  it,  as  in  the  A.  V. :  "  Their  seed  standeth  fast,  and  their 
children  for  their  sakes  ").  12  bodies  (Fritzsche  reads  criiixaxa,  instead  of  sing.,  with  III.  X.  60.  106.  165.  al.  Co.)  are. 
13  But.  "  lor  evermore  (eli  ye^eis  ;  248.  Co.  Old  Ls....  eU  ytveiv  ital  yiveiv).  u  m.  106.  157.  248.  296.  308.  Co.  Old 
Lat.  read  atiToic  ;  text  rec.  is  without  it. 

Vers.  16-18.  —  i»  A.  V.  :  omits  well.  "  Being  an.  «  alt  generations  (rois  yeveait).  "  was  taken  in  eichange 
/or  the  world  (see  Coin.).  2»  (106. 155.  157.  248.  Co.  hare  the  article.)  2'  An  everlasting  covenant  ({ia«i<cai  aiii-ot) 
was.        22  should  perish  no  more  by  the  flood. 

Vers.  19-23.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  many  people  (n-Aijeovs  iSvitv).  "  omits  And.  »  omits  found  (evpsSTj).  20  assured  him 
tte(m\<rtv  avTcp,  made  it  sure  unto  him.  See  ver.  22).  ='  omits  And  (so  106).  2s  establish  (eo-njirfi'),  likewise  (outios). 
»  liitiyvio.)       »•  blessing  (plur.).        »'  Lit.,  "  in  "  or  "  by  "  heritage. 


392  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chaptek  XLIV. 


Ver.  2.  This  is  a  general  thought,  uttered 
with  respect  to  the  subject  of  these  great  men. 
The  Lord  had  shown  His  greatness  in  making 
them  great. 

Ver.  6.  Iffxii  (r?'i-.  or  ^']U)  refers  appar- 
ently to  wealth,  property,  jiossessions.  So  Luther, 
Grotlus,  Bretschneider,  Gaab,  Bunsen's  Bibeliverk, 
and  Fritzsche  ;  but  Gutmann  and  De  Wette  agree 
with  the  A.  V. 

Ver.  10.  'AvSpes  iKiovi,  merciful  men,  i.  e., 
generally  speaking,  pious  men,  since  that  was  the 
way  in  which  piety  showed  itself. 

Ver.  16.     Example  of  repentance.     It  is  not 


necessarily  implied  that  Noah  had  been  a  great 
sinner  at  one  time.  He  might  be  an  example  for 
sinners  to  lead  them  to  repentance,  without  that. 
Cf.  Geiyer,  Ursclirifi,  p.  197;  and  Gfrorer,  Ur- 
christeiithutn,  li.  .'39,  40,  41. 

Ver.  17.  The  meaning  is  that  Noah  was  a 
"  propitiation  "  ( dvToAAo7/ia,  Ut.,  exchange  or  sell- 
ing price]  in  the  sense  tliat  in  him  the  Almighty 
was  80  far  propitiated  as  not  to  destroy  the  whole 
race. 

Ver.  21.  From  sea  to  sea.  From  the  Red 
Sea  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  from  the  Eu- 
phrates to  the  farthest  point  to  which  the  Israel- 
itish  possessions  reached  toward  the  West. 


Chapter  XLV. 


1  And  he  brought  out  of  him  a  pious  *  man, 
Who  ^  found  favor  in  the  sight  of  all  flesh, 
Moses,^  beloved  of  God  and  men, 

Whose  memory  is  blessed.* 

2  He  made  him  like  to  the  glorious  saints,^ 

And  magnified  him,  so  that  his  enemies  stood  in  fear  of  him.* 

3  By  his  words  he  caused  the  wonders  to  cease  ; 
He  ^  made  him  glorious  in  the  sight  of  kings. 
He  '  gave  him  commandments  *  for  his  people, 
And  showed  him  some  ^  of  his  glory. 

4  He  sanctified  him  ^^  in  his  faithfulness  and  meekness, 
And  chose  him  out  of  all  men. 

5  He  made  him  to  hear  his  voice, 

And  brought  him  into  the  dark  cloud,^^ 
And  gave  him  commandments  face  to  '^  face, 
The  -"^  law  of  life  and  knowledge, 
That  he  might  teach  Jacob  his  covenant," 
And  Israel  his  ordinances." 

6  He  exalted  Aaron,  a  holy  man  "  like  unto  him, 
His  ■"  brother,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi. 

7  An  everlasting  covenant  he  made  with  him, 
And  gave  him  the  priesthood  of*  the  people  ; 
He  beautified  '^  him  with  comely  ornaments, 
And  clothed  him  with  a  robe  -°  of  glory. 

8  He  put  upon  him  perfect  glory, ^' 

And  strengthened  liim  -^  with  rich  garments, 
With  breeches,  and '"  a  long  robe,  and  the  ephod, 

9  And  he  compassed  him  with  pomegranates, 
And  with  many  golden  ^  bells  round  about, 
That  as  he  went  there  might  be  a  sound. 

And  a  noise  made  that  might  be  heard  in  the  temple, 
As  a  reminder  ^  to  the  children  of  his  people  ; 

Vers.  1-5.  —  '  A.  v. :  merciful  (see  xliT.  10).  '  Which.  '  Even  Moses  (in  n.  MiuOir^i'  bcglM  a  new  lin«> 

*  memorial  ....  blessed  (see  Com.).  o  (See  Com.)  ^  And  he  (so  248.  Co.).  '  And.  *  a  commandment 

(iv*r€iXa7o).  "  pari  (the  gen.  without  a  prep.).  lo  ("  sanctified  "  in  the  sense  of  "  set  apart."    Fritische  adopts 

avTii- from  X.  H.  56. 106.  157.  248.  263.  2M.  Co.  ;  (cz(.  r«.  omits.)  "  (See  Com.)  «  before  A«  (Kara).  "^  Ere  it 
the.         '*  covenants  (sing.).         'f"  judgments  iKpitiara). 

Vera.  6-9.  —  '**  Others,  "  as  being  holy  "  t.  e.,  like  him  in  holiness.  "  A.  V. :  £tj«i  his.  is  among  (gen.  with- 

out a  prep.).  '"  (See  Com.)  ^  (Fritzsche  adopts  TrtpKnoXriv  from  X.  56. 106.  155.  al.  Co.  for  <no\-nv  of  tlip  li^rt.  rrc 
It  is  aliio  the  reading  of  II.)  "  (See  Com.)  22  with.  ^  (Cod.  II.,  in  addition  to  III.  X.,  joins  \f,vao'K  wilb 

cujwai  contrary  to  the  Kom.  ed.  and  Fritzsche 's  text.)        -*  For  a  memorial  (not  clear). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  393 


10  With  a  holy  garment,  with  gold,  and  blue  stlk,^  and  purple,  a  ^  work  of  the  em- 

broiderer ; 

11  With  a  breastplate  of  judgment  and  with  Urim  and  Thummim,'    with  twisted 

scarlet,  a  *  work  of  the  weaver  ;  ' 
With  precious  stones  graven  like  seals,^  in  a  setting  of '  gold,  a '  work  of  the 

jeweler ; ' 
With  a  writing  engraved  for  a  memorial  according  to  "  the  number  of  the  tribes 

of  Israel. 

12  ffe  set  a  crown  of  gold  upon  the  mitre, 
Whereon  ^*  was  engraved  Holiness, 

An  ornament  of  honor,  a  costly  ^'^  work, 
A  desire  ^'  of  the  eyes  was  his  adornment." 

13  Before  him  there  were  no  such  beautiful  things  ;  " 
A  stranger  put  them  not  on  forever,  only  his  sons,'* 
And  his  posterity  "  perpetually. 

14  His  burnt  sacrifices  were  offered  up,^' 
Day  by  day  ''  twice  continually. 

15  Moses  consecrated  him,^ 

And  anointed  him  with  holy  oil ; 

It  became  ^  unto  him  an  ^^  everlasting  covenant, 

And  to  his  seed,  so  long  as  the  heavens  remain,''* 

That  he  °*  should  minister  unto  him,  and  ^  execute  the  office  of  the  priesthood, 

And  bless  his  ^°  people  in  his  ^''  name. 

16  He  chose  him  out  of  all  men  living 
To  offer  sacrifices  to  the  Lord, 

Incense,  and  a  sweet  savor,  for  a  memorial  ^ 
To  make  reconciliation  for  thy  ^  people. 

17  He  gave  unto  him  in  ^  his  commandments 
Authority  *^  in  the  statutes  of  judgments,*" 
That  he  should  teach  Jacob  the  testimonies, 
And  inform  "^  Israel  in  his  law. 

18  Strangers*^  conspired  together  against  him. 
And  were  envious  of  °^  him  in  the  wilderness. 

The  ^°  men  that  were  of  Dathan's  and  Abiron's  side, 
And  the  assembly  ^'  of  Core,  with  fury  and  wrath. 

19  This  the  Lord  saw,  and  it  displeased  him. 

And  in  his  furious  wrath  '*  were  they  consumed  ; 

He  did  wonders  upon  '^  them,  to  consume  them  with  the  fiery  flame.** 

20  And  *^  he  made  Aaron  still  *'-  more  honorable. 
And  gave  him  an  heritage ; 

He  *^  divided  unto  him  **  the  firstfruits  of  the  increase  ; 

Vera.  10,  11.  — i  Cf.  vi.  29 ;  xl.  4,  "  purple."  Authorities  differ  as  to  the  color  me&nt  by  uaxiVdos.  Virgil,  Ee.  It, 
188,  makes  it  not  only  ironrcolored,  but  also  sky-blue  and  snow-white,    Cf.  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  s.  v.  '  A.  V. : 

the.  5  (See  Com.)  «  the.  "^  the  cunning  workman  (Tex"'")!  =  DtTn.    Cf.  Ex.  xxri.  1,  31).         '  (Se» 

Com.)         ^  And  Bet  ia  {ev  8e(rei),  s  the.         ^  {^^Bovpyov.    It  laeajit  &  stone  mason,  a.lso  a.  sculptor  ;  but  here  doubt- 

less used  in  the  sense  of  engraver  in  stone.)       ">  after. 

Vers.  12-14.  —  "  A.  V. :  Wherein.  ^  (iff^vos,  as  at  ver.  8,  "  rich."  But  Fritzsche  thinks  T3?  stood  in  the  original 
in  the  sense  of  glory.)  13  The  desires.  '*  goodly  and  beautiful  (xoo-^ouVeva  wpaia.    Fritzsche,  holde  Lieblich- 

Iceiten,  tender  delights  :  Bunsen's  Bibelxoerk,  lieblich  gesclimiickt,  delightfully  ornamented.  In  the  mean  time,  it  is  notice- 
able that  Co'l.  II.,  with  III.  X.  Old  Lat.,  joins  the  latter  word  to  the  following  line.  Tht-  sense  would  then  be  as  aboTe 
given).  15  none  such  (see  preceding  note).         ^^  Neither  did  ever  any  stranger  put  them  on  (I  join  etuy  aiwi-os  to  this 

line  in  harmony  with  II.  Til.  X.  contrary  to  the  Rom.  ed.  and  Fritzsche's  test).  But  only  his  children.  i'  children's 
children  {eyKova).  '^  Their  (so  X.  23.  248.  Co.)  .':acritices  shall  be  wholly  consumed  (I  render  according  to  the  sense, 
though  freely).         "  every  day  (Kaff  rificpav). 

Vers.  15-18. —  '»  See  Com.  "  ^  y. :   TMs  was  appointed  (eyemjai)).        22  ijy  an.         ^  should  remain  (lit.,  in  fie 

days  of  heaven).        ^  ;Aev  (cf.  Ter.  16).        "■  {aij.a  Kal  —  Kal).        2«  the  (airoi}  is  omitted  by  248.  Co.).  ='  (Codd.  II. 

III.  X.  omit  oiroC).  2«  (See  Com.)  2»  his  (so  Old  Lat.).  =»  omils  in  (so  X.  106.  157.  248.  263.  264.  Co.  Aid.). 

»'  And  authority  (see  preceding  note).  32  (ly  SiaB^Kaf;  KpiiMirav.     See  Com.)  ^  inform  (or  enlighten,  t^uritrai. ; 

<i>tiivr]tTai.,  23.  253.  Aid.)         °<  (See  Com.)       ss  maligned  (ei.'TjAwo-ai').        ^a  Even  the.        37  congregation. 

Vers.  19-22.  —»  A.  V. :  wrathful  indignation  [iv  OvuiZ  opyijs  Of.  Ter.  18).  39  (^„  jg  supplied  before  auTois  by  106. 
157.  248.  253.  Co.)         «»  (h  mp\  ^Kayii.     Only  55.  254.,  iv  ikoyl  ,rvpis).  "  But.  «=  omits  stUl  (irpoij'e'«i)Kei'  .... 

tofoi').         «  And.  "  (Fritzsche  adopts  aiiTy  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  106.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.  for  avrots  of  the  text,  rec.) 


S94 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Especially  ^  he  prepared  bread  in  abundance ; 

21  For  they  eat°  the  sacrifices  of  the  Lord, 
Which  he  gave  both  '  unto  him  and  his  seed. 

22  Howbtnt  in  the  land  of  the  people  he  had  no  inheritance, 
Neither  had  he  any  portion  among  the  people  ; 

For  the  Lord  himself  is  thy  portion  and  *  inheritance. 

23  And  ^  the  third  in  glory  is  Phinees,  son  ^  of  Eleazar, 
Because  he  had  zeal  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 

And  he  stood  firm  in  the  good  inclination  of  his  heart '  when  the  people  turned 

back. 
And  made  reconciliation  for  Israel. 

24  Therefore  was  there  a  covenant  of  peace  made  with  him, 

That  he  should  be  the  chief  of  the  sanctuary '  and  of  his  people, 

And  that  he  and  his  posterity 

Should  have  the  dignity  of  the  priesthood  for  ever. 

25  And  as  ^°  the  covenant  made  with  David  son  of  Jessae,"  of  the  tribe  of  Jada  was,** 
TTiat  the  inheritance  of  the  king  should  be  from  son  to  son  ^'  alone , 

So  the  inheritance  of  Aaron  should  also  be  unto  his  seed. 

26  God  give  you  '*  wisdom  in  your  heart 
To  judge  his  people  in  righteousness, 
That  their  good  things  be  not  abolished. 
And  that  their  glory  be  to  their  generations.^' 


SeeCom.)  *e&tof.         *  omits 

.  ■  and  (kiu  is  wanting  in  II.  X.  and 


*  {fv  TrpwTots  ;  jrptoToi?,  III.  155.  263.  Aid.  Others  render,  "  from  the  first  fmita.* 
both  (re  icat.  The  former  is  omitted  b;  X.  H.  248.  Co.).  <  his  (248.  Co.)  . 
Rom.  ed.). 

Vers.  23-26.  —  ^  A.  V. :  omits  And.  «  the  son.  '  stood  up  (ffTrji'at  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  m.  106. 166. 

167.  248.  Co.,  instead  of  trr^o-ai  of  text.  rec.  and  II.)  with  good  courage  of  heart  (see  Com.).  *  were  turned. 

•  (See  Com.)  i'*  According  to  (it  seems  to  have  read  Kara  5ia6^KT)>',  with  Grotiua  and  others.  The  common  text  is 
Kac  Sia9.  We  may  either  supply  cTvoi  or  ccTTTjo-ev).  i^  Jesse.  ^OTnitsww.  ^^  to  Aij  posterity  (vtoC  ef  tfioS). 
^*  (i.  e.,  the  high  priest.)        ig  may  endurt  for  ever  (et9  yevea.%  avrwv). 


Chapter  XLV. 


Ver.  1.  Blessed.  JAt.tinhUssings  (iv  ivKoylais). 
His  memory  is  perpetuated  by  posterity  along 
with  blessings  upon  him. 

Ver.  2.  Glorious  saints,  H^ri  ayiuv.  Lit., 
gltyi~y  of  the  holy  07ies.  Some  (Luther,  De  Wette, 
Gutmann,  Bunsen's  Bibelweric)  suppose  that  the 
patriarchs  are  meant;  others  (Fritzsche,  with 
Linde,  Wahl,  and  the  majority),  the  priests;  and 
still  others,  the  angels.  Cf .  Ex.  xxxiv.  29  ff.  — 
'Ev  (p6Pois  fxSpav.  The  meaning  is  either  that 
he  made  him  great,  so  that  his  enemies  were  afraid 
of  him  (A.  v.),  or,  as  Fritzsche  supposes,  through 
the  fear  of  his  enemies.  The  latter  interpretation 
is  to  be  preferred  grammatically. 

Ver.  3.  The  wonders  =  those  of  the  magi- 
cians in  Egypt.  Cf.  Ex.  vii.  8-12;  viii.  29  ff. ; 
ix.  33;  X.  19. 

Ver.  5.  ry6<tioy  is  a  later  form  for  iv6(pov,  dark- 
ness. Here,  as  in  the  LXX.  at  Ex.  xx.  21,  it 
stands  for  <?~'V.,  '^'ct  clouds.  Cf.  6p(pf6s,  ob- 
scure, dark. 

Ver  7.  'E^oKapKrei"  =  ~trS^.  But  it  seems 
jikely,  as  Fritzsche  supposes,  that  it  was  read  by 

mistake  for  ~!TS^,  girded  him. 

Ver.  8.  2wTe\eiav  KavxhlJ-a-ros.  Wahl  renders, 
with  the  A.  V.,  pfrfrrt  qlorij,  jierfectio  gloriationis  : 
Bretschneider.  summa  spleudoris  et  ornatus.  But  for 
the  latter  Greek  word  there  probably  stood  in  the 

Hebrew  text  DlSm  (cf.  chap.  xxi.  ver.  11),  that 
fi  ornament,  beauty,  with  a  reference  to  the  high- 
priestly  robes,  which  are  afterwards  mentioned. 
Jf.  1.  "l  1  ;  Is.  lii.  1  ;  and  the  LXX.  at  1  Chron. 
xxix.  11.  —  'EiTTCfitWcK.     This  Greek  word  has 


the  sense  of  confirm,  settle,  in  the  LXX.,  bnt  prob- 
ably is  given  here  as  the  translation  of  pjn, 
which  at  Is.  xxii.  21,  with  a  double  accusative, 
has  the  meaning  of  gird  about,  put  on.  Cf.,  how- 
ever, the  A.  V.  at  that  place. 

Ver.  9.  Pomegranates.  They  were  made  of 
cotton  of  several  colors,  and  golden  threads  were 
interwoven.  Cf.  Text.  Notes.  —  'With  many 
golden  bells.  According  to  Jewish  authorities, 
the  bells  were  seventy-two  in  number  ;  but  by 
Clement  of  Alexandria  they  are  said  to  have  been 
three  hundred  and  sixty.  Cf.  Ex.  xxviii.  33-35, 
where  a  different  reason  i»  given  for  the  bells. 

Ver.  10.  A  holy  garment,  namely,  the  ephod, 
which  is  here  further  described.  —  rioiit/AToC,  em- 
broiderer. The  Hebrew  was  doubtless  CfpT, 
phtmarius,  one  who  decks  with  colors,  i.  e.,  sews  on 
colored  striji.  The  Spanish  recamare  and  Italian 
ricamar,  to  embroider  with  the  needle,  are  allied  to 
tliis  word.  —  Breastplate  (  Aoytiijj.  oracle,  or 
speaking-plare)  of  judgment.  The  breastplate  of 
the  high  priest,  suspended  from  his  neck,  was 
provided  with  twelve  precious  stones,  and  in  some 
mysterious  way  the  will  of  God  w.ts  communi- 
cated tlirough  it.  —  AtjAoii  i.\ri6elas.  What  is 
known  as  the  Urim  and  Thumniim  is  meant,  and 
we  have  so  translated.  Cf.  art.  in  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet.,  sub  voce,  and  remarks  in  Com.  at  1  Esd.  v.  40. 

Ver.  11.  Graven  iyKififiaros,  23.  248.  Co.,  da- 
tive plural)  Mke  seals.  Cf.  Ex.  xxviii.  11,  "like 
the  engravings  of  a  signet ;  "  also,  Ecclus.  xxxviii. 
27. 

Ver.  12.  2Tf<payov.  The  accusative  is  used  a« 
being  the  object  of  the  verb  in  verse  9,  here  under- 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


395 


Btood.  Cf.,  on  the  meaning  of  the  verse,  Ex. 
xxviii.  36,  37.  —  'Ektuttoj^ci  atf}pay7Sos  ayiafffiaros. 
Lit.,  on  engravinq  in  niiefofii  seal  of  hoiiuesSj  i.  e., 
the  plate  which  the  liigh  priest  wore  on  his  brow 
had  engraved  n|jon  it.  lil;e  tlie  letters  of  a  seal 
ring,  "  Holiness  "  (to  the  Lord).  Fritzsehe  wonld 
end  verse  12  with  tpyoy  Icrxios,  and  connect  what 
follows  with  the  I3th  verse,  supplying  are  they, 
i.  e.,  these  garments  :  A  desire  of  Ihe  eyes  are  Ihey, 
etc.     But  cf.  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  13.  "Eojs  aioivos.  Here,  in  all  past  times, 
never.  Others,  connecting  these  words  with  the 
previous  line,  would  supply  and  shall  not  be,  thus 
making  them  refer  to  the  future. 

Ver.  1,'5.  Consecrated  him.  Lit.,  filled  the 
hands.  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Judg.  xvii.  5,  12,  where 
vXripovy  is  also  used  in  the  description  of  this 
ceremony.  On  the  ceremony  itself,  see  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.,  art.  "  Priest." 

Ver.  16.  For  a  memorial,  or  for  a  burnt  offer- 
ing. That  part  of  the  meat-offering  which  was 
burnt  seems  to  be  meant.     Cf.  xxxviii.  11. 

Ver.  17.  "ESaJKCi/  out^  Iv  ^yroKais  avrov,  i^ov- 
fflav  iv  diaS-iiKais  Kpifidrwv.  Gaab  would  strike 
out  the  comma  after  aiirov,  and  render  :  "  He 
gave  him  in  Sis  commandments  Power  (or.  Along 
teilh  His  commandments  gave  Be  him  Power)  in  the 


law  according  to  which  right  is  spoken."  De  Wett© 
renders:  "Be  gave  him,  according  to  Bis  com- 
mandments, Poiver  over  the  ordinances  of  right.'* 
Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  omitting  the  preposition : 
"  Be  ijttrusted  to  him  Bis  commandments.  Power 
over  the  ordinances  of  right."  Fritzsehe  thinks 
that  the  first  half  of  the  verse  would  correspond 
better  with  the  second,  if  rendered  ;  "  He  granted 
to  him  in  His  commandments.  That  he  should 
have  power  over  the  covenants  of  the  law." 

Ver.  18.  Cf.  Numb.  xvi.  3  ff. ;  xxvi.  9.  The 
naming  of  the  family  of  Korah,  etc.,  "  strangers," 
does  not  seem  in  place,  and  the  conjecture  of 
Fritzsehe  that  the  author  read  C^T  instead  of 

■T 

n^'lT,  presumptuous,  is  worthy  of  consideration. 

Ver.  20.  'Ey  Trpciirots,  before  all,  first  of  all, 
especially.  To  bread  as  the  most  necessary  thing 
is  given  this  particular  prominence. 

Ver.  23.  Lit.,  in  goodness  of  inclination  {irpo- 
dvfilas),  i.  e.,  in  good  inclination,  disposition. 

Ver.  24.  npoordrTiv  {wpotTTUTe'iv  is  adopted  by 
Fritzsehe  from  106.  157.  2.54.)  ayluv.  The  latter 
word,  as  the  connection  would  lead  us  to  suppose, 
probably  refers  to  the  priests,  and  not  to  the  tem- 
ple. So  Drusius,  Linde,  De  Wette,  Fritzsehe, 
and  others. 


Chapter  XL VI. 

1  Jesus  son  of  Nave  ^  was  mighty  ^  in  war,* 
And  was  the  successor  of  Moses  in  prophecies ; 
"Who  was,  according  to  his  name,^ 

Great  in  saving  His  elect,^ 

To  take  vengeance  on  °  enemies  that  rose  up  against  thettt. 

That  he  might  set  Israel  in  their  inheritance.' 

2  How  was  he  glorified,  when  he  lifted  *  up  his  hands, 
And  drew  out '  his  sword  against  the  cities ! 

3  Who  before  him  so  made  a  stand  ?  " 

For ''  the  Lord  himself  brought  his  enemies  unto  him.^ 

4  Did  not  the  sun  go  back  by  his  means  ? 
And  did  not  one  day  become  '^  two  ? 

5  He  called  upon  the  most  high  Ruler,^* 

When  the  enemy  '^  pressed  upon  him  on  every  side, 
And  the  great  Lord  heard  him  : '' 

6  Hailstones  of  mighty  power 

He  hurled  down  upon  the  hostile  nation," 

And  in  the  descent  '*  he  destroyed  them  that  resisted, 

That  the  nations  might  know  all  his  armament, '° 

That  he  fought  '^^  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  ; 

For  ^1  he  followed  the  Mighty  One. 

Vera.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  the  {so  X.  248.  Co.)  son  of  Naue.  *  valiant  (»cpaToio«.  In  Homer,  aA  epithet  of  Motpa,  stem, 
renstless).  3  the  wars  {text  rec,  iv  TroAc>ot9.  Fritzsehe  receives  the  dat.  sing,  from  III.  X.  C.  106.  165.  157.  248.  Co. 
Old  Lat.).  *  Who  according  to  his  name  was  made  great  (I  connect  ^e-yos  with  the  following  line,  in  harmony  with 

Fritzsche's  text).  ^  For  the  {ctti)  saving  of  the  elect  of  God  (avroiJ,  t.  «.,  God's).         ^  And  taking  vengeance  of  the. 

'  (Fritzsehe  adopts  KarajcKrjpovoixriaT]  from  III.  X.  65.  155.  167.  248.  254.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  KfctipovopL-^tru).  *  How  great 

glory  gat  he,  when  he  did  lift.  8  stretched  out  (Fritzsehe  adopts  ec  tw  iKrelvai,  from  III.  X.  65.  106.  156.  157.  248. 

253.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  t^J  eKKXicat).  ^°  stood  to  it.  ^i  For  (probably  for  ^3    and  to  be  rendered  here  when). 

"  (See  Com.)         ^  was  not  ....  as  long  as  (irpo?  Suo). 

Vers.  5-8.  —  "A.  V.:  Lord  [Bvvatmjv,  with  iciipio?  in  the  second  line  following).  ^  enemies  (see  Com.}. 

^*  (Fritzsehe  receives  aiirov  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  avratv).  ^^  And  with  hailstones  ....  made 
the  battle  to  fall  violently  (see  Com.)  upon  the  nations  ien'  edvo?  ;  248.  Co.,  inl  e6v7f).  i8  the  descent  of  BHhoron  [h 
Karafidaet.  See  Corn.).  1^  all  their  strength  (TrovoirAiaf  avrov.  Fritzsehe  receives  the  latter  from  III.  fi.  65. 106.  155 
157  353.  254.  Old  Lat. ;  tezt.  rec,  with  II.,  avruv.    See  Com.}.  »  Because  (ort)  he  fought  (lit.,  his  battle  wtu) 

^  And  (xai  y»^). 


396  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


7  In  the  time  of  Moses  also  he  acted  piously,* 
He  and  Caleb  son  of  Jephonne,^ 

In  that  they  withstood  the  enemy,' 
Withheld  *  the  people  from  sin, 
And  appeased  the  wicked  murmuring. 

8  And  of  six  hundred  thousand  people  on  foot,  they  two  were  preserved, 
To  bring  them  into  the  heritage, 

Into  ^  the  land  that  fioweth  with  milk  and  honey. 

9  The  Lord  gave  strength  also  unto  Caleb, 
And  it  ^  remained  with  him  unto  old '  age  ; 
So  that  he  went  up  against  the  hill  country,' 
And  his  seed  maintained  the  possession,' 

10  That  all  the  children  ^^  of  Israel  might  see 
That  it  is  good  to  follow  the  Lord. 

11  And  the  ^^  judges,  every  one  by  his  name  :  " 
As  many  hearts  as  '^  went  not  a  whoring, 

And  as  many  as  turned  not  away  '*  from  the  Lord : 
Let  their  memory  be  blessed.'^ 

12  Let  their  bones  revive  again  from  their  grave," 

And  let  their  name  renew  itself  in  their  honored  eons  I " 

13  Beloved  of  his  Lord  was  Samuel, 

A  prophet  of  the  Lord,  he  established  a  kingdom," 
And  anointed  princes  over  his  people. 

14  By  the  law  of  the  Lord  he  judged  the  congregation, 
And  the  Lord  had  respect  unto  Jacob. 

15  By  his  faithfulness  he  was  proved  a  '^  prophet. 

And  by  his  words  ^°  he  was  known  as  trustworthy  seer.^ 

16  He  called  also  ^^  upon  the  mighty  Lord,''' 

When  his  enemies  pressed  jipon  him  on  every  side,^ 
When  he  offered  a  ^  sucking  lamb. 

17  And  the  Lord  thundered  from  heaven, 

And  with  a  great  reverberation  -°  made  his  voice  to  be  heard. 

18  And  he  destroyed  the  rulers  of  the  Tyrians," 
And  all  the  princes  of  the  Philistines. 

19  And  before  the  time  of  his  eternal  '^^  sleep  he  made  protestations  in  the  sight  of 

the  Lord  and  his  ^  anointed, 
I  have  not  taken  any  man's  goods,  so  much  as  a  shoe ; '" 
And  no  man  did  accuse  him. 

20  And  after  he  fell  asleep  '^  he  prophesied," 
And  showed  the  king  his  end, 

And  lifted  ^^  up  his  voice  from  the  earth  in  prophecy, 
To  blot  out  the  transgression'''  of  the  people. 

Vers.  7,  8.  — '  A.  V. :  did  a  work  o/" mercy.  ^  the  son  of  Jephunne.  *  congregation  (ei-oj^i  ^x^poo  ;  ivavriov 

(28.,  fi/ovTi)  e«i<A.r)irias,  23.  248.  253.  Co.    Of.  Numb.  xiii.  30  ;  xiv.  6-10).         «  And  withheld.  »  Even  nnto  (eit  ss  in 

preceding  line). 

Vers.  9, 10.  —  »  A.  V. :  Which.  '  his  (not  in  the  Greek)  old.  »  entered  upon  (eiri^fvai.    I  render,  with 

Bretschncider,  De  Wette,  Fritzsche,  and  Bunsen's  Bibehcerk)  the  high  places  (rb  — so  III.  X.  C.  H.  56.  al.  Co.  —  iii/<o! 
njs  y^s).        ^  ohtaineii  it  (Ka.Tiax'^)/or  tinheritage.         ^°  Lit.,  sons. 

Vers.  11,12.  —  "  A.  V. :  concerning  the.  "  (II.  agrees  with  X.  Aid.  in  reading  Uicmf  iij!)  by  name.  "  whose 

heart  went.  "  Nor  departed  ( «ai  oiroi  oi/ic  iTreo-Tpiif.ijcrai').  "(Lit-,  i"  blessings.)  18  flourish  {ivaOiXm)  out  of  their 
place  (totiou,  in  the  sense  ol  biinal  place.  Cf.  Matt,  xxviii.  6  ;  Mark  xvi.  6).  "  the  name  of  them  that  were  honoured 
de  ( I  connect  {tSofofffitVuv  with  iil>  viois,  with  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  others.  But  the  sentence  is  awk- 
wardly constructed,  and  it  seems  likely  that  the  original  is  not  correctly  rendered)  continued  {inri.Ka.raXXatTtTontmv) 
upon  their  children. 

Vers.  13-1.0.  —  "  A.  V. :  Samuel,  the  prophet  of  the  Lord,  beloved  of  his  Lord.  Established  a  kingdom.  "  found  a 
true  {,riKpipiaeTi  =  was  exactly  known;  here  aul/ienticated  aB,prored  a).  '»  word  (so  23.  65.  248.  263.  296.  Co.)  "i  to 
be  faithful  in  vision  (Tricrrbs  opotrews). 

Vers.  16-20.  —22  A.  V. :  omils  also  (nai').  «>  Lord  (see  viii.  1).  »  (Of.  ver.  5,  is  the  same  Greek  eicept  that 

here  stands  ix'Spois  avToiJ  ;  there,  ai-rbp  Ix^poi's.)  ^6  the.  =«  noise  [rixif  ;  Ppov-nji,  H.  248.  Co.).  "  (See  Com.  and 
Introduction  to  present  book,  pp.  276,  277.)  ^a  hj^  long  (wpb  Katpov  Koi/i-TJcrew?  acwfos.  Cf.  John  si.  11  f. ).  -*  (not 
in  the  Ureek  of  text,  rec,  but  added  by  248.  Co.)  "'  (Lit.,  Goods,  even  to  shoes,  1  have  not  taken  from  any  flesh.) 

"  his  death  (t/n-fuirai.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  death  is  at  this  period  represented  as  a  sleep.  Cf.  the  second  jjic- 
Tious  note).  '2  (Fritzsche  receives,  from  III.  X.  C.  66.  al.,  iirpo^^revaef  ;  text,  rec,  n'po6<(iiJTei«j-e.)  "  lifi 

U  wickodness  {avoiiiav  =  transgression  of  the  law). 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


89T 


Chamber  XLVI. 


Ver.  2.  Iiifted  up  his  hands.  Not  in  prayer, 
bat  hostilely.  —  'EKTfiyai  is  doubtless  the  correct 
reading,  here  in  the  sense  o£  draw  oiil ;  Old  Latin, 
jactando. 

Ver.  3.  Tout  yhp  TvoKefilovs  Kupios  ai/rhs  ^Trrjya- 
yev.  This  text  is  apparently  correct.  The  mean- 
ing, however,  is  not  so  clear.  Taking  the  words 
in  their  natural  signification,  the  rendering  would 
be  :  "  The  Lord  himself  led  up  the  enemy  ;  "  i.  e., 
He  led  them  up  to  battle,  not  as  their  defender, 
but  for  their  overthrow.  Bunscn's  BibelwerJe 
renders  :  "  For  the  Lord  himself  defeated  the  enemy." 

Others  :  *'  When  (8t€  for  "^D  he  waged  the  wars  of 

the  Lord"  [iroX^/iOus  Kvpiov,  H.  248.  Co.). 

Ver.  4.  The  matter  is  not  correctly  repre- 
sented. It  is  not  said  in  Joshua  x.  12,  13,  that 
the  sun  went  back,  but  only  that  it  stood  still. 

Ver.  5.  'When  the  enemy  pressed  upon 
him.  Grammatically  and  historically,  it  would 
be  more  natural  to  make  avrSv  the  subject  (  When 
he  pressed  upon  the  eneiny,  etc.  Cf.  Josh.  x.  11), 
although  the  other  rendering  is  not  positively  in- 
correct. 

Ver.  6.  Fritzsche  and  others  would  read,  with 
the  Old  Latin,  Tro\4/jLiov  for  Tr6\f^ov,  and  thereby 
is  able  to  give  to  the  verb  which  precedes  the 
meaning  which,  in  other  cases,  it  always  has  in 
the  LXX.  —  "Ev  KaTa$aaet.  Not  in  their  falling 
or  descending,  but  in  the  descent,  i.  e.,  of  Beth- 
horon,  or  in  the  (narrow)  pass,     Cf.  Herod.,  i.  186, 


vii.  223  ;  and,  for  the  historical  fact.  Josh.  x.  11. 
—  All  his  armament.  The  reason  given  for  this 
display  of  divine  power  was  that  the  nations  might 
know  all  Joshua's  armament,  namely,  his  means 
fur  carrying  on  war  against  them.  Lf  the  reading 
avTtiv  is  retained,  it  would  refer  to  the  Israelites. 

Ver.  7.  'Enoiijafv  $\fOS,  maniftsttd  piety,  acted 
piously.  The  latter  Greek  word  in  the  LXX.  is 
the  usual  translation  of  IwP.    Cf.  also  xlv.  1. 

Ver.  12.  Revive  again  from  their  grave. 
Be  held  in  remembrance  on  their  own  account ; 
or,  let  them  revive  in  their  descendants.  Herz- 
feld  discovers  here  a  reference  to  the  resurrection. 
"  Sirach's  belief  in  the  resurrection  is  proved 
also  from  xlvi.  12,  xlix.  11,  where  he  in  a  figure, 
supposedly  borrowed  from  Ezek.  xxxvii..  says  tirst 
of  the  Judges,  then  of  the  Prophets, '  Let  their 
hones  revive  again  from  their  grave.'  The  fact 
that  this  expression  is  twice  used  goes  to  show 
that  it  was  then  a  common  formula."  Geschichte, 
ii.  35.  But  cf.  our  Introd.,  under  "  Doctrinal 
Teaching." 

Ver.  18.  Rulers  of  the  Tsrrians  (Txipiav). 
Inasmuch  as  history  knows  nothing  of  hostilities 
between  the  Jews  and  Tyrians,  it  is  thought  by 
Fritzsche  and  others  that  the  Greek  translator 
had  in  his  text  C^!i,  and  read  D''"12>  Tyrians, 
when  he  should  have  read  n^~)!J,  enemiet. 


Chapter  XLVII. 


1  And  after  him  *  rose  up  Nathan  to  prophesy''  in  the  time  of  Dayid. 

2  As  the  fat  is  separated  '  from  the  peace  offering, 
So  David  from  the  sons'*  of  Israel. 

3  He  played  ^  with  lions  as  with  kids, 
And  with  bears  as  with  lambs.^ 

4  Slew  he  not  a  giant,  when  he  was  young,' 

And  did  he  7iot  take  away  reproach  from  the  people, 
When  he  lifted  up  his  hand  with  the  stone  in  the  sling, 
And  struck  down  *  the  boasting  of  Goliath  ? 

5  For  he  called  upon  the  Lord  Most  High,' 

6  And  he  gave  strength  to '"  his  right  hand 
To  slay  that  mighty  warrior, 

To  exalt  '^  the  horn  of  his  people. 

6  So  the  people  honored  him  for  ''^  ten  thousands. 

And  praised  him  because  of ''  the  blessings  of  the  Lord, 
In  that  he  ^*  gave  him  a  crown  of  glory. 

7  For  he  utterly  destroyed  ^^  the  enemy  '^  on  every  side. 
And  brought  to  nought  "  the  Philistines  his  adversaries. 
Broke  their  horn  in  pieces  ^'  unto  this  day. 

Vers.  1-4.  —  •  (itri  toCtoi/,  II.  III.  X.  23.  68. 106.  al.  Aid.  Svr.  Ar. ;  text  rec,  ^tri  roSro.  '  irpo<^n^cvtti> ;  243.  Co. 

^d  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.,  6  jrpoft>rin^.  3  A.  V. :  rj  the  fat  taken  away.        *  woj  D.  ehoien  out  of  the  children.        «  (rvcif«v 

<e  received  by  Fritzsche  from  X.  23.  55.  al.    It  is  also  the  reading  of  II.,  by  a  second  hand  ;  text  rec,,  hainev  ;  248.  364. 
Co.,  eirefeVwa-ev.)  ^  (lAt.,  lambs  of  sheep.)  t  yttbut  ^OMn^.  ^  beat  down  (jeaTa^aA«ti'.     Codd.  X.  C.  166., 

icaTc^oAev). 

Vers.  5-8. —»  A.  V. :  the  most  high  Lord.        i»  itm  strength  In.        ■' .4»i/ set  up  (see  ver.  II).         "with.         "In 
(lit.,  but  not  clear).         ^*  (See  Com.)  >o  omits  utterly  (the  verb  is  efcrpii^c  =  ruhbed  out).         ^8  enemies.  i^  (See 

Com.)        18  ^nd  brake  ....  in  sunder. 


898  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


8  In  all  his  works  he  thanked  '  the  Holy  One  ; 

To  the  Most  High  he  sang  with  all  his  heart  in  words  of  glor?,' 
And  loved  him  that  made  him. 

9  He  set  singers  also  before  the  altar, 
And  '  their  voices  make  sweet  melodies/ 
And  daily  they  ^  sing  praises  in  their  songs.* 

10  He  beautified  their  feasts, 

And  set  in  order  perfectly '  the  solemn  times,* 

In  that  they  praise  '  his  holy  name. 

And  make  "  the  temple  resound  from  morning  on." 

11  The  Lord  '•  took  away  his  sins. 
And  exalted  his  horn  for  ever  ; 

He  gave  him  a  covenant  respecting  kings," 
And  a  throne  of  glory  in  Israel. 

12  After  him  rose  up  a  wise  "  son, 
And  through  him  '^  he  dwelt  at  large. 

13  Solomon  ^°  reigned  in  a  peaceful  time  ;  " 

For  whom  '*  God  made  it  quiet  round  about," 
That  he  might  build  a  house  in  his  name, 
And  prepare  his  sanctuary  for  ever. 

14  How  wise  wast  thou  in  thy  youth. 

And,  as  a  river,''"  filled  with  understanding  1 

15  Thy  soul  covered  the  earth,''^ 

And  thou  filledst  it  with  enigmatical  proverbs.'* 

16  Thy  name  went  far  unto  the  islands  ; 
And  for  ^  thy  peace  thou  wast  beloved. 

17  The  countries  marvelled  at  thee  for  thy  songs. 
And  proverbs,  and  parables,  and  interpretations.** 

18  In  ^  the  name  of  the  Lord  God, 
Who  -'  is  called  God  "^  of  Israel, 
Thou  didst  gather  gold  as  tin. 
And  didst  multiply  silver  as  lead.''' 

19  Thou  didst  bow  thy  loins  unto  women. 

And  by  thy  body  thou  wast  brought  into  subjection.* 

20  Thou  didst  stain  thy  honor, 
And  pollute  thy  seed, 

So  that  thou  broughtest  wrath  upon  thy  children. 
And  I  am  grieved  ^^  for  thy  folly  : 

21  That  '^  the  kingdom  was  divided,'- 

And  out  of  E]ihraim  came  the  ruler  of  a  ^  rebellious  kingdom. 

22  But  the  Lord  will  not  cease  from  ^*  his  mercy, 

Ver.  8.  —  ^  A.  V. :  praised.  -  Holy  {A.  V.  separates  the  lines  falsely.  'Yi/«iaTy  is  the  beginniDg  of  a  new  line) 

One  most  high  with  words  (p^^ari  j  C.  H.,  p^^aTa)  of  glory  ;  With  his  whole  heart  he  Bnug  songs. 

Vers.  9-11.  —  3  A.  V.  ;  That  by.  *  ihey  might  make  sweet  melody  (<cai  ef  nx°^'!  —  »o  II.  III.  X.  C.  23.  ;  text,  rec, 

il\ov — avTuivykuKaiveiv  li-iK-ri.  Fritzsche  adopts  YAvKati/ei;- from  111.  .\.  C.  106.  157.  al.  Co  It  is  also  the  reading  of 
II.     Text,  rec,  yKvKaivet.    Fritzsche  makes  David  the  subject,  and  renders  ''  makes  ....  re.soujid -■).  ^  ornli.-i  they. 

"  (Fritzsche  and  others  adopt  this  line  from  248.  Co.  on  the  ground  that  the  construction  of  sentences,  i.  e.,  the  usual 
number  of  members  in  the  parallelism,  demands  it.)  ^  omits  perfectly  (see  Com.  The  marg.  of  the  A.  V.  also  sug- 
gests our  rendering).  *  adds  until  the  end.  "  That  they  might  praise.  *■'  that.  ^^  might  sound  from 
morning  (aTrb  rrfmtaq).  ^^  (Cod.  II.,  by  a  second  hand,  '*  Christ '.'')  i^  of  kings  {patrt^eiuv  ;  248.  Co.,  jSooiAetoc, 
which  the  A.  V.  notices  in  the  margin). 

Vers.  12-19.  —  "  iirtcrr^ncui'.  '5  A.  V.  :  for  his  sake  ({i*  avrov).  'o  (In  the  Greek,  "  Salomon,"  except  III 

X.  H.)  1^  peaceable  time,  and  was  honoured  (the  addition  appears  in  H.  248.  Co.).  •=*  For  (for  w  X.  U.  248 

Co.  Aid.  have  ok).  ^^  Clod  made  all  ...  .  about  him  (248.  Co.  add  aiiTOv).  ^o  flood  (iroTofiis.     See  Co?n.). 

*'  whole  earth  (II.  248.  Co.  add  ttoo-ok).  '■  dark  parables.  ^  (et/.     In  the  peace  which  he  desired  and  produced.) 

-*  (Following  the  order  of  the  (iretk  :  For  songs,  and  proverbs,  and  parables.  And  for  interpretations  the  countries  mar- 
velled »t  thee.  Cod.  II.  reads,  by  the  first  hand,  ;p)H)vi'<i  for  ep/JiiKia.)  =5  By.  =»  Which.  ='  the  iorrf  Ood 
M  (Fritjsche  receives  lioKtfiov  from  III.  X.  23.  65.  al.  It  is  also  the  reading  of  II.  :  text,  rec.,  ^oAi^Sof  ;  f.ioAvjSo*',  157 
848.  Co.)  2»  (Others  :  "  Gavest  power  over  thy  body."  So  Fritzsche,  who  thinks  that  the  Hebrew  would  have  been 
properly  rendered  by  e^ovaiav  edmiea^.} 

Vers.  20-22.  — »  A.  V.  :  waft  grieved  (/toT€vi/Yli';  106.  248.  Co.,  •arnivyii'iu;  Old  Lat.,incilan".    Cf.  Com.).       "   So 
■•  (Lit.,  became  two/old.)  ^  ruled  a  (apfat,  with  fiaaLktiav  aneiGrj  as  subject ;  but  better  rendered  as  above.     Th* 

tzftnsl&tor  probably  mistook  the  original  word).  ^  never  leave  off. 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


399 


And  will  not  blot  out  any  of  his  works  ;  * 

Neither  will  he  destroy  ^  the  posterity  of  his  elect,^ 

And  the  seed  of  him  that  loveth  him  he  will  not  take  away. 

And  *  he  gave  a  remnant  unto  Jacob, 

And  out  of  him  a  root  unto  David. 

23  And  Solomon  rested  ^  with  his  fathers," 

And  of  his  seed  he  left  behind  him  Roboam,  the  foolishness  of  the  people,*  and 

one  that  had  no  understanding, 
"Who  turned  away  the  people  through  his  counsel ; 
Also  Jeroboam  son  *  of  Nabat, 
Who  caused  Israel  to  sin, 
And  allowed  to  '  Ephraim  the  way  of  sin. 

24  And  their  sins  were  multiplied  exceedingly, 

So  that "  they  were  removed  "  out  of  their  ^'  land. 

25  And  ''  they  sought  out  all  wickedness. 
Till  punishment  "  came  upon  them. 

Ver.  22.  —  '  A.  V. :  Neither  shall  any  ....  perish  (Fritzsche  receives  Sia4iBtiir[i  from  III.  23.  65.  106.  al.  Old  lat. ; 
text  Kc,  UaxftBapji).  2  abolish.  ^  (Fritzsche  receives  avrov  after  cjcAcktou  from  X.  56.  68.  106.  155.  al.  It  is  also 
found  in  n.  ;  tezt.  rec,  omits.)        *  Wherefore. 

Vers.  23-25.  —  ■*  A.  V. :  Thus  rested  Solomon  (Cod.  X.,  Co.,  %o\oiJnav  ;  see  ver.  13).  *  (Fritzsche  receives  avrov 

after  TTaripttiv  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  al.    It  is  also  found  in  II.)  ^  R.  Even  the  foolishness  of  the  people  (see  Com.) 

8  Tkere  was  also  J.  the  son  (to  be  construed  as  accus.  after  KaTeXtire).  ^  shewed  {«5wite).         i**  That.  "  driven 

iairotrrriaai].        12  the  {avriov  is  omitted  in  II.  248.  Co.).        is  For.        •*  the  vengeance. 


Chapter  XL VII. 


Ver.  1.  It  is  surprising  that  nothing  either 
good  or  bad  is  said  of  Nathan,  further  than  to 
introduce  him  as  one  of  the  lino  of  prophets.  It 
may  have  betn  from  fear  lest  some  shadow  might 
fall  on  the  splendor  of  David,  whose  career  is 
next  noticed. 

Ver.  2.  Sarriptov.  This  was  the  so-called 
"  thank  oilering,"  or  "  peace  offering."  Its  cere- 
monial is  described  in  Leviticus,  chap.  iii.  Of  the 
flesh,  the  breast  and  right  shoulder  were  given  to 
the  priest ;  the  rest,  excepting  the  fat  (wliich  was 
burned),  belonged  to  the  person  making  the  sacri- 
fice. 

Ver.  6.  Ten  thousands.  This  has  reference 
to  the  words  :  "  Saul  hath  slain  his  thousands, 
and  David  his  ten  thousands.  See  1  Sam.xviii  7. 
—  'Ei'  Tip  ipfpeadai.  in  that  He  [the  Lord]  gave. 
The  verb  might  also  be  construed  in  the  middle 
voice,  with  the  jieople  as  subject. 

Ver.  7.  'ElouScVojo'e  means  he  liqhtly  estremed, 
despised.  But,  as  the  context  requires  a  stronger 
expression,  it  is  likely  that  the  translator  falsely 
read  T^2  for  T^S;  or  that  the  latter  word  had 
in  some  instances  the  same  meaning  as  the  former. 
Cf.  Prov.  xxvii.  7  ;  where,  in  fact,  it  has  this 
figurative  meaning.  See  also  Judith  xvi.  17, 
where,  as  Fritzsche  thinks,  the  same  failure  in 
translation  is  made. 

Ver.  10.  'EK6(Tixria-f  might  also  mean  adorn, 
which  would  bring  it  into  harmony  with  the  first 
clause.  —  The  words  fxexP'  (Tvi/reKftas  are  butter 
rendered  unto  completeness,  completely,  perfecthj,  — 
a  rendering  which  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.  also 
indicates. 

Ver.  11.  Covenant  respecting  kings,  i.  e.,  the 
covenant  promise  that  the  royal  line  should  con- 
tinue in  his  descendants.     Cf.  2  Sam.  vii.  16. 

Ver.  12.  'Ef  trKaTvfffjiS.  Lit.,  in  a  wide  place. 
He  was  no  more  full  of  care  for  this  and  that. 
He  gave  up  all  to  the  management  of  his  wise 
eon. 


Ver.  14.  'nj  iroTafi6i.  There  probably  stood 
in  the  original  "I'S";?,  which  in  that  case  should 
have  been  rendered  by  &s  i  ttoto^ui^j,  since  the 
overflowings  of  the  Nile  are  probably  meant.  Cf. 
xxiv.  25,  xxxix.  22  ;  Amos  viii.  8  (^S3  rtnb'SI)- 

Ver.  18.  As  tin,  KaaaWipov.  Some  falsely 
suppose  that  by  this  word  not  tin  is  meant,  but 
pewter;  Latin,  stannum.  It  is  spoken  of  fre- 
queutly  iu  the  Iliad  as  an  ornament  of  armor 
and  chariots.  It  was  simply  melted  and  cast  upon 
them.  The  Sanskrit  name  is  kastini.  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  Phcenicians  hrst  got  the  name 
with  the  metal  from  the  islands  on  the  coasts  of 
India. 

Ver.  20.  Kal  xarefiyriv.  It  seems  best,  with 
Fritzsche,  to  place  a  period  before  the  above 
words,  and  to  regard  them  as  a  direct  address  of 
the  author.  This  gives  three  members  to  the 
twenty-first,  as  to  the  twentieth,  verse. 

Ver.  22.  A  remnant  unto  Jacob  (namely,  to 
the  people  of  Israel).  This  remnant  was  the  king- 
dom of  Judah.  —  Out  of  him  [Solomon]  a  root 
I  RehoboamJ  unto  David. 

Ver.  23.  And  of  his  seed.  etc.  The  Greek 
text  at  this  point  makes  no  intelligible  sense. 
Hence,  Bretschneider,  Fritzsche,  aud  others  are 
naturally  of  the  opinion,  as  well  from  this  fact 
as  from  the  arrangement  of  clauses,  that  the 
Greek  translator  did  not  render  the  original  cor- 
rectly.    Fritzsche  supposes  that  there  stood  in  the 

Hebrew:  b^:  ]b57  IS?")-???  {And  he  lej)  behind 
him)  from  the  seed  of  Amman  A  fool  {and  one  that 
had  no  understanding,  R.).  Possibly,  however,  the 
Hebrew  may  have  contained  the  name  of  Reho- 
boam'g  mother :  And  he  left  behind  him  of  the 
seed  of  Naamah  (H^V^).  ^^'^'  —  ''  Israel "  and 
"  Ephraim  "  are  designations  of  the  ten  tribes, 
in  distinction  from  the  tribe  of  Jndah. 


400  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  XLVIII. 

1  And  Elias  rose  up  a  prophet  like  '  fire, 
Aiid  his  word  burnt  like  a  torch  ;  " 

2  Who  *  brought  a  famine  *  upon  them, 

And  by  his  zeal  he  diminished  their  number. 

3  By  the  word  of  the  Lord  he  sliut  up  heaven,' 
And  so  *  three  times  brought  down  fire. 

4  O  Elias,  how  wast  thou  made  glorious  '  in  thy  wondrous  deeds  I 
And  who  is  like  thee  that  he  may  glory ! ' 

5  Who  didst  raise  up  a  dead  mem  from  death. 

And  from  Hades,"  by  the  word  of  the  ]Most  High ; 

6  Who  broughtest  kings  down  ^''  to  destruction. 
And  honorable  men  from  their  bed  ; 

7  Who  heardest  the  rebuke  on  ^'  Sinai, 

And  on  Horeb  the  sentence  of  punishment ; " 

8  Who  anointedst  kings  for  retribution,^' 
And  prophets  as  his  successors  ;  " 

9  Who  wast  taken  up  in  a  whirlwind  of  fire. 
In  a  chariot  with  '^  fiery  horses  ; 

10  Who  wast  written  of  in  reproofs  for  special  times,*' 
To  pacify  wrath  before  its  outbreak," 

To  turn  the  heart  of  the  father  to  the  son,^' 
And  to  restore  the  tribes  of  Jacob. 

11  Blessed  are  they  that  see  ''  thee,  and  are  adorned  with  *  loT6; 
For  we  also  shall  surely  be  alive.'^' 

12  Elias  it  was,  who  disappeared  in  -''  a  whirlwind ; 
And  Elisaje  -'  was  filled  with  his  spirit. 

And  ^*  whilst  he  lived,  he  wavered  before  no'^princet 
Neither  could  any  bring  him  into  subjection. 

13  No  matter  was  too  great  for  him  ;  ^° 
And  in  "  death  his  body  prophesied. 

14  He  did  also  ''^  wonders  in  his  life, 

And  in  '■^  death  were  his  works  marvelous. 

15  For  all  this  the  people  repented  not, 
Neither  departed  they  from  their  sins. 

Till  they  were  carried  as  spoil  out '°  of  their  land, 
And  were  scattered  in  ^'  all  the  earth. 
And  '-  there  remained  a  small  people, 
And  a  ruler  in  the  house  of  David  ; 

16  Of  whom  some  did  what  was  pleasing,^* 
And  some  multiplied  sins. 

Vers.  1-3. —  ^  A.  V. ;  Then  stood  up  (ical  afeorrj)  Elias  the  prophet  as.  '  lamp  (Ao^n-a?  =  "7^G7.  Cf.  Gen.  XT.  17) 
>  He  (os).  *  sore  (248.  Co.  have  Itrxyp&v)  famine.  ^  the  heaven  (marg.,  Tnade  heaven  to  hold  up.    According  to 

present  usage,  it  should  be  "  heaven  "  or  "  the  heavens  ").  *  A^d  (Fritzsche  receives  (cai  from  IT.  55.  248.  263.  Co. 

Old  Lat.  and  106.  by  a  second  hand  ;  text.  rec.  omits)  also  (outus.  It  is  dotted  in  X.,  and  omitted  in  H.  248.  253.  Co.  Old 
Lat.     Cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  4-7.  —  'A.  V. :  honoured  (hardly  strong  enough  for  eBoiatrBrj^  here).  ^  who  may  glory  like  unto  thee  (t« 

ofioiis  (Tot  KavxaaBa.!.).  '  Ai.<  soul  (H.  M8.  253.  Co.  add  •Inixn'')  from  the  place  of  the  dead  (marg.,  grave).  i"  omiu 
down  (the  force  of  Kara  in  the  verb).         "  rebuke  of  the  Lord  (H.  248.  263.  Co.  add  icvpiov)  in.  "  in  Horeb  (Xup^/S) 

the  judgment  of  vengeance  ((tptVara  eK5i«^o-ews}. 

Vers.  8-11.  —  1=  A.  V. :  to  take  revenge  (ei?  di-rajriSSo/ia).  i*  to  succeed  after  him  (marg.,  thee.    See  Com.) 

"■  And  in of.        ^'>  ordained  for  (I  adopt  the  marginal  rendering.    See  Com.)  ....  in  their  times.        ^^  the  wrath 

of  the  Lord's  judgment  (H.  248.  Co.  add  npiaetai  Kvplov  after  opy^i/.  See  Com.)  before  it  break  forth  into  fury.  "  And 
(Fritzsche  strikes  out  kiu,  with  III.  X.  106.  166.  167.  248.  296.  Co.)  to  turn  the  heart  of  the  father  unto  the  Bon. 
18  saw  (see  Com.).        w  slept  in  (I  adopt  marginal  rendering.     See  Com.).         21  we  shall  surely  live  (see  L.om.). 

Vers.  12-16. — -^  A.  V. :  was  covered  with  {fffKeTrda-Bij,  but  in  the  sense  of  was  enshrouded,  disappeared).  23  Ellfieus. 
**  omits  And.  ^s  was  not  moved  tvith  the  presence  of  any  (sing. ;  248.  Co.,  awo  apx^yraiv).  •'^  No  word  could  over- 
come him.  "  after  Am  (see  Coot.).  m  omils  also.  '"  at  his  (248.  Co  add  oirToC).  so  their  (Fritzsche  receivef 
u.iiTuiv  from  X.  H.  55.  106. 16.5.  at.  Co.  Old  Lat.)  ....  spoiled  and  carried  out  (en-pofofxeveijo-ai',  were  ravaged,  plundered , 
248  Co.,  rrpoevoiiriidriiTat'.  The  Greek  presupposes  that  IDti^D  stood  in  the  original ;  but  probably  it  was  I^CT- 
The  A.  V.  has  included  both  idea**,  and  perhaps  it  is  best  so  translated,  as  above).  ^1  scattered  through  (III.  X.  1D6. 
167.  248  263.  Co.  read  iiecKopiria^aav  \  text,  rec,  fV«o(>iri<r#>|<rai').        '»  Yet.        "  that  which  was  pleasing  (to  aptffroi') 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


401 


17  Ezekias  fortified  his  city, 

Afld  brought  the  Gihon  into  their  midst ;  * 
He  digged  through  •'  the  hard  rock  with  iron, 
And  built  wells  for  water.^ 

18  In  his  time  Sennacherim  *  came  up  ; 

Aud  he  dispatched  Rapsaces  ;  ^  and  he  departed,* 
And  lifted  '  up  his  hand  against  Sion, 
And  boasted  proudly  in  his  insolence.' 

19  Then  trembled  their  hearts  and  hands, 
And  they  were  in  pain,  as  those  '  in  travail. 

20  And '"  they  called  upon  the  Lord  who  is  ^'  merciful, 
Stretching  out  "  their  hands  towards  him  ; 

And  quickly  ''  the  Holy  One  heard  them  out  of  heaven, 
And  delivered  them  by  the  hand  of  Esaias.'* 

21  He  smote  the  host  of  the  Assyrians, 
And  his  angel  destroyed  them. 

22  For  Ezekias  did  '^  the  thing  that  pleased  the  Lord, 
And  was  strong  in  '*  the  ways  of  David  his  father. 
As  Esaias  ^~  the  prophet. 

Who  was  great  and  trustworthy  ^'  in  his  visions,^'  had  commanded  htm. 

23  In  his  time  the  sun  went  backward, 
And  he  lengthened  the  king's  life. 

24  He  saw  by  an  excellent  spirit  -"  the  last  things,^^ 
And  he  comforted  them  that  mourned  in  Sion. 
He  showed  what  should  be  ^^  for  ever, 

And  the  secret  things  before  they  took  place." 

Vers.  17-20.  —1  A.  V. :  in  water  (nvrav  rhv  Vd,y  :  III.  55. 106.  155.  al.  Co.  Old  Lai.  Syr.  Ar.,  iivr^t  vSafi.  See  Com.) 
into  the  midst  thereof.  ^  omits  through  (the  verb  opvtraia  has  also  this  meaning,  to  dig  through,  I.  e.,  malie  a  canal 

through).  s  made  wells  {Kprivo.%)  for  waters.  *  Sennacherib.  6  ^^(J  gent  (*tai  air€'ffT«i\<)  Rabsaces. 

*  omits  and  he  departed  [koX  airripey  ;  248.  Co.  connect  these  words  with  x«'P*  auTou,  omitting  xat  eTnjpe,  but  probably 
by  mistake.  Fritzsche  adopts  x^^P"-  from  III.  65.  106.  155.  248.  254.  Co.  Old  Lat. ;  text.  Tec,  with  II.  X.,  17  \ei.p). 
'  lift.  «  omits  in  his  insolence  {iv  —  Fritzsche  adopts  it  from  H.  106.  165. 167.  Co.  — vnepiy^KLviti,  which  are  found 

after  the  Terb  e^ryaAat;xi)(rei').  ^  women  {ox).  it*  But.  ^  which  is.  ^  And  stretched  out  (eicireTao-ai^e?). 

13  immediately  {Tax>> ;  Taxv«,  H. ;  248.  Co.  omit).        '*  ministry  (xfipO  of  Esay. 

Vers.  21-24.  —  "  A.  V. :  had  done.  '6  {evi(rxy<r^,  in  the  sense  of  heldjirmly  to.)  i'  As  (lit.,  ivhich)  Esay, 

"  faithful.  1*  vision  (to  be  underskood,  however,  collectively).  20  (Lit.,  o  great  spirit,  i.  e.,  the  divine  Spirit,  and 
it  might  be  rendered,  in  high  inspiration.)  ^^  what  should  come  to  pass  at  the  last  (see  Com.).  ^  come  to  pass  (rd 
iao/ktr^).       23  And  secret  things  or  ever  they  came  (nplv  i)  irapayevdcrQai.  avrd). 


Chapter  XL VIII. 


Ver.  3.  And  so.  In  the  same  manner  as  he 
had  closed  (lit.,  heM  back,  aviax^v)  heaven,  namely, 
3y  the  word  of  the  Lord.  Ouroit  is  omitted  in  some 
of  the  MSS.,  apparently  because  its  force  was  not 
understood. 

Ver.  5.  See,  at  1  Kings  xvii.  17-24,  the  ac- 
count of  the  raising  of  the  lad  at  Sarepta. 

Ver.  6.  Honorable  (men)  frona  their  bed. 
He  brought  them  from  their  bed  into  destruction. 
The  case  of  Ahaziah  is  probably  meant.  See 
2  Kings  i.  4,  16. 

Ver.  7.     See  I  Kings  xix.  7-19. 

Ver.  8.  The  kings  referred  to  are  Hazael  and 
Jehu.  —  And  prophets.  There  was  but  one 
prophet  meant,  Elisha,  and  the  plural  is  used  in 
order  to  keep  the  thought  somewhat  vague  and 
general.  See  Winer,  p.  175.  —  His  successors. 
The  author,  inadvertently  as  it  would  seem,  leaves 
ihe  second  person  for  the  third. 

Ver.  10.  The  verses  10-12  and  the  first  part 
of  the  13th  were  regarded  by  Bretsclineider, 
wliom  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk  here  follows,  as  an 
addition  by  a  later  hand,  founded  on  Mai.  iv.  .t,  6. 
Cf.  also  Is",  xlix.  6;  Matt.  xvii.  10,  11  ;  Mark  ix. 
26 


11,  12;  Luke  i.  17.  That  the  verses  are  founded 
on  the  passage  in  Malachi  may,  however,  be 
granted,  without  our  being  compelled  to  accept, 
at  the  same  time,  the  theory  that  they  are  a  later 
addition.  Much  depends  on  the  way  in  which 
they  are  interpreted.  —  'O  KaraypaipfU  iv  i\(yno7s 
els  Kaipovs,  Who  wast  written  of  [or  enrolled,  reqis- 
tered)  in  reproofs  for  special  times.  The  propheti- 
cal utterances  of  Malachi  concerning  Elijah  are 
evidently  intended.  —  KoTran-cii  opy})v  trpo  So/xov,  To 
pacify  wrath  before  its  outbreak,  (.  e.,  before  it 
becomes  6vij.os,  the  active  jirinciple  of  anger. 

Ver.  11.  Blessed  (are)  the//  that  see  thee  {ot 
ISovTes  (7e).  The  Hebrew  was  probably  TT^iS"^n, 
and  should  obviously  have  been  rendered  by 
ol  6poit/Tes  a€,  who  see  thee,  or  shall  see  thee, 
namely,  when  he  thus  came.  —  Ka!  oi  iv  ayatrriiTfi 
K£Ko(Tp.riij.ivoi,  and  are  adorned  with  love.  The 
reading  KeKoifiriixevot  found  in  155.  248.  253.  254. 
296.  Co.,  and  adopted  by  the  A.  V.,  is  an  evident 
correction  based  on  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, which  it  was  supposed  the  autiior  oicrht 
to  teach.  —  Kal  yip  ijixeTs  ^tuj;   (TiiT6fi.eea,  For  we 


402 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


also,  shall  surely  be  alive.  This  passage  has 
caused  great  difficulty ;  but  the  author  seems  in 
it  simply  to  e.xpress  the  confident  hope  that  they 
should  live  to  see  the  happy  day  spokeu  of. 

Vtr.  13.  His  body  prophesied.  Bunsen's 
Bibehcerk  and  others  think,  if  the  common  text  is 
followed,  the  author  made  a  mistake,  imputing 
the  incident  related  of  Elijah  (2  Cbron.  xxi.  12 f.) 
to  Elisha.  But  it  is  far  more  probable  that  what 
is  said  of  Elisha  at  2  Kings  xiii.  21,  is  meant, 
where  the  body  of  a  dead  man  placed  in  the 
prophet's  grave  revived.  Still,  the  phraseology  is 
peculiar.  Some  (Grotius)  would  take  iTrpo<p-liTev<r€ 
in  the  sense  of  showed  /)rophetic  (i.  e.,  jniraculoiis] 
power.  Fritzsche  cunjectures  that  here,  too,  the 
Greek  translator  is  in  error,  having  read  1732n, 
which  the  author  had  written  as  though  it  were 
Snsn.  The  latter  said,  according  to  this  view, 
that  in  death  the  body  of  Elisha  was  touched, 
leaving  to  be  supplied  by  the  memory  what  the 
result  was.  The  former  theory,  however,  appears 
to  us  to  be  quite  as  worthy  of  acceptance.  It  is 
simply  meant  that  Elisha,  even  after  death,  con- 
tinaed  to  exercise  prophetic  (i.  e.,  supernatural) 


power,  in  that  a  miracle  was  performed  by  his 
dead  body.  The  following  verse  supports  this 
view. 

Ver.  17.  AuTuv  rhv  Ttiy.  The  pronoun  refers 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem.  The  A.  V. 
adopted  the  reading  avTTJs  vSwp,  which  is  sup- 
ported by  the  authorities  above  given.  The  MSS. 
55.  and  254.  have  aitrtbv  iiSup  ;  and  H.,  ainris  rhv 
vriap.  Fritzsche's  conjecture  that  ]in2-nS,  the 
Gihon,  stood  in  the  original  (cf.  1  Kings  i.  33), 
which  the  translator  put  in  the  form  found  in  the 
text,  seems  probable.  In  2  Chrou.  xxxii.  30  (cf. 
2  Kings  XX.  20)  it  is  said  that  Hezekiah  also 
stopped  the  upper  source  or  issue  of  the  "  water- 
course of  Gihon."  From  this  river,  then,  the 
water  was  taken  for  Jerusalem,  and  it  was  done 
in  the  early  part  of  this  king's  reign,  and  so  is 
properly  mentioned  by  our  author  at  the  begin- 
ning of  his  account  of  the  acts  of  Hezekiah. 

"Ver.  24.  "Eo-xa-ra  =  D'^'^PS.  which  means 
properly  the  last  or  extreme  part ;  hence,  here,  the 
end  of  time,  the  last  things.  Cf.  Gen.  xlix.  1  ;  2 
Kings  XX.  17,  18. 


Chapter  XLIX. 


1  The  remembrance  of  Josia.?  is  like  the  composition  of  the  perfume,* 
Prepared  by  the  labor  of  the  apothecary  ; ' 

It  is  sweet  as  honey  in  every  mouth,' 
And  as  music  at  a  bantjuet  of  wine. 

2  He  was  prospered  ■*  in  the  conversion  of  the  people, 
And  took  away  the  abominations  of  transgression.* 

3  He  directed  his  heart  unto  the  Lord  ; 

In  ^  the  time  of  transgressors  he  maintained  godliness.' 

4  All,  except  David  and  Ezekias  and  Josias,  went  widely  astray,' 
For  they  forsook  the  law  of  the  Most  High ; 

The  ^  kings  of  Judah  disappeared  ; '" 

5  For  they  delivered  up  ''  their  power  unto  others, 
And  their  glory  to  a  foreign  ^■-  nation. 

6  They  burnt  the  chosen  city  of  the  sanctuary, 

And  made  her  '^  streets  desolate,  according  to  the  prophecy  of  Jeremias ; 

7  For  they  treated  him  ill," 

And  he  was  sanctified  as  a  prophet  in  the  ''  womb  : 
That  he  might  root  out,  and  afflict,  and  destroy  ; 
That  in  like  manner  he  might  build  "  and  plant. 

8  Ezekiel  "  saw  the  glorious  vision, 

Which  he  showed  "  him  upon  the  chariot  of  the  cherubim  ;  " 

9  For  he  made  mention  of  the  enemy  in  ^  rain, 

Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  Ot  excdteTit,  perfumed,  incense.     See  Com.  ^  A.  V. :  That  is  TBa,de{tezt.  ree.,  iffxevairfiivom 

Fritzsche  adopts  the  gen.  from  X. ;  248.  Co.,  the  dat.)  by  the  art  {ep-yoi ;  III.  155.  epyov)  of  the  apothecary  {see  Com.). 
s  all  mouths.  *  behaved  himself  uprightly  (I  adopt  the  marginal  reading.    The  Qreek  is  KarevditvOyj,  but  probably 

as  rendering  for  J~\^  ^t*rT  in  an  intransitive  sense).        **  iniquity  (avo^tas).         ^  And  in.  '  the  ungodly  (avo/xwf ) 

he  estJibliahed  the  worship  of  God  (Kartcrxuo-e  rrtv  euo-e'^eiai'.    See  Com.)- 

Vers.  4-7. — **A.V. :  were  defective  (see  Com.).  ^  Even  the.  ^'>  failedie^eKtnov.    I  render  with  Luther, 

Deresor,  Fritzsche,  Buoseo*8  Bibetwerk,  and  others.  If  failure  in  keeping  the  law  was  meant,  we  should  have  expected 
«ta Te'Ain-oi/,  as  just  before.    Cf.  also  following,  which  is  falsely  rendered  in  the  A.  V.).  ^i  Therefore  he  gave  {fSuKav 

yap  ;  156.  and  Co.,  by  a  corrector,  e$uK«  ;  248.  Co.  omit  yop).  ^^  strange.         ^  the  (see  Com.).  •*  entreated  him 

evil  (iu  II,  fv  xeipl  'I.  is  joined  to  this  member).  ^  Who  nevertheless  was  a  prophet  sanctified  in  Am  mother*s. 

*"  An'/  that  he  ...  .  build  up  also. 

Ver;*.  8-10.  —  't  A.  V. ;  It  was  Ezekiel  who  (this  rendering  is  based  on  the  traditional  reading  "lefeictijA  ov,  instead  of 
'Ir^*(fi^\o«.  The  latter  form  of  the  word  is  found  in  Josephus,  and  though  not  to  have  been  expected  here,  is  to  b« 
nlopted  in  preference  to  the  other  abnormal  construction).  "  was  shewed  (iJWSei^ei',  namely,  God).  "*  cherubims 
■  •neniies  under  the  figure  of  the  (see  Com.). 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  403 


And  did  good  unto     them  that  went  aright.^ 

He  comforted  also  Jacob,' 

And  delivered  them  by  an  *  assured  hope. 

10  And  the  twelve  prophets, 

Let  their  bones  revive  again  from  their  grave.' 

1 1  How  shall  we  magnify  Zorobabel  ? 

He  also  ^  ivas  as  a  signet  on  the  right  hand  ; 

12  So  was  Jesus  son  '  of  Josedec, 
Who  in  their  time  builded  the  house. 
And  set  up  the  *  holy  temple  to  the  Lord, 
Which  was  prepared  for  everlasting  glory. 

13  And  great  is  the  memory  of  Neemias,' 

Who  raised  up  for  us  the  walls  that  were  fallen, 
And  set  up  gates  with  bolts,'" 
And  raised  up  our  dwellings.** 

14  Upon  *•  the  earth  was  not  one  *'  created  like  Enoch ; 
For  he  was  taken  up  "  from  the  earth. 

15  Neither  was  there  a  man  born  like  unto  Joseph, 

A  governor  of  his  '^  brethren,  a  stay  of  the  people  ; 
And  they  cared  for  his  bones.*" 

16  Sem  and  Seth  were  in  great  honor  *"  among  men  ; 

And  Adam  was  **  above  every  living  thing  in  the  creation. 

Vers.  9,  10.  —  >  A.  V. :  directed  [m&ig.,  did  good  [unto).  Gr.,  a-yadwo-at ;  H.  106.  157.  248.  253.  Co.,  icaTwpflwo-e  ;  Gro- 
tiofi  enggests  yiyoBtinre,  suspecting  a  mistranslation).  ^  right        3  for  they  comforted  J.  (the  plur.  is  found  in  HI. 

H.  66.  156.  263.  26-1.  Old  Lat.  and  in  all  but  263.,  together  with  106.  157.,  ydp  instead  of  «e).  <  omits  an  (see Com.), 

c  And  of  the  twelTe  prophets  let  the  memorial  be  blessed  (so  248.  Co.),  And  let  ...  .  flourish  again  out  of  their  place 
(see  xlTi.  12). 

Vers.  11-13.  —«  A.  V. :  Even  he.  '  the  son.  ^  a  (see  following  line,  "  The  house."    The  well-known  temple 

at  Jerusalem  is  meant ;  text.  ree.  has  \a6v  ;  Fritzsche  receives  vaov  from  III.  55. 106.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  »  among  the 
elect  {so  H.  248.  Co.)  was  N.  (Cod.  II.  agrees  with  X.  Aid.  in  reading  ve}j.ov(rLv),  Whose  renown  is  great.  lo  ggt  up 

the  gates  and  the  bars.  ^^  ruins  again  (ri  olxon-eSa  rjfiiaf.    Lit.,  the  sites  of  our  houses.    A  secondary  meaning 

was  houses). 

Vers.  14-16.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Bu(  upon.  ^Tkoman.  "  omitt  up.  ib  {Not  in  the  Greek.)  "  Whose  bones  were 
regarded  of  the  Lord  {iirea-KeinltraM ;  H.  248.  Co.,  ejreo-Ke'inj  vwh  mipiov).        ^t  [i&o^ia&rjiray.)        ^  so  was  Adam 

Chaptee  XLIX. 

Ver.  1.     HivOetnv  Bufuiftwros.     The  first  word,  the    common    one.      Fritzsche,   however,   would 

compound,  is   to   be  understood   in   the  sense  of  translate,  in  closer  liarmony  with  verse  7,  on  ac- 

good,  excellent.      In   the  original   probably  stood  count  of  Jeremiah,  i.  e.,  so  far  as  he  was  misused. 

.l^'iSn    n^bpb,  perfumed    incense.      Cf.    Ex.  I  This  was  the  ground  of  the  punishment  visited 

■     "  "         ■■'   I ,  ■  •       1,     Ti  I.              1   r>      1  upon  the  city  of  Jerusalem. 

XXV.  6,  XXXI.   11,  in  the   Hebrew  and   dreek. —  '^                 ■'                                           ,             t^ 

Apothecary  {,JLup(^Poi).     Cf.  xxxviii.  8.  ^er.  9.      Made   mention   of,    iixwcSn.      The 

Ver.  2.  Was  prospered,  KaTevSvfSri.  This  !  Hebrew  was  doubtless  "12T,  which  is  also  ren- 
Greek  word  is  probably  given  as  the  rendering  of '  ^ered  in  the  LXX.  by  i^if^vkot^ai,  at  Jer.  xx.  9.— 

n*v"n,  with  the  meaning  given.     Cf.  Dan.  vi.  'Ef  Sju/Sp^.     Among  the  many  attempts  to  explain 

28,  and  Ez.  v.  8.  in  the  Hebrew  and   Greek.  —  'his   difficult   passage,  that  of    Fritzsche  —  who 

In  the  conversion  of  the  people,  er  (wia-Tpo<pfi  thinks  that  the  translator  made  a  mistake  in  the 

AaaG.      This  word  occurs  only  once  in  the  New  original  word,  taking  CT2  for   C^TS,  in  angei 

Testament  in  the  present  sense,  namely,  at  Acts  —seems  the  most  deserving  of  credit.     The  pas- 

XV  3.     Cf.,  however,  Ecclus.  xvni.  21 .  gage  would  then  read  :  Ezekiel  thought  of  (or  made 

Ver.  3.     Karfoxuffe  tv  fvae^etav.  held  fast,  or  mention  of')  his  enemy  in  anger,  i.e.,  predicted  in 

remained  Jirm  in,  maintained  piety.     Others  would  indignation    their    overthrow.       Still,    the    A.  V. 

render,  he  made  piety  strong,  i.  e.,  caused  it  to  win  may  not,  after  all,   be  incorrect   in   sense.      At 

influence  and  power.     The  Hebrew  was  doubtless  Ezekiel  xxxviii.  22,  we  read  :  "  And  I  will  plead 

y'^S  or  "jri,  against  bim  with  pestilence  and  with  blood  ;   and 

Ver.  4.  UKviJiiieKetaf  iiTK-n,iijti\r,aav.  Were  ^  "'"  ^^™  "I'On  h™,  and  upon  his  bands,  and 
defective  (A.  V.)  is  not  strong  enough;  better  "PO"*  '"•'  '"■'"'.^"  people  that  ore  with  him,  an  over- 
greatly  erred,  went  widely  astray.  Lit.,  erred  an  flow^.S  ra'",  and  great  hailstones,  fire,  and  brim- 
error.  The  verb  means,  first,  to  make  a  false  note  s'o'ie."  The  LXX.,  however,  unexpectedly  uses 
m  music.  Bretschneider  justlv  calls  attention  to  ^^^^  '^""  {l^atm^  pluvta),  the  word  for  common 
the  fact  that  there  were  other  relativelv  good  *^'^"*'  '"s'ead  of  o/.flpos  (Latin,  imber)  as  in  our 
kings:  "  Omisisse  auctor  videiur  Josa/ihotun.  e.t  passage."  The  last  two  members  of  the  10th 
foasum."     Cf.  1  Kings  xxii.  41-44  ;  2  Kings  .xii.  ^erse,  as  it  would  seem  from  the  context,  properly 


2,  3, 

Ver.  6.     'Ev  x^'P^  'Upefi.lov.     The  rendering  of 
the  A.  v.,  according  to  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  is 


belong  here  at  the  close  of  the  9th.  So  Bret- 
schneider and  Fritzsche.  They  were  probably  at 
first  misplaced  by  a  copyist. 


404  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Chapteb  L. 

1  Simon  the  high  priest,  son  ^  of  Onias  it  was,' 
Who  in  his  life  repaired  ^  the  house,* 

And  in  his  days  fortified '  the  temple. 

2  And  by  him  was  buUt  from  the  foundation  to  double  the  height, 
The  high  supporting  w.all  ^  about  the  temple  ; 

3  In  his  days  a  water  receiver  was  molten 
From  copper,  in  compass  like  the  laver.' 

4  He  took  care  *  of  his  people  that  they  ^  should  not  fall, 
And  fortified  the  city  against  besieging. 

5  How  glorious  he  was  '"  in  the  midst  of  '^  the  people, 
When  he  came  out  from  behind  the  vail !  ^^ 

6  As  ^'  the  morning  star  in  the  midst  ^*  of  a  cloud  ;  " 
As '°  the  moon  at  the  full ;  " 

7  As  the  sun  shining  upon  the  temple  of  the  Most  High ; 
And  as  the  rainbow  ^^  giving  light  in  the  bright  clouds  ;  " 

8  As  ^  the  flower  of  roses  in  spring  ;  ^■'■ 
As  lilies  by  a  fountain  of  water ;  ^'^ 

As  a  shoot  ^  of  the  frankincense  tree  in  the  days  ^  of  summer ; 

9  As  fire  and  incense  ia  the  censer ; 
As  ^  a  vessel  of  beaten  gold 

Set  "^  with  all  kinds  of  '■"  precious  stones  ; 

10  As  an  ^  olive  tree  putting  ^  forth  fruit ; 

And  as  a  cypress  tree  lifting  itself  into  ^  the  clonds. 

11  When  he  took  ''  the  robe  of  honor, 

And  was  clothed  with  the  perfection  of  glory,*' 

When  /le  went  up  to  the  holy  altar, 

He  made  the  fore  court  of  the  temple  glorious." 

12  But  '*  when  he  took  the  portions  out  of  the  priests'  hands, 
And  he  ^  stood  by  the  hearth  ^^  of  the  altar, 

A  garland  of  brethren  round  about  him,'' 
He  was  *'  as  a  young  cedar  on  ^  Libanus  ; 
And  as  palm  trees  *"  compassed  they  him  round  about. 

13  And  ^'  all  the  sons  of  Aaron  were  *^  in  their  glory, 

And  offerings  for  *^  the  Lord  were  **  in  their  hands,  before  all  the  congregation  of 
Israel. 

Vers.  1-3.  — '  A.  V. :  The  (as  248.  Co.)  son.        '  omits  it  was.        '  (Lit.,  stitched  undtmeatk,  patched  up.)       •  boas» 
again.  »  (See  Com.)  »  foundation  the  double  height,  The  high  fortress  of  the  wall  (seeCom.).  '  cistern  to 

receive  water  (aTro^oxeto*'  —  III.  X.  al.,  the  plur.  I  follow  Fritzsche  —  uSaruii'),  being  in  compass  as  the  sea  (doAaa-ffTj?, 
but  obviously  the  laver  of  the  temple  is  referred  to),  was  covered  with  plates  of  brass  (eAarofi^^  ....  xoAxot.  The 
former,  a  conjecture  of  Fritzsche  ;  MSS.,  ri^arrt^&ri.    On  the  latter,  see  Com.    Some  MSS.  have  AdxKos). 

Vers.  4-7.  —  ^  See  Com.  ^  A.  V. :  the  temple  that  it.  i°  was  he  honoured  {^Sofdo^.    Some  MSS.  have  the 

second  person).         ii  (More  probably  "  as  he  turned  towards ''    SeeCom.)  12  In  Aw  coming  out  of  the  sanctuary 

[ma.Tg.,  Gt.,  the  house  o/lhe  veil.  The  Holiest  of  All  was  meant).  "  He  was  as.  "  (ei- (jeVij),  in  a  ri/J .'  Of.,  how- 
ever. Is.  xiv.  14.)  16  (plur.  X.  23.  106.  157.  248.  Co.)  "  And  as,  "  (Lit.,jW/  of  days:  H.  248.  Co.  Old  Lat., 
full  of  her  days.)        "  rainbow  (cf.  xliii.  11).         '»  Lit.,  clouds  of  glory. 

Vers.  8-11.  —  -"  A.  V. :  And  as.  =■  the  spring  of  the  year  (lit.,  in  the  days  of  the  new,  fruits  being  understood). 

»  the  rivers  of  waters  (en-'  iioSutv.  Codd.  III.  X.  23.,  and  many  others,  have  for  the  latter  the  dat.  sing.,  which 
Fritzsche  adopts.     Cf.  Is.  ili.  18).  »  ^nrf  as  the  branches  OAacrro!.     SeeCom.).        2«  time  (the  literal  rendering  is 

better).         ^'  And  a.n.         ^  set  {,<eKo<Tii.riii.ei/ot>.     So  Fritzsche  renders.     Others,  adornerf).  2'  manner  o/(thi8  idea  i» 

contained  in  itavri].  '^  And&sa.  fair  (tiirrpeTr^s  is  added  in  U.  248.  Co.    Cf .  Miv.  14).  »  budding  (the  verb  i> 

ivoSoAAu),  to  shoot  up  again;  and  trans.,  to  cause  to  flourish,  bloom  again).  8°  which  groweth  up  to  (vi/'ovfieVT)). 

t'  fni  ot\  [avakaixfiiveiv).  «=(  It  refers  to  the  splendor  of  his  official  robes.  Of.  xlv.  8,  "  perfect  glory.")  =»  gar- 
ment of  holiness  honourable  (irepi^oKriv  aytao-fiaros.    The  A.  V.  is  clearly  incorrect  in  its  rendering). 

Vers.  12,13. —  2' A.  V. :  omiu  But  ({e).  ss  He  himself.  »o  (This  Greek  word  is  sometimes  used  to  render  22 

the  upper  surface  (of  an  altar),  and  3'3~!3,  rim,  border  of  the  same).         "  Compassed  with  his  (ore'^oi-ot  iSeXcf.ii'  after 

KvKXi>6eu  aiiroi.    But  II.  X.  Aid.,  "  He  was  the  crown  of  his  brethren about  ")....  about.  =»  omils  He  was 

»  In.  '"  (Lit.,  trunks  of  palms,  which  are  noted  for  their  straightness  and  beauty.)  "  So  were.  "  omi<J  wer» 
M  the  oblations  (irpoo^opa.     Cf.  ver.  14,  where  the  A.  V.  renders  by  "  offering  ")  of.        "  omiI»  were. 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  405 


14  And  having  finished'  the  service  at  the  altars,'^ 

That  he  might  adorn  the  offering  of  the  Most  High,  Ahnighty, 

15  He  stretched  out  his  hand  to  the  cup, 

And  poured  out  °  of  the  blood  of  the  grape  : 

He  poured  it  *  out  at  the  foot  of  the  altar, 

A  sweetsmelling  savor  unto  the  Most  High,  King  of  all. 

16  Then  shouted  the  sons  of  Aaron  ; 

They  sounded  with  trumpets  of  beaten  metal,' 
They  ^  made  a  great  noise  to  be  heard. 
For  a  remembrance  before  the  Most  High. 

17  Then  all  the  people  together  hasted, 

And  fell  down  to  the  earth  upon  their  faces 

To  worship  their  Lord, 

The  Almighty  God,  Most  High.' 

18  The  singers  also  sang  praises  with  their  voices. 
In  the  spacious  temple  was  *  made  sweet  melody. 

19  And  the  people  besought  the  Lord  Most"  High, 
By  prayer  before  him  that  is  merciful. 

Till  the  glorious  worship  '"  of  the  Lord  was  ended, 
And  they  had  finished  his  service. 

20  Then  he  went  down,  and  lifted  up  his  hands 

Over  the  whole  congregation  of  the  sons  '^  of  Israel, 
To  give  the  blessing  of  the  Lord  with  his  lips, 
And  to  rejoice  in  his  name. 

21  And  they  bowed  themselves  down  to  worship  the  second  time, 
That  they  might  receive  the  ''^  blessing  from  the  Most  High. 

22  And  now '»  bless  ye  the  God  of  all," 
Who  ^^  doeth  wondrous  things  every  where. 
Who  prospereth '°  our  days  from  the  womb. 
And  dealeth  with  us  according  to  his  mercy. 

23  May  ^'  he  grant  us  '*  joy  fulness  of  heart. 

And  that  peace  may  be  in  our  days  in  Israel  as  in  time  past" 

24  May  his  mercy  be  continually  '■"'  with  us. 
And  may  he  redeem  us  in  *'  his  time. 

25  Two  nations  my  soul  ^^  abhorreth. 
And  the  third  is  no  nation  : 

26  They  that  sit  upon  the  mountain  of  Sier,  the  Philistines,* 
And  the  '*  foolish  people  that  dwell  in  Sichem.'^' 

27  I,^^  Jesus,  son  of  Siracli '"  of  Jerusalem 

Have  "^  written  in  tliis  book  sagacious  and  intelligent  doctrine,* 
Who  out  of  his  heart  poured  forth  wisdom. 

28  Blessed  is  he  who  shall  employ  himself  with  ^  these  things, 
And  he  that  layeth  them  up  in  his  heart  shall  become  wise  ; 

Vers.  14,  15.  —  ^  A.  V. :  finishing  the  service  {frvvTiKtiitv  Kenovpyuiv.  The  former  word  may  be  construed  adverbially, 
as  in  the  A.  V. ;  but  Pritzsche  supposes  that  it  represented  the  direct  object  in  the  original).  2  altar  {III.  H.  68.  248. 
Aid.  Co.  Old  Lat.  have  the  sing.).        3  poured  (eo-Trfta-ei',  i.  e.,  made  a  libation,  poured  a  drink  offering).        *  omils  it. 

Vers.  16-20.  — ■  ^  A.  V.  ;  And  sounded  the  silver  trumpets  (marg- ,  trumpets  beaten  forth  laith  the  hammer).  8  And. 

t  The  Lord  God  Almighty,  the  most  High.  ^  with  great  variety  of  sounds  was  there  (kv  irAeioTw  oIkw  ;  106.  157. 

2i8.  Co.  have  ^X*?)-  "  the  most.  w  solemnity  (Koo-fios.    The  art.  is  prefixed  in  X.  55.  248.  254.  Co.    The  word  is 

generally  rendered  by  "  worship."  But  this  is  an  extraordinary  rendering  for  jcoo-^o?,  and  it  is  likely  that  something 
stood  in  the  original  meaning  glory,  honor  which  the  Greek  word  might  well  represent).  ii  children. 

Vers.  21-24.  —  '=  A.  V. :  a.  "  Now  therefore.  '*  (Fritzsche  receives  Tiivriov  from  III.  X.  al.  for  irivret 

of  text,  rec.)  ^s  Which  only  (248.  Co.  add  ti.6vov).  ^^  Which  exalteth  [tov  vil/ovvra,  but  in  the  sense  given. 

The  A.  V.  is  not  clear).  "  omils  May.  '*  (Ood.  II.,  with  III.,  155.  Aid.  read  V'"  ;  but  cf.  context.)  "for 

ever  (see  Com.  The  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  does  not  agree  with  the  context,  "  in  our  days  for  ever,"  and  is  not 
grammatically  exact).  2n  That  he  would  confirm  (e^n-toreuo-at.    Cf.  Com.)  his  mercy.  ^i  deliver  (Avrpuo-oa^u) 

us  at. 

Vera.  25-29.  —  22  A.  V. :  There  be  two  manner  0/ nations  which  my  heart.  »  Samaria  (see  Com.),  And  they  that 

dwell  among  the  Philistines  (so  H.  248.  Co.).  "  that  (Fritzsche  receives  the  article  from  III.  X.  65.  al.).  ss  (Gr., 
Siiti)io«,  'ro™  2ii">a.)  28  omits  I.  27  the  son  of  S.  (Cod.  II.  agrees  with  III.  65.  106.  155.  157.  al.  in  adding 

XAea^ap).        =8  hath  (Co.  Old  Lat.,  third  per.  sing.).        29  the  instruction  of  understanding  and  knowledge.        ^o  u  he 


■106 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


29       For  if  he  do  them,  he  shall  be  strong  to  all  things ; 
For  the  light  of  the  Lord  leadeth  him.' 


that  shall  be  exercised  in.  ^  Lit.,  "  his  trace  is  the  light  of  the  Lord.^' 

fodly.    Blessed  be  the  Lord  for  ever.    Amen,  AmeD.    So  H.  55.  248.  254.  Co. 


A.  Y.  adds,  Who  gireth  wisdom  to  th* 


Chapter  L. 


Ver.  1.  For  remarks  on  the  high  priest  Simon, 
see  Litroduction,  pp.  278,  279. —  Son  of  Onias. 
The  name  "  <Jnias  "  does  not  occur  until  a  late 
period  in  Jewish  liistorv.  Its  origin  is  doubtful. 
Five  liifrh  priests,  at  different  times,  bore  the 
title.  Of.  article  "Onias"  in  Smith's  Bib.  Did. 
—  Fortified,  effrepeuiffe  ;  Heb.,  p-tn ;  which  might 
be  used  also  in  the  sense  of  renewed,  restored. 

Ver.  2.  'AvaATj^/in.  It  means,  first,  any  ele- 
vated structure  ;  then,  that  which  is  used  for  7-epair' 
ing ;  and  in  the  ])lural,  walls  for  underpropping. 
It  is  used  in  the  LX.X.,  at  2  Chron.  xxxii.  5,  for 
the  fortification  "  Millo "  on  one  side  of  the 
temple  mountain.  Here  it  might  perhaps  be 
best  XTAns\a.tedJoundalion, or  sufworting  wall.  De 
Wette,  followed  by  Bunsen's  Bihelwerk,  renders 
the  last  member  (in  the  first  most  are  agreed)  : 
"  Tlie  high,  supporting  wall  of  the  temple  circuit." 
Linde  and  Dereser :  "  The  high  citadel  which 
Burrounded  the  temple."  Gutraanu  :  "  To  the 
wall  which  surrounded  the  sanctuary."  Herz- 
feld  :  "  In  a  high  supporting  structure  of  the 
circle  about  the  temple."  Fritzsche,  both  mem- 
bers :  "  And  by  liim  was  carried  up,  to  double  the 
height  of  the  surrounding  wall.  The  height  of  tlie 
wall  of  the  sanctuary." 

Ver.  3.  We  read  with  Fritzsche  for  T)\aTTii6ri, 
which  makes  no  sense,  ^AaTo/i^jflrj,  Heb.,  SviH, 
hewn,  hammered  out,  or  freely  molten.  —  From  cop- 
per, in  compass  like  the  laver.  Some  would  con- 
nect ;taAK(Jj  with  the  preceding  member,  hi  his 
days  ivas  molten  a  water  receiver  from  copper,  in 
compass  like  the  laver,  i.  e.,  the  so-called  "  brazen 
Bea."     On  x<»At(Ji,  cf.  remarks  at  1  Esd.  viii.  57. 

Ver.  4.  'tpovrl^eiv,  according  to  Graetz,  corre- 
sponds, not  as  Fritzsche  supposes  to  the  Hebrew 
arn,  but  to  M'T^.     Cf.  Oeschichte  d.  Volkes  Is., 

-      T  T 

li.,  2  Theil,  p.  237.  It  might  then  mean  :  He 
sought  for  his  people,  etc. ;  or,  also,  the  meaning 
above  given. 

Ver.  5.  'Ey  TT(pi<rTpo(pfi.  The  people  were 
accustomed  on  festival  occasions  to  march  around 
the  temple  ;  and  that,  as  it  seems  probable,  is 
what  is  here  referred  to.  So  Ewald,  Fritzsche, 
and  Bunsen's  Bibelicerk.  Gaab  and  Wahl :  "  when 
he  turned  towards  the  people.^'  The  rendering  of 
the  A.  V.  is  the  common  one  ;  but  it  gives  an 
unusual  meaning  to  wepia-rpoipri. 

Ver.  8.  Frankincense  tree,  \i$dvov-  Some 
commentators  translate  by  Lebanon,  and  under- 
stand the  reference  in  "  shoot  of  Lebanon  "  to  the 
young  cedars.  But  this  view  does  not  harmonize 
»o  well  with  the  context.     The  frankincense  tree 


{arbor  thuris)  was  not  indeed  a  native  of  Pales- 
tine. The  Hebrews  imported  the  product  from 
Arabia.  —  In  summer,  ;'.  e.,  when  incisions  were 
made  in  the  liark,  and  the  aroma  was  conse- 
quently most  observable. 

Ver.  14.  Altars.  The  altar  of  burnt  offering 
aud  the  altar  of  incense  are  meant. 

Ver.  15.  na>i/3a<riA6j,  King  of  all.  This  word 
is  found  nowhere  else  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  16.  'EAarait.  Lit.,  hammered,  beaten  out. 
It  is  possibly  used  here  in  the  sense  ol  finely  made, 
of  skilled  workmanship.  So  Fritzsche. — For  a 
remembrance,  i.e.,  tliat  the  Most  High  might  be 
mindful  of  the  people. 

Ver.  23.  Kara  ray  rifiepas  TOiJ  alwvos.  Lit., 
according  to  the  days  of  the  Aion.  It  might  be  ren- 
dered, as  in  time  past,  i.  e.,  in  the  whole  previous 
period  of  Jewish  history  ;  or,  in  the  far  past. 

Ver.  24.  'E^iriffTeCtroi.  The  Hebrew  was  prob- 
ably )12S',  one  of  whose  meanings  is  abtde,  be 
enduring,  permanent,  which  seems  to  be  more  ap- 
propriate here.  It  is  used  of  a  covenant  at  Ps. 
Ixxxix.  28.  The  rendering  would  then  be  as 
above.  —  AuTpa>trda-6a>.  The  verb  signifies,  liter- 
allv,  to  bring  forward  a  ransom,  the  active  being 
Used  of  the  person  who  receives  it.  Hence  the 
derived  sense  is,  to  release  on  receipt  of  a  ransom  : 
and  in  the  middle  voice,  to  release  by  the  payment 
of  a  ransom.  Cf.  Cremer,  Lex.,  s.  v.  Here,  ap- 
parently, a  political,  and  not  a  spiritual,  redemp- 
tion is  meant. 

Ver.  26.  The  Old  Latin,  against  the  testi- 
mony of  all  the  Greek  MSS.,  gives  for  "  moun- 
tain of  Samaria  "  "  mount  Seir,"  "  in  Monte  Seir," 
which  is  clearly  the  correct  reading,  since  the 
third  clause  —  "the  foolish  people  that  dwell  at 
Sichein  "  —  refers  to  the  Samaritans.  The  Syriac 
aud  Arabic  versions  support  the  Old  Latin.  Their 
rendering  corresponds  to  .22,  mountain  country, 
which  was  used  as  a  designation  of  a  district  in 
the  Edomite  mountains.  Cf.  Jos.,  Antiq.,  ii.  1, 
§  2;  iii.  2,  §  1.  Accordingly,  the  three  peoples 
meant  are  the  Edomites,  Philistines,  and  Samari- 
tans. The  reason  why  the  Samaritans  are  called 
"  no  people  "  is  perhaps  because  they  were  of 
mixed  origin,  and  "  foolish "  because  of  their 
idolatry  and  wickedness  in  general  ;  or,  possibly, 
in  allusion  to  the  old  name  of  Sichem,  "  Aloreh." 
—  Sichem  Tlie  later  Neapolis  and  the  present 
Nabulus.  It  was  here  that  our  Saviour  had  the 
interesting  conversation  with  the  Samaritan  wo- 
man at  the  well.  See  John  iv.  3  ff.  The  form 
given  to  the  Greek  word  here  (see  Text.  Notes)  ii 
occasionally  found  in  the  LXX.  elsewhere. 


Chapter  LI. 


I  WILL  thank  thee,  O  Lord  and  King, 
And  praise  thee,  O  God  my  Saviour  ; 


ECCLESIASTICUS.  407 


I  do  give  thanks '  unto  thy  name  ; 

2  For  thou  wast  ^  my  defender  and  helper, 
And  didst  deliver "  my  body  from  destruction, 
And  from  the  snare  of  a  ^  slanderous  tongue, 
From  lips  that  practice  deception  ;  ^ 

And  wast  *  my  helper  against  mine  adversaries  ; ' 

3  And  didst  deliver  '  me,  according  to  the  multitude  of  thy  mercies  and  thy  '  name, 
From  the  teeth  of  those  ^"  ready  to  devour  me,'"- 

Out '-  of  the  hand  "  of  such  as  sought  after  my  life, 
From  ^^  the  many  ■'^  afflictions  which  I  had : 

4  From  suffocating  fire  '^  on  every  side. 

And  from  the  midst  of  the  lire  which  I  kindled  not ; 

5  From  the  depth  of  the  pit  of  Hades," 
And  '"  from  an  unclean  tongue, 
And  from  lying  words  to  the  king, 

From  the  slander  of  an  unrighteous  tongue.^' 

6  My  soul  drew  near  unto  ^  death, 

And  -'  my  life  was  near  to  Hades  ^  beneath. 

7  They  compassed  me  on  every  side. 
And  there  was  none  to  help  ;  "* 

I  looked  for  succor  from  men, 
And  "*  there  was  none. 

8  And  I  thought  of  •*  thy  mercy,  O  Lord, 
And  of  thy  acts  from  of  old,^° 

That  thou  deliveredst  ^  such  as  waited  ^  for  thee. 
And  savedst  ^  them  out  of  the  hand ""  of  the  enemy." 

9  And  I  lifted  ^^  up  my  supplication  from  ^^  the  earth. 
And  prayed  for  deliverance  from  death. 

10  I  called  upon  the  Lord,  my  Father  and  ^*  Lord, 
That  he  would  not  leave  me  in  the  days  of  affliction,** 
In  '^  the  time  of  the  proud,  when  there  was  no  help. 

11  I  will  praise  thy  name  continually, 
And  will  sing  praise  with  thanksgiving  : 
Yea  ''  my  prayer  was  heard  ; 

12  For  thou  savedst  me  from  destruction. 
And  deliveredst  me  from  the  evil  time  ; 

Therefore  wUl  I  give  thanks  to  thee,^'  and  praise  thee. 
And  bless  the  name  of  the  ^  Lord. 

13  When  I  was  yet  young,  before  ^  I  went  abroad," 
I  sought  *-  wisdom  openly  in  my  prayer. 

14  I  prayed  for  her  before  the  temple, 
And  wUl  seek  her  out  even  to  the  end. 

15  In  her  bloom  my  heart  delighted  as  in  the  ripening  grape  ;** 
Through  her  **  my  foot  went  the  right  way. 

Vers.  1, 2.  —  i  A.  V. :  praise  (cf .  first  line).  -  art  {tytVou.    Some  past  danger  is  referred  to).  '  hast  preserred 

(eXvTpiiia-w.    Cf.  ver.  3).  *  the.  ^  And  from  tlie  lips  that  forge  lies  (see  Com.).  6  hagt  been.  '  Lit., 

those  who  stood  by  me,  hut  to -^iQ  taken  in  a  hostile  sense;  248.  Co.  have  avem-niK^itav  for  TrapeoTTjKoTu;'.  Fritzscho 
strikes  out  the  /lot  before  jSotj^os,  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  55.  al. 

Vers.  3-5.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  hast  delivered.  ^  greatness  of  thy.  ^^  teeth  (marg.,  the  gnashing,  which  is  literal.  Prob- 
ably eK  ^pvxovT^v  would  have  better  rendered  the  original.  Cf.  Matt.  viii.  12)  of  them  that  were.  i'  (Lit.,  ready  for 
prey.)  ^-  And  oat.  I3  hands.  »  .4n</ from.  is  manifold  (TrAttoi-wt'}.  i^  the  choking  of  fire  (for  irvpos  of 
the /ext.  rec. ,  Fritzsche  adopts  TTvpa?  from  III.  X.  106.  155.  157.  Aid.  It  is  found  in  the  LXX.  only  iu  tbeApoc.). 
'^  belly  of  Hell.  is  omits  And.  i"  words,  By  an  accusation  (Fritzsche  adopts  the  gen.  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  al.  ; 

lext.  rcc,  Sla^oA^)  to  the  king  from  an  unrighteous  tongue. 

Vers.  6-10.  — ™  A.  V.  :  even  unto.  ='  omits  And  (so  254.|.  ■-  the  Hell.  »  no  man  to  help  me.  -*  the 

succour  of  men,  but.  =5  Then  thought  I  upon.  'o  upon  thy  acts  of  old  (rijs  on-'  aiuvo?).  -'  How  thou  deliver- 
est.  2s  wait.  ™  savest.  s»  hands.  ='  enemies  [text.  ree..  iOvuiv  ;  III.  X.  85.  106. 155.  157.  248.  al.  Co.,  ix»imv, 
which  Fritzsche  adopts).  S2  jhen  (icoi')  lifted  I.  ^  (Fritzsche  adopts  iiro  from  III.  X.  55.  106.  155.  al. ;  text,  rec, 
int.)       34  the  Father  of  my  (see  Com.).        35  my  trouble  (eAii//€(us.    Cf.  ver.  3).        3o  And  in. 

Vers.  U,  12.  —  s'  A.  V. :  And  >o  (marg.,  Becaiise ;  KaC).        ">  omits  to  thee  (adopted  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  106.  155. 157 
253.  254.).  36  thy  name,  0  (so  55.  248.  254.  Co.). 

Vers.  13-18.  — *>  A.  V.  :  or  ever.  "  (See  Com.)  «  desired  (cf.  ver.  14).  «3  Even  from  the  flower  till  the 

grape  was  ripe  Hath  my  heart  delighted  in  her  (see  Com.).        *•  omits  Through  her,  i.  e.,  joined  ci'  auTp  to  the  preceding 


408  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


From  my  youth  up  sought  I  after  '  her. 

16  I  bowed  down  mine  ear  a  little  while,^  and  received  her, 
And  found  for  myself  much  instruction.' 

17  I  had  prosperity  by  her :  ^ 

I  will  °  ascribe  the  glory  unto  him  that  gave  °  me  wisdom. 

18  For  I  purposed  to  act  according  to '  her, 
And  earnestly  I  followed  the  °  good  ; 
And  so  I  shall  not  be  ashamed.* 

19  My  soul  wrestled  for  •"'  her, 

And  into  the  practice  of  the  law  I  inquired  closely  ;  ^ 
I  stretched  forth  my  hands  to  the  heaven  above, 
And  bewailed  the  errors  caused  by  ignorance  ^^  of  her. 

20  I  directed  my  soul  unto  her, 
And  I  found  her  in  pureness  ; 

I  got  understanding  ■'^  with  her  from  the  beginning, 
Therefore  shall  I  not  be  forsaken. 

21  And  my  heart  was  moved  to  seek  her  out ;  " 
Therefore  I  got  ^^  a  good  possession. 

22  The  Lord  gave  me  a  tongue  as  '*  my  reward, 
And  I  will  praise  him  therewdth. 

23  Draw  near  unto  me,  you  uninstructed," 
And  dwell  in  the  house  of  instruction," 

24  Since  you  are  in  want  in  these  things,*' 
And""  your  souls  are  very  thirsty. 

25  I  open  my  mouth,  and  say,^^ 

Buy  her  for  yourselves  without  money  ; 

26  Put  your  neck  under  the  yoke, 
And  let  your  soul  receive  instruction. 
She  is  hard  at  hand  to  find. 

27  Behold  with  your  eyes,  that  I  labored  a  little  while,** 
And  found  for  myself  ^  much  rest. 

28  Get  instruction  ''*  with  a  great  sum  of  silver,'^ 
And  you  shall  ^^  get  much  gold  in  "  her. 

29  Let  your  soul  rejoice  in  his  mercy. 
And  be  not  ashamed  in  '^^  his  praise. 

30  Work  your  work  before  the  time,'^' 

And  in  his  time  he  will  give  you  your  reward. 

member}.  *  (Lit.,  traced.)  2  omi7.s  while  (oXiyoi-).  8  gat  much  learning.  <  profited  therein  (irpoxoiri}  ey^i'erA 
aot  iv  avTjf.  The  first  word  means  progress,  improvement,  but  the  rendering  given  better  Buits  the  context.  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk,  -with  ¥Titzsche,  Gedeihen).        ^   There/ore  will  1 .  *  giveth.  '  do  a/i«r  (better  as  rendered,  or  pro^riM 

her,  Tou  TTOi^aat  avrTJv).        ^  that  which  is.        ^  So  shall  I  not  be  confounded  lalirxvyBoi). 

Vers.  19-22.  — '"  A.  V. :  hath  wrestled  with  (2  Dnv3),         "  my  doings  I  was  exact  (Fritzsche  writes  vSfiov  afteJ 

irotij<rei,  from  conjecture,  and  it  is  adopted  by  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk;  text,  ree.,  supported  by  II.  and  X.,  kifiou  ;  III.  106. 
156.  157.  254.  offer  fiov.  The  word  Sitjicpi^wa-afitji'  means,  /  inquired  closely  into,  and  so,  further,  to  have  an  accurate 
knowledge  o/a.  thing).  ^^  my  ignorances  (better  either  as  given,  or  transgressions  against).  ^  have  had  my  heart 
joined  (I  adopt  marg.  rendering.    See  Com.).  1*  My  heart  was  troubled  in  seeking  her.  ^  have  I  gotten, 

w  hath  given  .  .  .  .for. 

Vers.  23-SO.  —  i'  A.  V. :  unlearned  (cf.  ver.  26).  ^8  learning.  '»  Wherefore  are  you  slow,  and  what  say  you  of 
these  things  (the  addition  is  found  in  248.  Co.  Old  Lat.).  20  Seeing.  21  i  opened  ....  said.  22  ^ow  that  I  have 
liad  but  little  labour.  23  have  gotten  unto  me.  ^  Get  (^eraffxere,  lit.,  have  part  in)  learning,  26  money 

(cf.  following  :  ajy/vpCov  — xpv(r6v).  26  omits  you  shall  (it  is  often  the  force  of  the  second  of  two  imperatives  con- 

nected by  (tat).         27  by.         ^  of  iiv,i.  €.,inpraising,  to  praise).         29  betimes  (irpb  KotpoC). 

Chapter  LI. 


The  heading  of  this  chapter  in  the  MSS.,  — 
Prayer  of  Jfsus  Son  of  Sirach,  like  all  the  other 
headiDgs  of  8ection.s  in  tlie  pre.sent  hook,  is  doubt- 
less a  later  addition.  Still,  it  would  appear  from 
the  contents  that  the  chapter  itself  was  originally 
written  in  Hebrew  by  the  author  of  the  present 
book,  and  translated  into  Greek  by  the  same 
person  who  translated  the  remainder  of  the  work. 


It  is,  however,  out  of  place  in  its  present  position  ; 
and  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  others 
think  it  must  have  originally  stood  before  verses 
27-29  of  chapter  1.,  which  bring  the  book  to  a 
proper  conclusion.  It  is  not  now  possible  to  de- 
cide whether  this  wrong  position  arose  from  an 
error  of  later  times,  or  was  occasioned  by  the  fiict 
that  the  author  really  composed  it  last,  and  i' 


ECCLESIASTICUS. 


409 


ivas  not  known  where  he  intended  it  should   be 
placed. 

Ver.  2.  ^'Epya^ofievuv  ifievSo^,  practice  decep- 
tion (ipttl  nbV).       Cf.   Jer.   vi.  13;    viii.   10: 

"dealeth  falsely"  (A.  V.). 

Ver.  .5.  An  unclean  tongue  is  the  tongue  of 
the  calumniator.  —  BcttriAei  is  to  be  connected 
with  tficvSom,  and  this  and  the  following  phrase 
joined  to  verse  5th,  Ji-om  lying  ivords  to  the  king. 
He  seems  to  have  been  misrepresented  before  the 
King  of  Egypt,  and  so  to  have  been  brought  into 
great  danger. 

Ver.  10.  The  father  of  my  Lord  {A.  V.), 
irarepa  Kuptou  ^ov.  The  latter  words  were  in  an- 
cient times  generally  referred  to  Jesus  Christ, 
and  by  some  critics  in  modern  times  (Hengsten- 
berg,  Stier).  It  is  hardly  possible,  however,  ihat 
this  could  have  been  meant.  Grotius  and  Linde 
regarded  Kvpiou  as  an  addition  by  a  Christian 
hand.  Still,  the  MSS.  authorities  are  unanimous 
in  supporting  the  passage.  And  it  is  likely  that 
Bretschneider,  Fritzsche,  Bunsen's  Bibeluerk,  and 
others,  are  right  in  conjecturing  that  an  error 
lies  in  the  Greek  translation.  It  is  likely  the 
original  had  ''nSI  ''2S,  my  father  and  Lord. 
The  translator  may  have  considered  that  the  first 
word  was  in  the  construct  state,  and  translated 
the  second  as  my  Lord;  or  if  ''31ST  3S  stood  in 

the  original,  he  may  have  connected  the  1  of  the 
second  word  with  the  first,  reading  it  as  jodh. 

Ver.  13.  Grammatically  speaking,  it  would  be 
Correct  to  translate  irpiy  ij  irAav-qBfii'ai  /uc  before  I 
wandered,  i.  e.,  wandered  in  a  moral  sense.  This 
{bought  does   not,   however,   so  well  harmonize 


with  the  context  as  the  one  given  in  the  A.  V. 
Cf.  also  xx.xiv.  9. 

Ver.  1 .5.  This  verse  has  given  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  to  commentators.  Much  depends  upon 
the  punctuation.  The  semicolon,  it  appears, 
should  be  stricken  out  after  o-racfiuA^s,  and  a  new 
line  begin  with  eV  aurj;.  After  ^|  Hvdovs,  airris  is 
to  be  supplied.  It  was  probably  omitted  by  the 
translator  through  oversight.  The  word  Tepxi^ai 
means  to  turn  dark,  and  was  usually  employed  to 
indicate  the  ripening  of  grapes  and  olives. 

Ver.  19.  "Wrestled  for  her.  The  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  obtaining  wisdom  are  here  figura- 
tively represented. 

Ver.  20.  For  fier'  auTwy,  I  read  with  Fritzsche 
(following  III.  23.  55.  248.  al.  Co.  Old  Lat.) 
fifT  auT^s.  KapSlav  is  to  be  taken  in  the  sense 
of  nuderstanding ;  "  With  her  [in  her  company] 
from  the  beginning  got  1  understanding." — Not  bo 
forsaken,  namely,  by  wisdom. 

Ver.  21.  'Erapc^x^'?'  ^^^  moved,  was  in  unrest. 
Cf.  XXX.  7. 

Ver.  24.  The  A.  V.  follows  the  Old  Latin 
(with  248.  Co.)  :  "  Quid  adhnc  retardatis  f  et  quid 
dicitis  in  his  ?  "  "farepfiTe  is  here  used  in  the 
sense  of  to  be  behindhand,  have  want.  —  'Er  tovtois, 
in  these  tilings,  things  that  relate  to  culture. 

Ver.  25.  W^ithout  money.  It  was  then  cus- 
tomary among  the  Jews  to  give  instruction  as  a 
gratuity.  —  The  Syriac,  which  the  Arabic  essen- 
tially follows,  gives  as  a  conclusion  of  the  book  : 
"  Benedictus  Deus  in  seculum  et  laudabile  nomen 
ejus  in  generationem  generationum."  And  in  the 
Syriac  follows  the  words  ;  "  Finis  Sapientice  fUii 
Asiro  viginti  capita  continentit.  Deo  vera  gloria  in 
secula. 


THE  BOOK  OF  BARUCH. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  more  important  questions  demanding  consideration  in  an  introduction  to  the  Book  of 
Baruch  are  the  following  :  its  extant  text  ;  its  standing  in  the  church ;  its  unity ;  whether 
Baruch,  the  companion  and  amanuensis  of  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  or  any  contemporary  of  his, 
was  the  probable  author  of  any  part  of  it;  if  not,  by  whom  it  was  written,  in  what  language, 
and  in  what  time  and  place  ;  its  general  characteristics,  and  value  theological  and  critical. 

The  Extant   Texts. 

Many  have  supposed  that  the  Book  of  Baruch  was  originally  written,  either  as  a  whole  or 
.n  part,  in  the  Hebrew  language.  The  oldest  texts  in  which  it  at  present  exists,  however, 
are  the  Greek,  Latin,  S}Tiac,  Arabic,  Ethiopic,  Coptic,  and  Armenian,  of  which  the  last 
six  are  doubtless  translations  from  the  first.  The  most  important  modern  contribution  to  the 
critical  study  and  establishment  of  the  Greek  text  was  its  publication  in  the  Holmes  and  Par- 
eons'  edition  of  the  LXX.  together  with  the  readings  of  the  three  uncial  and  twenty-two 
cursive  manuscripts.  To  these  are  to  be  added  the  readings  of  the  Vatican  codex  in  the 
form  in  which  it  lies  before  us  in  the  Roman  edition  of  the  LXX.,  which  was  made  the 
basis  of  that  of  Holmes  and  Parsons.  The  other  uncials  used  in  the  critical  apparatus  of 
the  Oxford  edition  were  Codex  Alexandrinus  (HI.),  Marchalianus  (XII.),  Venetus  (23.). 
The  readings  of  III.,  however,  are  more  fully  and  accurately  given  in  Tischendorf's  edition 
of  the  LXX.  (5th  ed.,  1875).  Fritzsche,  also,  has  furnished  valuable  additional  critical 
matter  in  his  work  already  referred  to. 

In  the  opinion  of  this  scholar,  the  above  mentioned  manuscripts  may  be  divided  into  two 
distinct  classes.  To  the  first  belong  the  cursives,  22.  48.  51.  231.  62.  96.  These  gener- 
ally agree  together,  and  sometimes  with  no  support  from  any  of  the  others.  Of  the  remain- 
ing nineteen,  those  which  as  a  rule  agree  more  often  with  the  first  class  than  the  second,  are, 
26.  36.  49.  198.  229.  The  second  class,  having  Cod.  III.  at  its  head,  includes  the  cursives, 
S3.  70.  86.  87.  88.  90.  91.  228.  233.  239.  They  are  not  as  fully  in  unison  as  the  manuscripts 
of  the  first  class,  while  III.  not  infrequently  has  peculiarities  shared  by  none  of  its  associates. 
These  two  classes  of  codices  are  probably  but  two  different  recensions  of  the  same  original, 
and  when  they  harmonize  furnish  the  best  evidence  at  present  available  of  what  the  book 
was,  in  its  earliest  Greek  form.  The  uncials  Marchalianus  (XII.),  and  Wnetus  (23.),  with 
the  cursive  106.  contain  a  mixed  text,  and  are  of  inferior  value.  In  'general,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  received  Greek  text  is  a  good  one.  The  readings  from  the  manuscripts,  and  citations 
from  the  fathers  which  seriously  affect  the  sense  are  not  numerous. 

Kneucker  remarks,  on  the  basis  of  a  comparison  of  variations  (p.  97),  that  "  although  the 
original  text  of  the  Greek  translation  lies  before  us  in  a  perfectly  pure  state  in  no  single 
manuscript,  yet  it  can  in  all  cases  —  perhaps  four  places  excepted  —  be  safely  recognized  and 
restored  from  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  with  the  help  of  other  MSS.,  of  which  five  are  quite 
enough.  III.  XIL  22.  233.  239." 

The  Latin,  Syriac,  and  Arabic  translations  of  the  Book  of  Baruch  are,  for  critical  pur- 
poses, of  minor  importance,  being  apparently  based  on  a  later  composite  text.  The  Latin 
jxists  in  two  recensions,  neither  of  which  is  from  the  hand  of  Jerome.     He  distinctly  states 


THE  BOOK  OF  BARUCH.  411 


(Pro!,  in  Jer.,  ad  Euseb.")  :  Lihellum  autem  Baruch  .  .  .  .  et  ifieuSewlypafoi/  epistolam  Jeremice  ne- 
quaquam  censui  disserendum.  And  again  (^Prcef.  in  Jer.)  :  Librum  autem  Baruch  ....  prce- 
lennisiinus.  The  relative  value  of  these  two  Latin  versions  cannot  with  certainty  be  deter- 
mined. The  one  received  into  the  Vulgate  agrees  more  closely  with  the  Greek.  The  other, 
which  Sabatier,  who  edited  its  second  issue  (^Bibtiorum  Sacrormn  LatincB  Vemiones  Antiquce, 
vol.  ii.),  thinks  represents  the  Itala  in  its  earliest  form,  Fritzsche  supposes  to  be  only  a 
free  Latinized  revision  of  the  former,  some  Greek  te.xt  having  been  also  consulted.' 

Besides  the  Syriac  translation  of  Baruch,  published  in  the  Paris  and  in  Walton's  Polyglot, 
also  by  Paul  de  Lagarde,  Lihri  V.  T.  Apocryphi  Syriace,  Lipsiae,  1861),  there  is  a  second, 
based  on  Origen's  Hexapla,  to  be  found  among  the  manuscripts  of  the  Ambrosian  library  at 
Milan,  which  professes  to  have  been  made  by  Paul  of  Tela,  a  monophysite  bishop  of  the 
seventh  century.  The  first  part  of  the  MS.,  containing  Baruch,  Lamentations,  and  the  Epistle 
of  Jeremiah,  was  published  with  notes  in  1861,  by  Dr.  Antonio  Maria  Ceriani  (Tom.  L,  Fas- 
cic.  i.  of  the  Monumenta  Sacra  el  Prufana).  Other  parts  have  since  appeared.  In  Eichhorn's 
Repertorium  fur  Biblische  u.  Morgerdand.  Literatur  "  (Part  IIL,  pp.  166-212),  may  be  found  a 
full  description,  from  Bruns  and  from  De  Rossi,  of  this  valuable  codex.  The  Arabic  version 
of  Baruch  follows  the  Greek  quite  literally,  and  in  some  places  exhibits  a  remarkable  simi- 
larity to  Codex  Alexandrinus.  Kneucker  notes  (p.  178)  seventy-two  places  where  it  goes 
with  this  rather  than  the  Vatican  Codex.^ 


Canonical  Standing. 

As  might  be  inferred  from  the  well-known  thoughtless  habits  of  most  of  the  earlier  Chris- 
tian writers  in  the  matter  of  indiscriminate  quotations  from  the  books  alike  of  the  Hebrew 
and  so-called  Alexandrian  canon,  as  well  as  from  the  supposed  close  connection  of  the  work 
before  us  by  virtue  of  its  position  in  the  Septuagint,  its  form,  and  its  author,  with  the  proph- 
ecy of  Jeremiah,  the  Book  of  Baruch  received  no  little  attention  from  the  early  church. 
In  both  Cod.  II.  and  III.  it  is  found  between  the  Prophecy  and  the  Lamentations  of  Jere- 
miah as  a  quasi  appendix  of  the  former.  Indeed,  Irenteus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertul- 
lian,  and  even  Athanasius,  cite  passages  from  it  which  they  impute  to  Jeremiah  himself, 
showing  at  once  the  ground  of  the  estimation  in  which  it  was  held,  and  how  utterly  without 
critical  research  and  accuracy  such  citations  were  in  those  times  ordinarily  made.  One 
writer,  Didymus  of  Alexandria  (f  c.  A.  D.  395),  distinctly  states  that  the  prophecy  of  Jere- 
miah and  Baruch  form  but  one  book  (&l0\os  yap  ixia  ancpoTepaiv  iarlv),  and  quotes  the  latter  as 
the  work  of  Jeremiah,  "  or  Baruch."  What  added  to  the  confusion,  moreover,  was  the  fact 
that  Baruch  was  then,  as  now,  regarded  as  the  actual  author  of  the  historical  appendix  to  the 
Book  of  Jeremiah  (chap.  lii.).  We  are  not  on  this  account,  however,  to  infer  with  Cosin 
(^Schulast.  Hist,  of  the  Canon,  pp.  72,  312),  that  the  early  fathers  meant  to  include  in  their 
numerous  references  to  Baruch  only  what  he  had  done  in  connection  with  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah. 

A  misunderstanding  is  indeed  evident.  And  it  .fas  doubtless  for  this  reason  that  some 
of  the  earlier  lists  of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  which  otherwise  discriminated  somewhat 
carefully  between  canonical  and  uncanonical  books,  reckoned  Baruch  among  the  former.  It 
is  not  given  this  place,  however,  in  the  important  catalogues  of  Melito  of  Sardis,  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus,  Epiphanius,  nor  in  that  of  Origen,  although  it  is  asserted  by  some  that  the  last 
meant  to  include  it  in  the  Book  of  Jeremiah  (cf.  versus,  Oehler,  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  vii. 
258) ;  nor  was  it  recognized  as  canonical  by  Jerome,  nor  apparently  by  Augustine.  Eusebius, 
while  reverently  quoting  it  after  the  manner  of  his  time,  still  adhered  theoretically  to  the 
distinction  between  the  Hebrew  canon  and  the  books  of  the  LXX.  with  its  accretions.  It  is 
an  interesting  and  suggestive  fact  that  by  far  the  greater  number  of  the  early  citations  from 
the  Book  of  Baruch  are  of  the  single  passage,  iii.  36-38,  which,  especially  after  the  rise  of 
Arianism,  on  account  of  the  false  meaning  that  was  commonly  given  to  it,  was  regarded  as  a 
proof  text  of  great  importance.  A  similar  example  of  what  a  single  striking  passage,  once 
put  in  circulation,  may  do  towards  giving  currency  and  credit  to  a  book  in  other  respects 
quite  unremarkable,  qjay  be  found  in  the  Greek  Ezra,  whose  description  of  Truth  (iv.  38-40) 

'  Cf.,  for  a  fuller  characterization  of  the  Latin  text,  Kneucker,  pp.  141-163. 

'  On  the  characteristics  of  the  Ethiopic,  Coptic,  and  Armenian  versions,  cf.  idem,  pp.  180-189. 


412  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


went  the  rounds  of  the  early  Christian  writers  with  apparently  no  anxious  balancing  of  the 
question  whether  it  were  the  production  of  an  inspired  or  uninspired  pen. 

At  the  councils  of  Hippo  (a.  n.  393)  and  of  Carthage  (a.  d.  397),  where  decrees  were 
made  determining  the  list  of  canonical  Scriptures,  and  in  both  of  which  councils  the  influence 
of  Augustine  was  predominant,  nothing  whatever  is  said  of  the  Book  of  Baruch,  whether 
from  design  or  because  it  was  tacitly  considered  as  a  constituent  part  of  the  prophecy  of 
Jeremiah,  it  is  now  impossible  to  say.  In  the  religious  discussions  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
when  the  question  of  the  canon  was  treated  with  comparative  indifference,  we  find  John  of 
Damascus  (f  754),  with  the  inconsistency  of  not  a  few  other  writers,  quoting  Baruch  as 
"  divine  Scripture,"  while  transcribing,  almost  literally,  a  list  of  the  canonical  writings  ac- 
cording to  Epiphanius,  who,  as  we  have  said,  acknowledged  the  books  of  the  Hebrew  Scrip- 
tures alone  as  of  primary  rank.  In  a  list  of  "  the  Sixty  Books,"  the  name  sometimes  given 
to  the  Bible  in  the  Eastern  church,  the  Book  of  Baruch  does  not  appear.  But  in  the  Stich- 
onietry  of  Nicephorus  (f  A.  D.  599),  in  which  the  Biblical  writings  are  arranged  in  three 
classes,  it  is  placed  in  the  first  class,  among  those  which,  with  this  exception,  belong  to  the 
Hebrew  canon  alone. 

In  the  first  edition  of  Wyclif's  version  the  entire  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament  was 
included.  It  was  prefaced,  however,  by  the  clearly  expressed  judgment  of  Jerome  that  in 
this  part  of  the  Bible,  i.  e.,  in  the  Old  Testament,  the  Hebrew  canon  is  alone  of  Divine 
authority.  In  the  subsequent  recension  of  this  work  by  Purvey,  a  special  prologue  is  given,  in 
which  it  is  said  :  "  Also  the  book  of  Baruc  and  the  pislle  of  Jeremye  ben  not  of  the  autorite 
of  the  bible  anenlis  Ebreyes."  In  the  sixteenth  century  two  great  leaders  of  thought  in  the 
matter  before  us.  Cardinal  Ximenes  of  the  Romish  church,  seconded  by  Cajetan,  and  Erasmus 
were  virtually  agreed  in  drawing  a  distinct  line  of  demarcation  between  the  books  usually 
regarded  as  canonical  and  the  apocryphal.  Luther  wrote  :  "  Of  very  little  worth  is  the  Book 
of  Baruch,  whoever  the  worthy  Baruch  may  be."  CEcolampadius,  perhaps  on  the  whole  the 
best  representative  of  the  Swiss  reformers,  says  :  "  We  do  not  despise  Judith,  Tobit,  Baruch 
....  but  we  do  not  allow  them  divine  authority."  Subsequent  to  the  Council  of  Trent, 
(1546  -|-)  which,  as  is  well  known,  dogmatically  and  peremptorily  —  though  not  without  op- 
position—  decided  the  matter  before  us  for  one  branch  of  the  church,  and,  as  it  may  be  said, 
opened  the  eyes  of  others  to  the  real  question  at  issue,  opinions  here  have  almost  univer- 
sally followed  the  line  of  ecclesiastical  division  as  Romish,  or  non-Romish.  Among  Protes- 
tant writers,  besides  Conrad  Pellicanus  (^Com.,  vol.  v.,  p.  196)  the  learned  but  eccentric  William 
Whiston  (A  Dissertation  to  Prove  the  Apocryphal  Book  of  Baruch  Canonical) ,  and  Moulini^ 
(^Notice  sur  les  Livres  de  V  A.  T.),  are  mentioned  as  the  only  important  exceptions  to  this  rule. 

In  the  interesting  history  of  the  English  translations  of  the  Bible  from  Wyclif  through  the 
several  versions  of  Tvndale,  the  Bishop's  Bible,  down  to  that  of  King  James,  there  has  been 
really  but  one  judgment  touching  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha.  Miles  Coverdale  did 
indeed,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  version,  avowedly  made  from  the  Vulgate,  include  Baruch 
among  the  prophets,  with  the  remark  :  "  Unto  these  also  belongeth  Baruc,  whom  we  haue 
set  amoge  the  prophetes  next  vnto  Jeremy,  because  he  was  his  scrybe  and  in  his  tyme." 
(Westcott,  Bib.  in  Ch.,  p.  283.)  But  in  the  second  edition,  issued  a  few  years  later,  he 
seems  to  have  taken  a  second  thought,  and  we  find  the  book  placed  after  Tobit,  among  the 
Apocrypha  projier. 

Unity  of  the  Book. 

It  would  be  obvious,  even  from  a  casual  inspection,  that  the  book  before  us  has  not,  at 
least  in  its  external  form,  a  logical  unity.  We  have  first,  after  a  brief  introduction  (i.  1-15), 
what  purports  to  be  a  letter  of  Baruch  sent  from  Babylon  to  the  Israelites  still  remaining  in 
Palestine  (i.  15-ii.  35),  closing  with  a  prayer  (iii.  1-8),  which  is  put  into  the  mouths  of  the 
Jews  scattered  in  different  lands.  Then  follows  (iii.  9-iv.  7)  a  panegyric  on  Wisdom,  to- 
gether with  a  closely  connected  lament  of  Jerusalem  (iv.  8-29)  over  her  banished  children. 
And  finally  (iv.  30-v.  9)  an  address  to  this  bereaved  city,  in  which  she  is  assured  of  the 
joyous  return  of  her  exiled  ones.  The  question  we  next  have  to  consider  then  is,  were 
these  separate  parts  of  the  book  the  work  of  a  single  author.  A  suppo'sition  to  the  contrary 
will  surprise  no  one  who  reflects  that  it  was  no  uncommon  thing  among  the  later  Jewish 
writers,  especially  in  Alexandria,  to  look  upon  works  of  all  kinds  in  circulation  among  them 


THE  BOOK  OF  BARUCH.  413 


as  still  open  to  alterations,  corrections,  contractions,  and  enlargements,  according  to  the  indi- 
vidual judgment  of  the  person  into  whose  hands  they  might  fall.  Grotius  (^Annotat.,  p.  237) 
while  unwilling  to  concede  the  authorship  of  Baruch,  was  one  of  the  first  to  suggest  such  an 
explanation  for  the  historical  difficulties  of  the  book  so  named.  Bertholdt  (Ein/eit.,  p.  1762- 
1766),  entering  into  the  discussion  more  fully,  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  prayer  (iii.  1-8) 
could  not  have  the  same  author  as  the  part  known  as  the  "  letter  of  Baruch  "  (i.  15-ii.  35), 
and  that  tlie  closing  portion  (iii.  9-v.  9),  judging  from  its  contents,  had  a  different  origin 
from  either  of  the  other  two. 

Among  later  writers  by  whom  this  view  of  Bertholdt  is  in  substance,  and  for  different 
reasons  accepted,  save  in  the  matter  of  dividing  the  short  prayer  (iii.  1-8)  from  the  foregoing 
portion,  are  Ewald  {Proph.  d.  Alten  B.,  p.  2.55),  Fritzsche,  Ruetschi  (Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  sub 
voce),  Schiii-er  (in  the  second  edition  of  the  same  work),  and  Westcott  (Smith's  Bible  Diet.,  art. 
"  Baruch  "),  though  not  Keil  (Einleil.,  p.  750),  nor  with  confidence,  Dt_-  Wette  (Einleit.,  p. 
601).  The  reasons  given  by  Bertholdt  in  support  of  his  opinion  taken  in  connection  with 
other  facts  toucliing  the  book,  hereafter  to  be  considered,  seem  to  us  reasonably  conclusive. 
They  are,  (1)  the  greater  purity  and  gracefulness  of  language  and  style  in  the  second  part. 

(2)  It  has  more  originality,  and  shows  less  dependence  on  the  canonical  books  of  Scripture. 

(3)  It  contains  marked  evidences  of  Alexandrian  culture  which  do  not  appear  in  the  former, 
namely,  in  making  wisdom  (^  aotfiia),  its  principal  theme;  in  its  acquaintance  with  the  The- 
ogonies  and  Geogonies  of  the  Grecian  mythical  philosophy  (^ol  ii\jBo\6yoi,  iii.  23,  26);  in  seem- 
ing not  to  regard  Jerusalem  as  the  middle  point  of  the  national  unity;  in  calling,  like  Philo, 
the  universe  "  the  house  of  God,"  which  is  never  done  by  the  canonical  writers  of  the  Bible; 
in  applying  to  God  the  epithet,  i  aluvios;  in  the  manner  that  Chaanan  and  Theman  are 
spoken  of  (cf.  versus,  Diihne,  Geschicht.  DarslelL,  ii.  150  ff.,  and  Kneucker,  p.  23  f.).  To  these 
reasons  of  Bertholdt,  which  collectively  cannot  but  be  allowed  great  weight,  whatever  may 
be  thought  of  the  force  of  certain  of  them  individually,  may  be  added  the  author's  concep- 
tion of  demons  (iv.  7),  which  is  peculiarly  Alexandrian,  and  the  fact  that  the  introduction 
(i.  1-15)  cannot  properly  be  made  to  apply  to  both  the  first  and  second  sections  of  the  book. 
Of  tlie  effort  of  Kneucker  to  show  that  the  whole  book  was  written  in  Hebrew,  Schiirer  says 
(Theologische  Literaturzeitung ,  1879,  No.  14,  col.  327):  "I  can,  however,  after  careful  exami- 
nation, hold  none  of  the  instances  [of  a  mistranslation]  cited  as  sufficient  to  prove  the  matter; 
must  rather  now,  as  before,  with  Fritzsche,  regard  the  more  flowing  Greek  diction  of  the  sec- 
tion iii.  !)-v.  9  as  proof  that  here  Greek  was  the  original.  Let  one  compare  simply  such  an 
arrangement  of  words  as  occurs  at  iv.  9,  t^v  iiriXBovaav  ii/xif  opyiiv  irapa  toC  dead  (similarly,  iv. 
25).  A  single  sentence  of  this  sort  more  than  outweighs  all  those  of  Kneucker,  and  I  scarcely 
believe  that  anything  of  the  sort  could  be  shown  in  the  LXX.  A  principal  reason  against 
his  opinion  Kneucker  himself  has  especially  emphasized,  namely,  the  great  difference  in 
style  in  the  two  parts  of  the  book  (cf.  Kneucker,  p.  76  ff.).  On  that  account  Kneucker  sup- 
poses that  the  second  half  comes  from  another  translator  than  the  first.  But  is  not  that 
highly  improbable?  If,  in  fact,  the  whole  was  already  at  hand  in  Hebrew,  then  would  the 
translation  of  the  little  book  have  doubtless  also  come  from  one  hand." 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  efforts  of  Welte  (Einleit.,  p.  140 
1.),  to  prove  that  the  contents  of  the  Book  of  Baruch  reveal  throughout  a  natural  inward 
connection  have  not  been  successful  even  in  convincing  all  of  his  own  ecclesiastical  associates 
Reusch  (Einleit.,  p.  53)  feels  obliged,  although  as  he  would  have  it  understood  without  preju- 
dice to  the  authorship  of  Baruch,  to  regard  the  work  as  made  up  of  distinct  compositions, 
written  at  different  periods,  and  finally  collected  and  united  together  as  one  whole.  And 
this  theory  will  be  accepted  by  the  majority  of  unprejudiced  minds,  in  the  absence  of  more 
definite  proofs,  as  having  by  far  the  greater  weight  of  probability  on  its  side.  See  for  fur- 
ther remarks  in  the  same  direction,  Kneucker  (pp.  8-20),  who  finds  the  original  part  of  the 
work,  to  which  the  others  were  afterwards  added,  in  i.  1,  2a  [8],  3,  iii.  9-v.  9. 

Author,  Time,  and  Place  of  Composition. 

Was  Baruch,  the  companion  and  amanuensis  of  Jeremiah,  or  any  contemporary  of  his,  the 
probable  author  of  any  part  of  the  book  before  us  ?  If  due  weight  be  allowed  to  the  conclu- 
sions already  reached,  then  it  is  evident  without  further  discussion,  that  neither  Baruch  nor 
any  writer  of  his  time  could  have  composed  the  second  of  the  two  parts  into  which  the  book 


414  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


bearing  his  name  is  commonly  divided.  Whether  there  is  ground  for  predieating  the  same  of 
the  6rst  part  also,  is  the  question  now  before  us.  According  to  Jahn  (Einleit.,  iv.  859)  and 
Ackerman  (editor  of  the  later  editions  of  Jahn's  Introduction),  it  is  to  be  doubted  whether 
the  Baruch  spoken  of  in  the  opening  verses  of  the  first  chapter  meant  to  identify  himself  with 
the  well-known  companion  of  Jeremiah,  since  he  nowhere  definitely  calls  himself  such.  But 
this  doubt  is  entertained  by  no  other  Biblical  critics  of  note.  That  such  a  claim,  however,  is 
without  foundation  in  fact,  can  be  made  clear,  we  think,  from  considerations  furnished  by 
the  composition  itself. 

It  is  said,  for  instance  (i.  1),  that  the  book  was  written  by  Baruch  at  Babylon.  But  we 
know  from  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  (xliii.  3,  6  f.),  that  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
Baruch  was  forced  to  go  with  the  prophet  to  Egypt,  and  the  theory  that  he  remained  there, 
at  least,  until  after  the  death  of  Jeremiah,  seems  not  only  on  its  face  most  probable,  but  has- 
the  support  of  general  tradition  (cf.  Winer,  Realworterb.,  under  "  Jeremia  ").  As  it  regards 
the  question  of  his  going  subsequently  to  Babylon,  it  is  represented  by  some  traditions  that 
he  did  so,  and  that  he  died  there  in  the  twelfth  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  But 
according  to  others,  equally  credible,  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  Egypt.  We  have 
therefore,  no  positive  information  to  set  over  against  the  admitted  facts  recorded  in  the  Book 
of  Jeremiah.  The  theory  that  Baruch  went  to  Babylon  after  the  death  of  Jeremiah  is  con- 
trary to  the  representations  of  both  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  (x.  21)  according  to  which  he 
remained  in  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  Ethiopia  work  entitled,  The  Rest  of  the  Words  of  Baruch. 
See  Stud.  u.  Kritik.,  1877,  ii.  p.  318  ff.  Moreover,  the  tradition  that  Baruch  ever  went  to 
Babylon  probably  arose  from  a  misunderstanding.  In  its  favor  are  quoted  a  passage  from 
the  Talmud  and  from  a  work  of  the  rabbi  Abraham  Zaccuth  (  T'DnV,  fol.  vi.).  The  latter, 
however,  simply  says  that  in  the  twelfth  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  "  Baruch  had 
received  the  tradition  from  Jeremiah."  But  as  this  work,  as  well  as  the  Talmud,  states  that 
this  same  Baruch  was  prophesying  along  with  Daniel,  Haggai,  and  Zechariah  in  the  second 
year  of  Darius,  and  that  he  died  in  the  seventh  year  of  that  king's  reign,  i.  e.,  seventy-five 
years  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (!),  its  value  as  a  witness  can- 
not be  regarded  as  very  high  (see  Gutmann,  Einleit.,  p.  124).  It  is  true  that  a  brother  of 
Baruch,  one  Seraiali  (Jer.  li.  59),  was  despatched  by  Jeremiah  with  a  message  to  Babylon  at 
about  the  time  our  book  purports  to  have  been  written,  and  this  might  easily  have  given  rise 
to  the  tradition  that  Baruch  himself  was  there. 

But  further,  if  Baruch  was  himself  at  Babylon,  how  is  it  possible  that  he  could  have  been 
there  at  the  time  stated,  whether  we  understand  it  to  be  in  the  fifth  year  of  Zedekiah,  or  in 
the  fifth  year  after  Jerusalem's  overthrow?  In  either  case  Jeremiah  must  have  been  still 
alive,  and  no  doubt  continued  to  enjoy  to  the  end  the  companionship  of  his  faithful  scribe. 
It  is  said  too,  that  the  book  was  read  in  the  presence  of  Jechonias,  of  the  king's  sons,  the 
nobles,  the  elders,  and  of  all  the  people  who  dwelt  by  the  river  Sud  (i.  3,  4).  Now,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  insuperable  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  supposition  that  any  such  gathering  of  the 
persons  mentioned  would,  at  this  time,  have  been  permitted  —  for  that  ii  is  represented  as  a 
gathering  is  obvious,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Welte  and  Reusch  to  disprove  it  —  there 
is  the  acknowledged  fact  that  Jechonias  was  held  at  this  time  as  a  prisoner,  and  we  are  nowhere 
informed  of  any  alleviation  of  the  rigors  of  his  imprisonment  until  the  accession  of  Evil-Mero- 
da<'h  to  the  throne  (2  Kings  xxv.  27),  more  than  twenty  years  after  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem. 

Again,  if  the  date  of  the  composition  is  fixed  at  a  period  just  after  the  carrying  away  of 
Jechonias  to  Babylon,  then  it  is  not  true  that  Jerusalem  had  already  been  burnt  as  the  author 
implies;  if  after  the  destruction  of  the  city  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  then  it  is  not  true  that  the 
cultus  of  the  temple  was  still  kept  up,  as  is  equally  implied.  It  is  moreover  stated  (ver.  8), 
that  silver  vessels  for  religious  uses  were  sent  from  Babylon  to  Jerusalem  at  the  same  time 
with  the  Book  of  Baruch,  and  that  they  were  the  same  which  Zedekiah  had  prepared  (as  is 
supposed  after  the  golden  vessels  of  the  temple  had  been  removed  with  Jechonias  to  Babylon. 
Cf.  2  Kings  xxiv.  13).  That  Zedekiah  caused  such  vessels  to  be  prepared  (see  2  Chron. 
xii.  9,  10),  is  indeed  possible,  although  the  circumstance,  important  as  it  might  be  considered, 
is  recorded  in  no  canonical  book  of  the  Bihle.  But  why  should  they  be  required  in  Jerusalem 
if  the  temple  was  no  longer  standing?  Or  once  deported  to  Babylon  is  it  credible  that  during 
the  lifetime  of  Nebuchadnezzar  it  was  allowed  to  carry  them  back  ?  Besides  it  had  been  ex- 
pressly represented  in  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  that  it  was  both  vain  and  wicked  to  hope 


THE  BOOK  OF  BARUCH.  415 


that  the  furniture  of  the  temple  would  be  so  soon  restored  :  "  Hearken  not  to  the  words  of 
your  prophets  that  prophecy  unto  you,  saying,  Behold  the  vessels  of  the  Lord's  House  shall 
now  shortly  be  brought  again  from  Babylon;  for  they  prophesy  a  lie  unto  you  "  (xxvii.  16; 
Cf.  xxviii.  3;  xxix.  4f).  In  fact,  this  statement  as  well  as  what  is  said  of  the  "priest 
Joacim  "  (ver.  7),  whose  name  in  such  a  connection  does  not  elsewhere  occur  until  the  time 
of  Ezra  (Jofeph.,  Antiq..  xi.  5,  §  1),  force  us  to  think  of  a  much  later  period  than  the  one 
assumed  as  the  date  of  the  present  book. 

The  insufficiency  of  the  common  explanations  of  this  series  of  difficulties  to  satisfy  even 
Roman  Catholic  writers  is  shown  in  the  entirely  original  theory  contributed  by  an  Italian 
scholar,  Vincenzi  (Sessio  quarta  Cone.  Triil.  vindicala,  Third  Part).  He  thinks  that  the 
fifty-second  chapter  of  Jeremiah,  which  more  properly  belongs  to  the  Books  of  the  Kings, 
was  placed  in  the  former  position  simply  as  a  historical  introduction  to  the  following  Book 
of  Bariich;  that  it  was  not  until  Jechonias  bad  been  released  by  Evil-Merodach  that  Baruch 
read  his  book  before  him,  and  this  occurred,  according  to  Vincenzi,  not  after  the  death  of 
Nebuchadnezzar,  but  during  the  interval  of  his  mysterious  malady  (Dan.  iv.),  Evil-Merodach 
then  holding  the  reins  of  government.  That  Baltazar  is  spoken  of  as  the  successor  [?]  of 
Nebuchadnezzar  (i.  12),  he  thinks  to  be  a  confirmation  of  this  view.  And  he  supposes  fur- 
ther that  the  book  referred  to  (i.  1)  as  having  been  read  before  Jechonias  was  not  our  Book 
of  Baruch,  but  the  preceding  prophecies  of  Jeremiah  which  the  former  had  transcribed  in  the 
fifth  year  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  not  till  long  afterwards  read  to  the  captive 
king.  While  this  theory  is  in  some  respects  ingenious,  it  fails  to  cover  the  entire  ground 
of  the  difficulties,  and  is  itself  open  to  fatal  objections. 

The  words  oZtoi  oi  Ao'701,  etc.,  for  instance,  would  hardly  have  been  selected  as  an  open- 
ing for  our  book  if  the  preceding  Book  of  Jeremiah  had  been  referred  to.  By  this  theory, 
too,  the  period  between  the  composition  of  the  book  and  its  being  read  before  Jechonias  would 
be  quite  too  long.  And,  worst  of  all,  while  seeking  to  explain  historical  difficulties  impossible 
historical  data  are  relied  on.  It  is  incredible  that  the  reign  of  Evil-Merodach  fell  at  the 
time  supposed,  for  the  following  reasons  :  (1)  There  is  no  evidence  that  Nebuchailnezzar 
ceased  to  be  regarded  as  virtual  sovereign  during  the  continuance  of  his  maladj',  but  the 
reverse  (Dan.  iv.  36.  Cf.  Com.  of  Keil,  and  Hitzig,  ad  loc.)  From  the  dream  itself,  through 
which  the  coming  of  this  affliction  was  made  known  to  the  king  before  its  occurrence  (Dan. 
iv.  20-26),  it  was  also  intimated  that  it  would  be  of  a  temporary  character.  It  is  very  un- 
likely, therefore,  that  the  Babylonians  took  steps  touching  a  successor,  which  would  have 
involved  them  in  serious  difficulties  subsequently.  The  queen  could  well  enough  have  con- 
tinued to  carry  on  the  government  in  the  name  of  her  consort.  Again,  from  2  Kings  xxv. 
27,  we  learn  that  Jechonias  was  not  released  from  imprisonment  until  after  thirty-seven 
years,  and  that  it  took  place  in  the  year  that  Evil-Merodach  began  to  reign.  But  as  he  was 
taken  prisoner  in  the  seventh  year  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  reign  (2  Kings  xxiv.),  and  that 
king,  according  to  Biblical  as  well  as  profane  history  (Berosus,  cited  by  Joseph.,  Contra 
Apion,  i.  20)  reigned  forty-three  years,  it  is  evident  that  the  beginning  of  Evil-Merodach's 
sovereignty  could  not  have  been  before  the  close  of  the  former's  life.  And  furthei-,  from  all 
that  history  informs  us  of  Evil-Merodach,  we  learn  that  he  reigned  but  two  years,  and  was 
then  killed  in  a  conspiracy.  But,  if  Nebuchadnezzar  alludes  to  his  madness  in  the  inscrip- 
tion which  he  made  (it  is  indeed  generally  doubted),  the  interval  of  its  continuance  must 
have  been  longer  than  the  time  allotted  to  Evil-Merodach's  reign.  He  there  says  :  "  For 
four  years  (?)  ....  the  seat  of  my  kingdom  ....  did  not  rejoice  my  heart."  (See  Rawlin 
son.  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  79;  but  cf.  Rodwell's  rendering  in  Records  of  the  Past,  vol.  v.)  The 
■'  seven  times  "  spoken  of  in  Dan.  iv.  16  do  not  necessarily  mean  years. 

And  now  if,  in  addition  to  these  unexplained  historical  inconsistencies  and  contradictions 
of  the  opening  verses  of  our  book,  which  it  would  be  as  uncritical  as  unjust  to  ascribe  to  the 
pen  that  was  employed  on  the  prophecies  of  Jeremiah,  or  to  that  of  any  contemporary  of  his, 
>he  general  contents  of  the  work  are  noted,  nothing  would  seem  to  be  wanting  to  prove  that 
(he  so-called  Book  of  Baruch  has  absolutely  no  claim  to  be  considered  genuine.  We  observe 
everywhere  unmistakable  signs  of  the  absence  of  the  true  spirit  of  prophecy,  which  is  never- 
theless obviously  striven  for  and  counterfeited.  The  favorable  opinion  expressed  by  Herz- 
feld  (i.  317  f.),  to  the  effect  that  in  all  its  parts  the  book  is  worthy  to  be  placed  by  the  side 
of  the  best  productions  of  the  period  of  the  Exile,  is  as  astounding  as  some  of  his  explan:i- 
'ions  of  its  discrepancies  (see  Fritzsche,  p.   170).     From  beginning  to  end,  the  part  uuw 


416  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


under  consideration  (i.-iii.  8)  with  the  exception  of  the  unfortunate  introduction  just  noticed, 
Las  scarcely  an  original  thought.  It  is  substantially  made  up  of  reminiscences  more  or  less 
clear,  or  quotations  more  or  less  direct  from  the  various  books  of  the  canonical  Scriptures, 
especially  Jeremiah  and  Daniel,  Nehemiah,  Isaiah,  and  Deuteronomy.  This  is  not  the 
manner  of  a  genuine  prophet.  Cf.  i.  3-14  with  Jer.  xxvi.  32;  i.  15-ii.  29,  with  Dan.  ix. 
7-19;  ii.  21  with  Jer.  xxvii.  11,  12;  ii.  29  with  Deut.  xxviii.  fi2  ff.  For  numerous  other 
instances,  see  Kneucker  (p.  30),  who  freely  concedes  the  dependence  of  this  portion  of  the 
book  on  the  older  canonical  Scriptures,  while  maintaining  the  comparative  independence  of 
the  remainder. 

If  then,  on  these  grounds,  we  cannot  ascribe  the  work  to  Baruch,  by  whom  was  it  written, 
in  what  language,  and  in  what  time  and  place?  We  have  already  given  reasons  for  the 
oj)inion  that  the  book,  as  an  original  work,  was  not  the  production  of  a  single  author.  But 
can  the  time  and  occasion  of  its  assuming  its  present  form  be  even  approximately  fixed?  If 
so.  we  m:iy  then  approach  the  remaining  questions  before  us  with  more  hope  of  reachimr 
satisfactory  conclusions.  The  fact  that  the  extant  text,  not  only  in  general,  but  in  certain 
very  marked  particulars,  closely  corresponds  with  the  Alexandrian  version  of  the  prophecy 
of  Jeremiah,  has  been  noticed  by  all  the  leading  critics,  although  they  are  by  no  means 
agreed  in  their  methods  of  accounting  for  it.  In  fact,  there  are  found  words  and  construc- 
tions in  Baruch  some  of  which  are  nowhere  else  met  with,  and  others  very  seldom,  except  in 
the  translation  of  Jeremiah  by  the  LXX.  (Cf.,  e.  g.,  i.  9,  ii.  25,  with  Jer.  xxxii.  36,  xxiv. 
1 ;  and  the  use  of  such  words  as  $aSl(a>,  ixivva  ior  fiavad,  anoa-roKri,  x'^Cf-O'^ivn,  yavpla/ia,  SffffiiirTit) 
From  this  remarkable  similarity,  it  is  but  reasonable  to  infer  a  close  connection  between 
the  works  themselves  in  their  origin,  as  it  respects  their  present  Greek  form.  Some  scholars, 
arguing  from  insufficient  premises,  hold  that  this  resemblance  is  due  simply  to  the  fact  that 
the  translator  of  Baruch  used  the  Alexandrian  recension  of  the  Hebrew  text  (Movers,  "  De 
utriufque  recensionh  vaticiniorum  JeremicE,"  etc.,  p.  6).  But  by  far  the  greater  number  of 
critics  maintain  that  either  the  translator  of  Baruch  —  supposing  for  the  time  being  that  it  is, 
at  least  in  part,  a  translation  —  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Alexandrian  version  of  Jere- 
miah, or  that  both  books  were  translated  by  the  same  person.  Amongst  others  who  support 
the  latter  of  these  two  alternatives  are  Ewald,  Hitzig  {Die  Psalmen,  ii.  p.  119), ^  Dillmann, 
Kuetschi,  and  Fritzsche,  and  on  the  whole  it  seems  to  be  the  more  tenable.  Moreover,  judging 
from  the  character  of  the  Greek  in  all  parts  of  the  book,  the  entire  work,  and  not  simply  the 
first  section,  passed  through  this  translator's  hands.  To  suppose,  however,  with  Fritzsche, 
that  he  was  the  author  of  the  second  portion  (iii.  9  ff.),  seems  to  us  to  be  taking  a  step  too 
far.  The  similarity  of  style  might  be  accounted  for  on  the  supposition  of  a  common  revision. 
That  it  is  a  Hellenistic  production  of  Alexandrian  origin,  we  have,  indeed,  already  shown  to 
be  probable.  And  we  are  now  called  upon  to  consider  whether  this  is  also  true  of  the  re- 
maining portion  (i.-iii.  8). 

The  arguments  adduced  in  favor  of  a  Hebrew  original  are,  for  the  most  part,  those  which 
\re  common  in  similar  cases ;  namely,  that  obvious  Hebraisms  occur  throughout  the  work,  and 
that,  here  and  there,  the  translator  betrays  his  character  by  failing  with  his  Greek  to  render 
the  supposed  Hebrew  correctly.  It  is  thought,  moreover,  that  the  fact  that  in  the  Syriac 
Hexaplar  text  of  the  codex  at  Milan  the  translation  of  Theodotion  is  cited,  bears  in  the  same 
direction.  Among  the  decided  Hebraisms  of  the  book  are  mentioned  the  xal  at  the  begin- 
ninf';  such  expressions  as  KaKiiv  4v  wa-l  nvos  (i.  3),  ir^pl  a/xaprias  (i.  10),  tptirtirei  tous  6(pdaKfiau$ 
(i.  12),  and  \a\f7i/  eV  x^'p'  ^iraj  (ii.  20);  the  employment  of  (pyiaeiu,  supposably  for  153?; 
the  purely  Semitic  use  of  the  demonstrative  to  complement  the  relative  (oB  .  .  .  .  ^Kit,  ii.  4,  13, 
29;  iii.  8);  such  a  phrase  as  uj  ^  ^^epo  oBttj  (i.  15,  20),  which  it  is  thought  can  be  easily 
explained  only  when  regarded  as  a  translation  of  the  Hebrew  n^TH  Ci'3.  Among    the 

difficult  passages  ascribed  to  an  unskillful  translation  (for  example,  Seff/tiiroj  for  "ISpa,  i.  9; 
^vep«r^o^  for  tt'''Si,  every  one,  ii.  3;  $6iipv<ris  for  tian,  multitude,  ii.  29  ;  3ti  for~)P>',  which,  iv. 
15;  a.wo(rTo\4)  =  "^m,  instead  of  -IDl,  ii.  25,  etc.),  undoubtedly  some  might  be  better  ex- 
plained on  other  grounds.  The  use  of  Theodotion's  translation  of  Baruch  by  the  aiilan 
Codex,  if  it  can  be  shown  to  be  a  fact,  has  little  bearing  on  the  question  before  us;  since  that 

•  Later  V<"  adopted  the  former  of  these  two  views,  haring  come  to  the  opinion  that  the  work  was  written  after  a.  i>. 
70. 

2  Cf .,  for  many  similar  examples,  Kneucker,  p  2r; 


THE  BOOK  OF  BARUCH.  417 

translation  can  only  be  regarded,  in  general,  as  a  free  working  over  of  tlie  LXX.  But  it 
should  seem  tliat  this  supposed  dependence  on  Theodotion  shows  itself  largely  in  the  pas- 
safes  taken  from  the  book  of  Daniel,  which,  as  is  well  known,  circulated  in  the  Christian 
church  in  his  translation,  rather  than  in  that  of  the  LXX.  But  even  in  this  book  it  is 
affirmed  that  the  Milan  Codex  sometimes  follows  the  latter  instead  of  the  former,  while 
elsewhere  the  deviations  are  still  more  marked  (cf.  Keil,  Einleil.,  p.  753;  Eichhorn,  Ein- 
leit.,  p.  389).  And  further,  admitting  the  strong  Hebraistic  coloring  which  this  part  of 
the  book  has  received,  a  theory  which  explained  it  by  supposing  that  it  was  written  in 
the  Greek  language  by  a  Hellenist  thoroughly  versed  in  the  literature  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, could  be  regarded  neither  as  absurd  or  extravagant.  In  fact,  Grotius,  Buddeus, 
Bertholdt,  Eichhorn,  Havernick,  Noldeke,  and  Keil  hold  this  opinion  respecting  the  entire 
book. 

Still,  this  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  satisfactory  settlement  of  the  question.  It  is  not  simply 
a  matter  of  Hebraisms,  which  are  very  largely  found  in  works  confessedly  of  Greek  origin, 
but  of  how  they  are  handled.  Do  these  Hebraisms,  in  some  instances,  so  far  afPect  the 
character  of  the  Greek  as  to  render  it  less  Greek  than  Hebrew,  notwithstanding  evident 
efforts  to  conform  to  the  grammatical  rules  of  the  former?  Do  words  and  expressions  occur 
in  the  first  section  of  our  book  which  it  seems  impossible  to  reconcile  with  tlie  spirit  and 
irenius  of  the  Greek  language,  or  to  impute  to  the  influence  of  the  Septuagint?  Then,  the 
balance  of  probability  must  be  in  favor  of  a  Hebrew  original;  since  in  a  work  first  written  in 
Greek,  although  by  a  Hellenist  versed  in  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  and  abounding  in 
Hebraisms,  the  decided  stamp  and  character  of  the  work  as  Greek  would  never  be  likely  to 
sink  wholly  out  of  sight.  The  web  would  still  remain  the  same,  whatever  the  woof  might  be 
(cf.  Fritzsche,  Einleit.,  p.  171).  Now,  among  the  examples  of  Hebraisms  in  our  work  which 
are  cited  above,  there  are  some  —  like  the  frequent  use  of  the  demonstrative  with  the 
relative,  the  phrase  "  as  at  this  day,"  and  the  employment  of  the  words  aTroa-roKr]  (ii.  25)  and 
^ifi^tiais  (ii.  29)  —  that  are  of  such  a  decided  stamp  that  it  is  difficult  to  explain  them  in 
harmony  with  the  theory  of  a  Greek  original.  To  refer  any  part  of  them  to  the  use  of  the 
Alexandrian  version  of  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  would,  of  course,  be  allowable  only  in  case 
one  does  not  hold  that  both  books  had  the  same  translator.  And,  in  addition  to  these  rea- 
sons, there  is  another  which  has  attracted  less  attention  among  critics  than  it  seems  to 
deserve.  It  was  professedly  written  for  use  in  public  religious  assemblies  (in  the  temple  ?) 
at  Jerusalem.  "  And  ye  shall  read  this  book  which  we  have  sent  unto  you,  to  make  confes- 
sion in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  upon  the  feasts  and  solemn  days  "  (i.  14).  With  such  a  pur- 
pose, could  any  writer  as  early  as  the  latest  date  which  can  be  reasonably  assigned  to  our 
work  have  ventured  to  employ  any  other  language  than  the  Hebrew?  Judas  Maccabaeus 
in  the  hour  of  battle  prays  and  sings  psalms  in  Hebrew  (rp  ■n-ci.Tpl<p  ipavf!),  and  not  in  Greek 
(2  Mace.  xii.  37;  cf.  Havernick,  Einleit.,  i.  248).  And  we  know  from  many  other  sources 
that  long  after  the  Hebrew  ceased  to  be  the  spoken  language  of  the  masses  of  the  people,  it 
continued  to  be  employed  by  the  learneil,  and,  in  connection  with  the  use  of  the  original 
Scriptures,  could  never  have  wholly  ceased  to  be  the  medium  of  worship  in  the  temple  and 
synagogues. 

If  then  we  accept,  as  on  the  whole  most  probable,  the  conclusion  that  the  entire  work 
passed  through  the  same  hands  that  were  employed  on  the  Alexandrian  version  of  Jeremiah, 
and  that  this  translator  found  the  former  portion  (i.-iii.  8)  already  existing  in  Hebrew,  are 
'.here  any  grounds  on  which  a  decision  can  be  reached  respecting  the  time  and  place  of  com- 
position? With  regard  to  time,  it  is  evident  that  since  it  cannot  be  ascribed  to  Baruch  or 
any  contemporary  of  his,  it  must  have  had  its  origin  in  a  comparatively  late  period,  after  the 
spirit  of  true  prophecy  had  already  departed  from  Israel,  and  yet  when  the  condition  of  the 
people  was  such  as  to  call  for  admonitions  and  consolations  similar  to  those  needed  in  the  sad 
days  of  the  Babylonian  captivity.  Ewald,  therefore,  with  apparently  good  reasons  (^Geschichte 
d.  Volk.  Is.,  iv.  266,  and  Prophet,  d.  Alt.  Bund.,  iii.  252  ff.),  places  the  tirst  part  of  the  book 
in  the  Persian  period,  when,  on  the  occasion  of  revolt  against  their  oppressors,  the  Baby- 
lonian Jews  did  not  share  in  the  struggles  or  the  hopes  of  their  brethren  at  Jerusalem.  The 
contents  of  the  composition  certainly  agree  well  with  this  theory  (see  ii.  21,  ff.  et  passim). 
The  second  portion  is  undoubtedly  the  product  of  a  later  age;  but  there  is  nothing  save  its 
ivident  connection  with  the  Alexandrian  version  of  Jeremiah,  and  its  Alexandrian  coloring 
throughout,  to  enable  us  to  fi.x  more  definite!'  its  authorship  or  date. 
27 


418  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

The  present  volume  was  already  in  press  before  the  learned  and  valuable  work  of  Kneucket 
on  Baruch  came  into  our  hands.  After  a  careful  examination  of  the  same,  we  find  no  suffi- 
cient reason  for  modifying  essentially  the  positions  here  taken.  This  author,  following  the 
lead  of  Hitzig,  to  whom  his  work  is  dedicated  (see  also  Scbiirer  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk., 
2te  Aufl.,  s.  I'.)  maintains  that  the  entire  work,  though  not  from  one  author,  originated  after 
the  destruction  of  Rome  by  Titus ;  further,  that  the  authors  of  both  parts  were  Pharieees, 
and  belonged  to  the  Jewish  community  in  Rome.  Without  attempting  to  reproduce  here 
the  historical  combinations  and  reasoning  of  Kneucker's  book,  by  which  he  arrives  at  the 
conclusions  given,  we  must  content  ourselves  with  a  few  remarks  in  opposition  to  those  conclu- 
sions. And,  first,  admitting  the  fragmentary  character  of  the  book,  and  at  the  same  time  insist- 
ing that  it  cannot  all  have  appeared  originally  in  Hebrew,  it  seems  to  us  very  unlikely  that  it 
wiiuld  have  been  put  into  its  present  form  at  the  time  stated.  This  kind  of  literary  activity 
was  especially  characteristic  of  the  first  two  or  three  centuries  before  Christ,  not  to  say 
pecidiar  to  it.  Again,  the  fact  of  the  very  early  or  wide-spread  knowledge  of  the  Book  of 
Barucli  among  Cliristian  writers,  its  reception  into  the  LXX.  version,  and  the  high  rank 
which  it  took  as  compared  with  other  books  of  its  class,  are  decidedly  against  the  supposition 
that  it  originated  at  the  time  stated,  with  a  Jew  in  Rome,  where  a  flourishing  Christian  church 
was  early  organized.  As  elsewhere  noticed,  Irenseus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  TertuUian  all 
cite  it  as  a  work  of  Jeremiah,  and  in  Codd.  II.  and  III.  it  is  found  between  the  Prophecy  and 
Lamentations  as  a  sort  of  appendix  to  the  former.  Still  further,  it  is  not  so  easy  on  this  theory 
to  explain  why  any  part  of  the  work  should  have  appeared  in  the  Hebrew  language,  or 
to  account  for  the  point  of  view  of  the  writer  throughout  in  the  panegyric  on  Wisdom  (iii. 
9;  iv.  7),  and  especially  in  the  lament  of  Jerusalem  (iv.  8-29).  It  is  not  the  spirit  one  might 
expect  in  a  Jew  at  this  time  in  the  great  metropolis  of  the  world,  nor  the  language  of  one 
looking  toward  Jerusalem  from  Rome.  See  especially  iv.  13,  36  ;  v.  5.  How  easily  one  may 
be  misled  into  extravagant  theories  by  laying  too  much  stress  upon  simple  historical  coin- 
cidences and  analogies  Kneucker  himself  well  illustrates  (p.  48)  when  he  refers  Bar.  iii. 
16,  17,  —  "  Where  are  the  princes  of  the  heathen.  And  such  as  ruled  the  beasts  upon  the 
earth ;  They  that  had  their  pastime  with  the  fowls  of  the  air,"  etc.,  —  to  the  dedication  of  the 
Colosseum  by  Titus,  where  "  abgerichtete  Vogel  kiiinpften."  Another  instance  of  the  same 
sort  (noted  by  Schiirer,  as  above,  col.  326)  occurs  at  p.  53,  where  he  professes  to  find  in 
Bar.  iv.  34,  35  a  prophetic  reflex  of  the  three  great  calamities  in  the  time  of  Titus:  the 
eruption  of  Vesuvius,  the  fire  in  the  city  of  Rome,  and  the  pestilence.  Schiirer  adds:  "He 
who  reads  the  passages  will  be  astounded  at  the  ingenuity  here  practiced.  And  these  are 
only  examples  of  the  method  followed  also  by  the  author  in  other  places.  Protest,  however, 
cannot  be  made  too  often  or  too  loud  against  this  viciousness  of  our  modern  criticism,  which 
is  inclined  to  discover  in  the  most  general  phrases  the  most  special  relations,  and  to  give 
quite  exact  information  about  matters  of  which  one  knows  nothing." 

Characteristics,  and  Value  Theological  and  Critical. 

Of  the  fact  that  the  Book  of  Baruch  is  almost  entirely  wanting  in  originality,  as  well  as 
that  it  furnishes  no  evidence  of  genuine  prophetic  inspiration,  we  have  already  spoken.  Its 
best  thoughts  are  those  which  have  been  culled  from  the  canonical  writings  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. Quotations  or  reminiscences  from  the  Pentateuch  are  made  to  serve  side  by  side  with 
those  from  works  like  Daniel  and  Nehemiab,  that  did  not  originate  till  after  the  time  when 
our  book  purports  to  have  been  written.  The  unskillful  combinations  and  unexplainable 
anachronisms  of  the  original  portions,  however,  show  that  the  writer  acted  wisely  in  confin- 
ing himself  in  tlie  main  to  compilation. 

On  account  of  its  lack  of  ori'^inality,  too,  the  work  has  fewer  of  the  peculiarities  of  form 
and  doctrine  which  distinguish  other  apocryphal  works.  Its  theory  of  morals  is  that  of  the 
Proverbs  of  Solomon  (iii.  9;  iv.  23).  The  virtues  which  it  inculcates  relate  to  the  life  that 
now  is  (ii.  17,  18).  Its  teaching  concerning  demonology  (iv.  6,  35)  is  the  same  which  gives 
so  strong  a  coloring  to  the  Alexandrian  version,  and  noticeably  sliows  itself  far  too  fully  de- 
veloped "for  the  eariierpartof  the  Exile  (cf.  Bretschiiei<ler,  Sijslemal.  Darstell. ,  Einleit.,  p.  36). 
In  its  allusion  to  the  prayers  of  the  dead  Israelites  (iii.  4),  explain  it  as  we  will,  one  cannot 
but  see  the  adumbration  of  the  unbiblical  teachings  of  Tobit  (iv.  10)  and  of  the  Second  Book 
of  Maccabees  (xii.  39-46). 


THE  BOOK  OF   BARUCH.  419 


With  respect  to  its  Greek,  the  book  has  scarcely  any  peculiarities  which  it  does  not  share 
-.vith  the  Alexandrian  version  of  Jtremiah.  Tlie  words  iiv9o\6yos  (iii.  23),  and  i<pxj)(its 
(iii.  8),  do  not  occur  elsewhere  in  the  LXX.  Difficulties  in  grammatical  construction  are 
generally  referable  to  a  corrupt  text,  or  unsuccessful  efforts  to  accommodate  the  Greek  to  the 
Hebrew  thought. 


BAEUCH. 


Chapter  I. 

1  Ajjd  Ihese  are  the  words  of  the  book,  which  Baruch  son  ^   of  Nerias,  son  '  of 

2  Maasoeas,"  son  ^  of  Sedecias,  son  of  Asadias,  son  ^  of  Chelcias,  wrote  in  Babylon,  in 
the  fifth  year,  on  ^  tlie  seventh  day  of  the  month,  at  the  time  when  *  the  Chaldaana 

3  took  Jerusalem  and  burnt  it  with  fire.  And  Baruch  read  ^  the  words  of  this  book 
in  the  hearing  of  Jechonias,  son  of  Joacim  *  king  of  Juda,  and  in  the  hearing ''  of 

4  all  the  people  that  came  to  hear  the  book,  and  in  the  hearing  of  the  mighty  men,*  and 
of  the  kings'  sous,  and  in  the  hearing  of  the  elders,  and  in  the  hearing  '  of  all  the 
people,  from  the  lowest  unto  the  highest,^"  even  of  all  them  that  dwelt  at  Babylon, 

5  by  the  river  Sud.'''     And  '-  they  wept,  and  "  fasted,  and  prayed  "  before  the  Lord. 
6,  7  They  made  also  a  collection  of  money,  according  to  every  man's  power  ;  and  they 

sent  it  "'^  to  Jerusalem  unto  Joacim  '"  the  high  priest,  son  ^'  of  Chelcias,  son  of  Salom, 
and  to  the  priests,  and  to  all  the  people  who  '*  were  found  with  him  at  Jerusalem, 

8  at  the  time  '^  when  he  received  the  vessels  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  that  were  car- 
ried out  of  the  temple,  to  return  them  into  the  land  of  Juda,  the  tenth  day  of  the 
month  Sivan,*  namely,  silver  vessels,  which  Sedecias  son  *'   of  Josias  king  of  Juda 

9  had  made,  after  that  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  Babylon  had  carried  away  Jechonias, 
and  the  princes,  and  the  captives,  and  the  mighty  men,  and  the  people  of  the  land, 

10  from  Jerusalem,  and  brought  them  '■^-  unto  Babylon.  And  they  said.  Behold,  we 
have  sent  you  money  :  and  so  buy  '^  for  money  burnt  offerings,  and  sin  offerings,  and 
incense  ;  and  prepare  ye  meat  offerings,-''  and  offer  upon  the  altar  of  the  Lord  our 

11  God ;  and  pray  for  the  life  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  Babylon,  and  for  the  life  of 

12  Baltasar -^  his  son,  that  their  days  may  be  upon  earth  as  the  days  of  heaven.  And 
the  Lord  will  give  us  strength,  and  lighten  our  eyes,  and  we  shall  live  under  the 
shadow  of  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  Babylon,  and  under  the  shadow  of  Baltasar  -* 

13  his  son,  and  we  shall  serve  them  many  days,  and  find  favor  in  their  sight.  Pray 
for  us  also  unto  the  Lord  our  God,  for  we  have  sinned  against  the  Lord  our  God ; 

Vers.  1-2.  —  '  A.  V. :  the  son.  2  Maapias.  ^  and  in  (Fritasche  drops  the  iv  before  e^fi6MTT,  with  UI.  22.  36.,  and 
adds,  in  order  to  bring  the  Terse  into  harmony  with  ver.  8,  SiouaF  after  fx,)i'6s)         *  what  time  as  {iv  tw  Koipol  w). 

Vers.  3-7.  —  ^  A.  V. :  did  read.  ^  J.,  the  son  of  Joachim.  "  ears  {iv  onri,  but  so  also  in  the  following  cases, 

and  I  render  as  above,  for  the  sake  of  uniformity).  '  nobles  (SuraTdi/.    Cf.  ver.  9).  "  omits  in  the  hearing. 

■»  (at/rii'  is  supplied  by  III.  33.  49.  al.    The  phrase  would  be  literally,  "  from  little  unto  great.")  "  (Eivald  would 

read  with  the  Syr.,  in  Babylon  and  on  the  river  Si/rf,  "  for  where  Babylon  lay  did  not  need  to  be  more  particularly  de- 
scribed.'') »  Whereupon  («ai')-  "  omils  and.  »  (woi'to.  Marg.,  tiowfrf  foios.  Codd.  III.  Xll.  33.  70.  87. 
91.  198.  228.  Co.  Aid.  add  evxii  I  al.,  eixais.  It  was  probably  due  to  what  follows.)  "  (Ewald  would  supply  aiiTov 
Bft«r  aireoreiAal-.)        i»  Joachim  (cf.  ver.  3).         "  the  son.         is  which. 

Vers.  8-12.  —  "  A.  V. :  same  time.  »  (The  reading  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  "  most  of  the  MSS,"'  itoviv,  is  also 
the  reading  of  II.  ;  text,  rec,  SeiouoA.)  2'  the  son.  'MFor  ainiv.  III.  XII.  33.  70.  87.  88.  90.  91.  198.  239.  Co.  read 
auTovf .)  ^  to  buy  you.  ^*  manna  (Fritzsche  adopts  fjiavaa  from  22.  33.  36.  al.     Cod.  II.  supports  the  text,  rfc, 

iayyu.  Cf.  Jcr.  xvii.  26,  ili.  6,  in  Tischendorf  s  text  of  the  LXX.  where  the  latter  form  is  found.  The  marg.  of  the 
\.  V.  has,  "  Ur.  corruptly  for  mincha,  that  is  a  meat  offering,"  which  is  doubtless  correct.  There  is  the  .«ame  mistake 
jiade  in  the  passages  cited  from  Jer.  In  the  Pentateuch,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Heb.,  nPIJO,  is  rendered  in  the- 
A'X.  by  ^<rtal.        "•  Balthasar. 


BARUCH. 


421 


14  and  unto  this  day  the  fury  of  the  Lord  and  his  wrath  ^  is  not  turned  from  us.  And 
ye  shall  read  this  book  wliich  we  have  sent  unto  you  in  order  -  to  make  it  known  * 

15  in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  upon  the  feasts*  and  solemn  days.     And  ye  shall  say, 

To  the  Lord  our  God  behngeth  righteousness,  but  unto  us  confusion  ^  of  faces,  as 

1 6  at  ^  this  day  :  unto  the  men '  of  Juda,  and  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  to 
our  kings,  and   to  our  princes,  and  to  our  priests,  and  to  our  prophets,  and  to  our 

17,  18  fathers;  who*  have  sinned  before  the  Lord,  and  disobeyed  him,  and  have  not 
hearkened  unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord  our  God,  to  walk  in  the  commandments  of  the 

19  Lord  ^  that  he  gave  before  our  eyes."  Since  the  day  that  the  Lord  brought  our 
fathers  ^^  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  even  ^"  unto  this  day,^^  we  have  been  disobedient 
unto  the  Lord  our  God,  and  we  have  been  negligent  that  we  have  not  heard  "  his 

20  voice.  And  so  '*  the  evils  cleaved  unto  us,  and  the  curse,  which  the  Lord  appointed  by 
Moses  his  servant  at  the  time  that  he  brought  our  fathers  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt, 

21  to  give  us  a  land  that  floweth  with  milk  and  honey,  as  at '^  this  day.  And  we 
hearkened  not "  unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord  our  God,  according  unto  '*  all  the  words 

22  of  the  prophets,  whom  he  sent  unto  us ;  and  we  walked,  every  man,  according  to  the 
thought  of  his  ^°  wicked  heart,  to  serve  other  '■'''  gods,  and  to  do  evil  in  the  sight  of 
the  Lord  our  God. 


Vers.  14-18.  — *  Cf.  Ecclus.  xlviii.  10  for  the  distinction  between  flu^or  and  opy^.  2  ^_  V.  •  omits  in  order. 

*  confession  (with  Fritzsche,  I  connect  efayopevircu  with  an-eCTTetXofiev,  and  not  with  5.va.yvitttTnrB€).  *  [iv  7jti.ep(f. 

iopTTJs  ;  for  the  second  word  111.  Xll.  26.  al.  have  the  plur.  ;  see  Com.  on  the  following.)  ^  the  confusion.  ■>  it 

is  come  to  pasx.  '  them  (acffpcon-cfj,  which  is  to  be  understood  distributively,  "  every  man  '').  ^  for  we  (we. 

Fritz-sche  thinks  ai-S'  may  have  fallen  out  before  it.  See  Com.).  »  omits  of  the  Lord  (XII.  23.  26.  33.  49.  70.  86.  87.  90. 
91.  228.  233.  239.  Co.  Aid.  write  avrov  for  Kvpiov).  ^o  us  openly  {Kara  jrpoaojnoy  tiumiv  Cf.  Add.  to  Esth.  i.  18,  and  the 
present  book  at  ii.  14.  19). 

Vers.  19-22.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  forefathers  1-  omits  even  (icat  is  omitted  in  22.  26.  106.).  '2  present  day.  >*  in  not 
hearing.  ^^  Wherefore  (wat).  ^*  tike  as  it  is  to  see  (i?).  i^  Nevertheless  we  have  not  hearkened.  ^^  {i.  e.,  in 
sense,  notwithstanding).        i9  but  every  man  followed  the  imaginations  iev  Siavoitf)  of  his  own.        ^o  straJige. 


Chapter  I 


Ver.  1.  In  Cod.  U. ,the  Book  of  Baiiich  is 
divided  into  nine  chapters  or  sections,  which  are 
Beverally  distinguished  by  letters  of  the  Greek 
alphabet.  The  first  division  is  at  i.  14,  and  the 
others  as  follows :  ii.  II;  iii.  1  ;  iii.  9 ;  iii.  24 ;  iv. 
5;  V.  19;  v.  30.  —  Ewald  thinks  it  is  evident, 
even  from  ihe  manner  in  wliich  the  book  opens, 
that  it  was  intended  to  be  attached  to  the  Proph- 
ecy of  Jeremiah,  "'  since  no  independent  writing 
could  thus  bei;in."  See  Proph.  d.  All.  Bmides, 
iii.,  p.  252.  —  The  genealogy  of  Baruch  is  nowhere 
else  so  fnlly  given.  Cf.  .Jer.  ,\xxii.  12  :  xxxvii.  3. 
—  There  is  difference  of  opinion  on  the  question 
how  much  irords  of  the  book  should  be  made  to 
include.  Reusch  says,  the  whole  work  before  us 
to  chap.  V.  9  ;  Fritzsche,  only  the  prayer,  verse 
15  ff, ;  above  all,  not  iii.  9  ff. 

Vers.  2.  3.  The  Chaldseans  took  Jerusalem  on 
the  ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month,  and  burnt  it 
on  the  tenth  day  of  the  fifth  mouth.  See  Jer. 
xxxix.  2  ;  Hi.  6,  12,  13.  How,  then,  is  the  verse 
before  us  to  be  explained  ?  Ewald  translates  : 
"  before  the  lime  the  Chaldeans,"  etc.,  reading 
irph  Tov  Katpov.  Jahn  and  Bertholdt,  on  the  other 
hand,  translate  :  "  ajler  the  time  the  Chaldeans," 
etc.  Both  theories  are  simple  conjectures.  De 
Wette  would  cliange  eVet  into  firii>i.  The  pas- 
sage is  probably  either  corrupted  (as  might  also 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  name  of  the 
month  is  not  given),  or  the  writer  has  made  a  mis- 
take. It  is  an  interesting  coincidence,  however, 
that  the  Romans  did  actually  take  and  burn  Rome 
in  the  fifth  year  of  the  war  and  on  the  seventh 
day  of  the  month.  But  there  are  other  difiicul- 
»es  than  the  matter  of  dates  to  be  accounted  for. 
According  to  2  Kings  -xxv.  27,  Jechonias  remained 
n  imprisonment  until  Evil  Merodach  ascended  the 


throne ;  and  from  Jer.  xliii.  3, 6,  ff.,  we  learn  that 
Baruch,  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  ac- 
companied Jeremiah  to  Egypt.  That  he  went  to 
Babylon  after  the  death  of  .Jeremiah,  as  some 
traditions  affirm,  is  indeed  possible  :  hut,  accord- 
ing to  other  traditions  equally  worthy  of  belief, 
he  died  in  Egypt.  The  theory,  moreover,  that 
Baruch  afterwards  returned  to  Babylon  is  con- 
trary to  the  representation  of  the  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch  (x.  21),  as  well  as  of  the  Ethiopic  work. 
The  Rest  of  the  Words  of  Baruch.     See  lutrod. 

Ver.  3.  Lit.,  icho  came  to  the  hook.  Cf.  Add. 
to  Esth.  iv.  5 :  "I  heard  my  fathers'  book ; " 
and  the  Book  of  Enoch  xiv.  24 :  "  Come  .... 
to  my  holy  words." 

Ver.  4.  The  river  Sud.  This  river  cannot 
with  certainty  be  identified.  Some  have  thought 
it  another  name  for  the  Euphrates  (Calmet)  ; 
others,  that  it  is  a  branch  stream  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris,  where  a  certain  city, 
Soeira,  stood  (Grotius).  Probably  it  was  a  local 
name  for  some  canal  or  arm  of  the  Euphrates 

Ver.  6.  Kaek  (Cod.  II.  agrees  wiih  III.  XII. 
23.  al.  in  tliis  form,  rather  than  koW)  eKcia-.  ti» 
TiSvvaTo  Tj  x^^P-  The  LXX.  has  at  Deut.  x\i.  17, 
eKauros  Kara  ZvvaixiV  twv  x^^P^^  ufjiui/.  Cf.  also 
Lev.  V.  7. 

Ver.  7.  Joacira  is  distinguished  from  the  other 
priests  as  though  he  were  high  priest.  But  no 
high  priest  of  this  name  apjjears  until  a  later 
period.  Cf.  Judith  iv.  6,  xv.  8;  Jos.,  Antiq.,  xi. 
5,  §  1.  When  the  Chaldseans  took  Jerusalem, 
Seraiah  was  high  priest.  Jer.  Hi.  24.  Rcnsch 
thinks  Joacim  simply  represented  the  high  priest 
in  Jerns,alem  after  the  latter  had  been  carried 
away  to  Babylon. 

Ver.  8.    The  person  referred  to  is  Baruch.    It 


422 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


miirht  be  inferred  from  this  verse  that  the  temple 
etill  stood.  See  also,  below,  verses  10,  14  ;  ii.  16. 
We  find  nowhere  auy  confirmatiou  of  the  extraor- 
diuarv  statomeuts  here  made ;  and,  indeed,  that 
any  part  of  the  furniture  of  the  temple  was  car- 
ried back  to  Jerusalem  during  tlie  lifetime  of 
Nubnchodouosor  is  well-nigh  incredible.  It  was 
Solomon  who  had  vessels  made  for  tlie  temple. 
Cf.  1  Kings  xiv.  26  ;  2  Kings  xxiv.  !.■).  Tlie  pas- 
sage, moreover,  seems  to  conflict  with  Jer.  xxvii. 
46  f. ;  xxviii.  3  ;  xxix.  4  f.  Knenclier  (p.  212  f.) 
reads  for  "Scdecias"  "  Joacim  "  (cf.  Jer.  xxii. 
18;  xxvi.  1;  xxvii.  1;  xxxvi.  9),  while  holding 
that,  "  historically  considered,  the  entire  saga  of 
this  !*th  verse  amounts  to  nothing." 

Ver.  9.  And  the  captives.  The  writer  is 
supposed  by  some  to  have  been  guilty  at  this 
point  of  a  failure  in  translation,  and  to  have  been 
led  into  it  by  the  rendering  of  the  Septuagint  at 
Jer.  xxiv.  1,  which  the  present  passage  closely 
follows.  But  the  Hebrew  word  ~^DDC,  rendered 
by  the  LXX.  in  Jeremiah  SefffniTris,  has  a  kindred 
signification  in  Ps.  cxlii.  7  (prison) ;  Is.  xxiv.  22 
(foHress)  \  xlii.  7  (fHters).  The  captives  may 
have  been  hostages  of  high  rank,  in  which  case 
the  word  would  not  be  out  of  place  in  the  con- 
nection. 

Ver.  10.  Kal  irepl  afxaprias,  i.  e.,  for  sin  offer- 
ings.    Cf.  2  Mace.  ii.  11. 

Ver.  11.  Pray  for  the  life  of  Nabuchodono- 
sor.  See  1  Esd.  vi.  31,  where  in  a  similar  way 
prayer  is  de.-^ired  for  Darius  and  his  children. 
Cf.  also  Jer.  xxix.  7  ;  I  Mace.  vii.  33 ;  Jos , 
Antlq.,  xii.  2,  §  6.  —  Baltasar,  or  as  elsewhere 
spelled  "  Belshazzar,"  is  here  called  the  son  of 
Nabuchodduosor,  as  in  Dan.  v.  2.  It  may  in 
Biblical  language  mean  no  more  than  that  he  was 
a  grandson,  or  descendant.  Rawlinson  has  made 
it  tolerably  clear  that  Nabuchodonosor  was  the 

frandfather  of  Baltazar  on  the  mother's  side, 
ee  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  art.  "  Belshazzar."  But 
it  is  an  evident  anachronism  to  associate  him  with 
Nabuchodonosor  in  tliis  way,  as  he  was  put  to 
death  by  Cyrus  near  the  end  of  the  seventy  years 
of  exile.  Cf.  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  70  f. 
Ver.  14.     'Efo7o/)et)(rai.     The  meaning  given 


this  word  by  the  A.  V.  would  be  allowable  as  t 
derived  one.  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Ez.  x.  1,  Neh.  ix 
3,  where  it  is  similarly  used  in  the  sense  of  making 
confession.  Kneucker  also  renders  by  ah  belcennt- 
niss,  as  a  confession.  —  'Ev  7i^4pais  Kaipov.  Fritzsche 
would  m:tke  Kaipov  synonymous  with  toprrjs  of 
the  preceding  clause.  But  it  is  more  likely  that 
the  word  was  intentionally  used  for  the  sabbaths, 
and  to  distinguish  them  from  the  other  days 
mentioned.  This  view  is  confirmed  by  another 
apocryphal  work,  the  so-called  First  Letter  of  the 
Writer  Baruch,  which  was  undoubtedly  based  on 
the  present  book,  and  which  in  the  Latin  transLa- 
tion  reads  :  "  Et  fcederis  majoruni  vestrorum,  solen- 
nitatum  atque  sabbathoruni  ne  obliviscainini."  Cf. 
Fabricius,  Cod.  Pseudep.  Fef.,  etc.,  ii.  153;  also, 
Ewald,  Proph.  d.  Alt.  BunJes,  iii.  203. 

Vers.  15-18.  Cf.  Dan.  ix.  7-10,  of  which  this 
passage  is  nearly  a  literal  reproduction.  —  Been 
disobedient  unto,  TjireiB-fia-a^iv,  with  the  dative. 
A  peculiar  construction  (this  verb  being  usually 
followed  by  wpos  in  this  sense),  and,  according  to 
Fritzsche,  found  only  here.  See  verse  19.  In 
verse  1 8,  vopeieaBai  is  also  followed  by  the  dative, 
without  a  preposition  (cf.  LXX.  at  2  Kings  xvii. 
8),  where  we  should  have  expected  4v.  —  'Hfiwv, 
&i>.  Some  take  av  for  avB'  iiv,  because.  So  the 
A.  V.  But  it  is  more  likely  that  it  was  put  unskill- 
fnlly  in  the  genitive  bv  attraction  with  r])j.S!v. 

Ver.  19.  "H^eea  (^^€1/,  22.  36.  48.  51.  62.  88. 
96.  198.  231.).  In  two  passages  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment this  form  is  supported  by  good  MSS., — 
Matt,  xxiii.  30;  Acts  xxvii.  37.  Winer  (p.  80) 
remarks,  however,  that  it  does  not  appear  in  any 
gooil  writer.  Tregelles  and  Tischendorf  adopt 
it  also  at  Eph.  ii.  3.  Cf.  Buttmann,  p.  50.  — 
'Eo-xfSmfojuei'.  This  word  occurs  nowhere  else  in 
the  LXX.  In  a  transitive  sense  it  means,  Ui 
do  a  thing  offhand;  intransitive,  to  be  negligent. 
Kneucker  renders  by  getrolzt,  defied. 

Ver.  20.  The  phrase,  as  at  this  dag,  is  to  be 
connected  with  the  first  part  of  the  verse  :  "  Evils 
cleaved  unto  us,"  etc  ,  "  as  at  this  day."  Kneucker 
suspects  here  (as  at  iii.  4)  a  mistran.slation,  and 
renders  the  verb  by  ergoss  sich  iiber,  was  poured 
out  over. 


Chapter  II. 

1  And  so  *  the  Lord  made  ^  good  his  word,  which  he  pronounced  against  •  us,  ana 
against  our  judges  that  judged  Israel,  and  against  our  kings,  and  against  our  princes, 

2  and  against  the   men  *  of  Israel  and   Juda,  in  that  he  has  brought '  upon  us  great 
evils,  so  that  it  was  not  done  elsewhere  under  the  whole  heaven,  as  it  was  done  *  in 

3  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  things  that  were  written  in  the  law  of  Moses  :  that  we 
should  eat,  every  one '  the  He.sh  of  his  son,*  and  every  one  '*  the  flesh  of  his  daughter." 

4  And  he  "  delivered  them  to  be  in   subjection   to   all   the   kingdoms  that  are  round 
about  us,  a  "^  reproach  and  a ''  desolation  among  all  the  peoples  that  are  round 


Vers.  1-8.  —'  A.  V. :  Therefore  (icat  consecutivum  ;  of.  i.  20).         »  hath  made.  "  (eiri.     Ileb.,  7!,]  i  cf.  Jer.  xvl. 

10.)  *  {avBpitiiTov  zz  "  every  man  '" ;  cf.  i.  15.)         "  to  bring  (infin.  with  rov  ;  lit.,  so  that,  but  in  pense,  in  that ;  cf. 

Winer,  p.  324  f.    The  A.  V.  makes  it  dependent  on  eAaAijcrei' ;  but  it  is  to  be  connected  with  tim\iTt)-  '  plagues, 

BUch  .i«  lever  happened  under  the  whole  heaven,  as  it  came  to  paHS  in  .7.  {koko.  /ueyoAa,  a  ouk  enoi^^Tj  —  Codd.  II.  III. 
XII.  33.  49.,  and  many  others  have  this  reading  instead  of  irroi-i^crfv  of  the  text.  tec.  — uwokotw  nam-oi  tov  ovpavov  Kotfd 
iiroirieri  If  'I.  Cf.  lleb.  at  Dan.  ix.  12,  of  which  it  is  a  nearly  literal  translation).  '  a  man  should  eat(ToC  iayew  ^iua< 
ivBpiiiiioy).        *  own  son.        ^  omi(.t  every  one.        '**  own  daughter. 

Vers.  4-<3.  —  "  A.  V. :  Moreover  he  hath.         "  to  be  (u  a.         "  owiirj  a  (Fritzsche  adopts  «u  before  d^aTo^' from  111 


BARUCH.  423 


5  about  us,  where  the  Lord  scattered  them.'     And  they  ^  were  cast  down,  and  not 
exalted,'  because  we  sinned  *  against  the  Lord  our  God,  ia  that  we  hearkened  not  ^ 
unto  his  voice. 
■6       To  the  Lord  our  God  appertaineth  righteousness  ;  but  unto  us  and  to  our  fathers 
7  confusion  of  faces,  as  at  ^   this  day.     All '   these  evils   came '  upon   us,  which  the 
S  Lord   pronounced'   against  us.     And  we  prayed   not'"  before   the   Lord,  that   we 
9  might  turn  ''  every  one  from   the  purposes  '-  of  his  wicked  heart.     And  so ''  the 
Lord  watched  oi'er  us  for  evils,"    and  the  Lord  brought  them  '^  upon   us  ;  for  the 
10  Lord  is  righteous  in  '^  all  his  works  which  he  commanded  "  us.    And  we  hearkened 
not  '*  unto  his  voice,  to  walk  in  the  commandments  of  the  Lord,  that  he  gave  be- 
ll fore  our  eyes.''    And  now,  0  Lord  God  of  Israel,  that  hast  brought  thy  people  out 
of  the  land  of   Egypt  with  a  mighty  hand,  and  with  signs,  and  with  wonders,  and 
with  great  power,  and  with  a  high  arm,""  and  hast  gotten '■''  thyself  a  name,  as  it  is  ^ 

12  this  day,  O  Lord  our  God,  we  have  sinned,  we  have  done  ungodly,  we  have  dealt 

13  unrighteously  ^  in  all  thine  ordinances.    Let  now  '*  thy  wrath  turn  from  us  ;  for  we 

14  are  a  ^  few  left  among  the  heathen,  where  thou  hast  scattered  us.     Hear  our 
prayer,^'  0  Lord,  and  our  petition,"'  and  deliver  us  for  thine  own  sake,  and  give  us 

15  favor  in  the  sight  of  them  who  carried  us  away  :  ^  that  all  the  earth  may  know  that 
thou  art  the  Lord  our  God,  because  ^  Israel  and  his  race  is  called  '"  by  thy  name. 

16  0  Lord,  look  down  from   thy  holy  house,  and  consider  us  ;  incline  "  thine  ear,  O 

17  Lord,  and  hear.^'^     Open  O  Lord'^  thine  eyes,  and  behold;  for  the  dead  in  their'* 
graves,  whose  spirit  has  been  ^  taken  from  their  bodies,  will  not  give  unto  the  Lord 

18  glory  and  righteousness;''  but  the  soul  that  is  greatly  vexed,  that"  goeth  stooping 
and  feeble,  and   the   eyes  that  fail,  and  the  hungry  soul,  will  give  thee  glory  '*  and 

19  righteousness,  O  Lord.     For''  we  do  not  make  our  humble   supplication*"  before 

20  thee,  0  Lord  our  God,  for  the  righteousness  of  our  fathers,  and  of  our  kings.     For 
thou  hast  sent  out  thy  wrath  and  indignation  upon  us,  as  thou  hast  spoken  by  thy 

21  servants  the  prophets,  saying,"  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  Bow  down  your  shoulder  *- 
to  serve  the  king  of  Babylon  ;  so  "  shall  ye  remain   in   the  land   that  I  gave  unto 

22  your  fathers.     And  "  if  ye  will  not  hear  the  voice  of  the  Lord,  to  serve  the  king  of 

23  Babylon,  I  will  cause  to  cease  from*"  the  cities  of  Juda,  and  from  *"  Jerusalem,  the 
voice  of  mirth,  and  the  voice  of  joy,  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom,  and  the  voice  of 

24  the  bride  ;  and  the  whole  laud  shall  be  desolate  of  inhabitants.   And  we  hearkened 
not  unto  thy  voice,  to  serve  the  king  of  Babylon  ;  and  thou  hast "  made  good  the 

XII.  26.  muUisque  I.)  ^  people  round  about,  where  (Fritzsche  receives  rjii^v  after  KvxXt^  from  III.  26.  and  '*  many 

MSS."  ;  it  is  omitted  by  II.  with  the  itxl.  rec.)  the  Lord  hath  scattered  them  (lit.,  them  there.  A  common  Hebraism). 
■  Thus  we  («ai  iy€vri9ri<rciv ;  22.  36.  48.  62.  96.  198.  229.  231.,  the  1st  per.  plur.).  5  (Marg.,  "  Gr.,  loere  beneath  and 

not  above.^^    Of.  Deut.  iiviii.  13.)         *  have  sinned.  ^  and  have  not  been  obedient  (n-po?  to  /xij  axovetv).         ^  open 

shame  ae  appeareCh  (cf .  i.  15,  where  the  Greek  is  the  same). 

Vers.  7-10. —7  A.  V. :  i^or  all.  9  plagues  are  come  (^A0ei^).  >*  hath  pronounced  (see  Com.).  i"  Yet  («(u) 

have  we  not  prayed.  "  (Meaning  either,  "  prayed  not  to  the  Lord /or  t/elivera7ice,  because  we  turned  "'  ;  or,  "  we 

prayed  not  to  the  Lord  and  made  no  promise  to  turn."  Fritzsche,  on  the  contrary,  would  give  the  verb  a  transitive 
sense  :"  that  he — God  —  turn  every  one.    Cf.  i.  13.)  12  imaginations  (not  clear.    It  uie&zis  thoughts,  purpoies}- 

"  Wherefore  («ai ;  cf.  ver.  1).  w  evil  (lit.,  "  watched  over  evils''  1.  e.,  "  to  execute  them.    Cf.  Jer.  i.  12,  where  it  is 

eaid  that  he  will  watch  over  (A.  V.,  hasten)  his  word  "  to  perform  it.'"  The  A.  V.  renders  at  Jer,  xliv.  27,  as  here). 
IS  hath  brought  it.  le  (i,  c,  with  respect  to.)  i^  ii^th  commanded.  ^^  yet  we  have  not  hearkened.  ^^  hath 
set  before  us  (cf.  i.  18,  and  below,  ver.  28). 

Vers.  11-15.  — 20  A.  V.  :  hand,  and  high  arm  (I  have  followed  the  order  of  the  Greek  in  placing  this  phrase  after  the 
word  "  power  •').  "  (Lit.,  made.)  22  appeareth.  M  (Cf .  Kings  viii.  47,  which  our  author  seems  to  follow.) 

21  omits  now  (aij.    It  is  received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  23.  26.  33.  al.  ;  text.  rec.  omits).  '-^  but  a.  26  prayers. 

»T  petitions.  28  which  have  led  us  away  [aTTotKL(T6.vTtov).  -->  (Others  —  De  Wette,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  some 

MSS.,  22.  36.  48.  51.  62.  96.  231.,  which  place  a  kq.1  before  on  —  would  make  this  ori  coordinate  with  the  preceding.  This 
would  make  a  smoother  sentence  without  detracting  from  the  strength  of  the  idea.)  s"  posterity  (-ycVos)  is  called  (lor 
,<rtitAii«i|  of  the  text.  rec.  III.  XII.  33.  49.  70.  90.  91.  106.  Aid.  read  ei;iice«\r|Tai). 

Vers.  16-20.  —  »'  A.  V. :  bow  down  («Ati'0»'.     Fritzsche  rejects  the  «ai'  before  it,  with  lU.  XII.  23.  26.  33.  al.  It  is  not 
In  li.).  22  to  hear  us.         S3  omits  0  Lord  (Fritzsche  adopts  icvpie  from  III.  XII.  26. 33.  al.    It  is  supported  also  by  II.). 

**  that  are  in  the.  33  gguls  (marg.,-*  Gr., spirit  or  life  '")  are.  3"^  will  give  ....  neither  praise (Sdfai-) nor  righteous- 
cess  (SticaiwfAa.  Grotius,  justijication,  i.  e.,  approbation  of  his  decrees;  Schleusner,  due  praise,-  De  Wette,  what 
belongs  to  him,  hi.s  right ;  Fritzsche,  proper  recognition  ;  Reusch,  as  A.  V.  The  meaning  seems  to  be  that  they  will  not 
ascribe  to  him,  in  praise,  the  glorj'  and  righteousness  that  belong  to  his  nature  and  characterize  all  his  dealings). 
»'  greatly  veied  (see  Coot.)  ;  which.  »»  praise.  s»  Therefore.  «  See  Cfam.  "  Fritzsche  receives  A^iuk 

from  III.  XII   22.  26.  33.  and  many  others. 

Vers.  21-24.  —  ^2  j^_  y. :  shoulders.  43  (wat  connecting  an  imperative  with  a  preceding  imperative.)  **  But 

*^  out  of.  *'^  from  without  {e^Mdev.  Probably  the  idea  is  taken  from  Jer.  vii.  34,  where  the  Heb.  is  properly  rendered 
in  the  LXX.  by  "  from  the  streets  of  Jerusalem ;  but  at  xliv.  6,  9,  17,  as  here,  by  llwOev  '!.).  "  But  we  would  not 

hearken  ....  therefore  hast  thuu. 


424 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


words  that  thou  spakest  by  thy  servants  the  prophets,  that  ^  the  bones  of  our  kings, 

25  and  the  bones  of  our  fathers,  should  be  taken  out  of  their  graves.^  And  lo,  they 
have  been   cast  out  ^  to  the  heat  of  the   day,  and   to  the  frost*   of  the  night,  and 

26  they  died  by  bitter  trials  ^  by  famine,  and  by  sword,  and  by  pestilence.'  And  the 
house  which  is  called   by  thy  name  '  hast   thou  laid  waste,  as  at  *  this  day,  for  the 

27  wickedness  of  the  house  of  Israel  and  the  house  of  Juda.  And  '  0  Lord  our  God, 
thou  hast  dealt  with  us  according  to  '"  all  thy  goodness,^^  and  according  to  all  that 

28  great  mercy  of  thine,  as  thou  spakest  by  thy  servant  Moses  in  the  day  when  thou 

29  didst  command  him  to  write  thy  law  before  the  children  ^'^  of  Israel,  saying,  If  ye 
do   not  '^   hear  my  voice,  surely  this  very  great  multitude  "  shall  be  turned  into  a 

30  small  number  among  the  nations,  where  I  will  scatter  them.  For  I  know  ^^  that 
they  will  '^  not  hear  me,  because  it  is  a  stiffnecked  people  ;  and  "  in  the  land  of 

31  their  captivities  they  shall  come  to"  themselves,  and  shall  know  that  I  am  the  Lord 

32  their  God ;  and  '^  I  will  give  them  a  heart,  and  ears   that  -"  hear  ;  and   they  shall 

33  praise  me  in  the  land  of  their  captivity,  and  think  upon  my  name,  and  return  from  their 
stiff  neck,^'  and  from  their  wicked  deeds  ;  ^  for  they  shall  remember  the  way  of  their 

34  fathers,  who^  sinned  before  the  Lord.  And  I  will  bring  them  again  into  the  land 
which  I  promised  with  an  oath  ^*  unto  their  fathers,  Abraham,  and  ^  Isaac,  and 
Jacob,  and  they  shall  be  lords  of  it ;  and  I  will  increase  them,  and  they  shall   not 

35  be  diminished.  And  I  will  establish  -"  an  everlasting  covenant  with  them  to  be  '" 
their  God,  and  they  shall  be  my  people  ;  and  I  will  no  more  drive  my  people  of  Israel 
out  of  the  land  that  I  have  given  them. 

Ver.  24.  —  ^  A  V. ;  namely,  that.        2  places  (tottov  ;  cf.  Ecclus.  xlvi.  12  ;  xlix.  10). 

Vers.  25-29.  — s  A.  V.  :  are  cast  out  (see  Co7n.).  *  (See  Com.)  ^'  died  (not  especially  those  whose  bones  have 

iust  been  spoken  of,  but  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  in  general)  in  great  miseries  (ei'  novoi^  7rovi7poi?)  ^  (See Com.) 

^  (Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  "  where  thy  name  is  called  upon.")  ^  laid  loaste,  as  U  (eSij/cas,  set,  placed,  brought  to  the 

state)  is  to  be  seen.  ^  omits  And.         i"  after.         ^^  [eTrietKeiav  (row.)  ^2  (Lit.,  sotis.)         ^  will  not.  "  See 

Com. 

Vers.  30-3.5.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  knew.  i«  would.  ^^  but.  '»  remember  (I  adopt  the  marg.  rendering.  The  Greek  is, 
iiTiirTpi^ov(TLv  kn\  KapSlav  avT^iiv).         ^^  for.  20  jo.  21  (Marg.,  feacA;  Or.,  I'wTov,  and  not  as  just  above,  TpaxijAo?. 

Still  the  sense  is  the  same.)  22  {Cod.  II.  agrees  with  III.  XII.  22.  26.  in  writing  Trpav^aTtur.)  23  which.  24  (Lit., 
which  I  swore .)        25  owi(/s  and.         ^  Tna^&  [vrri(Tw,  net  up  ov  establish).        27  Inf.  with  tou.     Lit. ,  so  that  I  am. 

Chapter  II. 


Vers.  1,  2.  Cf.  Dan.  ix.  12,  13,  from  which  the 
seutiment  was  taken. 

Ver.  3.  Cf.  Lev.  xxvi.  29 ;  Deut.  xxviii.  53  ; 
Jer.  xix.  9  ;  and  Joseph.,  .Tud.  Bell,  vi.  3,  §  4. 

Ver.  4.  El's  S;8aT0^.  Ewald  would  translate  the 
substantive  by  astonishment,  Heb.  ^!t^^^  instead 
of  desolation.  Cf.  also  Jer.  xlii.  18,  where  the  A.  V. 
renders  this  word  by  "  astoui.shment,"  although 
the  LXX.  translate.s,  as  here,  by  i^arof.  This  is 
one  of  the  versts  which  Kneucker  ascribes  to  a 
Christinn  h,and.     Cf.  iii.  37. 

Ver.  7.  Cf.  verses  7-17,  with  Dan.  ix.  1.3-18. 
-■^A  ^AaA7](re  Kvptos  i(p^  Vfxas  irauTa  to.  KaKa  ravra 

iiKdfv  eifj'  ijiias.  The  construction  is  diHicult. 
.Some  MSS.  strike  out  the  second  o  :  xii.  20.  S.'j. 
36.  49.  62.  al.,with  Co.  and  Aid.  Others  read,  in 
place  of  the  Krst  one,  SiiSti  :  22.  36.  48.  51.  96. 
231.  The  latter,  as  will  be  seen,  is  slightly  sup- 
ported. And  the  former  seems,  in  otiier  respects, 
the  lea.st  objectionable  and  simpler,  and  is  adopted 
by  Fiitzsche.  Probably  the  second  a  came  into 
the  text  through  a  failure  in  transcription,  from 
raCro. 

Ver.  11.     Cf.  Deut.  xxvi.  8  ;  Jer.  xvi.  21. 

Ver.  14.  UpofT^uxv  xo-l  B^rjcris.  Tliesc  words 
are  often  found  thus  combined.  Cf.  I's.  Ixxxvi. 
6;  Dan.  ix.  17,  where  the  latter  is  rendered  in 
the  A.  V.  by  "supplication." 

Ver.  16.  Thine  holy  house.  By  general 
usage  this  would  refer  to  the  temple  ,at  Jerusalem, 
but  probably  refers  to  heaven.  Cf.  Deut.  xxvi. 
i5,  which  offers  a  direct  parallel. 


Ver.  18.  'H  tpvxh  V  \vitovij.4v7}  eVl  rh  jue'yefloj. 
The  latter  ex]»ressiou,  used  adverbially  in  the 
A.  V.  as  modifying  Xvirovixepri,  is  variously  ex- 
pl.iined.  Ewald  would  re.ad  for  tV!  rh,  Ka\  t6. 
De  Wette,  with  the  Old  Latin,  Brentano,  Dereser, 
and  others,  would  limit  neyeBos  by  some  such 
woi'd  as  "  misfortune  ''  or  "  evil,"  and  translate  : 
"  But  those  who  are  troubled  over  the  greatness 
of  the  misfortune."  Fritzsche  also  suspects  a 
corrupt  text,  and  suggests  the  Hebrew  word 
n^ij,  alxiiaKwaia.,  i.  e.,  captivity,  as  possibly  ly- 
ing at  the  basis  of  the  original  Greek  transl.ation. 
This  is  adopted  by  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk.  Kneucker 
agrees  with  Reusch  that  the  passage  is  derived 
from  Deut.  xxviii.  65,  and  renders  ^  il'fx^  h 
KvTTOv^iivT)  by  "the  trembling  heart"  (referring  to 
the  LXX.  at  Ezek.  xvi.  43,  Is.  xxxii.  11,  for  a 
similar  rendering  into  Greek  of  the  Hebrew  word 
T3"^.  With  respect  to  the  remaining  phrase,  he 
suggests  that  the  translator  read  v'lSn,  when  he 

should    hiive   read    .3^n,  and  renders,   and  the 
font  that  goeth,  etc. 

Ver.  19.  KoTai3aAAoAi€i'  Tif  ikfov.  Fritzsche 
receives  r]fitiiv  after  the  last  word  from  XII.  22. 
23.  26.  33.,  iiiultisque  I.  It  is  not  in  II.  "  Suppli- 
cation "  is  an  unusual  meaning  for  cKeos.  It  is 
rather  tlie  Latin  jnisericordia.  Fritzsche  and 
Bun.sen's  Bibelwerk  would  translate:  "For  thy 
mercy  ascribe  wo  not  to,"  etc.  Ewald,  Reusch 
Kneucker,  and  others,  however,  agree  virtually 


BARUCH. 


42d 


with  the  A.  V.,  regarding  (\eos  as  intended  to 
represent  the  Hebrew  nDPP.  See  Jer.  xxxvi. 
7,  xxxvii.  20,  xxxviii.  26,  where  IXeoi  is  used  for 
this  word  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  21.  'Eirl  ttjc  yrii/.  This  preposition  does 
not  govern  the  accusative  with  verbs  of  rest ;  but 
the  idea  of  motion  precedes  that  of  rest  in  the 
present  verb,  as  in  Matt.  xix.  28.  The  Codd. 
XII.  2.3.  26.  33.  49.  70.  86.  al.  Co.  Aid.  have  the 
genitive. 

Ver.  23.  Kneucker  renders  by  "  in  the  streets  " 
(of  Jerusalem),  believing  that  the  translator  mis- 
understood his  text.  Cf.  Gesenius,  under  V'""~'i  §  -■ 

Ver.  25.  Ewald  supposes  that  some  such  words 
as  '*  from  their  graves,"  have  been  lost  from  the 
text  after  "cast  out."  See  Jer.  viii.  12. — 
no^eT^s  signifies  either  /)os?  or  cold.  —  'Attoo-toA?'), 
translated  jjest,  means  rather  exile,  and  was  so 
rendered  by  most  of  the  older  commentators.  It 
derives  its  meaning  here  from  the  LXX.,  which 
In  the  parallel  passage  (Jer.  xxxii.  36)  employs  it 
to  translate  the  Hebrew  %vord  ""Q?.-  which  means 
pest,  plague.  This  peculiar  meaning  for  the  Greek 
word  seems  to  have  arisen  as  follows :  To  send  the 
pest  was  rendered  often  in  the  LXX.  by  ciiro- 
(TTfWetv  eivarov  ;  and  so  in  the  LXX.  and  also 
here  the  pest  itself  was  entitled  the  thing  sent. 


Ver.  29.  Surely  this  very  great  multitude 
(margin,  this  great  swarm).  The  A.  V.  so  ren- 
ders €(  /it;*'  ^  ^6lx$T]fns  7}  fieydXT]  ^  noW^  avrtj. 
For  61  i^-nv,  49.  51.  90.  231.  Co.  Aid.  read  ^  firiv. 
Cf.  Heb.  vi.  14.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  latter  as 
alone  admissible  For  ri  fieyd\7i  ij  TroAArj,  III. 
23.  and  thirteen  cursive  MSS.,  with  Syriac  and 
Arabic,  read  ij  fiey.  na!  t]  tt.  The  Vulgate 
leaves  71  TToWii  out.  —  B(i/i/87)crij.  This  word, 
which  does  not  appear  elsewhere  in  the  LXX., 
means  any  buzzing,  hninininq  sound,  as  of  bees 
or  a  multitude  of  people.  The  verb  ^ofiSeiv  is 
noticeably  employed  by  the  LXX.  at  Jer.  xxxi. 
35  {roar),  xlviii.  36  (sound),  to  render  non, 
which  is  allied  to  the  English  hum  and  the  Ger- 
man huminen.  —  Come  to  themselves.  Lit.,  re- 
turn to  their  liearts,  namely,  their  former  good 
hearts,  inclinations.  It  is  sayiu»;,  in  other  words, 
that  they  will  repent.  It  is  different  Greek  that 
is  used  at  Luke  xv.  17  :  els  laurii/  Se  e'Aeiii/  elwe. 

Ver.  31.  A  heart.  Some  codd.  add  to  icapSioi' 
the  word  avveTi\v,  and  are  followed  by  the  Syriac 
and  Old  Latin  (Luther)  ;  but  it  is  clearly  a  gloss 
taken  from  Jer.  xxiv.  7. 

Ver.  33.  Keturn  from  their  stiff  neck  (mar- 
gin, iuci).  The  figure  is  mixed,  From  the  dis- 
position which  is  symbolized  by  a  stiff  neck  they 
might  turn  away. 


Chapter  m. 

1  O  Lord  Almighty,  God  of  Israel,  a  ^  soul  m  anguish,  and  a  "^  troubled  spirit, 

2  crieth  unto  thee.     Hear,  O  Lord,  and  have  mercy  ; '  because  we  have  sinned  before 
3,  4  thee.     For  thou  reignest  *  for  ever,  and  we  perish  for  ever.^    0  Lord  Almighty, 

God  °  of  Israel,  hear  now  the  prayer '  of  the  dead  of  Israel,*  and  of  their  sons  who' 
sinned  before  thee,  who  hearkened  not '"  unto  the  voice  of  thee  their  God  ;  ^'  and  so 

5  these  evils  cleaved^'-  unto  us.    Remember  not  the  iniquities  of  our  fathers  ;  ^'  but  re- 

6  member  ^*  thy  hand  '^^  and   thy  name  at  '^   this  time.     For  thou  art  the  Lord  our 

7  God,  and  thee,  O  Lord,  will  we  praise.  Since  "  for  this  cause  thou  hast  put  thy 
fear  in  our  heart,  and  dost  permit  us  to  '*  call  upon  thy  name.  And  we  will  "  praise 
thee  in  our  captivity  ;  for  we  have  put  away  from   our  heart '"  all  the  iniquity  of 

8  our  fathers,  that  sinned  before  thee.  Behold,  we  are  ^  this  day  in  our  captivity, 
where  thou  hast  scattered  us,  for  a  reproach  and  a  curse,  and  an  indebtedness,^ 
according  to  all  the  iniquities  of  our  fathers,  who  ^*  departed  from  the  Lord  our 
God. 


10 


Hear,  Israel,  the  commandments  of  life  ; 
Give  ear  to  understand  wisdom.-'' 
Why  is  '•*  it,  Israel,  why  is  it  ^^  that  thou  art  in  the  "  enemies'  land  ; 


Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V. :  the.  2  anguish,  the.  ^  mercy,  for  thou  art  merciful :  and  have  pity  upon  us  (the  addition 
is  found  in  III.  with  nine  cursives  and  all  the  old  versions,  except  that  only  the  first  and  the  Old  Lat.,  read  eAoj//iiii' 
ioTitfjimv.  Cod.  XII- adds  in  the  margin,  oTi  5eos  eAeTj/iwi' after  Kvpie).  *  endnrest  {see  Com.).  ^  utterly  (same  word 
as  that  rendered  "  forever  "  in  the  same  verse).  *•  :/iow  God.  'prayers.  s  Israelites.  »  rAci'r  children  which 
have.  1**  and  not  hearkened.  n  (For  trov  Qeov,  XII.  62.  al.  read  tcvpiov  Q. ;  III.  omits  aov  ;  26.  33.  36.  al.  Kvpiov 

rov  S.)        ^  for  the  which  cause  these  plagues  cleave. 

Vers.  6-8.  —  ^3  A.  V. ;  forefathers.  "  think  upon  (cf.  preceding  line).  ^5  power.  ^^  now  at.  "  And. 

18  hearts,  to  the  intent  that  we  should  (for  koX  eirtK oAeta-tJai ,  III.  XII.  and  sixteen  cursives,  with  Co.,  read  Toi5  en-., 
which  wa£  adopted  by  the  A.  V.  This  force  may  be  given  to  cSojfca?,  on  which  eirtKoAeto'dat,  as  well  as  t'qv  ^ofiov  o-ou, 
depends).         ^^  omits  we  will.  20  called  to  mind  ianeaTpe^atxev  airo  KopSla^.    For  the  last  two  words  III.  XII.  23. 

26.  36.  49.  70.  86.  88.  90.  91.  106.  228.  233.  Co.  Aid.  and  II.  from  the  second  hand,  have  eirl  napSCav.  Of.  ver.  30  of  chap. 
■|i.).  21  forefathers  .  ...  are  yet.  22  to  be  subjects  to  payments  (r.  «.,  to  God.  They  were  guilty,  and  this  guilt 
ffas  a  debt  to  be  paid).        23  which. 

Vers.  9, 10.  —  "  Cf.  Coir.,  on  ver.  12.  '^  A.  V.  ■.  How  happeneth.  ^  omits  why  is  it  (so  m.  XII.  23.  26.  3» 

al.  (fourteen  cursives  in  all)  Co.  Aid.,  but  it  is  apparently  a  correction).         *^  t/iin* 


426  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


That  thou  hast  become  ^  old  in  a  strange  land,''  that  thou  art  defiled  with  the 
dead, 

11  That  thou  art  counted  with  them  in  Hades  ? ' 

12  Thou  hast  forsaken  the  fountain  of  wisdom. 

13  If  *  thou  hadst  walked  in  the  way  of  God, 
Thou  shouldest  have  dwelled  in  peace  for  ever.^ 

14  Learn  where  is  wisdom,"  where  is  strength,  where  is  understanding:^ 
That  thou  mayest  know  also  *  where  is  length  of  days,'  and  life, 
Wliere  is  the  light  of  the  eyes,  and  peace. 

15  Who  hath  found  out  her  place  ? 

And  who  hath  entered '"  into  her  treasures  ? 

16  Where  are  the  princes  of  the  heathen?" 
And  such  as  ruled  the  beasts  upon  the  earth  ; 

17  They  that  had  their  pastime  with  the  fowls  of  the  air ; 
And  they  that  hoarded  up  silver 

And  gold,  wherein  men  trust, 

And  there  is  '"  no  end  of  their  getting  ?  ^° 

18  For  '^  they  sought  wealth,  and  were  full  of  care ;  " 
And  yet  there  is  no  finding  of  their  labors. ^° 

19  They  are  vanished  and  gone  down  to  Hades," 
And  others  have  ^*  come  up  in  their  stead. 

20  Later  ones  ^^  have  seen  the  -"  light,  and  dwelt  upon  the  earth ; 
But  the  way  of  knowledge  have  they  not  known, 

21  Nor  understood  the  paths  thereof ; 
Their  sons  have  not  laid  hold  of  it. 
They  °^  were  far  off  from  her  '^'^  way. 

22  It  hath  not  been  heard  of  in  Chanaan,'^ 
Neither  hath  it  been  seen  in  Thasman.^ 

23  The  sons  of  Agar  also,"^  that  seek  understanding  upon  the  ^  earth, 
The  merchants  of  Merran  and  of  Thseman,^' 

And  tlie  mythologists,^*  and  they  that  search  out  the  understanding  :  * 
None  of  these  '°  have  known  the  way  of  wisdom. 
Nor  remembered  ^'  her  paths. 

24  0  Israel,  how  great  is  the  house  of  God ! 
And  how  large  ^-  the  place  of  his  possession  ! 

25  Great,  and  it  hath  no  end  ;  '^ 
High,  and  immeasurable  !  *■* 

26  There  arose  *'  the  giants  famous  ^°  from  the  beginning, 
That  were  of  great  stature,  expert "  in  war. 

27  These  *'*  did  not  the  Lord  choose, 

Neither  gave  he  the  way  of  knowledge  unto  them ; 

28  And  ^  they  were  destroyed,  because  they  had  not  wisdom,*" 
They  perished  ''^  through  their  foolishness.^'^ 

29  Who  hath  gone  up  into  heaven,  and  taken  her, 

Vers.  10-14.  —  ^  A.  V. :  art  waxen.  2  country  (the  word  was  rendered  "  land  "  in  the  preceding  member). 

«  that  go  down  into  the  grave.  *  For  if.  ^  Fritzsche  receives  xpovov  after  atuj'a  from  m.  XII.  and  eighteen 

cursives,  Aid.        ^  See  ver.  1.        ^  (rut'eo-is.        ^  ci^a.        ^  See  Com. 

Vers.  15-19.  —  '»  A.  V.  :  Or  .  .  .  .  come.  "  heathen  become.  ''  made.  >'  (Cf.  Com.)  "  (Ten  cursives  and 
all  the  old  versions,  with  Theodoret,  omit  on,  but  it  appears  to  be  genuine.)  '^  that  wrought  in  silver  (tcp  apyvpior 

rtKTaivovTSi.    The  language  is  figurative.    The  A.  V.  followed  the  Vulgate)  .  ...  so  careful.  "  And  whose  works 

are  unseJirchable  (the  false  rendering  above  misled).        ^^  the  grave.        >s  are. 

Vers.  20-28.—  ■'■'  A.  V.  :  Young  men  (he  speaks  chronologically).  ™  omils  the.  "  thereof,  nor  laid  hold  of  it 

(I  connect  with  the  following)  ....  Their  children  were  far  oft  (see  preceding  note).  ~  that  {airijt  is  to  be  read  with 
26.  239.  al.  Syr.,  instead  of  avTix.  So  Kritzsche  and  Reusch).  =3  Canaan.  =<  Theman.  =»  Agarenes  (for  01  t«, 
1X1.  XII.  36.  49.  al.  read  oi^Te.  Fritzsche  thinks  that  perhaps  it  should  be  emended  to  oti.  Reusch  dissents.  The  text 
tec.  read  oire).  ™  wisdom  {<niveGi.v  ;  "  understanding-'  at  ver.  14,  and  below)  upon.  "  Theman.  ^  The 

authors  of  fables  (see  Com.).  !»  searchers  out  of  understanding.  '°  (A.  V.  gives  the  sense.    Lit.,  Bui  theg 

have  not.)        3i  Or  remember. 

Vers.  24-30.  —  »  A.  V.  :  how  large  (lit.,  long.    Codd.  22.  .36.  48.  al.  read  rijiijioit)  is.  »  and  hath  none  end 

»«  unmeasurable.  ^^  were.  "  (oi  is  repeated  here  by  III.  XII.  22.  and  seventeen  other  cursives,  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat 
Ar.,  and  is  adopted  by  Beusch.)  s'  so  great  ....  and  so  expert.  s'  Those  (tovtous).  »•  But.  «  they  had  00 
iriedom  (see  ver.  9).        *^  And  perished.        *^  own  fooUshnesa. 


BARUCH. 


427 


And  brought  her  down  from  the  clouds  ? 

30  Who  hath  gone  '  over  the  sea,  and  found  her, 
And  will  bring  her  for  pure  ^  gold  ? 

31  No  man  knoweth  her  way, 
Nor  thinketh  of  her  path. 

32  But  he  that  knoweth  all  things  knoweth  her, 
He  °  hath  found  her  out  by  *  his  understanding ; 
He  that  prepared  the  earth  for  evermore 
Hath  filled  it  with  fourfooted  creatui-es  ;  ^ 

33  He  that  sendeth  forth  the  ^  light,  and  it  goeth, 
Calleth  it,'  and  it  obeyeth  him  with  fear.' 

34  And '  the  stars  shined  in  their  watches,  and  rejoiced  j 
He  caJled  them,  and  they  said.  Here  are  we  ; 

With  joy  they  gave  light  for  ^°  him  that  made  them. 

35  This  is  our  God, 

There  shall  none  other  be  accounted  of  in  comparkon  with  ^  him. 

36  He  found  out  all  the  way  of  knowledge, 
And  gave  it  unto  Jacob  his  servant. 
And  to  Israel  his  beloved.'^ 

37  Afterward  did  it  show  itself  upon  the  "  earth, 
And  held  converse  ^*  with  men. 

Ver.  30.  —  *  Lit.,  gone  throvgh,  i.  e.,  the  waves.  *  Lit.,  choice. 

Vers.  33-37.  —  s  a.  V.  :  .inrf.  <  with.  6  beasts  (kttji'wi/).  ^  omits  the  (see  Cam.).  ^  it  again.  ^  (rpiiuif.i 
*  omits  And.  ^^  When  he  calleth  them,  they  say,  Here  we  be  ;  And  so  with  cheerfulness  they  shewed  light  onto. 

"  And  there  ....  comparison  of.  '-  hath  found  ....  hath  given  ....  (Lit.,  beloved  by  him.    The  prep,  vjr'  is 

omitted  by  m.  22.  23.  33.  al.  wliile  XII.  has  it  only  in  the  margin.)  is  jje  shew  himself  upon  (see  Com.).  "  con- 
versed (lit.,  lived  together  wicA,  or  amonfi). 


Chapter  III. 


Ver.  1.  KcKpaye.  The  perfoct  used  as  pres- 
ent.    Cf.  Winer,  p.  271. 

Ver.  3.  2u  Ko^Tj/iefOS  Thv  aluva,  Kol  ^/xeTs  aTro\- 
\vy.fvoi  rhv  alava.  For  thou  reiguest  [art  en- 
throned] forever,  and  we  perish  forever.  This 
is  the  literal  meaning.  Wahl's  Clavis  would  give 
to  the  latter  verb  the  negative  sense  of  oli  (Hvres. 
Theodoret  and  others  render  by  Trp6<rKaipot,  trattsi- 
tory.  They  would  seek  thus  to  escape  from  the 
difficulties  apparently  contained  in  the  passafje 
when  taken  in  its  literal  sense.  But  if  the 
"  we "  here  had  been  supposed  to  refer  to  the 
Jewish  nation,  no  such  evasion  of  the  proper 
meaning  of  the  verb  would  probably  have  been 
attempted  :  "  For  thou  reignest  forevei',  and  we 
[the  nation  in  e.\ile]  perish  forever,"  i.e.,  unless 
God  should  intcrpo.<e  for  their  help.  And  this 
thought  offers  a  proper  basis  for  the  one  that  fol- 
lows. The  use  of  the  middle  voice  of  the  present 
verb  in  the  New  Testament  as  referring  to  the 
eternal  doom  of  man,  has  no  support  in  classical 
usage.  Homer  used  it  of  death  in  battle  See 
Cremcr's  Lex.,  at  the  word.  In  Dent.  iv.  26,  it  is 
held  out  as  a  threat  against  Israel  that  they 
should  utterly  perish  from  off  the  land  if  they  be- 
came idolatrous.  On  the  use  of  i,-K6\\viii  in  the 
LXX.,  see  Girdlestone,  pp.  430-434. 

Ver.  4.  Hear  the  prayer  of  the  dead  of  Is- 
rael. Is  this  to  be  taken  literally,  or  figuratively  1 
Most  commentators  say  figuratively,  and  suppose 
that  by  "dead  of  Israel"  those  who  are  virtually 
dead  by  being  in  exile  are  meant.  But  a  more 
natural  interpretation,  and  one  quite  admissible, 
would  be  to  suppose  that  the  prayers  of  the  few 
pious  Israelites  who  once  lived  and  priyed,  bat 
were  now  dead  along  with  the  many  that  sinned, 
are  intended.     So  Kneucker,  who  says  that  the 


words  correspond  to  oi  reBmriKires  iv  r$  ^8p  at  ii. 
17.  On  this  suppo.sition  the  phrase,  "and  of 
their  sons,"  as  referring  to  the  sacredness  of  the 
divine  covenant  (Ex.  xx.  6  ;  I  Kings  viii.  25—53) 
would  have  peculiar  significance ;  for  that  the 
added  clause,  *'  who  sinned  before  thee,"  does 
not  refer  to  the  sins  of  the  children,  but  those  of 
the  fathers,  is  evident  from  the  form  of  the  verb, 
from  alirSv  immediately  fc-llowing,  and  from 
verses  5  and  8,  where  the  sins  of  the  fathers  are 
alone  mentioned. 

Ver.  7.  This  verse  is  closely  connected  in 
thought  with  the  preceding.  The  translation, 
"  to  the  intent,"  etc.,  is  based  on  the  reading,  toS 
for  Kal.     Cf.  Te3-t.  Notes. 

Ver.  8.  ''0<p\rt(riv,  an  owing,  a  debt,  like  SipXrina. 
The  word  is  found  only  here  in  the  LXX.,  and 
elsewhere  but  seldom.  Kneucker  renders,  "  and 
for  an  astonishinent,"  holding  that  the  transla- 
tor made  a  mistake  in  the  Hebrew  word. 

Ver.  9.  With  this  verse  we  enter  upon  the 
second  and  quite  distinct  part  of  the  book  cS 
Baruch.  See  Inirod.  The  commandments  of  lif- 
are  those  that  lead  to  true  life. 

Ver.  10.  11  8ti.  'Etrri  is  to  be  supplied.  Cf 
Winer,  p.  585  ;  and  Meyer's  Com.,  at  Mark  i.  16, 
Acts  V.  4.  —  Defiled  with  the  dead,  i.  e.,  along 
with  the  dead,  as  the  dead,  and  not  (as  some  inter- 
pret), bi/  contact  with  the  dead,  which  would  have 
little  force  here. 

Ver.  12.  Fountain  of  wisdom,  Tniyi)v  t^j 
(TO<plas.  God  nimself  or  his  commandments  may 
be  suppo,sed  to  be  meant.  See  iv.  1.  In  the  9th 
and  14th  verses  the  A.  V.  has  rendered  cppivriais 
by  wisdom,  and  in  verse  23  it  has  given  tiie  same 
translation  to  aivfffis.  These  words,  with  <ro<pfa, 
are  not  always  to  be  distinguished  in  sense  in 


428 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


these  books.  It  may  be  said  in  geDeral,  however, 
that  ao(pia  is  the  noblest  word,  and  is  never  used 
by  itself  in  Scripture,  except  as  applied  to  God 
or  to  good  men.  The  word  ipp6vnaii  refers  more 
to  the  skillful  adaptation  of  means  to  enils,  and  is 
perhaps,  generally,  best  rendered  by  the  English 
word  "  prudence."  The  word  commonly  em- 
ployed in  the  LXX.  as  corresponding  to  the 
Hebrew  ]^2,  to  separate,  distinguish,  perceive, 
know,  is  triviais  ;  but  sometimes  it  gives  place  to 
iiritTTrifjLT]  or  (pp6vrj(ris. 

Ver.  14.  Length  of  days.  Properly  distin- 
guished here  from  "  life."  See  Deut.  xxx.  20, 
and  verse  9  of  the  present  chapter. 

Ver.  IC.  Such  as  ruled  the  beasts.  Nebu- 
chadnezzar is  so  spoken  of  by  Daniel  (ii.  38  ;  cf. 
■Jer.  xxvii.  (i,  xxviii.  14).  Kneucker,  with  his 
theory  of  the  origin  of  the  work,  naturally  gives 
the  words  a  more  general  significance. 

Ver.  17.  Kr-naeas,  getting.  This  word  means 
both  acquisition  aud  possession.  The  former  mean- 
ing suits  the  connection  well ;  but  the  latter  is 
more  common  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  18.  There  is  no  finding  of  their  la- 
bors. This  clause  has  given  great  trouble  to 
critics.  Ewald  thinks  that  it  may  be  an  inexact 
translation  of  S^'2  V'^^  •  ■^"'^  there  is  no  suffi- 
ciency, i.  e.,  satisfaction,  in  their  works.  Gaab 
translates  ^|6i5p6(ri?  by  ergrunden,  searching  out, 
fathoming,  as  does  the  A.  V.  So  also  Reusch. 
In  Is.  xl.  28,  this  Greek  word  is  used  by  the 
LXX.  to  translate  "Tn.  But  the  above  transla- 
tion, which  is  also  that  of  Fritzsche,  is  quite  ad- 
missible, and  seems  best  to  agree  with  the  context. 

Ver.  19.  An  auswer  is  given  to  the  question 
contained  in  verse  16.  The  intervening  verses 
explain  who  are  meant  by  the  "  princes  of  the 
nations."  Some  commentators  are  of  the  opinion 
that  this  passage,  verses  16-21,  was  meant  to  refer 
to  the  different  dynasties  which,  one  after  the 
other,  held  sway  over  Palestine  ;  and  Bertholdt  is 
of  the  opinion  that  this  part  of  the  book,  at  least, 
could  not  have  been  written  before  the  era  of  the 
Seleucidie,  who  reigned  at  Antioch  from  the  death 
of  Alexander  the  Great  to  the  close  of  the  Roman 
republic.  —  It  is  going  too  fiir  to  judge  with 
Pahne  (ii.  l.'il)  from  this  verse  and  ii.  17,  that 
the  author  of  Baruch  knew  nothing  of  the  doc- 
trine of  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 

Ver.  22.  Chanaan.  Phoenicia  is  probably 
meant,  whose  inhabitants  were  distinguished  for 
commerce  and  general  progress  in  the  arts.     See 


a  valuable  article  by  Kleuker  in  Schenkel's  Bib 
Lex.,  s.  v.,  and  Stark's  Gaza,  etc.  —  Thseman 
This  was  the  name  given  to  a  region  lying  in 
the  southeast  part  of  Idumaea.  The  Thaemanites 
also,  had  the  credit  of  possessing  great  wisdom. 
See  Jer.  xlix.  7  ;  Job  ii.  11. 

Ver.  2.3.  Agar  was  the  mother  of  Ishmael. 
Gen.  xvi.  15.  Kneucker  renders  both  members  : 
"  Also  the  sons  of  Hagar,  who  pass  through  the 
land  for  gain.  The  merchants  of  Medan  and 
Thema,  who  speak  in  parables  and  seek  after 
prudence."  —  Merran  has  not  with  certainty  been 
identified.  Some  think  the  text  corrupt,  and 
Hitzig  (at  Ps.  ii.,  p.  119),  with  Ewald,  would  read 
Madian.  Grotins  suggests  the  Mearah  of  the 
Sidonians ;  Reusch  suggests  Gerra  in  Arabia 
Felix  :  Fritzsche,  the  Arabian  region  Mahrah  and 
the  city  Marane  mentioned  by  Pliny. —  Authors 
of  fables  (A.  V.).  The  Greek  word  liveoXiyoi, 
"  relaters  of  legends,"  might  better  perhaps  be 
transferred  as  above.  It  is  not  elsewhere  found 
in  the  Greek  Bible.  On  the  mythologists  of  an- 
cient Phoenicia,  see  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  xiii. 
pp.  41.3-423,  and  Stark,  /.  c,  chap.  iii. 

Ver.  24.  By  the  house  of  God  is  meant  the 
universe.  This  expression  does  not  occur  with 
the  same  meaning  in  the  canonical  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  but  is  common  \vith  Philo. 

Vers.  26-28.  See  Gen.  vi.  1  ff. ;  Wisd.  xiv.  6  ; 
Ecclus.  xvi.  7  ;  3  Mace.  ii.  4. 

Vers.  29-31.     See  Deut.  xxx.  11-13. 

Ver.  33.  th  (pus.  The  sun  is  meant,  as  gen- 
eral usage  and  the  connection  plainly  demand, 
and  not,  as  Reusch  and  Kneucker  suppose,  the 
lightning. 

Ver.  37.  The  reference  is  manifestly  to  wis- 
dom, and  not  to  God,  or  to  his  Son,  our  Saviour. 
The  passage,  however,  was  very  commonly  used 
by  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  Fathers  to  prove 
that  the  appearance  of  Christ  in  the  flesh  was 
matter  of  prediction.  See  Prov.  viii.  31  ;  Wisd. 
ix.  10;  Ecclus.  xxiv.  10-13,  where  wisdom  is 
similarly  personified.  Reusch  differs  from  the 
majority  of  Roman  Catholic  interpreters  in  sup- 
porting the  meaning  given  the  passage  by  ns. 
He  says  that  the  context  does  not  allow  of  any 
other  sense.  The  entire  section  preceding  treats 
of  wisdom,  and  the  Divine  Being  is  only  intro- 
duced because  of  the  relation  which  wisdom  holds 
to  Him.  Kneucker,  with  Grotius,  Hitzig,  Hilgen- 
feld,  and  Schiirer,  holds  that  the  verse  lacks 
genuineness,  and  that  it  was  introduced  here  by  a 
Jewish  Christian.  But  such  a  supposition  is  quite 
unnecessary,  and  has  no  sutficient  ground. 


Chapter  TV. 


1  This  is  the  book  of  the  commandments  of  God, 
And  the  law  that  endureth  ^  for  ever  ; 

All  they  that  keep  it  ■'  shall  come  to  life  ; 
But  such  as  leave  it  shall  die. 

2  Turn  thee,  O  Jacob,  and  take  hold  of  it ; 
Walk  in  the  presence  of  the  light  thereof.' 

3  Give  not  thine  honor  to  another, 

And  *  the  things  that  are  profitable  unto  thee,  to  a  strange  nation. 

Vers.  1-3.  — »  viripxui'.  =  For  air^i-,  HI.  33.  49.  al.  Aid.  read  av-r^j.  »  Marg.,  Gr.,  to  the  shining  btj'ore  thi 

^At  thereof.    A.  V.  adds  "  that  thou  mayest  be  illuminated,"  but  I  know  not  on  what  authority.  «  A   V  :  Nor 


BAEUCH.  429 


4  0  Israel,  happy  are  we  ; 

For  what  is  '  pleasing  to  God  ^  is  known  '  unto  us. 

5  Be  of  good  courage,  my  *  people,  remnant  ^  of  Israel. 

6  Ye  were  sold  to  the  nations,  not  for  destruction  ;  ° 

But '  because  you  moved  God  to  wrath,  ye  were  delivered  to  your  adversaries.' 

7  For  ye  provoked  him  that  made  you 

By  sacrificing  unto  demons,^  and  not  to  God. 
S       And  ^''  ye  have  forgotten  the  everlasting  God,  that  nursed  you ;  " 

And  ye  have  grieved  also  '"  Jerusalem,  that  brought  you  up.'' 
9       For  she  saw  the  wrath  coming  upon  you  from  God,  and  '*  said, 

Hearken,  O  ye  that  dwell  about  Sion  ; 

For  ^^  God  hath  brought  upon  me  great  mournLng  ; 

10  For  '^  I  saw  the  captivity  of  my  sons  and  daughters. 
Which  the  Everlasting  brought  upon  them. 

11  With  joy  did  I  nourish  them  ; 

But  sent  them  "  away  with  weeping  and  mourning. 

12  Let  no  man  rejoice  over  me,  the  ^*  widow,  and  forsaken  of  many. 
For  '°  the  sins  of  my  cliildren  am  I  ^  left  desolate ; 

Because  they  turned  aside  -'  from  the  law  of  God. 

13  And  '^  they  knew  not  his  ordinances. 

Nor  walked  in  the  ways  of  the  commandments  of  God,^ 
Nor  trod  in  the  paths  of  discipline  -^  in  his  righteousness."^ 

14  Let  them  that  dwell  about  Sion  come,"* 

And  call  ye  to  mind  '■"  the  captivity  of  my  sons  and  daughters, 
Which  the  Everlasting  hath  brought  upon  them. 

15  For  he  hath  brought  a  nation  upon  them  from  far, 
A  shameless  "'  nation,  and  of  a  strange  language  ; 

For  they "'  reverenced  not  the '"  old  man,  nor  pitied  the"  child. 

16  And  they  led '-  away  the  beloved  ^'  of  the  widow. 
And  bereaved  her  that  was  alone  of  her  ^*  daughters. 

17  But  I,  what  power  have  I  to  '^  help  you  ? 

18  For  he  that  brought  these  evils,'*'^ 

He  will  take  you  out  of  the  hand  ^  of  your  enemies. 

19  Go  forth,*"  0  my  children,  go  forth  ;  '^ 
For  I  was  ^  left  desolate. 

20  I  have  put  off  the  garment  ^^  of  peace, 

And  put  upon  me  the  sackcloth  of  my  prayer ; 
I  will  cry  unto  the  Everlasting  while  I  live." 

21  Be  of  good  courage,^-  O  mi/  children,  cry  unto  God,^' 

And  he  will  take  you  out  of  ^*  the  power,  the  hand  of  the  enemy.*' 

Ver.  4.  —  •  A.  V. :  things  that  are.  '  (Instead  of  the  gen..  III.  XII.  and  sixteen  cursives  have  the  dat.    Ejth«l 

would  be  grammatically  correct.)        3  &Te  made  known. 

Vers.  6-9.  — <  A.  V.  :  cheer  my  (for  f»ov,  22.  36.  48.  al.  read  $eov).  "  the  memorial  (see  Com.).         «  yur  destruo 

tion.  '  (Fritische  receives  8e  from  III.  Xll.  22.  26.  33.,  mutlisque  I.    It  is  also  in  II.)  s  unto  the  enemies  (to« 

w6va>Ti'o«).         '  devils  (see  Cowl.).        w  ojnifj  And  (Fritzsche  adopts  6e  from  III.  XII.  22.  33.  36.  al.).        "brought 
you  up  (Tpoij)ev'iraiTo ;  Troiiiaan-a,  33.  49.  al.).  "  omits  also  {St  «ac' ;  II.,  Sij  «<u').  «  nursed  yoa  {UepcilKurav). 

"  when  she  ....  wrath  of  God  (irapa  toG  ^eoO)  ....  upon  you,  she.  's  omics  For  (Fritzsche  receives  yap  from  III. 

S3.  33.  36.  al.  (fifteen  cursives)  Aid.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  Ar.). 

Vers.  12-16-  — '«  Seven  cursives  have  Se  instead  of  yip.  "  Fritzsche  receives  auTous  from  XII.  22.  23.  33.  miitlLiquc 
I.    Keusch  also  adopts  it.  "A.  V.  :a.         m   (V/io  for.  ^  omits  1.        "  departed  (efeVAirai').         '^  omits  And 

<mstead  of  ko'i  iucaiunara,  Fritzsche  adopts  SiKaiu/iaTa  Si  from  III.  XII.  22.  23.  (eighteen  cursives)  Co.  Aid.  Vulg.    Of. 
Job  xxxiv.  27).  ^  statutes  (I  render  as  at  il.  12)  ...  .  his  commandments.         «  (See  Com.)  ^  (Marg.,  of  his 

discipline  in  righteousness.     Either  is  grammatically  correct.)  2"  (Codd.  II.  III.  read  IMirwiray  for  eA9e'Tu<rai'.) 

"  remember  ye.        "  (aKoiSci.    This  is  its  first  meaning  ;  but  it  also  means  bold,  reckless.    In  Od.,  If.  698,  the  stone  o£ 
Sisyphus  is  so  named  as  being  unpitying.)  =»  Who  neither  (for  on,  III.,  seven  cursives.  Old  Lat.  Vulg.  Ar.,  ol). 

">  omits  not  the.        '^  omits  the.        »"  These  have  carried.         ^3  dear  beloved  children.        S4  left  ....  desolate  with- 
out. 

Vers.  17,  18.  —  ^  A.  V. :  But  what  can  1  (Codd.  III.  51.  62.  106.  read  SHvaiuii.  for  Svvarfi).  »»  plagues  upon  you  (Xn. 
23.  and  eight  cursives  add  u/aIc  —  three  cursives,  iip.iv  —  after  inayayuiv ;  III.,  with  seven  cursives,  vp.'iy  after  Koxi) 
*^  Will  deliver  you  from  the  hands. 

Vers.  19-21.  —='  A.  V. :  your  way.        =9  am.         »  clothing  (oroA^i-).        «  in  my  days.  «  cheer  (Fritzsche  and 

Reusch  adopt  Oapaelrt,  for  flapperrt  of  the    exl.  'ec,  from  III.  XII.  23.  and  many  cursives.     Of.  vers.  4,27,80). 
«  the  Lord.        "  shall  deliver  you  from.        «  and  hand  ....  the  enemies. 


430  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


22  For  my  hope  was  '  in  the  Everlasting,  that  he  would  save  you  ;  * 
And  joy  came,  in  his  mercy,*  unto  me  from  the  Holy  One, 

Which  *  shall  soon  come  unto  you  from  the  Everlasting  your'  Saviour. 

23  For  I  sent  you  out  with  mourning  and  weeping ;  * 

But  God  will  give  you  to  me  again  with  joy  and  gladness  for  ever. 

24  For '  as  now  they  that  dwell  about  *  Sion  have  seen  your  captivity, 
So  shall  they  see  shortly  your  salvation  from  our  God, 

Which  shall  come  upon  you  with  great  glory. 
And  brightness  of  the  Everlasting. 

25  My  children,  suffer  patiently  the  wrath  that  is  come  upon  you  from  God  ; 
The'  enemy  hath  persecuted  thee; 

And  '°  shortly  thou  shalt  see  his  destruction. 
And  shalt  tread  upon  his  neck. 

26  My  delicate  ones  went "  rough  ways, 

They  '■'  were  taken  away  as  a  flock  carried  off  by  the  enemy." 

27  Be  of  good  courage,'*  O  my  children,  and  cry  unto  God ; 

For  you  shall  be  remembered  of  him  that  brought  these  things  upon  yon. 

28  For  as  it  was  j'our  mind  to  go  astray  from  God, 
Turn  ye  to  '^  seek  him  ten  times  more. 

29  For  he  that  hath  brought  these  evils  '^  upon  you 
Shall  bring  you  everlasting  joy '"  with  your  salvation. 

30  Be  of  good  courage,^'  O  Jerusalem  ; 

He  "  that  gave  thee  that  name  ^  will  comfort  thee. 

31  Miserable  are  they  that  afflicted  thee. 
And  rejoiced  at  thy  fall ; 

32  Miserable  are  the  cities  which  thy  children  served ; 
Miserable  is  she  that  received  thy  sons. 

33  For  as  she  rejoiced  at  thy  fall,-^ 
And  was  glad  over  '^  thy  fall ; 

So  shall  she  be  grieved  over  ^^  her  own  desolation. 

34  And  -■'  I  will  take  away  her  joy  because  of  ^  her  great  multitude, 
And  her  insolence  shall  be  -^  turned  into  mourning. 

35  For  fire  shall  come  upon  her  from  the  Everlasting,  for  many  days  ;  ** 
And  she  shall  be  inhabited  by  demons  ^  for  a  long  '^  time. 

36  O  Jerusalem,  look  about ""  thee  toward  the  east, 
And  behold  the  joy  that  cometh  unto  thee  from  God. 

37  Lo,  thy  sons  come,  whom  thou  sentest  away. 

They  come  gathered  together  from  the  east  to  ^'  the  west, 
By  the  word  of  the  Holy  One, 
Rejoicing  in  the  glory  of  God. 

Vers.  22,  23.  —i  A.  V. :  is  (XII.  23.  26.  33.  al.  insert  ^Si)  before  rihm.ira).  ^  will  save  you  (see  Com.).  *  is  eom« 
(I  join  eirl  IT)  eXnjuocniiT)  to  this  member,  and  not,  a*  in  tlie  A.  V.,  to  the  following).  *  Because  of  the  mercy  which. 
e  our  (so  33.  49.  62.  90.  228.  Co.  Aid.).  °  II.  agrees  with  III.  XII.  26.  al.  Co.  in  the  order  given  in  the  A.  V. 

Fritzsche  follows  the  text,  rec.^  "  weeping  and  mourning." 

Vers.  24-29.  — '  A.  V. :  Like.  »  the  neighbours  of.  (Of .  vers.  9, 14.)  »  For  thine  (Fritzsche  and  Reusch  reject  ydp, 
found  in  III.  XII.  23.  33.  al.  Co. ;  also  the  o-ou  after  <x9p"s.  supported  by  m.  22.  23.  26.  33.  al.  Co.  Aid.  Theod.  Vulg. 
Syr.  Ar.).  '»  But.  "  (marg.,  my  i/ari/njs)  have  gone.  i'^  And.  is  caught  of  (^pirao-fieVor)  the  enemies 

1*  comfort.        !'•  So  being  returned.        ^^  plagues         ''  joy  o^atn. 

Vers.  30-36. —"  A.  v.:  Take  a  good  heart.  "For  he.  ^  (Ut.,  named  thee.)  21  r^in  (game  word  as  In 

following  line).  ^s  of.  »  for  («iri).  -<  For.  ==  the  rejoicing  of.  »  pride  shall  be  (lo-rai  is  found  in  III. 
XII.  23.  26.  al.  Co.).  "  long  to  endure  (eU  ^nepos  ^iiucpd!).  ^''  of  devils.  ^  great.  30  cod.  II.  agrees  with 
III.  XII.  22.  23.  al.  in  reading  jrepi|3Xei//ai,  instead  of  nepi^Ks^iov  of  the  text.  rec.        "  Some  cursives  read  «oi  for  cus. 

Chapter  IV. 


Ver.  1.  The  reference  is  slill  to  wisdom,  and 
the  third  chapter  might  mucli  better  have  closed 
with  the  fourth  verse,  below. 

Ver.  2.  Walk of  the  light.  Cf.  Text.  Notes. 

lid/i'^its  is  a  late  word.      Sen  ]'s.  Ivi.   13,  Is.  ii.  5, 

John  i.  7,  Rev.  xxi.  24,  for  the  idea. 


Vers.  3,  4.  It  is  implied  that  if  Israel  made 
improper  use  of  its  advantages,  they  would  be 
taken  away.  Still,  it  was  favored  in  having  the 
revelation  of  the  divine  will,  and  so  knowing  the 
way  of  blessedness.     See  Rom.  iii.  1  ff. 

Ver.  5.      yivii)i.6auvty  'lafa-qK.       The  VulgaW 


BARUCH. 


431 


translates  by  tnemorabilis  Israel,  using  ^vt].  ad- 
jectively.  Better  with  Grotius  :  "  Vos  pauci,  per 
quos  memoria  nominis  Israftitict  conservatiir/'  Cf. 
2  Sam.  xiv.  7  ;  Is.  i.  9. 

Ver.  7.  Sacrificing  unto  demons.  The  word 
Satfidviov  —  Saifiwv  does  not  occur  :it  all  —  is  not 
often  found  in  the  LXX.,  and.  when  employed, 
is  geueially  used  as  referring  to  the  idols  of  the 
heathen. 

Ver.  S.  Tpoipfia  is  a  late  word  from  rpeipa. 
It  is  found  also  in  Philo. 

Ver.  I.'!.  Knew  not.  The  meaning  is,  they 
would  not  know,  observed  not.  —  Paths  of  disci- 
pline in  his  righteousness.  TiaiSeia  would  seem 
to  mean  here,  ratlier,  instruction,  admonition.  They 
wulk  not  in  the  paths  of  instruction  that  are  iu 
harmony  with  the  righteousness  of  God. 

Ver.  15.  In  order  to  intensify  the  darker  feat- 
ures of  the  picture,  the  hostile  nation  is  repre- 
sented as  coming  from  far  and  as  being  of  a 
strange  speech  ;  i.  e.,  they  were,  according  to  the 
prevailing  notions,  barbarians.  Bunsen's  Bibel- 
werk  sees  here,  as  well  as  above  at  i.  2,  11,  ii.  3,  a 
possible  allusion  to  the  Romans. 

Ver.  20.  Garment  of  peace.  Festival  gar- 
ments. See  Add.  to  Esther,  iv.  1-3  ;  v.  1,  —  Of 
my  prayer.  Reusch  remarks,  "AeTjtrit  is  com- 
monly rendered  by  '  prayer/  Vulgate  obsecratio ; 


there  would  then  be  meant  a  mourning  garment, 
of  which  one  makes  use  during  prayer,  like  i/xana 
depaveias,  Esth.  v.  1  (LXX.).  But  that  forms  no 
proper  antithesis.  In  Hebrew  there  stood,  no 
doubt,  n^JJ.',  suffering,  which  also  at  Ps.  xxii.  2.i, 
is  rendered  iu  the  LXX.  by  SeTjiris."  With  this 
agree,  in  general,  Fritzsche,  Ewakl,  and  Kneucker. 

Ver.  22.  ■'HXTritra  eVi  tw  atuvitp  tV  <rojry\p'iav 
v/j,uv.  The  construction  is  peculiar.  It  is  prob- 
ably a  mingling  of  two  constructions  :  4\Trt(eiy  ti, 
to  hope  for  something  ;  and  cATrf^etf  4n{  rivi,  to  set 
one's  hope  upon  any  one.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  233. 
Kneucker  naturally  sees  in  it  a  Hebraism,  and 
refers  to  Ps.  xxxvii.  5. 

Ver.  25.  The  promise  of  the  latter  part  of  this 
verse,  if  taken  in  a  literal  sense,  still  awaits  its 
fulfillment. 

Ver.  29.  Salvation,  as  in  verse  24,  means 
simply  deliverance  from  captivity. 

Ver.  30.  Jerusalem  was  often  called  the  "  city 
of  God."     See  Ps.  xlvi.  4  ;  xlviii.  1. 

Ver.  31.  AdKawi.  The  word  is  a  lengthened 
form  of  Sei\is,  fearful,  and  so  wretchid. 

Ver.  32.     Received  thy  sons,  but  as  prisoners. 

Ver.  34.  Joy  because  of  her  great  multi- 
tude. They  rejoiced  on  account  of  her  large 
population.  —  ' Ay-ya\\laij.a.  It  is  often  used  iu 
the  LXX.,  and  appears  first  in  it. 


Chapter  V. 


1  Put  off,  O  Jerusalem,  the  garment  of  thy  mourning  and  affliction, 
And  put  on  the  comeliness  ^  of  the  glory  that  rumeth  from  God  for  ever. 

2  Cast  about  thee  the  double  -  garment  of  the  righteou.sness  which  cometh  from  God 
Set  on  thine  head  the  turban  '  of  the  glory  of  the  Everlasting. 

3  For  God  will  show  thy  brightness  unto  every  country  under  heaven. 

4  For  thy  name  shall  be  called  of  God  for  ever. 

Peace  of  righteousness,  and  Glory  of  the  fear  of  God.^ 

5  Arise,  O  Jerusalem,  and  stand  on  high, 
And  look  about  toward  the  east, 

And  behold  thy  children  gathered  from  the  west  unto  the  east 
By  the  word  of  the  Holy  One, 
Rejoicing"  in  the  remembrance  of  God. 

6  For  they  departed  from  thee  on  foot,  led  away  by  °  enemies  ; 
But  God  bringeth  them  unto  thee  exalted  with  glory, 

As  the  throne  of  a  '  kingdom. 

7  For  God  hath  appointeil  that  every  high  mountain,  and  the  eternal  hills  shall  be 

abased,* 
And  valleys  filled  up,  to  make  even  the  ground,' 
That  Israel  may  go  safely  in  ^^  the  glory  of  God. 

8  And  '^  the  wood.s  also^'^  and  every  sweetsmelling  tree  overshadowed  ''  Israel 
By  the  commandment  of  God. 

Vers.  1-5. — i  evirpe'ireiai'.  2  a.  V. :  a  double  (see  Cow.).  3  j4/irf  set  a  diadem  (riji' ^tVpac.  Among  the  Greeks, 
V?  head  band  for  women  ;  here,  the  turban)  on  thine  head.  *  The  peace  ....  The  glory  of  God's  worship  {Oeo- 

o-e^etas).  ^  xalpofTe<;,  instead  of  the  accusative,  iti  supported  by  III,  XII.  26.  106.,  which  is  grammatically  allow- 
able, but  unnecessary. 

Vers.  0-7.  —  "  A.  V. :  and  were  led  away  of  their.  '  children  of  the  (for  cis  Spovov,  XII.  33.  36.  49.  70.  87.  90.  91. 

106.  228.  239.  Co.  Aid.  have  ok  vlovi  ;  III.,  utoijs  alone,  both  of  which  seem  to  be  corrections).  8  din  (Spos)  and  banks 
idiva^.  It  means  heaps,  especially  sand-heaps  of  the  beach;  but  is  probably  used  here  for  hills  in  general.  The 
word  is  allied  to  the  German  Diinen,  our  downs.  May  it  not  be  that  the  difficult  but  much  traveled  sea-coast  of  Pales- 
tine was  in  mind  ?)  of  long  continuance  {aeiTaou?!  Cf.  LXX.  at  Deut.  sxxiii.  15)  should  be  cast  down.  ^  eU  6/iaAi(r- 
tiov  rfit;  y7J9,         1"  Or:  through,  by  mean^  o/the  glory,  might  of  God. 

Ver.  8.  —  "A.  v.:  Moreover  even.  '- omits  ^\so.  '^  shall  overshadow  (co-xiao-ou',  ofersAadowerf.  So  certain  was 
t  regarded,  that  it  is  represented  as  already  past) 


432 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


For  God  shall  lead  Israel  with  joy  in  the  light  of  his  glory, 
With  mercy  ^  and  righteousness  that  are  ^  from  him. 

Ver.  9.  —  *  A.  V. :  the  mercy.  "  cometh. 


Chapter  V. 


Ver.  I.    For  remarks  on  SiJ^a,  see  1  Esd.  iv.  17. 

Ver.  2.  T7)f  BiTrAoiSa.  The  probable  meaning 
is  a  garment  so  ample  that  it  could  be  folded 
twice  around  the  body.  Cf.  1  Sam.  xxviii.  14, 
and  Job  xxix.  14.  In  the  former  passage  the 
mantle  which  Samuel  wore  was  a  distinguishing 
mark  by  which  Saul  recognized  him.  See  also  Is. 
Ixi.  .3,  10,  where  the  same  figure  is  used. 

Ver.  4.  Peace  of  righteousness.  "  Quia  pax 
jtistitiam  seqtiiiur."  Grotius.  See  Ps.  Ixxxv.  11. 
—  "  Hereby  it  is  clearly  expressed  that  the  resto- 
ration which  the  prophet  [1]  promises  consists  not 
simply  in  the  return  of  the  people  to  the  land  of 
promise  and  in  an  undisturbed  external  prosperity, 
but  also  in  a  moral  renewal  and  perfecting.  It  is 
true  that  the  Jews,  already  after  the  Exile,  were 
more  righteous  and  God-fearing  than  they  had 
been  ;  but  that,  like  the  possession  of  the  land  of 
promise,  was  only  the  beginning  of  the  fulfillment 
of  this  and  many  similar  promises.    In  such  an 


extended  coming  together  of  the  scattered  chil- 
dren of  Sion,  in  an  '  eternal '  exaltation,  in  a 
glory  which  should  shine  oyer  the  whole  earth, 
and  in  a  righteousness  and  blessedness,  and  a 
prosperity  and  splendor,  such  as  are  here  so 
emphatically  promised,  there  could  be  no  refer- 
]  ence  to  the  Jerusalem  after  the  Exile,  except  in  a 
very  limited  sense  ;  and  all  believing  interpreters 
see  therefore,  properly,  the  complete  fulfillment 
of  this  promise  in  the  Jerusalem  to  which  the 
Jerusalem  of  the  Old  Testament  is  transfigured 
by  the  Messiah  in  the  church."     Reusch,  p.  234. 

Ver.  5.  Rejoicing  in  the  remembrance  of 
God,  )'.  e.,  that  God  had  remembered  them. 

Ver.  6.  '0.S  Sp6voi'  Pafft\eias-  On  account  of 
the  want  of  clearness  in  this  expression,  many 
variations  in  the  MSS.  are  naturally  found.  But 
the  comparison,  as  it  stands,  is  not  without  fit- 
ness. Reusch  suggests  the  reading  iis  $atrAftt 
(KaBTJiifvouT)  iv\  Sfivov.     Of.  Jer.  xvii.  25;  xsii.  4. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  JEREMIAS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  so-called  Epistle  of  Jeremias,  if  accepted  for  what  it  purports  to  be,  was  sent  by  the 
prophet  Jeremiah,  on  the  command  of  God,  to  the  Jews  whom  Nebuchadnezzar  was  about 
to  remove  to  Babylon.  On  account  of  their  sins,  says  the  prophet,  they  were  to  be  exiled, 
and  were  to  remain  in  the  heathen  city  many  years.  There  they  would  see  the  worship  that 
was  paid  to  idols,  and  they  should  take  heed  lest  they  be  seduced  thereby  to  the  same  prac- 
tices. They  must  remain  faithful  to  Jehovah,  for  these  idols  were  no  gods  at  all.  This  last 
thought,  presented  in  a  variety  of  forms  and  in  a  declamatory,  ambitious  style,  is  the  one 
chiefly  emphasized.  Ten  times  it  is  repeated  as  a  sort  of  refrain  at  the  close  of  as  many 
sections  :  "  They  are  no  gods;  fear  them  not."  There  seems  to  be  no  logical  connection 
observed  in  the  order  of  thought.  One  idea  simply  suggests  another,  while  the  conclusion  of 
the  whole  :  "  Better  therefore  is  the  just  man  that  hath  no  idols,  for  he  shall  be  far  from  re- 
proach," merely  repeats  the  principal  word  of  the  preceding  verse,  "reproach,"  with  a  gen- 
eral allusion  to  the  subject  of  the  composition. 

In  not  a  few  manuscripts  this  composition  is  found  attached  to  the  Book  of  Baruch.  In 
the  Vulgate,  also,  it  is  found  as  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  latter  work,  and  hence,  too,  in  the 
German  and  English  Bibles.  But  that  it  is  out  of  place  in  this  connection  is  evident  from 
the  following  considerations  :  (1)  Some  manuscripts  have  Baruch  and  have  not  this  addition, 
and  those  that  have  it  do  not  all  place  it  with  this  book.  In  some  of  the  best,  as  for  instance 
II.,  III.,  it  is  found  after  Lamentations.  (2)  The  title,  contents,  and  style,  all  make  it  evident 
that  it  is  a  wholly  independent  production.  (3)  Theodoret,  who  wrote  a  commentary  on 
Baruch,  does  not  include  the  epistle  in  his  work,  as  he  would  doubtless  have  done  if  he  had 
found  them  united.  The  work,  as  we  said,  is  not  contained  in  all  the  manuscripts  which  have 
the  Book  of  Baruch.  It  is  wanting  in  the  cursives  70.  96.  229.,  and  231.  has  only  fifty-three 
of  its  seventy-three  verses. 

According  to  Fritzsche,  the  relation  of  the  different  codices  to  one  another  is  the  same  as 
in  Baruch,  but  it  is  better  sustained.  "  The  old  Latin  version  of  Sabatier  is  literal,  and  has 
but  few  variations.  The  Syriac  is  freer  and  more  as  in  Baruch,  since  quite  often  it  did  not 
understand  the  text  translated.  It  has  made,  also,  a  few  brief  additions,  aud  frequently 
agrees  with  36.  and  the  related  manuscripts.  The  Arabic,  on  the  contrary,  is  very  literal, 
yet  not  as  in  Baruch.  It  agrees  so  closely  with  the  Codex  Alexandrinus  that  it  must  have 
taken  it  as  its  basis." 

It  the  early  church  the  Epistle  of  Jeremias  was  held  in  much  the  same  estimation  as  the 
Book  of  Baruch,  and  for  the  same  reason.  Like  the  latter,  it  was  not  unfrequently  cited  as 
the  work  of  Jeremiah  himself.  Origen  placed  it  in  his  list  of  books  belonging  to  the  Hebrew 
canon  ('Ifpe/jfas  aby  ep-fjvois  Kal  rfi  imaToKri,  etc.  Cf.  Euseb.,  H.  E.,  vi.  25).  Tertullian  cited 
t  as  the  work  of  the  prophet  (^Meminerunl  eniin  ef  Jeremias  scribeniis  ad  eos  nunc:  videbitis 
deos  Babyloniorum,  etc.,  Scorp.,  c.  viii.).  Athauasius  reckoned  it  among  the  twenty-two 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  obviously  supposing,  however,  that  he  was  confining  himself  to 
the  canon  of  the  Jews.  And  so,  too,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  In  fact,  it  was  ignorance  of  the 
true  Umits  of  the  Hebrew  work  of  the  prophet  that  is  largely  accountable  for  the  estimation 
in  which  the  Epistle  was  held  by  the  Christian  fathers.  Jerome,  who  was  better  instructed, 
rejected  it  as  pseudepigraphal  ("  et  \fievS€Triypa(j>oi/,  Epislmim  Jeremice,"  etc.  Prol.  in  Jer.).  The 
28 


434  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Council  of  Trent  did  not  mention  it  by  name,  but  treated  it  as  a  constituent  part  of  the 
Book  of  Baruch. 

The  question  of  the  genuineness  and  canonicity  of  tlie  composition  seems  to  be  one  with 
that  of  its  autliorship.  If  it  sliall  appear  that  it  is  not  what  it  purports  to  be,  and  that  the 
prophet  Jeremiah  could  not  have  been  its  author,  then  it  must  be  placed  in  a  much  later  age 
when,  :is  it  is  well  known,  works  of  this  character  were  far  from  uncommon.  This,  indeed, 
is  admitted  by  Reusch  (Erklar.  d.  B.  Baruch,  p.  83),  who,  therefore,  expresses  his  surprise 
that  Roman  Catholic  scholars  like  Jahn  (Einleil.,  iv.  866)  and  Scholz  (Einleit.,  iii.,  647) 
should  yield  the  jioint  of  Jeremiah's  authorship.  But  that  the  work  cannot  be  ascribed  to 
Jeremiiih  is  evident  from  the  following  reasons :  (1)  The  contents  and  style  are  against  it ; 
(2)  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  tliat  it  was  written  in  Hebrew,  but  the  reverse;  (3)  the 
Epistle  contradicts,  or  at  least  is  out  of  harmony  with,  certain  definite  statements  of  the 
prophecy  of  Jeremiah. 

(1.)  The  contents  and  style  of  the  Epistle  disprove  the  authorship  of  Jeremiah.  In  addi- 
tion to  what  has  already  been  said  respecting  its  lack  of  coherence,  the  entire  character  and 
tone  of  the  composition  forbid  any  comparison  of  it  with  the  known  works  of  this  author. 
In  fact,  it  is  unworthy  of  him.  The  natural  spontaneity  and  sublimity  of  thought  that  char- 
acterize the  true  prophet  are  wholly  wanting.  (Cf.  Ewald,  Proph.  d.  Alt.  Bund.,  iii.  283, 
298.)  Roman  Catholic  writers  differ  among  themselves  with  regard  to  the  date  of  the  work. 
Welte  {Einleit.,  iv.  157)  is  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  composed  earlier  than  the  letter  of 
Jeremiah  mentioned  in  the  prophecy,  xxLx.  1,  when  Jeconiah  was  carried  to  Babylon.  Reusch 
and  others,  however,  place  it  later,  at  the  time  when  Zedekiah  was  about  to  be  removed 
thither  (2  Kings  xxv.  1-12).  The  latter  author  holds  it  to  be  quite  credible  that  the  prophet, 
having  sent  a  letter  to  those  Jews  who  had  formerly  been  deported  to  the  heathen  city, 
should  do  the  same  also  on  the  occasion  of  this  final  deportation,  which  occurred  after  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar. 

But  it  seems  to  us  far  more  likely,  all  the  circumstances  being  considered,  that  some  later 
writer,  on  the  basis  of  the  fact  that  Jeremiah  was  known  to  have  written  one  letter  of  this 
kind,  forged  another  under  Jeremiah's  name,  than  that  the  prophet  wrote  two  with  so  brief 
an  interval  between  them,  and  the  second  one  of  such  a  kind.  Moreover,  not  only  might  the 
passage,  Jer.  xxix.  1  ff.,  have  suggested  to  a  facile  Hellenistic  pen  the  idea  of  a  literary 
undertaking  of  this  sort,  but  another  passage  of  the  prophecy  (x.  1-12),  might  have  deter- 
mined also  its  general  character  with  respect  to  contents.  But  any  closer  connection  with 
the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  can  scarcely  be  allowed  to  the  work.  On  the  contrary,  there  are 
not  a  few  thoughts  and  expressions  which  appear  quite  out  of  harmony  with  the  time  and 
circumstances  of  the  pro])liet  (cf.  Ewald,  /.  c,  p.  285;  Bertholdt,  Einleit.,  p.  1769).  In  par- 
ticular, the  writer  shows  throughout  so  wide,  and  withal  so  definite  and  intimate  a  knowledge 
of  the  different  kinds  of  idolatry  and  its  manifold  customs  as  practiced  outside  the  borders  of 
Palestine,  that  we  must  believe  him  to  have  been  himself  personally  acquainted  both  by  study 
and  experience  with  the  facts  he  gives,  as,  in  consequence  of  his  continued  residence  in 
Palestine  up  to  this  time,  Jeremiah  could  not  well  have  been.  We  would  call  attention  but 
o  a  single  example :  In  ver.  43  an  allusion  is  made  to  a  form  of  religious  prostitution  prac- 
ticed by  the  women  of  Babylon  in  a  manner  so  circumstantial  that  we  are  compelled  to  think 
of  a  later  period  and  of  another  hand  than  Jeremiah's.     (Cf.  Com.,  ad  loc.) 

But  (2)  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  work  was  originally  written  in  the  Hebrew  language, 
but  rather  the  reverse.  Fritzsche  says,  that  if  any  of  the  Apocryphal  books  were  composed 
in  Greek,  this  one  must  have  been.  {Einleit.,  p.  206.)  Ewald  characterizes  the  efforts  of 
the  author,  here  and  there,  to  give  his  language  genuine  Hebraistic  touches,  as  unsuccessful. 
{Proph.  d.  Alt.  Bund.,  iii.  284.)  De  Wette  pronounces  the  original  language  as  without  doubt 
the  Greek.  Jahn,  Bertholdt,  Eichhorn,  and  Keil,  can  find  no  traces  of  an  original  Hebrew 
text.  Welte  {Einleit.,  iv.  165)  admits,  in  fact,  that  Hebraisms  seldom  occur,  and  of  them- 
selves would  be  insufficient  to  prove  that  the  present  work  is  a  translation.  Still  he  mentions, 
among  other  proofs  of  the  probability  of  a  Hebrew  original,  an  occasional  failure  in  a  consis- 
tent construction  of  the  Greek.  For  instance,  in  ver.  6,  wpotrKweTv  is  construed  with  the  accu- 
sative, in  the  following  verse  with  the  dative ;  the  neuter  plural  is  found  in  verses  8  and  68 
respectively,  with  a  verb  in  the  singular  and  in  the  plural.  He  notices  also,  the  use  of  the 
future  tense,  after  the  manner  of  the  Hebrew.  But  these  arguments  can  be  allowed  but  little 
weight.  Such  inconsistencies  might  naturally  occur  in  almost  any  Greek  author,  especially 
in  one  who  was  writing  on  Old  Testament  themes  for  the  Jews. 


THE  EPISTLE   OF  JEREMIAS.  435 

^^'ith  reference  to  irpoff/cuceiv,  it  is  used  also  in  the  Gospel  of  John,  and  that  in  the  same 
sense,  to  govern  both  the  accusative  and  the  dative  (iv.  23).  The  latter  construction,  in  fact, 
is  a  peculiarity  of  the  later  Greek.  (Cf.  Winer,  p.  210.)  That  in  the  case  before  us  the 
one  construction  follows  the  other  so  closely  is  indeed  noticeable.  But,  if  it  may  not  be  con- 
sidered a  simple  oversight,  the  contrast  in  the  ideas  of  divine  worship  and  idol  worship  may 
have  suggested  the  change.  Again,  the  neuter  plural  in  verse  8  probably  has  a  verb  in  the 
singular  because  these  idols  are  represented  as  lifeless  objects,  while,  on  the  contrary,  the 
beasts  with  which  they  are  compared  in  verse  68  have  life,  and  can  provide  for  themselves 
(Cf.  Winer,  p.  514.)  The  use  of  the  future  where  the  present  might  be  expected,  as  in  verses 
33,  34,  67,  can  be  otherwise  better  explained  than  by  referring  it  to  the  influence  of  a  Hebrew 
original,  since  in  expressing  general  truths,  as  here,  the  future  has  much  the  same  force  as 
the  present  (cf.  Rom.  iii.  20  ;  Gal.  ii.  16).  This  author,  moreover,  calls  attention  to  the  use 
of  the  singular,  rh  Tip6<Ti.nToi',  in  verses  13,  21,  for  the  plural,  and  says  that  the  reason  is  that 

there  stood  in  the  Hebrew  text  ZrfJ^.  But  it  is  well  known  that  the  singular  is  not  infre- 
quently employed  in  this  manner  to  express  in  reference  to  plurality  an  object  which  belongs 
to  each  of  the  individuals.     This  very  word  is  so  used  in  Matt.  xvii.  6.     (Cf.  Winer,  p.  174.) 

Once  more  (3),  the  present  work  conflicts  in  one  of  its  statements  with  an  acknowledged 
declaration  of  Jeremiah,  and  hence  cannot  have  been  written  by  him.  In  verse  third  it  is 
said  that  the  Jews  should  remain  in  Babylon  seven  generations  (ems  7€i'6i»c  eirra).  But  ac- 
cording to  the  prophecy  (xxix.  10)  the  continuance  of  the  Exile  was  fixed  at  seventy  years. 
The  supposition  of  Houbigant,  that  for  •^evtmv  originally  stood  itxaiav,  and  that  of  Welte, 
that  the  translator  must  have  read  niTIT  T,  instead  of  ni"^i"t  3,  are  alike  simple  conjectures, 
and  inadmissible.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  the  word  ytvii.  is  used  by  some  Greek  writers  for 
a  period  of  from  seven  to  ten  years,  cannot  be  regarded  as  of  much  weight  here.  It  is  a 
matter  of  the  ordinary  Scriptural  and  classical  significance  of  this  well-known  term,  and  on 
this  point  there  can  be  but  one  opinion.  It  embraced  a  period  of  about  thirty  years  (cf.  Job 
xlii.  16;  Herod,  ii.  142).  And  that  the  writer  meant  to  indicate  a  longer  period  than  that 
given  in  the  prophecy  seems  clear  from  the  way  in  which  the  above  expression  is  introduced: 
"  ye  shall  be  there  many  years  and  for  a  long  season."  Reusch,  like  others  who  hold  to  a 
Hebrew  original  for  our  composition,  thinks  of  the  plural  of  "lil  as  the  word  rendered  here 
ftveuv,  but  claims  that  this  word  has  no  such  definite  significance  as  yevei,  being  used  gener- 
ally for  a  term,  or  series  of  years.  Commonly  in  the  Old  Testament,  however,  it  is  without 
doubt  used  to  indicate  something  like  what  we  still  mean  by  generation,  i.  e.,  the  ordinary 
length  of  the  human  life  (cf.  Numb,  xxxii.  11,  13  ;  Dent,  xxiii.  2,  3,  8  ;  Judges  ii.  10 ;  Ec.  i. 
4).  And  when  it  is  used  in  a  more  indefinite  sense  it  is  generally  made  to  represent  a  much 
longer  period  than  this.  For  instance,  it  is  applied  to  the  continuous  covenant  between  God 
and  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  12)  ;  to  the  remembrance  of  God's  name  or  memorial  (Ex.  iii.  15)  ;  to 
the  feeling  which  was  to  be  kept  alive  against  the  Amalekites  (Ex.  xvii.  16)  ;  to  the  perma- 
nence of  God's  thoughts  (Ps.  xxxiii.  11).  Cf.  Girdlestone,  p.  499  f.  ;  Gesenius,  Heb.  Lex., 
under  the  word. 

Hence,  the  most  probable  explanation  of  the  discrepancy  between  the  so-called  Epistle  and 
the  Prophecy  of  Jeremiah  is,  that  the  author  of  the  former  lived  at  a  time  long  after  the  Cap- 
tivity, and  considered  that  under  the  then  existing  circumstances  of  the  Jews  the  time  men- 
tioned by  the  prophet  for  the  continuance  of  the  Exile  needed  a  considerable  extension. 
Herzfeld  would  give  to  the  number  "seven"  the  idea  of  "many"  (Geschichte,  i.  316). 
Ewald  (1.  c,  p.  285)  thinks  that  by  generations  he  meant  those  of  patriarchal  length  (Gen. 
XV.  13-16),  and  fixes  the  period  of  the  composition  accordingly  from  five  to  six  hundred 
years  later  than  the  times  of  Jeremiah.  "  For  the  Messianic  hope  to  which  these  words  in 
ver.  3  refer  [?]  is  not  much  emphasized  in  the  entire  writing,  and  more  than  a  hundred 
vears  longer  must  the  writer  have  thought  it  would  be  necessary  to  wait."  He  finds  grounds 
for  this  opinion,  too,  in  vers.  18,  34,  53,  56,  59,  66,  which  seem  to  him  to  indicate  that  the 
Grecian  kings  were  then  on  the  stage,  but  had  much  degenerated  and  were  easily  deposed. 
He  supposes  the  place  of  composition  to  have  been  Egypt  or  Asia  Minor.  Most  scholars, 
however,  who  deny  the  genuineness  of  the  writing,  refer  its  origin  to  the  former  country  and 
lo  the  later  Maccabsean  age,  and  with  this  theory  the  contents  seem  best  to  agree. 


THE 

EPISTLE  OF  JEREMIAS. 


1  A  COPT '  of  an  epistle,  which  Jeremias  °  sent  unto  them  who  *  were  to  be  led  * 
captives  unto  ^  Babylon  by  the  king  of  the  Babylonians,  to  make  announcement  to  ' 
them,  as  it  was  commanded  him  of  God. 

2  Because  of  the  sins  which  ye  have  committed  before  God,  ye  shall  be  led '  awaj) 

3  captives  unto '  Babylon  by  Nabuchodonosor  king  of  the  Babylonians.  Having 
come  now  °  unto  Babylon,  ye  shall  be  "  there  many  years,  and  for  a  long  season,  even 
to  ■'^  seven  generations  ;  and  after  that  I  wOl  bring  you  away  in  peace  ''^  from  thence. 

4  But  now  ye  will  ^^  see  in  Babylon  gods  of  silver,  and  of  gold,  and  of  wood,  borne 

5  upon  shoulders,  which  cause  ^*  the  nations  to  fear.  Beware  therefore  lest  ye  also 
become  altogether  like  the  strangers,  and  fear  seize  upon  you  in  their  presence,  on 

6  seeing  ■■*  the  midtitude  before  '^  and  behind  them,  worshipping  them.     But  say  y© 

7  in  your  hearts,  O  Lord,  we  must  worship  thee.  For  mine  angel  is  with  you,  and 
himself  careth  "  for  your  souls.^' 

8  For  their  tongue  is  polished  by  a  carpenter,"  and  they  themselves  both  gilded 

9  and  silvered  over ;  but  they  are  spurious  ^^  and  cannot  speak.  And  taking  gold, 
just  as  ''■^  for  a  virgin  that  loveth  ornament,^^  they  make  crowns  for  the  heads  of  their 

10  gods.     And  it  happens  -^  sometimes  also  that  "^  the  priests  take  away  "^  from  their 

11  gods  gold  and  silver,  and  spend''*  it  upon  themselves.     And  -'  they  will  give  there- 
of also  '-'  to  the  harlots  in  brothels,"^  and  they  will  ^°  deck   them  as   men  with  gar- 

12  ments,  gods  ^'  of  silver,  and  gods  of  gold,  and  of  ^^  wood.     But  these  things  shaU 
not  preserve  themselves  from  rust  and  erosion.*^     Though  they  be  covered  with 

13  purple  raiment,  men  ^*  wipe  their  faces  because  of  the  dust  of  the  temple,  when  it 

14  is   thick**  upon  them.     And  he  that  cannot  put  to  death  one  that  off endeth  him 

15  holdeth  a  sceptre,  like  °°  a  judge  of  the  country.     He  hath  also  in  ^  his  right  hand 
a   spear  **  and   an   axe  ;    but   cannot  deliver   himself   from  war  *^    and   robbers.** 

16  Whereby  they  are  known  not  to  be  gods  ;  therefore  fear  them  not. 

Vers.  1,2.  —  ^  The  A.  V.  has  this  heading  in  different  type  ;  but  it  has  the  same  MS.  authority  as  the  rest  of  the 
Epistle.  2  A.  V.  :  Jeremie.         s  which.  *  {Codd.  36.  48  al.,  aTrax0«VTas.)         *  into  {see  ver.  3).  ^  certify 

(ivayyelkm.     It  depends  on  ajr€'<TTeiAe»').        '  (Codd.  36.  48.  al.,  airaytaOt.     See  previous  verse.)        »  into. 

Vers.  3-5.  —  *A.  V. :  So  when  ye  be  come.  lo  remain  (eo-eo-de).         ^i  namely  (ews).         '2  peaceably.  "  Now 

shall  ye.  '*  (6eiicW»n-as  ;  XII.  26. 4y.,  lttKvvovTa% .)  ^''  that  ye  in  no  wise  be  like  to  (see  Com.)  strangers,  neither 

be  ye  afraid  of  them,  when  ye  see  (ifiorra?  agreeing  with  vjuac  ;  Codd.  III.  106. 198.,  Ifiovres  ;  62.,  the  same,  addim;  ovv 
as  the  Vulgate,  visa  itaque  turba,  and  so  joining  it  to  what  follows).        ^^  before  them. 

Vers.  6-9.  —  '^  A.  V. :  /  Wiyself  caring  (aurtS?  re  iK^r)Tbiv.  The  Old  Lat.  and  Luther,  as  the  A.  V.,  make  ''God  '"  sub- 
ject, which,  though  grammatically  allowable,  is  unnatural  and  unnecessary.  The  copula  is  to  be  supplied.  See  Com.) 
'8  (i.  e.,  lives.)  '"  As  for  ....  it  is  ...  .  the  workman  (tcktoi/os.    Cf.  ver.  45.)         ^"^  are  gilded  and  laid  over  with 

silver  ;  yet  are  they  but  false  {i.  e.,  deceptions).        -'  as  it  were.        22  loves  to  go  gay. 

Vers.  10-13.  —  23  a,  V. :  omits  And  it  happens.  -*  omits  that.  ^c  convey.  26  bestow  (fcaTafoAoOo-t,  from  Kaia 
f  oAoto  =  KaravaXivKu  ;  III.  XII,  23.  and  twelve  cursives,  with  Co.  and  Aid.  KaravaXbiaovtrt.  The  verb  means,  literally 
to  use  up,  spend,  lavish).  27  Yea,.  29  omits  also.  29  the  common  harlots  (see  Com.).  3^  omits  they  will  (fut, 
expresses  possibility).  ^i  being  gods.  32  07711(5  of  (cf.  ver.  4).  3s  Yet  cannot  these  gods  save  themselves  from  rust 
and  moths  Opu^drwi' ;  36.  48.  al.,  Ppwaeixtt.  See  Com.).  «  They.  ^  when  there  is  much  (8s  eirri  irAeui>f  ;  62.,  citt 
itrrt  TToAiis). 

Vers.  14-16.  —"  A.V.:  as  though  he  were.  »'  (XII.  33.  36.  —  in  all  twelve  cursives  —  Co.,  read  iv  before  Sefif . 

"  dagger  (iyxtifiSioy,  but  probably  here,  as  at  Jer.  1.  42,  for  tpear  or  tana,  pT'^),      "  (HL  106.  Ar.,  the  gen.  plur  ) 
u  thieves  (c{.  Ter.  18J 


THE  EPISTLE   OF  JEREMIAS.  437 

17  For  a? '  a  vessel  that  a  man  useth  becometh  useless  being '^  broken  ;  such  are  ' 
their  gods.     "When  they  are  *  set  up  in  the  temples,'  their  eyes   are  *  full  of  dust 

18  through  the  feet  of  them  that  come  in.  And  as  the  courts '  are  made  secure  *  on 
every  side  upon  him  that  hath  wronged '  the  king,  as  being  committed  to  suffer 
death  ; '"  everi  so  the  priests  make  fast  their  temples  both  with  doors,  and  "  with  locks 

19  and  bars,  lest  their  gods  be  despoiled '-  by  '^  robbers.     They  light  lamps  before  them}* 

20  yea,  more  than  for  tliemselves,'*  and  they  cannot  see  one  of  them.*°  They  are  as 
one  of  the  beams  of  the  temple,  yet  men  ''  say  their  hearts  ^'  are  eaten  out.  When 
creeping  things  from  the  earth  devour  both  ^^  them  and  their  clothes,  they  feel  it 

21  not.     Their  faces   are  blacked   through  the  smoke  that  come«  out  ^  of  the  temple. 

22  Upon  their  bodies  and  their  ^^  heads  light "  bats,-^  swallows,  and  birds,  and  in  like 

23  manner  also  the  cats  spring  upon  them.^^  By  this  you  may  know  that  they  are  no 
gods  ;  therefore  fear  them  not. 

24  Notwithstanding  ^^  the  gold  that  is  about  them  to  make  them  beautiful,  except 
some  one  ""  wipe  off  the  rust,  they  will  not  shine  ;  for  not  even  ^  when  they  were 

25  moltea  did  they  feel  it.    The  things  wherein  there  is  no  breath  are  bought  for  any  ^ 

26  price.     They  are  borne  upon  shoulders,  having  no  feet,  manifesting  unto  men  their 

27  own  dishonor.^  And  "^  they  also  that  serve  them  are  shamed ; ''  for  if  they  fall  to  the 
ground  at  any  time,  they  cannot  rise  up  again  of  themselves  :  neither,  if  one  set  it  '^ 
upright,  can  it  ^  move  of  itself ;  "*  neither,  if  it  be  made  slant,  can  it  make  itself 

28  upright ;  ^*  but  they  set  gifts  before  them,  as  for  the  dead.^''  But  "  as  for  the  things 
that  are  sacrificed  unto  them,  their  priests  misuse  them  giving  them  away ;  ^'  and  ^' 
in  like  manner  also  "  their  wives  salt  down  a  part  of  them ;  neither  to  the  poor  nor 

29  the  weak  do  they  hand  over  any  of  it.*'  Menstruous  women  and  women  in  child- 
bed touch *^  their  sacrifices.  By  these  things  therefore  knowing''^  that  they  are  no 
gods,  fear  them  not. 

30  For  whence  should  **  they  be  called  gods  ?  because  women  set  offerings  *^  be- 

31  fore  the  gods  of  silver,  and  *^  gold,  and  wood.  And  the  priests  sit*'  in  their  tem- 
ples, having  their  clothes  rent,  and  their  heads  and  beards  shaven,  and  nothing  upon 

32  their  heads.     And  **  they  roar  and  cry  before  their  gods,  as  men  do  at  the  feast  for 

33  a  dead  man.*'     The  priests  '°  take  off  some  of  *'  their  garments,  and  clothe  '-  their 

34  wives  and  children.  Whether  they  suffer  evU  or  good  from  any  one  '^  they  are 
not  able  to  recompense  it ;  they  can  neither  set  up  a  king,  nor  put  him  down.'* 

35  In  like  manner,  they  can  neither  give  riches  nor  any ''  money.  Though  a  man 
86  make  a  vow  unto  them,  and  keep  it  not,  they  wUl  not  require  it.    They  can  save  no 

37  man  from  death,  neither  deliver  the  weak'^  fi-om  the  mighty.    They  cannot  restore 

38  a  blind  man  to  "  sight,  nor  help  a  man  out  of  '*  distress.  They  can  show  no  mercy 
to  the  widow,  nor  do  good  to  the  orphan.'^ 

39  These  things  ^  of  wood,  and  which  are  overlaid  with  gold  and  silver,  are  like  the 

Vers.  17-20.  —  J  A.  V. :  like  as.  ^Ss  nothing  wortli  when  it  is.  3  tvsn  so  it  is  with  (toioutoi).  *  be. 

6  temple  {o\icoi%  ;  III.  Ar.,  k^ttoi?.    Cf.  Com.).         6  be.  ^  doors  {marg.,  courts.    The  courts  of  prisons  seem  to  be 

meant.    Cf.  Jer.  ixxiii.  1).         'sure.  '  offendeth  (iiSi«,)KiTi).  ^o  (lAt., led  away  to  death.)  "  omils  both 

(re  Kox)  ....  and.  ^  spoiled  {it  might  mean  either  spoiled,  i.  e. ,  made  spoil  of,  or  despoiled ;  but  the  latter  seems  pref- 
erable). ^3  with.  "  tkem  candles  (\i;x»'oysl.  ^^  (III.  lOfi.,  irKeiavas  avToU,  instead  of  irAetous  ij  eavToU.  So  the 
Vnlg.,  Luceritas  accendunt  itlis  et  quidem  multas,  ex  quibus.)         i"  whereof  ....  one.  ^^  they.  ^  (i.  e.,  their  in- 

sides.)  '^  gnawed  upon  {marg.,  ticked.  Lit.,  the  Greek  is,  ticked  out,  or  away)  by  things  creeping  out  of  (it  is  better 
to  begin  with  this  clause  a  new  sentence)  the  earth,  and  when  they  eat  (re  KaL) 

Vers.  21-23.  —  20  por  eK  ttjs  oliciaf ,  HI.  Ar.  haye  the  singular  reading,  e«  -nis  yn^  Kaxofievov  ;  106.  239.  for  the  latter, 
yevoiJiivov  ;  Vulg.,  qui  in  domofit.  =l  A.  V.  :  ornits  their  (omitted  by  XU.  26.  88.  233.  Co.).  -  sit  li^iirravroA. 

Cf.  Com.].        23  (Lit.,  night-tiirds.)        2*  and  the  cats  also  tu<ravjtu<:  6e  «al  oi  atAoupot). 

Vers.  24-29. — 26  xhis  is  right,  according  to  the  sense.  Fritzsche  would  make  to  xpvo-iov  &ccus.  and  the  object  of 
(^TlA^ov(rl.  It  seems  better  to  suppose,  with  Reusch,  an  anacoluthou  :  *'  The  gold  that  is  about  them  ....  except  one.'* 
2"  A.  V. :  they.        "  neither.  -8  a  most  high  (marg.,  any.    See  Com.}.        29  whereby  they  declare  ....  that  they 

be  nothing  worth.        ^  omits  And.        3'  ashamed.         32  them.  33  they.  3*  themselves.         35  they  be  bowed 

down  ....  they  make  themselves  straight.  3a  unto  dead  men.  37  omits  But.  33  seU  and  abuse  (follows 

the  Vulg. :  eeTidunt  et  abutuntur).  39  ojnits  and.  **>  oiiiits  also.  "  their  (HI.  36.  43.  Ar.  add  aurwi',  and  the 

Vulg.  reads  the  same  for  the  following  irr'  auTwf.  It  is  to  be  understood)  wives  lay  up  part  thereof  in  salt  (ropixe"- 
•uo-oi.  The  verb  means  Uipreserve,  whether  by  smoking,  drying  or  pickling.  It  is  used  with  oAft]]  in  Herod,  ii.  77), 
but  unto  the  poor  ani  impotent  (aSufarcfi)  they  give  nothing  of  it.       ^2  gat  (cf .  LXX,  at  Lev.  lii.  4).      *3  ye  may  know. 

Vers.  30-36.  —  **  A.  V. :  how  can.  *^  meat.  «  o/nir*  and.  *^  sit  (cf.  Com.).  *3omi;jAnd.  *^  when  one 
k  dead.         30  priests  also.        3'  omi'u  some  of  3!  (text,  rec.,  the  futuro  ;  23.  21  36.  48.,  the  present.    Of.  ver,  11,) 

■3  it  be  evil  that  one  doeth  unto  them,  or  good.  3i  (Lit.,  take  him  away  ,  35  omits  any  (on  the  following  \tiKK6v 
•f.  Mark  zii.  41). 

Vers.  3S-40.— 33  Lit.,  veaker.  "  A.  V. :  to  his  (cf.  Com.).  3a  anu  man  in  his.  39  fatherless,  ••  Thtt 


438  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


stones  from  ^  the  mruntain  ;  and  '^  they  that  worship   them  shall  be  brought  to 

40  shame.*     How  then   must  one   think  and  say  that  they  are  gods,*  when   besides  * 

41  even  the  Chaldaeans  themselves  also  °  dishonor  them  ?  Who  if  they  shall  see  ow« 
dumb  that  cannot  speak,  they  bring  up  Bel,'   and   intreat   that  he  may  speak,^  as 

42  though  he  were  able  to  perceive  it.'     And  being  themselves  aware  of  this  they  can- 

43  not  leave  ^^  them  ;  for  they  have  no  perception.'^  Women  '-  also  with  cords  about 
them,  sit  down  in  the  streets  to  ^'  burn  bran  as  incense  ;  "  but  if  any  of  them,  drawn 
by  some  one  of  the  passers  by,'^  lie  with  him,  she  reproacheth  her  neighbor,'^  that 

44  she  was  not  also  "  thought  worthy  like  '*  herself,  nor  her  cord  broken.  All  things 
that  take  place  "  among  them  are  false  ;  how  must  ^°  it  then  be  thought  or  said  '■'' 
that  they  are  gods  ? 

45  They  are  made  by  carpenters  ^^  and  goldsmiths  ;  they  can  become  '^  nothing  else 

46  than  the  workmen  will  have  them  become.'*  And  they  themselves  that  made  them 
will  not  be  long  lived  ;  -^  and  "^  how  should  then  the  things  that  are  made  by  them  ?  -' 

47,  48  For  they  left  falsehood  and  reproach  '*  to  them  that  come  after.  For  when 
there  cometh  war  and  troubles  '■"•  upon  them,  the  priests  consult  among  ^°  themselves, 

49  where  they  may  be  hidden  with  them.  How  then  cannot  men  perceive  that  they 
are  ^^  no  gods,  which  can  neither  save  themselves  from  war,  nor  from  troubles?*' 

50  For  seeing  they  are  **  of  wood,  and  overlaid  with  silver  and  gold,  it  shall  be  known 

51  hereafter  that  they  are  spurious  ;  it  shall  be  clear**  to  all  nations  and  kings  that 
they  are  no  gods,  but  works  *°  of  men's  hands,  and  that  there  is  no  work  of  God  in 

52  them.     To  whom  then  must  it  not  be  known  *^  that  they  are  no  gods  ? 

53  For  neither  can  they  set  up  a  king  in  the  land,  nor  give  rain  unto  men.    Neither 

54  can  they  judge  their  o%vn  cause,  nor  redress  a  wrong,*'  being  unable  ;  for  they  are 

55  as  crows  *'  between  heaven  and  earth.  And,  indeed,  when  a  fire  breaketh  out  in  a 
temple  *^  of  gods  of  wood,  or  laid  over  with  gold  or  silver,  their  priests  will  flee  and 

56  save  themselves  ;  *"  but  they  themselves  will*"  be  burnt  asunder  like  beams.  More- 
over they  cannot  withstand  king ''^  or  enemies ;  how  must  it  then  be  accepted  or 
thought  that  they  are  *^  gods  ? 

57  Neither  can  "'*  those  gods  of  wood,  and  laid  over  with  silver  or  gold,  save  them- 

58  selves  **  either  from  thieves  or  robbers.  Wliose  "  gold,  and  silver,  and  garments 
wherewith  they  are  clothed,  they  that  are  strong  do  take,  and  go  away  with  them  ;  " 

59  neither  can  they  *"  help  themselves.  Therefore  it  is  better  to  be  a  king  that  show- 
eth  his  courage ;  or  a  vessel  in  a  house,  profitable  in  that  for  which  *'  the  owner 
shall  use  it,  than  the  **  false  gods  ;  or  even  *'  to  be  a  door  in  a  house,  to  keep  the 
things  ™  safe  that  are  ^^  therein,  than  the  false  gods  ;  or  a  pillar  of  wood  in  a  palace, 

60  than  the  false  "  gods.     For  sun,  and  ^*  moon,  and  stars,  being  bright,^*  and  sent  to  do 

61  their  offices,  are  obedient.  In  like  manner  also  ^*  the  lightning  when  it  breaketh 
forth  is  beautiful  to  look  at ;  ""^  and  after  the  same  viarmer^''  the  wind  also  ^'  bloweth 

62  in  every  country.     And  when   God  coromandeth  the  clouds  to  go  over  the  whole 

63  world,  they  carry  out  what  '*"  they  are  bidden.     And  the  fire  sent  from  above   to 

fods  (see  Com.).  '  that  be  liewn  out  of  (see  Com.).  '  omits  aod.  a  confounded.  <  How  should  a  man  then 
think  and  say  that  they  are  goda  (ttws  ovv  votiKrriov  ^  itAijTeo*'  vjrapxeic  ovtous  0eovs.  The  construction  is  involved. 
Lit.,  •'  How  then  must  it  be  thought  th,it  they  are  gods,  or  they  be  so  called."  Some  MSS.,  36.  48  61.  62.  198.  231. 
would  strike  out  ujiapxeii-,  but  it  is  an  obvious  correction).        ^  omits  besides  (en).        "^  omits  also. 

Vers.  41-44.— '  A.  v.;  Aim  and  intreat  Bel.  »  m!iTg.,bid\i\m  call  upon  Bet.     (So  Luther.     Vulg.    offererunt  iliud 

ad  Bel,  postulantes  ab  eo  lorpii.)  o  understand.  ">  Yet  they  canuot  understand  this  themselves,  and  leave. 

'1  knowledge  (marg.,  sense,  Gr.,  aitrSTjcni'.    Of.  vers  42,  49).  "  The  women  (see  Com.).  "  sitting  in  the  ways. 

for  perfume.  "•  some  that  passeth  by.  '»  lier  fellow.  "  omits  also.  "  as  worthy  as.  "  Whatsoever  is 
.ne.        ^  is  false  ;  how  may.        ^'  See  ver.  40. 

Vers.45-47.  —  «  A.  V.:  of  carpenters  (see  ver.  8).  ^  be  (Fritzsche  receives  ytVuiToi  from  III.  XII.  26.  midtisqut 

I.  ;  text,  rec,  -ye'ioiToi).        ^  to  be.         "5  c^n  never  continue  long  ^e  omits  and.         "'  of  them  be  gods  ( III.  XII. 

23.,  nineteen  cursives.  Aid.  Co.  and  the  old  versions  add  elroi  Bcoi ;  but  noXvxpivui  yifeo^ai  is  rather  to  be  understood). 
»  lies  and  reproaches  (sing,  in  the  Greek). 

V(T8.48-62.  —  2".^.  V.  :  any  waror  plague.         =»  with.  "be.  m  plague.  M  be  6i«.         si  false  :  and  it 

shall  manifestly  appear.  "■  the  works.  sa  who  then  may  not  know  ( Fritzsche  adopts  ov  after  oSk  from  XII.  33 

48.  49.  al.  ;  III.  ovk  with  ^i-toJirTo;' ;  text.  rec.    omits). 

Vers.  54-66.  — »'  Sec  Com.  =»  A.  V. :  Whereupon  when  fire  falleth  upon  the  house.  =•  away,  and  escape 

"  shall.        *'  any  king.        '^  can  it  then  be  thought  or  said  that  they  be. 

Vers.  67-60.— "A.  v.:  arc  ....  able  to  escape  «  (See  Com.)  "withal.  "  are  they  able  to.  "  powa 
iifSpeiav)  nr  else  a  profitable  vessel  .  .  .  house,  which  (see  Com.).  "  shall  have  use  of,  than  such.  >'  omits  even. 
»  suet  thin^.i.        •■'  safe  as  be.        ''-  such  false.        ^  omits  and.        ^  See  Com. 

Vei!  61-64.  — «  A.  V. :  omits  also.         ■»  easy  to  be  seen  (tvonros).  "  (See  Com.)         ™  o?nits  also  ™  do  dj 


THE   EPISTLE   OF  JEREMIAS. 


439 


consume  mountaius  '  and  woods  doeth  that  which  '  is  commanded ;  but  these  are 

64  like  ^  them  neither  in  appearance  *  nor  power.  Wherefore  it  is  neither  to  be 
thought  ^  nor  said  that  they  are  gods,  seeing  they  are  able  neither  to  judge  causes, 

65  nor  to  do  good  unto  men.    Knowing  therefore  that  they  are  no  gods,  fear  them  not. 
66,  67        For  they  can  neither  curse  nor  bless  kings  ;  neither  can  they  show  signs  in 

the   heavens  among  the  heathen, °  nor  shine   as  the  sun,  nor  give  light  as  the  moon. 

68  The  beasts  are  better  than   they  ;  for   they  can   escape  into  '   a  covert,   and  help 

69  tliemselves.     It  is  then  by  no  means  manifest  unto  us  that  they  are  gods  ;  therefore 

70  fear  them   not.     For  as  a  scarecrow  in  a  bed  of  cucumbers '  keepeth  nothing  ;  so 

71  are  their  gods  of  wood,  and  laid  over  with  silver  and  gold.  And  in  the  same  man- 
ner ^  their  gods  of  wood,  and  laid  over  with  silver  and  gold,  are  like  a  thorn  bush 
in  a  garden,'"  that  every  bird  sitteth  upon  ;  and  in  like  manner  "  also  to  a  dead 

72  body,  that  is  cast  into  the  dark.  And  you  shall  know  ''•'  them  to  be  no  gods  by  the 
mouldering  of  the  purple  and  the  marble  that  is  upon  ''  them  ;  and  they  themselves 

73  afterwards  shall  be  consumed,'^  and  shall  be  a  reproach  in  the  land.'^  Better  there- 
fore is  the  just  man  that  hath  no  ''  idols  ;  for  he  shall  be  far  from  reproach. 


2  as  it. 


like  unto. 


shew  (etSe'ats.     See  Com.). 


^  supposed  (see  yer.  44 


{irui'TeAoiitrt  t6).  ^  hills. 

it  pasnm ). 

Vers.  67-73.  —  ^  edveaiv.  ^  A.  V. :  get  under  (lit.,  ujAi'cA  can,  etc.).  8  garden  of  cucumbers  (o-imnjpaTo)).  «  like- 
wise. ^0  to  a  white  thorn  (see  Com.)  in  an  orchard  ((ojn-tf>).  ^  as.  ^^  (m.  XII.  26.  36.  al.  read  yvwo-eo-tfe  for 
yvijitTH}(Tovrat.)  '3  bright  purple  (marg.,  purple  and  brightness)  that  rotteth  upon  (see  Com.).  ^*  eaten. 
*6  country         ^^  none. 


The  Epistle  op  Jeremias. 


Ver.  1.  Cod.  II.  divides  the  epistle  into  six 
sections,  distinguished  by  the  letters  of  the  Greek 
alphabet:  (1)  verse  16,  before  /xi)  oiv;  (2)  verse 
29,  before  yv6vTes ;  (3)  verse  40;  (4)  verse  52, 
tIvi;  (5)  verse  65,  before  7;'ii>'T6s. 

Ver.  3.  For  remarks  on  the  probable  meaning 
of  ciDi  yfveiiv  eiTTa  and  the  discrepancy  between 
this  passage  and  Jer.  xxi.x.  10,  cf.  the  Introduc- 
tion. 

Ver.  4.  That  the  gods  were  borne  upon  the 
shoulders  of  men  was  not,  of  course,  supjjosed  to 
be  a  reason  in  itself  for  fearing  them.  But  it 
was  at  such  times,  namely,  when  carried  in  pi-o- 
cession  by  the  priests,  that  the  greatest  reverence 
W.1S  shown  them  by  their  devotees. 

Ver.  5.  'Afpo/xoiwdevT^s  ....  aipofiotuiB^Ti.  This 
construction  of  a  participle  with  some  person  of 
the  same  verb,  as  is  well  known,  is  quite  frequent 
'n  the  LXX.,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  Hellen- 
•.zing  of  the  Hebrew  infinitive  absolute.  .See 
Winer,  p.  354  ;  and  Thiersch,  De  Pfiitatnichi  Ver. 
Alex.,  ]).  164.  For  a.(pop.oi.o>dT\Ti,  XII.  26.  and  the 
Old  Latin  read  (^o^T^tJ^re  ;  and  six  other  cursives, 
the  same,  adding  ouroir,  =  "  lest  ye  become  like 
the  nations,  fear,"  or  "fear  them."  But  this 
change  anticipates  the  thought  of  tlie  next 
clause. 

Ver.  7.  See  Dan.  x.  13,  21;  xii.  1. — 'Ek- 
^T^Twc  Tar  ^vxoiS  u^wv  might  mean  that  he  would 
avenge  their  death.  But  the  connection  shows 
that  the  sense  is  as  above  given.  Cf.  Prov.  xxix. 
10,  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  8.  Their  tongue.  Ewald  thinks  that 
the  actual  tongue  of  the  image  is  not  meant :  but 
a  stick  sh.aped  like  a  tongue,  which  formed  the 
groundwork  of  the  statue.  But  the  last  ])art  of, 
the  verse  seems  conclusive  to  the  contrary.  Cf. 
Ps.  cxv.  5. 

Ver.  10.  Eawlinson  says  of  the  priests  of 
Babylon :  "  In  social  position  the  priest  class 
stood  high.  They  had  access  to  the  monarch; 
they  were  feared  and  respected  by  the  )ieople ; 
the  offerings  of  the  faitliful  made  them  we.ilthv  : 
(ieir  position  as  interpreters  of  the  divine  will 


secured  them  influence."     See  Ancient  Mon.,  iii. 
14. 

Ver.  11.  Tais  itrX  rov  (TTeyous  v6pvais.  For 
(TTtyovs,  III.  23.  and  nine  cursives  read  Teyovs. 
According  to  Grotius  (Dereser  and  others),  the 
reference  is  to  mfrftricibus,  quce  sunt  eodem  cum 
diis  tecto.  But  it  is  rather  to  be  translated  as 
above.  This  is  the  meaning  of  both  a-reyos  and 
Teyot,  litpaimr,  brothel,  in  the  later  Greek.  Ewald 
renders  by  :  "  Den  winkelhuren  welcke  oben  in  den 
Heinen dachstuben  wohnen."  —  Proph.  d.  Alt.  Bund., 
p.  292. 

Ver.  12.  Bpwficircav,  erosion.  The  reading 
$pii<reais  must  be  looked  upon  as  a  correction. 
These  idols  could  not  presoi've  themselves  from 
being  devoured  by  insects.  The  rendering 
"moths"  given  to  the  word  in  the  A.  V.  was 
derived  from  the  Old  Latin,  which  took  it  for  the 
Hebrew  C'T,  rendered  in  the  LXX.  aiis,  at  Is.  li. 
8.  But  $pSijLa  was  used  by  the  Greeks  for  what  is 
eroded,  eaten,  or  eaten  out ;  and  it  seems  better  to 
adopt  this  natural  and  suitable  meaning  here, 
than  to  rely  on  simple  conjecture  for  the  other 
one. 

Ver.  13.  Tb  Trp6trunov.  The  singular  is  often 
used  to  express,  in  reference  to  plurality,  that 
which  belongs  to  each  of  the  individuals.  See 
Winer,  p.  174. 

Vers.  14,  15.  The  singular  number  is  em- 
ployed, although  idol  statues  in  general  are 
meant,  because  in  the  liveliness  of  the  narration 
the  author  fixed  his  mind  ujjon  one  such  statue 
only,  as  a  representative  of  the  whole. — Judge, 
in  the  sense  of  ruler,  the  two  ideas  being  in  the 
Orient  more  nearly  coterminous  than  with  us 
Cf.  Ps.  ii.  10;  Wisd.  i.  1.  Reusch  would  put 
S.v6pti}iros  —  on  account  of  the  word  ;^wpa5,  which 
limits  xpirits  —  in  apposition  with  the  latter;  "as 
a  man,  a  judge  of  the  laud  ; "  but  this  makes  a 
cumbersome  sentence.  The  A.  V.  renders  by 
"cannot,"  in  two  instances  wliere  the  simple 
future  is  found  lu  the  original.  The  future  does 
not,  in  fact,  always  denote  simple  futurity,  but  also 


140 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


that  which  is  possible.  This  is  most  usnal,  how- 
ever, in  the  case  of  questions.  See  Matt.  xii.  26  ; 
John  vi.  68  ;  Rom.  x.  14 ;  1  Cor.  xiv.  16  ;  1  Tim. 
iii.  5,  —  in  all  of  which  cases,  however,  the  A.  V. 
employs  the  fnture. 

Ver.  17.  ToJj  oficoij.  The  A.  "V.  has  rendered 
this  Greek  word  throughout  the  epistle,  in  this 
connection,  by  "  temple."  Doubtless  that  is  gen- 
erally the  meaning,  although  private  houses  (see 
verses  13,  21)  may  sometimes  be  meant,  and  in 
that  case  the  reference  would  be  to  what  were 
known  as  the  Jares  and  peuates. 

Ver.  18.  The  comparison  is  unskillfully  car- 
ried out,  there  being  much  more  unlikeness  than 
similarity  between  those  shut  up  as  adjudged  to 
death  and  those  shut  up  to  secure  them  from  in- 
jury. Reusch  would  divide  the  figure,  making 
two  of  it ;  'As  for  a  criminal  the  fore-court  (of  the 
temple)  is  closed, as  against  one  led  away  to  death 
the  priests  close  the  temple,  so,"  etc.  But  this 
does  not  give  much  help,  but  rather  the  contrary. 
Codd.  III.  106.  Vulg.  Ar.  also  read  ij  before  as  M 
Bavircii,  with  the  same  thought  apparently,  that 
there  was  too  much  material  for  one  comparison. 
For  remarks  on  awdyu,  see  Add.  to  Esth.,  i.  15. 

Ver.  19.  Herodotus  (ii.  62)  speaks  of  a  festi- 
val in  honor  of  the  gods  in  Egypt,  which,  on 
account  of  the  multitude  of  lamps,  was  called 
\vxvoKaiii,  '■  festival  of  lamps."  "  At  Sais,  when 
the  assembly  takes  place  for  the  sacrifices,  there 
is  one  night  on  which  the  inhabitants  all  burn  a 
multitude  of  lights  in  the  shape  of  flat  saucers 
filled  with  a  mixture  of  oil  and  salt,  on  the  top  of 
which  the  wick  floats.  These  burn  the  whole 
night,  and  give  to  the  festival  the  name  of  the 
'Feast  of  Lights.'" 

Ver.  20.  We  have  KOTfVflo)  for  KaTeffBtu,  as 
elsewhere  in  the  LXX.     See  Jer.  ii.  3. 

Ver.  21.  Me\at>iw,  a  later  form,  ^  iif\aivw. 
See  LXX.  at  Sol.  Song  i.  6.  —  'Airh  tov  Kairvov. 
On  the  difi'erence  in  the  force  of  air6  and  inri  in 
such  a  construction  with  the  passive,  see  Winer, 
p.  369  f. 

Ver.  22.  By  zeugma  the  verb  iiplirrafTtti  is 
understood  in  a  somewhat  different  sense  with  the 
last  substantive,  or  else  another  verb  must  be 
supplied.  To  render  the  present  verb  by  "  sit," 
as  in  the  A.  V.,  in  order  to  accommodate  it  to 
the  different  subjects,  is  scarcely  allowable.  This 
verb  is  used  by  Homer,  but  simply  in  the  aorist, 
third  per.  singular  (//.,  xiii.  821  ;  Od.,  xv.  160, 
524).  The  present  is  found  only  in  later  writers. 
Ver.  24.  StiAJSeii/  is  rarely  used  with  the  ac- 
cusative as,  if  Fritzsche's  construction  be  fol- 
luweil,  it  would  be.  See  1  Mace.  vi.  39  ;  Hom., 
//.,  xviii.  .596.  Cf .  Text.  Notes.  —  Ow  i^ii  a-rl^iaiaw. 
These  two  negative  particles,  with  the  aorist  or 
present  subjunctive  (verses  27,  35,  38),  have  the 
same  force  as  oi  with  the  future,  as  at  verse  14. 
Cf.  Winer,  p.  506  f.  —  Rust.  It  is  used  in  a 
popular  sense,  since,  really,  gold  and  silver  are 
not  affected  by  rust.     Cf.  Jas.  v.  3. 

Ver.  25.  'TiM^  is  employed  here,  as  often  in 
the  New  Testament,  to  indicate  the  purchase 
price.  See  Matt,  xxvii.  6  ;  1  Cor.  vi.  20,  vii.  23. 
On  the  use  of  ^k  .  .  .  .  i.-fopi(ai,  cf.  Winer,  p.  368. 
Ver.  27.  @ipaw€ioyT€s  refers  evidently  to  the 
priests  and  servants  of  the  temple,  rather  than  to 
the  common  peo]]lB.  The  former  were  not  de- 
ceived, at  least  to  the  same  exteSt  as  tlie  latter, 
respecting  the  diaracter  of  their  idols.  —  Of  them- 
Belves,  5i'  uvtCv.  Winer  remarks  that  this  prep- 
osition rarely  indicates  the  causa  nrincipdiia,  i.  c, 
k  rarely  etiuivaleut  to  napd  or  ot«.     And  in  such 


cases  he  holds  that  it  indicates  not  so  much  one 
from  whom  something  proceeds,  as  one  through 
whose  effort  or  kindness  something  accrues. 

Ver.  28.  By  the  Mosaic  law  the  poor  were  to 
receive  a  part  of  the  sacrifices.  See  Dent.  xiv. 
29. 

Ver.  29.  See  Lev.  xv.  33.  —  Women  in  child- 
bed, Aexw.  It  is  not  elsewhere  found  in  the 
Greek  Bible.  This  and  the  preceding  word  are 
singular,  but  seem  to  be  used  collectively. 

Ver.  30.  The  fact  that  women  served  these 
idol  gods  is  adduced  as  an  additional  reason  for 
despising  them.  In  the  religious  ceremonies  of 
the  Jews  they  were  never  allowed  to  officiate. 

Ver.  31.  Ai<^pf{teiv  means  to  drive.  It  seems 
out  of  place  here,  and  many  MSS.  have  made 
corrections.  Codd.  III.  106.,  Sia(peflpovin\  XII. 
23.  33.  49.  al.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  KaBl^ovcnv.  Fritzsche 
conjectures  that  the  word  was  originally  SnuMtpiil 
ovaiv,  stay  through  the  day  ;  Reusch,  that  the  pres 
ent  verb  was  used  with  the  meaning  to  sit,  since 
Slcppot  has  also  the  meaning  seat,  couch,  stool.  I 
follow  the  latter. 

Ver.  32.  Feasts  for  the  dead,  accompanied  by 
loud  lamentations,  are  still  customary  in  this 
part  of  the  Orient,  and  all  may  participate  who 
choose  to  attend.  Jerome  at  Jer.  xvi.  7  (cited  in 
Schleusner's  Lex.,  under  irtpfSeiir.),  says  :  "  Moris 
autem  est  lugentihus  ferre  cihos  et  pr(zparare  con^ 
vivia,  quae  Graeci  treplSfinva  voca7it,  et  a  nostris 
vu/qo  appellantur  parentalia,"  etc.  Cf.  Tob.  iv. 
17." 

Ver.  37.  Els  '6pa(nv  irfpitn^awuiv.  This  is  a 
rare  expression  for  the  restoration  of  the  sight. 
Fritzsche  and  Reusch  cite  Herodian,  vii.  3,  5. 

Ver.  39.  'np.oiaiLivoi  ilal  Th^iiKiva.  Naturally, 
the  last  word  cannot  be  subject,  and  the  correc- 
tion of  some  MSS.  to  ^uMvoi  is  an  after-thought. 
The  subject  is  to  be  understood,  and  tA  ^i\tva,  etc., 
put  in  apposition  after  the  verb.  —  Like  stones 
from  the  mountain,  i.  e.,  "  ceque  immobilis." 
Grotius. 

Ver.  42.  AlaSrjatv,  perception.  This  word 
means  perception  by  the  senses  (cf.  the  LXX.  at 
Prov.  i.  22,  ii.  10,  A.  V.,  knowledge  in  both  cases) ; 
and  then,  secondarily,  knowledge  gained  thereby. 
It  seems  better  here  to  retain  the  first  significa- 
tion. 

Ver.  43.  The  custom  alluded  to  is  fully  de- 
scribed by  Herodotns  (i.  199).  Cf.  Rawlinson's 
Herod.,  i.  p.  321  ff.  Each  woman  was  required 
once  in  her  life  to  visit  a  shrine  of  Beltis,  and 
there  remain  until  .«ome  stranger  cast  money  into 
her  lap,  and  took  her  away  with  him  for  purposes 
of  Inst.  Herodotus  says :  "  Many  women  of  the 
wealthier  sort,  who  are  too  proud  to  mix  with 
the  others,  drive  in  covered  carriages  to  the  pre- 
cincts, followed  by  a  goodly  train  of  attendants, 
and  there  take  their  stations.  But  the  larger 
number  seat  themselves  within  the  holy  inclosure, 
with  wreaths  of  string  about  their  heads ;  and 
there  is  always  a  great  crowd,  some  coming, 
others  going.  Lines  of  cord  mark  out  patlis  in 
all  directions  among  the  women,  and  the  strangers 
|)ass  along  them  to  make  their  choice.  A  woman 
who  has  once  taken  her  seat  is  not  allowed  to 
return  home  till  one  of  the  strangers  throws  a 
silver  coin  into  her  lap,  and  takes  her  with  him 
beyond  the  holy  ground.  When  he  throws  the 
coin  he  .says  these  words  :  '  The  goddess  Mylitta 
[Beltis]  prosper  thee.'  The  silver  coin  may  be  of 
any  size;  it  cannot  be  refused;  for  that  is  for 
bidden  by  the  law,  since  once  thrown  it  is  sacred 
The  woman  goes  with  the  first  man  that  throws 


THE  EPISTLE   OF  JEREMIAS. 


441 


her  money,  and  rejects  none.  When  she  has 
gone  with  him,  and  thus  satisfied  the  goddess, 
she  returns  home  ;  and  from  that  time  forth  no 
gift,  however  great,  will  prevail  with  her.  Such 
of  the  women  as  are  tall  and  beautiful  are  soon 
released  ;  but  others  who  are  ugly  have  to  stay  a 
long  time  before  they  can  fulfill  the  law.  Some 
liave  even  waited  three  or  four  years  in  the  pre- 
cincts." Cf.  Hawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  30  f., 
also,  2  Kings  xvii.  30,  with  the  remarks  of  com 
mentators  on  "  .Succoth-benoth." — By  axoiviov 
most  critics  understand  the  girdle,  TreplCafia,  with 
which  these  wttmen  were  bound,  although  this 
meaning  is  not  elsewhere  given  to  the  word. 
Fritzsche  thinks  it  designates,  rather,  that  which 
Herodotus  refers  to  in  (XTii^avov.  —  Bran  as  in- 
cense. The  burning  of  the  husks  of  corn,  or  the 
bran  made  from  them,  was  regarded  by  the  an- 
cients in  the  light  of  a  charm.  The  Old  Latin 
Beems  to  have  read  for  irtrvpa,  i-nhupa,  i.  e.,  a  con- 
fection made  from  olives. 

Ver.  48.  ^ovXiiovrai  npbs  eaurouy.  This  ex- 
pression is  not  found  in  classical  Greek.  See, 
however,  the  LXX.  at  2  Kings  vi.  8  ;  Is.  .\1.  14. 

Vers.  50-52.  The  reasoning  is  far  from  bril- 
liant. 

Ver.  54.  Oiihe  /jl^  ^vtjwvTai  aSiKiifxa.  The  sense 
is  not  clear.  According  to  the  reading  of  III. 
and  some  other  MSS.,  as  well  as  of  the  Syriac 
and  Arabic  versions,  aSLKoii^eyov  for  aSiKriiJia,  it 
would  mean  :  "  Nor  the  misused  deliver."  But 
it  would  perhaps  be  better  to  consider  that  the 
force  of  iavrav  is  continued  also  in  this  clause, 
and  to  read:  "Nor  ward  off  an  injustice,"  i.e., 
done  to  themselves.  Cf.  Horn.,  Od.,  .xxiii.  244, 
for  such  a  use  of  this  verb,  in  its  poetic  form, 
4piKiiv.  So  Ewald  :  "  Noch  sick  vor  einem  nn- 
rechte  retten."  Fritzsche  renders  :  "  They  rescue 
not  property  stolen  from  them  ;  "  Gaab  :"  "  They 
will  not  save  themselves  with  reference  to  an 
affront."  —  They  are  as  crows.  What  is  meant 
by  this  comparison  is  to  characterize  the  weak- 
ness of  the  idols.  But  it  is,  to  say  the  least,  a 
peculiar  one.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  so 
gross  an  example  of  the  want  of  adaptation  in  the 
rhetorical  figures  of  the  canonical  books.  Reusch 
is  inclined  to  ascribe  the  figure,  together  with 
much  else  that  is  weak  and  uuexplainable  in  the 
epistle,  to  the  translator  ! 

Ver.  55.  "Xlcnrep  SokoI  fi^aoi  KaTaKavd't^uovrat. 
See  Susan.,  verses  55,  59,  o-^drei  tre  ixiaov. 

Ver.  58.  It  is  better,  perhaps,  on  account  of 
the  connection,  to  make  uv  dependent  on  iVxiJ- 
omts,  although  the  coustraction  as  found  in  the 
A.  V.  is  grammatically  correct:  Thei/  that  have 
power  over  them  [i.  e.,  are  stronger  than  they]  take  I 


and  cany  away  the  gold  and  the  silver,  and  the  gar 
ment  wherewith  they  are  clothed,  and  they  [the  gods] 
cannot  hplp  themselves. 

Ver.  59.  Kpnaiixov  i(p'  5  Kexp^ffcToi.  A  very 
unusual  construction.  Fritzsche  and  Bunsen  a 
Bibelwerk,  explaininjj  it  as  a  case  of  attraction, 
would  render  :  Useful  for  that  (or  in  that)  for  which 
its  owner  uses  it.  Reusch,  without  venturing  an 
explanation  :  A  tisefnl  vessel  which  the  owner  can 
use.  The  Vulgate  read  Kavxnuerai  (gloriabitur) 
for  K^xp^oerai. 

Ver.  60.  Are  obedient.  Efficient  to  do  the 
work  given  them  to  do.  Others  render :  "  Are 
bright,  and  by  God  appointed  for  the  service  of 
wen,  and  they  are  obedient." 

Ver.  61.  Easy  to  be  seen.  So  the  Vulgate, 
perspicuum.  I  render  with  Fritzsche,  Reusch, 
and  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk.  The  idea  of  Aa^irpa  is 
still  in  mind.  —  After  the  same  {maiiyier)  the 
wind.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin  the  same 
wind.  The  Greek  is  rh  5'  avrh  Kal  Trvdjfm.  Fritzsche 
renders:  "but  also  the  same  wind;"  Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk:  "in  like  manner  [blotcs]  also  the  same 
wind."  The  expre.ssion  is  peculiar,  if  it  is  to  be 
rendered  like  wa-airas  (cf.  1  Mace.  viii.  27);  but 
the  context  seems  to  require  it. 

Ver.  63.  The  fire  (lightning)  consumes  only 
the  forests,  and  not  the  mountains  themselves, 
as  the  added  Kal  Bpv/xovs  would  seem  more  defi- 
nitely to  indicate.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  by 
the  explanation  the  passage  is  shorn  of  any 
beauty  which  it  might  otlierwise  have  possessed. 
—  Appearance.  The  word  tlSeais  is  another 
form  for  tSiats.  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Dan.  i.  15^ 
"  countenances  "  (A.  V.). 

Ver.  71.  'PaVi-oj,  thorn  buali.  The  Old  Latin 
has  rendered  by  spina  alba,  and  the  A.  V.  repro- 
duced it.  It  is  probably  the  same  plant  which 
received  in  Hebrew  the  name  lt3S,  and  is  ren- 
dered in  the  A.  V.,  at  Judg.  ix.  14,  15,  "bram- 
ble," and  in  the  margin,  "  thistle."  There  were 
several  species  of  the  ^a/xi/at.  The  name  "  white 
thorn  "  was  given  it  by  the  Romans.  See  art. 
"  Thorns,"  in  Smith's  B'ib.  Did. 

Ver.  72.  'Airh  re  rris  noptpApas  Kal  t^s  fjt.ap/xdpov. 
It  is  somewhat  surprising  to  find,  as  here,  "  mar- 
ble "  mentioned  along  with  "purple,"  as  cloth- 
ing for  the  idols.  The  Pcshito  translates  by 
"silk,"  and,  as  Ewald  thinks,  correctly.  Grotius 
supposes  that  pearls  {fiapyapov)  are  meant;  and 
Wahl  [Clavis,  s.  v.)  explains  by  vestis  splendida, 
vel  Candida.  Cf.  margin  of  A.  V.  But  Fritzsche, 
with  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  would  retain  the  mean- 
ing "  marble,"  which  "  in  some  cases  was  used  for 
ornamenting  the  idol  images." 


ADDITIONS  TO   DAmEL. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  title,  Additions  to  Daniel,  is  ordinarily  used  to  designate  only  the  three  most  impor- 
tant enlaro^ements  of  this  sort.*  They  are  :  The  Prayer  of  Azarias  and  Song  of  the  Three 
Children,  Susanna,  and  Bel  and  the  Dragon.  The  position  of  these  several  Additions  with 
respect  to  the  principal  work  is  by  no  means  uniform.  The  Prayer  of  Azarias  and  Song 
of  the  Three  Children,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  nature  of  its  contents,  commonly  fol- 
lows chap.  iii.  23,  of  the  canonical  work.  In  Codex  Alexandrinus,  however,  and  in  many  old 
Psalters,  it  is  reckoned  among  the  hymns  (hymn  ix.,  x.),  and  follows  the  Psalms.  This  is  no 
doubt  due  to  its  early  use  for  liturgical  purposes.  That  it  was  so  used  seems  evident  from 
the  fact  that,  when  found  in  this  position  certain  parts  ill  adapted  to  liturgical  use  are 
omitted. 

The  addition  entitled  Susanna,  is  usually  found  in  the  MSS.  immediately  before  the  first 
chapter  of  Daniel,  and  was  assigned  to  this  place  probably  on  the  ground  that  it  relates  what 
is  supposed  to  have  taken  place  in  the  prophet's  early  life.  This  is  its  position  in  the  Vatican 
and  Alexandrine  codices,  and  in  the  Old  Latin  and  Arabic  versions.  But  in  Codex  Chisi- 
anus,  as  also  in  the  Vulgate  and  the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  it  is  added  to  the  canonical 
portion  as  chap.  xiii.  Bel  and  the  Dragon  follows  immediately  after  Susanna  in  Codex 
Chisianu^,  as  an  additional  chapter  (xiv.).  In  the  important  codex  just  mentioned,  there  is 
found,  at  the  close  of  the  canonical  portion,  the  subsci'iption  :  Aa.vii]\  Kara  touj  6-  iypa.<fir\  l^ 
h.VTiypcLtpov  €xo»'TOS  TTiv  viroa'Tifj.eitiicnv  TauTT/r "  iypa<pri  iK  twu  Tirpa-jr\wf,  €^  (&»'  Kal  napfTeOrj.  Then 
follows  (I)  Susanna  as  chap,  xiii.,  and  (2)  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  with  the  somewhat  enig- 
matical title  :  'E/c  TTJs  Trpo(prrTflas  'A/i/3a/cou;U  vlov  'lr}crov  4k  tjjs  <j>v\tjs  Aevt.^ 

The  Extant  Text. 

Theodotion's  revision  of  the  LXX.  version  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  as  is  well  known,  found 
such  favor  with  the  church  in  early  times  that  it  finally  displaced  the  latter  entirely  in  all  cur- 
rent copies  of  the  Greek  Bible.  Bleek  {Introd.,  ii.  415)  thinks  this  change  received  ecclesias- 
tical indorsement  between  the  age  of  Oi'igen  and  that  of  Jerome.  Thelatter  in  his  preface  to 
Daniel  says  :  ^'-  Danielemjuxia  LXX.  interpreter  Domini  Salvatoris  ecclesice  von  ler/iint,  utentei 
T/ieodotionis  editione,  et  cur  hoc  acciderit  nescio."  In  consequence  of  this  cii'cuiustance  the 
original  version  of  Daniel  in  the  LXX.  passed  so  completely  out  of  view  that  it  was  long  sup- 
posed to  be  lost  beyond  recovery.  In  1772  a  priest,  by  the  name  of  Simon  de  jMagistris, 
published  it  from  a  not  wholly  accurate  copy  of  a  codex  discovered  in  the  library  of  Cardinal 
Chigi  at  Rome.'  Many  of  the  errors  of  this  copy  were  afterwards  corrected,  by  a  collation  of 
the  MS.  itself,  in  the  edition  of  the  LXX.  by  Holmes  and  Parsons. 

To  the  present  time  this  Codex  Chisianus  remains  as  the  principal  representative  of  the 
translation  of  Daniel  by  the  LXX.  In  1773,  Michaelis  had  the  text  reprinted  in  Gdttingen, 
and  in  the  following  year  superintended  the  issuing  of  another  edition  of  the  same  containing 

1  For  a  full  list  of  the  minor  vaj-iations  and  ndJitions  to  Daniel,  see  Fusey'a  Daniel  the  Prophet,  pp.  624-637. 

•  Sea  Tiscliendorf,  Vet.   Test.  Grace,  ii.  611!,  614.  8    Da.niel  aei-unilum  LXX.  ex  Tetraplis  Origtnis.  Bomffi,  1772 


ADDITIONS   TO  DANIEL.  443 


ID  addition  to  the  text,  the  most  valuable  parts  of  the  critical  matter  found  in  Magister's  work. 
In  1775,  still  another  edition  was  prepared  on  the  basis  of  that  of  Michaelis,  but  with  fresh 
notes  by  Segaar,  and  published  at  Utrecht.  All  these  various  editions,  however,  were  super- 
seded by  that  of  Henry  Aug.  Hahn,  published  with  a  full  critical  and  philological  apparatus 
in  Leipsie,  1845.  'What  gave  special  value  to  the  work  of  Hahn  was  a  collation  of  the  text 
of  the  Codex  with  a  Syriae  translation  (Syr.  B.),  made  from  the  hexaplar  text  of  the  LXX., 
and  edited  by  Caietan  Bugati,  from  a  Milan  codex  in  1788.  This  text  of  Hahn  with  critical 
notes,  and  including  the  Additions,  is  given  by  Tischendorf  as  an  appendix  to  his  edition 
(2d-4th)  of  the  LXX.,  and  by  Fritzsche,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Apocrypha,  in  his  Libn 
Apocn/phi  Veteris  Testamenti  Greece  (Lips.,  1871).  The  most  important  textual  notes  of 
Fritzsche  are  found  in  connection  with  the  English  translation  below.  Through  the  kindness 
of  Dr.  Nestle  of  Tiibingen,  Fritzsche's  text  of  the  Prayer  of  Azarias  was  collated  for  the 
present  work,  with  the  new  edition  of  Codex  Chisianus,  by  Cozza  (Rome,  1877)  ;  but  the 
differences  were  found  to  be  few  and  unimportant.  The  text  of  the  Chisian  Codex  differs 
so  widely  from  that  of  Theodotion  in  Susanna,  and  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  that  in  the  accom- 
panying commentary  a  translation  of  both  seemed  desirable.  These  two  compositions,  indeed, 
furnished  a  much  better  opportunity  for  enlargement  and  emijellishment  than  the  remaining 
one,  which  is  largely  made  up  of  Scriptural  expressions  already,  as  is  probable,  familiar  through 
liturgical  use. 

As  it  regards  the  special  relation  of  Theodotion's  version  to  the  Alexandrian,  it  may  be 
said  that  they  have  the  same  general  characteristics  in  the  Additions  as  in  the  canonical  por- 
tion of  Daniel.  Theodotion  simply  recast  the  version  of  the  LXX.  At  one  point  he  gives  its 
very  words,  while  elsewhere  he  introduces  changes,  in  some  instances,  to  the  extent  of  a  versa 
or  more.  Where  his  copy  was  abrupt  and  lacking  in  clearness,  he  seeks  to  make  the  sense 
smoother  and  more  intelligible.  His  motive  is  everywhere  apparent:  to  make  a  more  accept- 
able version  within  the  bounds  of  a  respectable,  though  not  slavish,  adherence  to  his  author- 
ities. It  seems  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  Additions  in  Theodotion's  version  bear  equally 
with  the  canonical  portions  the  stamp  of  his  revision,  that  he  found  them  already  existing  in 
connection  with  the  Book  of  Daniel  and  dealt  with  them  accordingly.^ 

The  Prayer  of  Azarias  and  Song  of  the  Three  Children. 

Original  Language. 

The  majority  of  critics  of  all  schools  have  always  held  to  the  opinion  that  this  composition 
was  originally  written  in  the  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  language.  Undoubtedly  more  can  be  said 
in  favor  of  such  a  theory  than  for  a  similar  one  in  respect  to  the  remaining  two  Additions. 
Eichhorn  was,  perhaps,  the  first  critic  who,  without  venturing  to  decide  the  question,  main- 
tained the  probability  that  the  original  language  was  Greek.  Subsequently,  however,  ha 
retracted  this  opinion,  and  adopted  the  prevailing  one.''  More  recently  Keil  and  Fritzsche 
are  among  the  principal  advocates  of  the  view  that  Greek  was  the  original  language  of  the 
work.  The  latter  remarks  with  reference  to  the  Hebraistic  character  of  the  Greek,  which 
usually  has  been  the  ground  on  which  the  question  has  been  decided,  that  between  a  transla- 
tion and  a  Hellenistic  original  an  important  diflterence  will  always  be  discernible.  In  the  lat- 
ter case,  the  Greek  coloring,  even  where  least  expected,  will  manifest  itself  ;  while  in  the  for- 
mer there  will  be  continually  apparent,  if  not  actual  failures  of  translation,  yet  evident  in- 
stances of  awkward  renderings.  In  the  present  composition  he  maintains  that,  while  the 
writer  Hebraizes  not  a  little,  there  are  no  signs  whatever  of  a  Hebrew  original,  and  that  a 
Hellenist,  familiar  with  the  Alexandrian  version,  might  have  written  in  just  this  manner.* 
Others,  as  Gutmann  and  De  Wette,  agree  with  him  in  the  view  that  the  supposed  errors  of 
translation  pointed  but  by  various  critics  *  are  extremely  problematical.  The  most  important 
of  these  are  the  following  :  In  verse  S,  the  unexpected  word  aToo-Tarai'  (as  an  epithet  for  the 
3haldaeans)  is  thought  to  be  a  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word  ;z''T^!2  (cf.  Numb.  xiv.  9) 
which,  it  is  said,  might  with  more  reason  have  been  otherwise  rendered.  In  verse  12  we 
find  'A/Spoi/i  Tiv  riyaTrriixiiiov  vw6  aov.     It   is   supposed  that   this  unusual  epithet  comes  from  tha 

1  Fritszche,  BirUeil.,  p.  114:  cf.  Geiger,  Ursrlirifl,  p.  162. 

J  Einleil.  in  d.  Apok.  Schri/t.,  p.  419  f.;  and  Einkit.  in  d.  A.  T.,  iv.,  p.  530f,  8  EinUit.,  p.  116  t 

4  ISchbom,  I.  c. ;  Bertholdt,  Einltit.,  p.  1664  f. ;  Welte,  Einleil.,  p.  240£  ;  Scholz,  Sinleit.,  p.  520  f. 


444  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


Hebrew  ':j"''n"l.  (Cf.  the  Alexandrian  version  at  2  Chron.  xx.  7.)  In  verse  13,  the  positive 
rimfii/ol  is  found  where  it  is  affirmetl  the  superlative  would  have  been  more  in  place,  b^Sl  hav- 
ing been  read  instead  of  b3?2.  Verse  16  is  also  cited,  but  the  difBculty  is  evidently  one 
arising  from  a  corrupt  text,  (Cf.  Fritzsche's  Com.,  ad  loc.)  In  verse  20  it  is  claimed  to  be 
difficult  to  understand  why  ol  epStiKvifievoi  should  have  been  chosen  to  express  the  thought 
which  the  text  was  clearly  meant  to  express,  "  cause  to  experience,"  and  that  probably,  it  was 
a  clumsy  rendering  of  the  Hebrew.  In  verse  43,  it  is  said  that  vvd/iaTa  is  found  instead  of 
iff/xot  because  it  was  a  rendering  of  n^~l.  Other  reasons  assigned  for  accepting  the  theory 
of  a  Hebrew  original,  such  as  that  the  Hebrew  names  of  the  three  youth  are  given  instead  of 
the  Chaldaic,  and  that  in  two  instances  the  same  word  (^Spiaos,  verses  41,  45  ;  if/ix"',  verses 
i4,  48)  is  twice  used,  are  of  very  little  weight. 

Author  and  Date. 

The  opinion  of  Dereser^  with  respect  to  the  origin  not  only  of  the  present  Addition,  but  of 
the  other  two,  may  be  given  as  representative  of  the  general  drift  of  sentiment  on  this  subject 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  church.  He  says  :  "  Daniel  may  have  written  his  book  in  Greek 
at  Babylon,  with  all  the  Additions  which  have  come  down  to  us.  The  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusa- 
lem, however,  shortened  it  for  more  convenient  use  [?  ],  and  the  Book  as  condensed  was  re- 
ceived into  the  Palestinian  Canon  "  .  .  .  .  "  The  Jewish  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusalem  may  have 
believed  that  the  pious  reader  could  easily  .spare  the  portions  which  we  miss  from  the  Hebrew 
text,  since  what  is  said  by  Azarias  and  his  companions  is  to  be  found  in  other  Biblical  books 
as  well  [!]"....  "  Therefore  the  Sanhedrim  felt  justified  in  the  condensation."  Rabbi 
Gutmann  has  properly  characterized  this  opinion  as  in  the  highest  degree  gratuitous  and  ar- 
bitrary. "  Who  ever  found  an  example,"  he  asks,  "  where  the  Jews  have  voluntarily  stricken 
out  any  thing  from  a  book  transmitted  to  them  from  their  fathers  and  under  the  influence  of 
the  tr^pn  n^~l,  or  divine  inspiration,  recorded.  Any  one  who  knows  the  high  reverence 
with  which  they  observe  and  preserve  every  word,  every  letter,  every  point  of  their  sacred 
national  literature,  will  regard  such  an  opinion  as  having  no  foundation  whatever." 

Julius  Fiirst,^  however,  advocates  the  same  general  view.  He  maintains  that  all  three  of 
these  Additions  formed  a  part  of  the  original  Book  of  Daniel,  and  that  they  were  separated 
from  it  at  the  time  when  the  book  was  introduced  into  the  Canon.  Susanna,  he  thinks,  was 
originally  found  immediately  after  chap.  i.  20,  while  Bel  and  the  Dragon  was  incorporated 
with  chap.  vi.  Reusch,*  while  disagreeing  with  some  of  his  ecclesiastical  associates,  in 
respect  to  the  immediate  origin  and  first  position  of  the  work,  still  supports  its  genuineness 
as  having  been  actually  spoken  by  the  three  Hebrew  youth  and  by  them,  or  some  contem- 
porary, afterwards  recorded. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  only  legitimate  basis  for  an  opinion  on  the  subject  is  the  composi- 
tion itself.  This  certainly  offers  no  support  for  the  views  just  noticed.  The  similarity  of 
the  Greek  throughout,  extending  even  to  minute  particulars,  favors  the  supposition  that  the 
tntire  work  has  passed  through  the  hands  of  the  translators  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  in  the 
Alexandrian  version;'*  while  its  fragmentary  character  with  respect  to  contents  is  weighty 
■evidence  that  as  an  original  it  did  not  emanate  from  one  author.'  If  the  work,  then,  for  the 
reasons  just  mentioned,  can  be  dated  as  far  back  as  the  time  of  the  origin  of  the  LXX. 
version  of  Daniel,  and  may  be  considered  as  having  originally  formed  a  part  of  this  version, 
then  it  is  further  probable  that  these  translators  used  materials  already  at  hand.  But 
whether  they  had  before  them  anything  more  than  the  core  of  what  now  exists,  or  the  work 
essentially  in  its  present  form,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  Naturally,  the  special  views  of  critics 
respecting  the  early  or  late  origin  of  the  canonical  Daniel  will  have  more  or  less  influence 
upon  them  in  the  question  of  the  date  of  the  Additions,  and  vice  versa.  But  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  these  compositions  are  really  later  productions,  and  not  legitimate  parts  of  the 
original  work,  a  safe  inference  would  seem  to  be  that  a  considerable  period  must  have  elapsed 
between  the  time  of  the  composition  of  the  one  and  of  the  other.'     The  fact  that  TheodotioB 

1   Die  Propk.  Eztk.  u.  Dan.,  p.  246  f. 

3  Der  Kan.  il.  A.  T,  p.  140.     Of.  also  Welte,  Einleit.,  p.  121.  8  Einleit.,  p.  121. 

4  So  Fritzsche,  Zundei,  and  others.  6  So  De  Wette,  Bertholdt,  Horafeld,  and  otban. 
«  Cf.  Delitzsch  in  Herwje'a  Keai-Encyk.,  art  "Dan.,"  and  Zundei,  p.  184  t 


ADDITIONS   TO   DANIEL.  445 


makes  so  little  change  in  his  translation  of  this  Addition,  while  making  so  many  in  the  other 
two,  may  be  due  simply  to  the  fact  that  the  former  abounds  in  well-known  Scriptural  exprei- 
sions  which  in  the  nature  of  the  case  admitted  of  but  little  alteration. 

Genuineness. 

The  differences  of  opinion  among  critics,  on  the  points  just  considered,  are  very  much 
reduced  when  we  come  to  the  question  of  the  genuineness  of  the  work.  Outside  of  the 
Romish  church,  there  is  scarcely  an  exception  to  the  statement  that  Christian  scholars  agree 
in  characterizing  the  composition  as  wholly  wanting  in  adaptation  to  the  circumstances  under 
which  it  professes  to  have  been  written,  and  as  being  in  its  different  parts  baldly  inconsistent 
with  itself.  In  fact  even  Dereser,  in  the  work  already  cited,  gives  us  to  understand  that  in 
his  hypothesis  concerning  its  origin,  and  his  defense  of  its  genuineness,  he  writes  only  as  a 
Catholic  commentator,  and  with  a  view  of  acting  in  harmony  with  the  decisions  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent.  Jahn,  however,  is  not  equally  tractable,  and  does  not  hesitate  to  declare  that 
the  work  is  purely  a  product  of  the  imagination,  and  that  it  was  interpolated  into  the  canoni- 
cal book.' 

A  careful  and  unprejudiced  examination  of  it  will  serve  to  confirm  this  decision.  It  is 
supposed  to  be  the  prayer  and  the  song  of  three  persons  thrown  by  the  servants  of  Nebuchad- 
nezzar into  a  fiery  furnace.  But  the  entire  composition  is  extremely  general  in  its  character, 
and  only  at  its  close  are  the  youth  called  upon  to  praise  the  Lord  for  their  deliverance.  If 
it  be  genuine,  and  was  leisurely  composed  by  Daniel  or  some  other  person,  shortly  after  the 
event, — for  that  it  was  really  spoken  and  composed  on  the  spot,  who  will  believe?  —  why 
has  the  author  said  so  little  concerning  the  one  central  fact?  Again,  why  has  he  in  one  part 
virtually  declared  that  the  temple  does  not  exist,  or  any  priest,  or  prophet,  and  yet  after- 
wards presupposed  the  existence  of  both?  ^  If  it  is  said,  as  by  many,  that  the  two  parts  of 
the  work  were  composed  by  different  persons  at  different  times,  such  a  view  would  in  this 
case  be  equally  fatal  to  any  proper  theory  of  genuineness. 

As  Eichhorn^  has  said:  "  All  three  pray  as  though  they  had  thought  out  and  memorized 
their  prayer  beforehand They  utter  no  sighs;  they  sing  no  such  songs  of  thanks- 
giving as  would  have  been  becoming  in  them  if  they  had  just  been  delivered  from  the  flaming 
fire.  They  are  like  Dervishes  gifted  in  penitential  exclamations,  which  they  interrupt  by 
abuse  of  Nebuchadnezzar."  It  may  be  further  remarked  that  the  conduct  of  the  three 
youth,  as  represented  respectively  in  the  canonical  and  apocryphal  portions,  is  worthy  of  a 
detailed  comparison.  Ewald,  in  connection  with  the  former,  has  noticed  the  eminent  fitness 
of  words,  and  entire  representation  to  the  supposed  circumstances  of  the  case.* 

Susanna. 

Original  Language. 

In  connection  with  the  fact  that  the  Addition  entitled  Susanna,  in  its  language  and  style 
contains  nothing  that  might  not  properly  have  come  from  the  pen  of  a  Hellenist,  there 
is  also  offered  direct  and  (as  it  is  supposed)  incontestable  evidence  that  it  was  written 
in  Greek.  This  evidence,  as  far  as  we  know,  was  first  brought  forward  by  Julius  Afri- 
canus,  in  a  letter  to  Origen,^  and  it  seems  also  to  have  had  great  weight  also  with  Jerome. 
In  modern  times  it  has  been  accepted  as  conclusive  by  such  Biblical  critics,  amonc 
others,  as  Fritzsche,  Bertholdt,  Havernick,  De  Wette,  Keil,  Lengerke,  Herzfeld,  Graf, 
Holtzmann,  Gutmann,  and  Jahn.  We  refer  to  the  play  on  words  found  in  verses  54 
and  55,  respectively  (crxiyov  ....  aicia-ei),  and  in  verses  58  and  59  (.irpTvov  ....  vplaei). 
That  this  is  an  imitation  of  a  similar  paronomasia  in  a  Hebrew  or  an  Aramaic  original 
is  declared  to  be  incredible,  and,  further,  that  all  efforts  to  reproduce  it  in  these  lan- 
guages have  proved  abortive.  Delitzsch,  however,  does  not  admit  the  validity  of  this  aro-u- 
ment,  and  says:  "  Ejuamodi paronomasias  in  Unguis  Semiticis  facillimas  esse,  Arabica  quoque 
Susannm  versio  oslendit.     Ergo  nihili  est  argumentum  inde  petitum."  '     Rabbi  BriiU  also,  in 

1  Eiraeit.,  p.  869  f.  2  Cf.  verses  14,  30, 31,  61,  62.  8  Einlril.  in  d.  Apok.  Schrifi.,  p.  «9. 

4  Proph.  d.  AUen  Bundes,  iii.  858.      Cf  Bitzig,  Das  Buck  Daniel,  pp.  63,  54. 

t  Wetstein,  Africani  de  Susan.  Epitt.  ad  Orig.,  p.  220.  6  De  Habacuri  Prop/ieta,  etc.,  ad  toe- 


446  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


his  recent  interesting  monograph,'  is  quite  of  the  latter  opinion.  He  says  that  the  mastich 
tree  {irx'!''os]  was  not  a  native  either  of  Babylon  or  of  Palestine,  and  that  the  holm  oak  (tt/jikoj) 
was  not  planted  in  parks.  And  he  supposes  that  the  names  of  these  trees  were  siibstitiifed 
by  the  Iranslator  for  those  of  certain  others  found  in  his  text,  in  order  to  imitate  in  Greek 
more  closely  the  latter's  paronomasia.  Indeed,  in  the  Syriac  version  we  find,  instead  of  the 
mastich,  the  pistachio  tree,  and  for  the  holm  oak  the  pomegranate  tree.  Briill  shows  further 
how  easily  the  Greek  translator  mi'.dit  have  been  led,  if  he  found  tlie  latter  words  in  Hebrew^ 
—  namely,  jBas/e^'a  (Aramaic,  masliche)  and  rimmon. — to  adopt,  as  similar  in  sound,  axivos 
and  TTfivos.  He  also  finds,  as  he  thinks,  a  clear  example  of  a  failure  in  translation  in  the 
words  Ka\  ijpxovTo  of  verse  6,  in  the  LXX.  version  of  the  book;  'jSZ"'!  having,  as  he  supposes, 
been  read  instead  of  "IS^S^t.  He  maintains,  moreover,  that  Theodotion's  text  of  our  book 
can  be  easily  rendered  into  Hebrew.  Most  of  the  examples  of  Hebraisms,  however,  which 
are  found  in  Susanna,  as  in  the  other  Additions,  are  simply  such  as  might  have  been 
expected  from  a  person  who,  while  speaking  and  writing  the  Greek  language,  was  an  Israel- 
ite by  birth,  educated  as  an  Israelite  in  the  literature  of  his  nation,  and  who  mingled  chiefly 
with  Israelites  in  the  civil,  social,  and  religious  intercourse  of  life. 

Genuineness. 

Julius  Africanus,  as  already  noticed,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  writer  who  attempted 
anything  like  a  critical  examination  of  the  present  work.  In  his  letter  to  Origen,  he  calls  it 
€rvyypattixav(uiTepmhv  Kal  irtirXairiJifvov,  and  raises,  in  substance,  such  objections  against  it  as 
follows:  that  there  is  something  quite  too  theatrical  in  the  representation  of  the  scene  of  the 
conviction  of  the  two  elders;  that  he  had  sought  in  vain  from  the  Jews  of  his  day  the  pro- 
duction of  anything  corresponding  to  the  paronomasia  found  in  vers.  56  and  59;  that  it  is  not 
likely  that  the  Jews,  at  the  time  when  the  story  is  supposed  to  have  been  written,  had  so 
much  power  delegated  to  them  as  to  be  able  to  adjudge  the  wife  of  a  king  to  death ;  or,  if 
Susanna  was  not  the  wife  of  king  Joacini,  then,  that  the  circumstances  of  the  Joacim  of  the 
story  are  not  such  as  we  should  have  reason  to  expect  in  the  case  of  a  recent  captive ;  that 
the  work  was  not  to  be  found  in  connection  with  that  Book  of  Daniel  which  was  recognized 
by  the  Jews ;  that  no  prophet  would  have  made  use  of  such  a  formal  quotation  as  the  one 
found  in  ver.  53 ;  and  that  the  style  of  the  composition  does  not  correspond  with  that  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel.  Origen  made  some  kind  of  a  rejoinder  to  each  of  these  objections,  but  was 
far  enough  from  completely  refuting  them.  Moreover,  the  difficulties  which  this  early  writer 
found  in  Susanna  by  no  means  exhaust  the  list.  Attention  has  been  called  by  various  critics 
to  the  disorderly  way  in  which  the  civil  process  here  described  was  conducted  ;  to  the  hasty 
manner  in  which  the  condemnation  was  pronounced,  on  the  simple  testimony  of  two  persons, 
without  opportunity  being  allowed  for  evidence  in  rebuttal,  or  any  further  examination  of  the 
case  whatever ;  to  the  indiscriminate  and  extravagant  praise  accorded  to  young  men ;  to  the 
general  inconsistency  of  the  character  of  Daniel,  as  here  depicted,  with  that  of  the  historic 
Daniel;  to  the  fact  that  he  is  made  to  condemn  one  of  the  elders  before  he  has  heard  the 
contradictory  evidence  of  the  other,  on  which  such  condemnation  is  ostensibly  based;  and  to 
the  incredible  supposition  that  Daniel  is  able,  notwithstanding  his  youthfulness,  to  reverse,  by 
a  word,  a  solemn  judicial  decision  of  the  Sanhedrim.  For  these  and  other  reasons,  most 
Biblical  students  in  modern  times  have  agreed  in  pronouncing  the  story  of  Susanna  not  only 
as  wanting  in  probability,  but  as  being  historically  and  logically  impossible. 

The  most  acceptable  theory  of  its  origin,  excepting  certain  matters  of  detail,  which  seem  to 
us  inconclusive,  is  that  of  Briill,  as  found  in  the  work  above  alluded  to.  He  shows  that  a 
tradition,  apparently  of  Babylonian  origin,  existed  among  the  Jews  in  ancient  times,  and  was 
referred  to  by  Origen  and  Jerome,  which  in  its  essential  features,  agrees  with  the  story  in  our 
book,  and  might  easily  have  formed  the  basis  of  it.  The  manner,  moreover,  in  which  Jose- 
phuB  (Antiq  ,  x.  10,  §  6,  xi.  2,  §  7),  and  Theodotion,  as  well  as  both  the  Syriac  translations, 
deal  with  the  history,  shows  that  it  was  current  in  different  forms,  and  gives  a  hint  also  of  the 
methods  by  which  it  attained  its  present  shape.  The  special  motive,  according  to  Briill, 
which  lay  at  the  foundation  of  our  hook  in  its  per.uMar  features.,  that  is,  which  led  its  author 
by  additions  and  changes,  to  mould  the  tradition  into  a  certain  definite  form,  and  make  it 

1    Das  Apok.  Siisftnna-Buch,  p.  07  f. 


ADDITIONS   TO   DANIEL.  447 


teach  certain  evident  lessons,  was  to  reform  the  method  of  conducting  legal  processes,  and 
especially  to  correct  the  abuse  springing  from  the  principle  that  two  witnesses  were  sufficient 
to  convict  of  the  most  heinous  offense.  He  gives  an  example  from  the  time  of  Simon  bar 
Shetach,  who  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  century  before  Christ,  to  show  the  fearful 
consequences  which  sometimes  resulted  from  it.  His  own  son  was  unjustly  condemned  to 
death  at  the  instigation  of  a  hostile  clique,  and  on  the  testimony  of  two  persons  who  were 
envious  of  the  father's  influence  with  the  king,  and  who  besides,  as  Sadducees,  hated  him  as 
a  most  bitter  and  unrelenting  political  opponent.  Such  an  event  naturally  attracted  great 
attention.  From  this  period,  and  under  such  circumstances,  as  Briill  thinks  is  shown  by  the 
entire  tendency  and  spirit,  as  well  as  the  external  features  of  the  book,  arose  the  History  of 
Susanna  in  the  general  form  in  which  we  now  possess  it.  The  fact  that  it  must  be  looked 
upon  as  an  addition  to  the  Book  of  Daniel,  and  that  the  character  of  the  Greek  of  the  LXX. 
version  of  the  work  suggests  a  late  origin,  are  also  favorable  to  such  a  theory. 


Bel  and  the  Dragon. 

Original  Language. 

Eichhorn  seems  to  have  proved  pretty  conclusively  that  the  text  on  which  Theodotion 
based  his  version  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon,  as  well  as  that  of  the  other  Additions  to  Daniel, 
was  that  of  the  LXX.i  According  to  the  testimony  of  Origen,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  and  others, 
it  was  not  extant  in  Hebrew  in  their  day.  Fragments  of  the  story  which,  as  Zunz^  thinks, 
arose  at  the  time  of  the  Targums  on  the  Hagiographa,  do  indeed  still  exist  in  Aramaic  and 
Hebrew.  But  there  are  absolutely  no  traces,  in  the  extant  text  of  the  LXX.,  of  its  being 
a  translation.  Its  Hebraisms  are  only  such  as  the  frequent  recurrence  of  Kai,  and  nal  efjre, 
which,  indeed,  are  to  be  found  everywhere  in  Greek  works  written  by  Jewish  authors. 
It  has  been  thought  by  some  that  an  eiTor  of  translation  occurs  in  the  first  verse,  lepeiis 
being  supposed  to  be  the  rendering  for  ^HS,  which  word  also  means  "courtier."  And  it 
has  been  thought  to  favor  this  view  that  Theodotion  says  nothing  about  Daniel's  being  a 
priest.  But  it  would  seem,  from  what  immediately  follows,  that  such  an  opinion  cannot  be 
correct,  since  Daniel  is  here  called  aviifiiwriis  toC  $atTi\€as,  which  would  be  tautological  if  he 
had  just  before  been  named  a  courtier.  Moreover,  the  contents  of  the  work  itself,  so  far  as 
they  afford  any  evidence  with  respect  to  the  time  and  place  of  composition,  are  decidedly  in 
favor  of  a  Greek  original. 

Genuineness. 

On  account  of  its  anachronisms  and  literary  extravagances,  most  of  which  have  been  com- 
mented on  in  the  notes  below,  the  narrative  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon  has  been  regarded  by  mod- 
ern critics  generally,  as  well  as  by  some  Christian  scholars  in  ancient  times,  as  wholly  wanting 
in  genuineness.  According  to  its  title  in  the  LXX.  version,  it  was  written  by  a  certain  Am- 
Oacum,  son  of  Joshua,  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Habbakuk,  other- 
wise known  as  prophet,  is  meant,  and  that  the  present  composition  is  taken  from  some  pseud- 
epigraphal  work  which  was  ascribed  to  him,  or  is  itself  that  work.  Athanasius,  indeed, 
makes  reference  to  Bapohx,  'An$aKovfi,  'E^e^t^^  Kal  Aavi^^  ^evSeiriypaipa. 

Proofs  of  the  legendary  character  of  the  work  are  to  be  found  (1)  in  the  fact  that  Daniel 
i«  called  a  priest  and  yet  is  confounded  with  the  prophet  Daniel.  (2)  This  Daniel  is  said  to 
have  destroyed  the  temple  of  Bel  (Baal)  at  Babylon.  But  from  other  credible  testimony 
(Herod.,  i.  183,  Strabo,  xvi.  1,  Arrian,  Expedit.  Alex.,  vii.  17),  Xerxes  plundered  and  de- 
stroyed it  on  his  return  from  Greece  (b.  c.  479).  (3)  It  is  represented  that  the  worship  of 
living  serpents  was  practiced  at  Babylon.  But  this  is  in  direct  opposition  to  what  is  known 
to  have  been  true  of  the  religious  rites  of  the  Babylonians  and  Persians.'  Diodorus  Siculus 
(ii.  9)  has  indeed  been  cited  in  support  of  such  a  practice.  He  says  :  (tI  5e  tuv  yoviruv  airrris 
eiffT^Kciffoy  \iovTfs  Sio  xal  irXrialoi'  Sij>fis  iirepfmytSeis  apyvpoZ     But  it  is  evident  that  he  is  speak- 

1  Einlea.  in  d.  Apok.  Sdaift.,  pp.  422,  436,  473.  2  VortrUge,  p.  123. 

»  Of.  DoUinger,  Heidtrukum  u.  Judtnthum,  pp.  391-454  ;  Rawlinson,  Ancitnt  Man,  I  106,  iil  25  f,  347  f.,  and  TVaiu. 
i«unu  o/t/u  Sot.  for  Bib.  Arch.,  ii.,  pp  29-79,  346-362.     See,  also,  notes  ad  toe,  below. 


448  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


ing  simply  of  certain  emblems  in  the  temple  of  Bel,  and  it  would  be  just  as  proper  to  infer 
from  this  passage  that  living  lions  were  worshipped  at  Babylon  as  that  living  serpents  there 
received  divine  honors.  The  supposition  of  Scholz,*  that  a  close  relationship  may  have  ex- 
isted between  the  religious  customs  of  Egypt  —  where  the  worship  of  serpents  did  actually 
exist  —  and  those  of  Babylon,  is  without  basis  in  fact.* 

Jahn  thinks  the  work  was  written  as  a  fable.  "  The  author,"  he  says,  "  would  represent 
in  a  clear  light  the  worthlessness  of  the  priests  of  idolatry  as  over  against  the  power  of  the 
true  God.  Thus  all  the  difficulties  disappear  or  sink  into  mere  blunders  of  composition."  So 
also,  essentially  Eichhorn  and  Fritzsche.  Merx  calls  it  a  humorous  satire.*  Bertholdt  is  jf 
the  opinion  that  it  may  have  had  some  basis  in  a  current  legend  concerning  Daniel,  which  was 
enlarged  and  put  in  its  present  form  in  Egypt  by  some  "  Habbakuk  the  son  of  Joshua." 
The  contents  furnish  tolerably  safe  evidence  of  its  Egyptian  origin.  And  assuming  that  it 
formed  a  part  of  the  Alexandrian  version  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  —  it  is  so  cited  by  Irensug 
(iv.  11)  and  TertuUian  (De  Idol.,  xviiii. ;  Conlra  Psych.,  ix.)  —  its  date  can  be  inferred  with 
sufficient  accuracy. 

Estimation  of  the  Additions  in  the  Christian  Church. 

Since  the  Additions  were  found  in  connection  with  the  canonical  Daniel  in  the  version  of 
the  LXX.,  they  are  often  quoted  by  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  fathers,  without  discrimina- 
tion, as  constituent  parts  of  that  book.  Such  of  the  fathers,  however,  as  accepted  only  the 
Hebrew  canon  rejected  them.  We  have  no  evidence,  however,  that  they  were  not  regarded 
as  being  fully  on  a  level  with  the  remainder  of  the  book,  untU  the  criticisms  of  Julius  Africa- 
nus  called  attention  to  the  subject.  Jerome  notices  the  absence  of  these  parts  from  the  He- 
brew Bible,  and  while  making  no  comments  on  them  himself  seems  to  accept  the  estimate  of 
Eusebius  and  ApoUinaris,  who  speak  of  the  "  fables  "  of  Bel  and  Susanna.  At  Daniel  iii.  23, 
he  simply  calls  attention  to  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  "  lest  he  should  appear  to  have 
overlooked  it."  *  Theodoret,  a  disciple  of  Clirysostom  and  one  of  the  best  commentators 
of  the  Greek  church,  made  comments  on  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  but  passes  over  the 
other  two  Additions  in  silence.  While  Polychronius,  a  contemporary  of  Jerome,  who  wrote 
a  commentary  on  many  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  using  for  the  most  part  the  Syriac,  speaks 
of  the  hymn  (Song  of  the  Three  Children)  as  not  being  found  in  the  Hebrew  or  Syriac 
Bible. 

In  what  is  known  as  the  "  Stichometry  of  Nicephorus,"  who  was  patriarch  of  Constantino- 
ple, A.  D.  828,  the  books  of  Scripture  are  a/rranged  in  three  classes  :  (1)  The  canonical, 
(2)  the  disputed,  and  (3)  the  apocryphal.  Among  the  latter  is  classed  Susanna.  This  classi- 
fication did  not  originate  with  Nicephorus,  but  is  referred  to  a  much  earlier  period,  and  may 
even  date  back  to  the  fourth  century.  Again,  in  a  catalogue  of  the  books  of  the  Bible  by 
Ebed  Jesu  of  the  Nestorian  Church  (flSlS)  are  included  "Susanna"  and  the  "  lesser  Daniel  " 
(Bel  and  the  Dragon).^  In  a  MS.  of  the  Syriac  Bible  now  in  the  University  Library  at  Cam- 
bridge, England,  the  Book  of  Daniel  follows  the  twelve  minor  prophets,  and  has  the  Addition, 
Bel  and  the  Dragon,  while  Susanna  is  found  between  Ruth  and  Esther.  Gregory  bar  He- 
brseiis,  "  the  last  of  the  great  Syrian  writers,"  made  a  commentary  on  the  Additions  to  Dan- 
iel, as  well  as  some  others  of  the  Old  Testament  apocryphal  books,  but  seems  not  to  have  re- 
garded them  as  of  equal  rank  with  those  of  the  Hebrew  canon." 

In  times  more  modern  we  find  Erasmus,  whose  views  on  these  subjects  shaped  so  largely 
those  of  other  leaders  of  the  Reformation,  speaking  of  the  Additions  to  Daniel  with  other 
apocryphal  books  as  having  been  received  into  "ecclesiastical  use."  As  it  respects  the  au- 
thority to  be  allowed  them,  he  does  not  seem  to  be  quite  settled  in  his  opinion.  Luther  says, 
of  "Susanna,  Bel,  Habbakuk,  and  the  Dragon,"  that  they  "  appear  to  be  pretty  spiritu.al 
poems;  for  their  names  admit  of  a  symbolic  meaning."  Karlstadt,  however,  an  early  friend 
of  Luther,  and  afterwards  professor  of  theology  at  Basle,  puts  these  Additions  among  the 
books  wholly  apocryphal  and  to  be  condemned.  The  French  Bible  which  emanated  from 
Calvin,  published  them  as  well  as  the  remaining  apocryphal  literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 
in  a  separate  volume,  as  being  of  inferior  value.     In  the  history  of  the  English  Bible,   the 

1    Einlrit.,  111.  p.  .CT.  '  Rawlinson,  idem,  !.,  105  t  el  passim, 

8  Art  "  Baal,"  in  .Schenkel's  Bii.  Lrx.  4  Cam.  in  Dan.  Praf..  and  at  lilL  69. 

(  WMteott,  Bih.  in  the  Ou,  p.  282.  «  Wwtcott,  idem,  p.  242. 


ADDITIONS  TO   DANIEL.  449 


Additions  to  Daniel  have  generally  been  held  in  the  same  estimation  as  other  works  of  the 
same  class.  In  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  on  the  other  hand,  since  the  Council  of  Trent, 
there  have  been  but  rare  instances  of  dissent  from  its  decision  by  which  these  Additions  were 
placed  among  the  "  sacred  and  canonical  "  records  of  Christian  faith.  Even  the  remains  of 
la  chaste  Susanne  de  Babylon  are  still  exhibited  in  the  cathedral  of  Toulouse. 


THE  ADDITIONS  TO   DANIEL. 


THE   PRAYER  OF  AZARIAS  AND  THE   SONG  OF  THE   THREE 

CHILDREN. 

1  After  this  manner  then  prayed  Ananiag,  and  Azarias,  and  Misael,  and  sang 
praises  to  the  Lord  when  the  king  commanded  that  they  should  be  castinto  the 

2  furnace.  And  Azarias  stood  up,  and  prayed  in  this  manner  ;  and  opening  his  mouth 
he  gave  thanks  to  the  Lord  with  his  companions  in  the  midst  of  the  fire  of  the  fur- 
nace which  the  ChaldiPans  had  made  exceeding  hot,  and  they  said,i 

3  Blessed  art  thou,  O  Lord  God  of  our  fathers,  and  art  to  be  praised ;  and  thy  name  is 

4  glorified  -  for  evermore  ;  for  thou  art  righteous  in  all  the  things  tha-i  thou  hast  done  to 
US ;  yea,  true  are  all  thy  works,  and  thy  ways  are  riglit,  and  all  thy  judgments  true. 

5  And  *  in  all  the  things  that  thou  hast  brought  upon  us,  and  upon  thy  holy  city  ot 
our  fathers,  even  Jerusalem,  thou  hast  executed  true  judgments  ;  ^  for  accordmg  to 
truth   and  judgment  didst  thou  bring  all  these  things  upon  us  because  of  our  sms. 

6  For  we  have  sinned  in  all'  and  acted  lawlessly,  to  fall  away«  from  thee;    Yea^^ 

7  in  all  things  have  we  siniied,i»  ^^d  not  obeyed   the  commandments  of  thy  law, 
nor  kept  them,  neither  done  as  thou  hast  commanded  us,  that  it  might  go  weU  with 

8  us.     And  now  ^-  aU  that  thou  hast  brought  upon  us,  and  all  "  that  thou  hast  done 

9  to  us,  thou  hast  done  in  true  judgment.  And  thou  didst  deliver  us  into  the  hands 
of  our  enemies,  lawless  and  most  hostile  apostates,'^  and  to  an  unjust  kmg,  and  the 

10  most  wicked  in  all  the  earth.'^     And  now  we  cannot  open   our  mouths  ;  there  has 

1 1  come  '"  shame  and  reproach  to  thy  servants,  and  to  them  that  worship  thee.  De- 
liver "  us  not  up  wholly,  for  thy  name's  sake,  neither  disannul '«  thou  thy  covenant ; 

12  and  cause  not  thy  mercy  to  depart  from  us,  for  thy  beloved  Abraham's  sake,  and  tor 

13  thy  servant  Isaac's  sake,  and  for  thy  holy  Israel's  sake  ;  since  thou  didst  speak  to 
them  and  promise,"  that  thou  wouldest  multiply  their  seed  as  the  stars  of  heaven, 

14  and  as  the  sand  upon  ^'°  the  sea  shoie.  For  we,  O  Lord,  have  become  -'less  than 
any  nation,^'^  and   are  humiliated  -"   this  day  in  all  the  earth  "  because  of  our  sms. 

1.5  Neither  is  there  at  this  time  prince,  or  prophet,  or  leader,  or  burnt  offering,  or  sac- 
rifice, or  meat  offering.'*  or  iucense,  or  place  to  offer  the  fruits  »  before   thee,  and 
16  to  find  mercy.     Nevertheless  in  a  broken  heart  and  a  contrite  -^  spirit  let  us  be  ac- 

Ver".  1  2  -'  A  V. :  And  thoY  walked  in  the  midst  of  the  file,  praising  God,  and  bleSBing  the  Lord.  Then  Azarias 
,tood«pLnd  prayed  on  this  manner ;  and  opening  hi.  mouth  in  the  midst  of  "'»«"'■  f'»(f''"7'°^*t'"^'°°f 
rheodotion.    I  have  rendered  according  to  Krit^sehe's  text  of  the  LXX.  here,  and  throughout,  unless  otherw.se  mdi- 

'"ver!  3-6  -"-  A.  V. :  thy  name  is  worthy  to  I.e  praised  {alver6,  :  fifteen  cursives,  with  Aid.  and  Co.,  read  alytjoy)  and 
zlnrifled.     ■  »  ar.  trath  (iA,9.va( ;  iA^S.ca,  II.  III.  XII.  al.,  but,  according  to  Frit^sche,  .t '  looks  susp.c.ous'   . 

.omi»A„d.  »the(aovisaJoaddedin49.90.148.ofTheod.).  «  judgment.  >  „m,»  m  aU  (as  Th.od.). 

.  committed  iniquity,  departing  (^voft^aa^.-  d^ooriir...    For  the  latter  III.  XIL  al.  read  aTOTravres). 

Vers  7-9  -  »  A.  V. ;  omils  yea.         ■"  trespassed.         >■  thy  commandments  (Theod.  omits  tov  ko^ov)  "  Whe™- 

fore  Ual  vi..    Theod.  strikes  out  the  latter).  ■»  every  thing.  »  lawless  (Theod.  omits  ,^.,  and  the  «..  befor. 

eyeiVTiuk)  enemies  most  hateful  forsakors  o/ Gorf.        "■•  world.  .  .^    .  .■      ■     ,„j  „»„-.. 

Ve™  10-13  -  .«  A.  V.  :  we  are  become  a  (I  read,  with  Fritesche,  iy.,^9,  for  ^y.ni9,^ev,  and  the  dat.ve  instead  of  T»r 

JL,  etc.,  of  Cod.  Chi,.).        "  Yet  (^^  ;  Theod.,  ^i  S-j)  deliver.         >•  (Lit.,  ««««r.)        •'  to  whom  («  i  Theod  ,  .!,» 

thou  hast  spoken  and  promised.         20  that  i'XA  upon.  ,     ^     .       ..     ,1     -  ....-.-i  m  nhlHtion 

Vers  14-17.  -  2'  A,  V. :  are  become.        ''  (Lit.,  all  the  nation,.)       »  be  kept  under  Uaiiev  ra^ecwi).         »  obat^n 

.lcH<.,i).        «  sacrifice  (I  render  more  literally).        "  contrite  (see  P».  ci.  17)  heart  (ht.,  soul,  but  ^tv^-m-.  follows) 


ADDITIONS   TO  DANIEL.  451 


17  cepted,  as  in  burnt  offerings  ^  of  rams  and  bullocks,  and  as  -  in  ten  thousands 
of  fat  lambs.     So  let  our  sacrifice  result '  in  thy  sight  this  day,  and  our  atonement 

18  before  thee  ;*  for  they  are  not  shamed^  that  put  their  trust  in  thee.    And  now  we 

19  follow  thee  ^  with  all  our  heart,  and"  we  fear  thee,  and  seek  thy  face.  Put  us 
not   to  shame  ;  but   deal  with  us  after  thy  lovingkiudness,'  and  according   to  the 

20  fulluess  of  thy  mercy.  And  deliver  '  us  also  according  to  thy  marvelous  works,'" 
and  give  glory  to  thy  name,  O  Lord.     And  let  all  them  that  do  thy  servants  hurt 

21  be  turned  back  ;  "  and  let  them  be  put  to  shame  ^  in  all  their  power,''  and  let  their 

22  strength  be  broken ;  '*  let '°  them  know  that  thou  art  Lord,  the  only  God,'^  and 
glorious  over  the  whole  world. 

23  And  when  they  had  cast  the  three  all  at  once  into  the  furnace  and  the  furnace 
was  thoroughly  aglow  with  seven  times  its  usual  heat  —  and  when  they  had  thrown 
them  in,  then  those  who  had  thrown  them  in  were  above  them,  but  the  others  set  on 

24  fire  under  them  naphtha,  and  tow,  and  pitch,  and  faggots.    And  the  flame  streamed 

25  forth  above  the  furnace  about  forty  nine  cubits."   And  it  passed  out  through,'*  and  set 

26  fire  to  "  those  ^^  Chaldseans  it  found  about  the  furnace.  But  an  ''■^  angel  of  the  Lord 
came  down  into  the  oven  together  with  Azarias  and  his  fellows,  and  smote  the  flame 

27  of  the  fire  out  of  the  oven,  and  made  the  midst  of  the  furnace  as  though  a  wind  of 
dew  had  gone  hissing  through  it ;  and  "  the  fire  touched  them  not  at  aU,^  neither 

28  hurt  nor  troubled  them.  And  lifting  up  their  voices  '^*  the  three,  as  out  of  one 
mouth,  praised  and  ^  glorified  and  blessed  God  in  the  furnace,  saying, 

29  Blessed  art  thou.  O  Lord  God  of  our  fathers  ; 
And  to  be  praised  and  exalted  above  all  for  ever.'-'* 

30  And  blessed  is  thy  glorious  and  holy  name  : 
And  to  be  praised  and  exalted  above  all  for  ever. 

31  Blessed  art  thou  in  the  temple  of  thine  holy  glory  : 
And  to  be  praised  and  glorified  above  all  for  ever. 

32  Blessed  art  thou  that  Ijeholdest  the  depths. 
And  sittest  upon  the  cherubims  : 

And  to  be  praised  and  exalted  above  aU  for  ever. 

33  Blessed  art  thou  on  the  glorious  throne  of  thy  kingdom  : 
And  to  be  praised  and  glorified  above  all  for  ever. 

34  Blessed  art  them  in  the  firmament  of  heaven  : 
And  above  all  to  be  praised  and  glorified  for  ever. 

35  O  all  ye  works  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

36  O  ye  heavens,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

37  O  ye  angels  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

and  an  humble.  ^  Like  as  in  the  burnt  offering  (as  in  Codd.  26.  231.}.  -  like  a^.  ^  be  (yeve'ff^u).  '  and^aitX 
that  ice  may  wholly  go  after  thee  (Kai  i)  e^iAao-is  eti.npoadiv  aov.  It  might  be  rendered  "  and  be  as  an  atonement  — % 
propitiation  —  before  thee.''  The  passage  is  corrupt,  and  I  have  adopted  Fritzsche's  conjecture.  Tn  the  LXX.  the  pas- 
sage runs  :  icai.  i^tKairat  OTna^iv  iTov.  For  the  second  word,  Theod.  read  cKTeAc'trai,  or,  according  to  some  MSS.,  ixre- 
Aeto^fu.     A.  V.  followed  the  latter).  o  shall  (some  MSS.  of  Theod.  have  the  future)  not  be  confounded  (cf. 

ver.  21). 

Vers.  l.S-22.  —  "  Found  only  in  51.  229.  231.  Co.  '  A.  V. :  omils  and.  »  (tirittwio.    Cf .  Wisd.  ii.  13  ;  xii.  18  ; 

Baruch  ii.  27.)  *  multitude  of  thy  mercies.     Deliver  ('26.  49.  al.  om.  icai).  '<•  (^au^ao-ia  o-ou.)  "ashamed. 

^  confounded.  ^^  power  and  might  (marg.,  by  thy  power  and  might.     The  Greek  is  an-b  TrdoTjs  Svvaineiai  ;  33.  91. 

106.  148.  228.  Aid.  prefix  Sui-a/iews  xai  to  the  last  word).  "  (Lit.,  broken  in  pieces.)  ^''  and  (as  some  MSS.  of 

Theod.)  let.  "  .\ccording  to  Theod.,  /.tofos  is  read  after  6e6s  ;  text,  rec,  before  mJpio?,  to  which  III.  XII.  al.  prefix 

the  article. 

Vers.  23,  24.  ~-  '^  A.  V. :  And  the  king's  servants,  that  put  them  iu,  ceased  not  to  make  the  oven  hot  with  rosin  — 
marg.,  naplttha  —  pitch,  tow,  and  small  wood,  so  that  the  flame  streamed  forth  above  the  furnace  forty  and  nine  cubits. 
This  is  according  to  Theod. 

Vers.  25-28. — i^  A.  V. :  p.a.ssed  through  (Theod.,  StwSeuire  for  SteftiSevtrei/).  i9  burnt  (evemipttrec).  "(article.) 

•'  the  (so  Theod.).  2-  as  (Theod.,  wy  for  oxrei)  it  had  been  a  moist  (marg.,  coo/}  whistling  wind,  so  that.  23  [kojSoXov  ; 
I'heod.,  TO  icaS.     Cf.  Acts  iv.  18.)        2<  Then  (Theod.,  TOTe  for  ii-oAaSdi'Tet  Se).         2s  (otiiH  and  (as  62). 

Vers.  29-68.  — ^"^  On  account  of  the  many  differences  between  tlie  version  of  Theodotiott  followed  by  the  A.  V.  and 
that  of  the  LXX.,  I  have  left  untouched  the  .\.  V.  in  these  verses  and  given  independently  below,  a  translation  of  th« 
Song  as  found  in  tlie  LXX.,  following  Fritzsche's  text. 


452  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


38  O  all  ye  waters  that  be  above  the  heaven,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  ull  for  ever. 

39  O  all  ye  powers  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord: 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

40  O  ye  sun  and  moon,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

41  O  ye  stars  of  heaven,  bless  ye  the  Lord: 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

42  O  every  shower  and  dew,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

43  O  all  ye  winds,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

44  O  ye  fire  and  heat,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

45  O  ye  winter  and  summer,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

46  O  ye  dews  and  storms  of  snow,  bless  ye  the  Lord: 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

47  O  ye  nights  and  days,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

48  O  ye  light  and  darkness,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

49  O  ye  ice  and  cold,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

50  O  ye  frost  and  snow,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

51  O  ye  lightnings  and  clouds,  bless  ye  the  Lord: 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

52  O  let  the  earth  bless  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

53  O  ye  mountains  and  little  hills,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

54  O  all  ye  things  that  grow  on  the  earth,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

55  O  ye  fountains,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

56  O  ye  seas  and  rivers,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

57  O  ye  whales,  and  all  that  move  in  the  waters,  bless  ye  the  Lord 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

68       O  all  ye  fowls  of  the  air,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

59  0  all  ye  beasts  and  cattle,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

60  O  ye  children  of  men,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

61  O  Israel,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 

Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

62  O  ye  priests  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

63  O  ye  servants  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord  : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

64  O  ye  spirits  and  souls  of  the  righteous,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever. 

65  O  ye  holy  and  humble  men  of  heart,  bless  ye  the  Lord : 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  aU  for  ever. 

66  O  Ananias,  Azarias,  and  Misael,  bless  ye  the  Lord: 
Praise  and  exalt  him  above  all  for  ever : 


ADDITIONS  TO  DANIEL. 


453 


For  he  hath  delivered  us  from  hell, 

And  saved  us  from  the  hand  of  death, 

And  delivered  us  out  of  the  midst  of  the  furnace  and  burning  flame : 

Even  out  of  the  midst  of  the  fire  hath  he  delivered  us. 


67 


68 


O  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord,  because  he  is  gracious  : 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

O  all  ye  that  worship  the  Lord,  bless  the  God  of  gods, 

Praise  him,  and  give  him  thanks : 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 


The  Song  op  the  Theee  Children. 


Vers.  1 ,  2.  Cf.  Dan.  iii.  22,  23,  which  this  Addi- 
tion as  such  would  naturally  follow.  The  names 
given  to  the  thiee  Israelitish  youth  are  their  He- 
brew names,  which  are  substituted  for  the  Chal- 
daic  forms  found  at  Dan.  iii.  12.  On  the  signifi- 
cance of  Babylonian  names,  see  Ancient  Mon.,  iii. 
79.  —  T(5  TTvpl  uTTOKaiofjLep-qs  ttis  Kafxlvov.  This 
verb,  which  means  literally  to  set  on  Jire  from  be- 
neath (Herod.,  iv.  61),  stems  here  to  refer  to  a 
fire  which  is  made  hotter  and  hotter.  Cf.  the 
LXX.  at  Jer.  i.  13  (A.  V.,  "  seething  "). 

Ver.  4.  'Zwl  iraaiy,  in  all  (the  things).  See 
Krijger,  Ixviii.  41,  for  remarks  on  such  a  use  of 
this  preposition,  and  cf.  Homer,  //.,  iv.  178. 

Ver.  5.  *A  itTTjyayes  Ti^iiv,  that  thou  hast 
brought  upon  us.  Not  an  infrequent  significa- 
tion of  this  verb.  Cf.  LXX.  at  -ler.  vi.  19  ;  xi. 
11. 

Ver.  9.  'hviijuwv,  lawless.  The  reference  is  to 
that  divine  rule  and  government  revealed  in  the 
Old  Testament,  to  which  the  heathen  were 
strangers.  Esther  (Add.  iv.  12)  is  represented 
as  saving :  ^fj.lafjo'a  5(J|ai/  at^o/xwy.  Cf.  Kom.  ii. 
12  ;  iii.  31  ;  and  Cremer's  Ler.,  s.  v.  —  Most 
hostile  apostates,  ixdicTTujv aTrofTTaTui'.  Michaeli> 
and  others  suspect,  but  not  as  it  would  seem  with 
sufficient  reason,  that  the  text  is  corrupt.  The 
heathen  might  be  regarded  as  apostates  in  the 
sense  that  originally  all  knew  the  true  God.  — 
The  judgment  pronounced  upon  Nebuchadnezzar, 
if  be  is  me.aut,  appears  to  be  somewhat  harsli, 
when  it  is  remembered  under  what  circum- 
stances—  after  four  rebellions  —  he  had  been 
compelled  to  destroy  Jerusalem,  and  what  is  said 
in  his  favor  by  Jeremiali,  Ezekiel,  ami  Daniel. 
See  also  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.,  58  f.  Eichhoru  says  : 
"  The  Jew  who  puts  this  prayer  in  their  mouth 
"was  very  little  acquainted  with  the  spirit  which 
so  beautifully  clothed  the  pious,  suffering  mar- 
tyrs." (Einleit.,  p.  420.)  Bertholdt  (Einleit.,  p. 
1667)  cites  this  verse  as  evidence  that  the  Addi- 
tion was  written  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epi|)li- 
ane.s,  since  the  Jews  were  accustomed  to  call  him 
the  greatest  of  reprobates. 

Ver.  12.  The  epithets  applied  to  the  patri- 
archs are  worthy  of  note.  Only  in  2  Chron.  xx. 
7,  is  Abraham  elsewhere  called  "  the  beloved 
(A.  v.,  'friend')  of  God." — "A-yioj  is  used  of 
Jacob  probably  in  the  sense  of  devoted,  pious.  In 
New  Testament  usage  it  refers,  first,  to  those 
whose  service  God  accepts  (Eph.  iii.  5);  second, 
to  those  who  are  chosen  of  God  (Luke  ii.  23)  ; 
third,  to  persons  who,  in  a  tropical  sense,  are 
spoken  of  as  offerings,  sacrifices  (Col.  i.  22); 
fourth,  it  is  used  with  an  ethical  significance 
(1  Cor.  vii.  34).     See  Grimm's  Lex. 

Ver.  14.  The  word  Seawora  is  appropriate  to 
the  connection.     It  is  fitly  used  by  those  \vhi>  over 


against  God  would  take  the  position  of  extreme 
humility.     See  Wisd.  xviii.  11  ;  Luke  ii.  29. 

Ver.  15.  On  the  supposition  that  this  com- 
position was  written  at  the  time  when  it  purports 
to  have  been  written,  what  can  be  thought  of 
the  statement  in  this  ver.se,  when  taken  in  con- 
nection with  the  fact  th.it  D.aniel,  Ezekiel,  and 
probably  Jeremiah, still  lived?  Allioli  (Com.,  a<i 
loc.)  says  that  Daniel  had  indeed  the  gift  of 
pru|)hecy,  but  was  not  in  the  prophetic  office, 
which,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  the  present  passage, 
would  be  a  distinction  without  a  difference.  He 
remarks,  further,  that  Ezekiel  was  not  at  this 
time  in  Babylon,  but  on  the  river  Chebar.  But 
Chebar,  as  we  learn  from  good  authorities,  was 
also  in  the  province  of  Babylon.  See  art. 
"  Chehar  "  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet,  and  Schenkel's 
Bib.  Lex.  According  to  Zunz  [Vortrage,  p.  13) 
the  prophetic  activity  did  not  cease  until  one  or 
two  generations  after  the  time  of  Nehemiah.  (Cf. 
also  Uillmanu,  under  Propheten  in  Schenkel's  Bib. 
Lex.)  There  was,  moreover,  no  lack  of  priests  at 
'his  time.  Is  it  meant  that  there  was  no  oppor- 
tunity for  prophets  and  priests  to  exercise  their 
ordinary  functions  'i  It  might  be  to  a  consider- 
able extent  true  of  the  latter  class.  Or  is  it 
meant,  absolutely,  that  outside  of  Palestine  the 
inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  could  not  be  en- 
joyed? Under  what  category,  then,  is  the  work 
before  us  to  be  classed?  Cf.  Michaelis,  Anmerk. 
zum  Dan.,  p.  29.  —  @iiaia.  This  word  refers,  first, 
to  the  act  of  sacrificing ;  and,  then,  to  the  sacri- 
fice itself.     It  is  ordinarily  used  in  the  LXX.  as 

the  rendering  of   the  Hebrew  word  n^T.'  while 
Swfov,  sometimes  Ttpoa<(>opa,  is  given  for  13"1p. 

Vers.  23,  24.  The  peculiar  grammatical  con- 
struction, Ka[etv  Kafiivov  vdfpBav,  etc.,  is  noticeable. 
Such  a  method  of  punishment,  by  burning  in  a 
furnace,  w.as  not  altogether  uncommon  in  the 
East,  as  the  legend  concerning  the  casting  of 
Abraham  into  the  fire  for  refusing  to  worship 
idols,  as  found  in  the  Targum  to  2  Chrou.  xxviii. 
3,  shows.  See  Winer,  iien/uiorterfc.,  art.  "Lebeng- 
strafen."  It  has  been  asked  how  it  was  possible 
for  the  writer  to  learn  so  exactly  how  high  the 
file  streamed  up  above  the  furuace.  The  preposi- 
tion eVi,  however,  with  words  in  the  accusative 
indicating  number,  may  have  the  sense  of  about, 
not  far  from.  See  Herod.,  iv.  190.  Moreover,  the 
number  forty-nine  is  the  product  of  7  X  7,  the 
holy  number  so  much  used  by  Daniel.  Concern- 
ing the  material  used  for  heatiug  Che  furnace, 
see  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  220 ;  ii.  487.  The  A.  V. 
says  in  the  margin  that  "  naphtha  "  was  "  a  cer- 
tain kind  of  fat  and  chalky  clay." 

Ver.  26.     The  figure  employed  is  by  no  means 


454 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


perfect.  It  was  not  the  hissing  of  the  moist  wind 
in  the  tiri\  hut  its  refreshing  influence  upon  the 
three  youth,  that  should  have  been  made  promi- 
nent. 

Ver.  30.  The  comments  that  follow  are  on  the 
revised  text,  wliich  follows  below.  —  "r^fpaLferds 
IS  found  in  the  LXX.  only  here.  The  same  is 
true  of  uirepeVSofos  and  vwepvfifTiTis  in  verse  .31. 

Ver.  31.  This  seeming  reference  to  the  temple 
(cf.  verses  62,  63)  appears  to  contradict  what  is 
said  at  verse  1 4,  and  has  been  cited  as  proof  that 
the  prayer  {TrpoiTivxv)  and  the  song  (afveo-is)  are 
from  different  authors,  and  originated  at  differ- 
ent periods.  See  Ziiudel,  Kritisclw  Untersuchung, 
p.  185,  and  Bertholdt,  Einleit,  p.  1.565. 

Vers  32-37.     Cf.  P.^.  eiii.  and  cxiviii. 

Ver.  39.  riauai  ai  Smajxeis  Kvplov.  The  fol- 
lowing verses  indicate  what  these  forces  of  the 
Lord  are  :  namely,  tho.se  by  which  he  keeps  the 
world  in  order  and  executes  his  plans.  An  in- 
teresting book  has  been  written  by  Dr.  Child, 
entitled  Benedicite,  in  wliich  these  "  powers  of  the 
Lord,"  and  indeed  the  whole  Song  of  the  Three 
Children,  is  admirably  commented  on  from  the 
point  of  view  of  natural  history. 

Ver.  48.  nax^r)  differs  from  ^1705,  found  in 
verse  45,  in  this,  that  the  former  refers  rather  to 
what  is  known  as  a  white  frost.  The  arrange- 
ment of  the  verses  at  this  point  has  been  consid- 
erably altered  in  Theodotion's  translation. 

Ver.  53.  Bovnol,  German  "  Biihne."  The 
word,  according  to  Herodotus  (iv.  158,  199),  is 
Cyrenaic.  See  remarks  upon  it  in  the  Lexicons 
of  Schleusner  and  Grimm. 


Ver.  57.  K^ttj.  It  need  not  lie  limited  to 
"  whales,"  as  in  the  A.  V.,  following  the  Old 
Latin  and  Vulgate  (cete).  It  means  any  huge 
tish  or  sea  monster.     Cf.  Herod.,  i\ .  53. 

Ver.  59.  To  6-npla  Hal  ra  kt^vij.  The  distinc- 
tion between  wild  and  tame  animals  was  doubt- 
less meant  to  be  brought  out  by  these  two  words. 
The  former  is  used  for  the  later  form.  drjpiSiof, 
and  is  a  diminutive  in  form,  although  not  in 
usage ;  and  is  so  employed  in  the  classics,  but  not 
often  in  the  LXX.  or  New  Testament.  Cod. 
Chis.  (ed.  by  Cozza)  and  the  Syr.  Hex.  read  for 
cuAo-yeiTf  Trai'Ta  ra  0?jpia,  €v\Qy.  T€TpdnoSa  Kal 
Qripia. 

Vers.  62,  63.  Grotius  says  :  "  Nam  et  hi  in  ex- 
silio  dignitatem  iiitfr  suos  retinebant,  et  preces  con- 
cipiebant  pro popnlo'*     But  see  above,  verse  14. 

Ver.  64.  Ye  spirits  ( iri/euyuara)  and  souls 
(\\ivxai)  of  the  righteous.  These  are  not  the 
spirits  and  souls  of  the  dead,  but  (as  the  context 
shows)  of  living  persons.  It  is  quite  interesting 
to  notice  the  use  of  these  two  words,  probably  as 
indicative  of  the  higher  and  lower  nature  of  men. 
See  Repertor.f.  Bib.  v.  Morgenliind.  Lit.,  2te  Theil, 
1-24. 

Ver.  67.  'E^o/ioKoyeTaBf  tiJ  Kvpl(f.  This  verb 
means,  first,  to  conf'etis,  Matt.  iii.  6  ;  then,  to  ac- 
knowledge, with  special  reference  to  benefits  re- 
ceived, and  so  to  laud,  praise.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Ps. 
XXX.  4.  —  Oi  ae$6ntyoi.  We  fiud  ])recisely  the 
same  word  and  the  same  form  of  it  applied  to 
proselytes  of  the  gate.  Cf.  Wisd.  xv.  18;  Acts 
xvii.  17. 


THE   SONG   OF   THE   THREE    CHILDREN    (verses   29-67  according  to  the 

LXX.). 


29  Blessed  .art  tliou,  O  Lord  God  of  our  fathers, 
And  to  be  praised  and  highly  exalted  for  ever. 

30  And  blessed  is  thy  glorious  and  holy  name, 
And  to  be  highly  praised  and  exalted  for  ever.^ 

31  Blessed  art  thou  in  thy  holy  and  glorious  temple, 
And  to  be  highly  praised  and  glorified  for  ever.'' 

32  Blessed  art  thou  on  the  throne  ^  of  thy  kingdom. 
And  to  be  praised  and  highly  exalted  ■*  for  ever. 

33  Blessed  art  thou  that  beholdest  the  depths,  sitting  over  the  cherubim, 
And  to  be  praised  and  glorified  ^  for  ever. 

34  Blessed  art  thou  in  the  firmament,^ 
And  to  be  praised  and  glorified  for  ever. 

35  O  all  ye  works  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever.' 

36  O  ye  angels  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highl}'  exalt  him  for  ever. 

37  O  ye  heavens,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

38  O  all  ye  waters  tiiat  are  above  the  heaven,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  e.valt  him  for  ever. 

39  O  all  ye  powers  of  the  Lord,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  liim  for  ever. 


Uere,  TrafTos  Toy?  atwi'a?.     Most  MSS.  of  Theod.  omit  TrdfTas. 
'  Theod.  given  vers.  32,  li'S  in  iiii  Inverrte  order. 
•  After  flpofou  (ioine  MSS.  of  Theod.  add  S6^i}^. 


In  ver.  67  many  MSS.  of  Theod.  hare  it. 


'  Thecxl.,  urrtpvfivriioi  Kai  vnff/viivoviJLevlK. 
I  Tlleud.  uddo  uvpafuu. 


"  Theod..  i/rrfpvtpovfitvo^. 

1  Theod.  K>ve9  vers.  36,  37  in  an  inverse  ontor 


ADDITIONS  TO   DANIEL.  455 


40  0  ye  sun  and  moon,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

41  0  ye  stars  of  heaven,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

42  0  all  rain  and  dew/  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  liighly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

43  O  all  ye  winds,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

44  0  ye  fire  and  heat,^  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  higiily  exalt  him  fc>r  ever. 

45  O  ye  frost  and  cold,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever.' 

46  O  ye  dews  and  falling  snow,  bless  ye  the  Lord,* 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

47  O  ye  ice  and  cold,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

48  0  ye  hoar  frost  and  snow,^  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

49  0  ye  nights  and  days,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

50  ()  ye  liglit  and  darkness,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever.* 

51  O  ye  lightnings  and  clouds,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

52  O  let  the  earth  bless  the  Lord, 

Let  it  praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 
5.5       O  ye  mountains  and  hills,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

54  O  all  things  that  grow  on  the  earth,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  higlily  exalt  him  for  ever. 

55  O  ye  fountains,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

56  O  ye  seas  and  rivers,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

57  0  ye  v^hales.  and  all  that  move  in  the  waters,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

58  O  all  ye  birds  of  heaven,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

59  O  all  ye  animals,  wild  and  tame,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

60  0  ye  sons  of  men,  bless  ve  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

61  O  Israel,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 

Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

62  O  ye  priests.'  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

6.'5       O  ye  servants.*  bless  ye  the  Lord, 

Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

64  0  ye  spirits  and  souls  of  the  righteous,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

65  O  ye  holy  and  humble  of  heart,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever. 

66  O  Ananias,  Azarias,  and  Misael,  bless  ye  the  Lord, 
Praise  and  highly  exalt  him  for  ever ; 

'  wis  o/x^pos  «a"L  Spotros.  *  Some  MSS.  of  Tbeod.  haTe  Kaviratv  and  ■ome  xaviim. 

'  This  Terse  is  Tend  as  Ter.  49  io  Theod.  and  A.  V.  «  This  and  the  following  verse  are  omitted  in  Theei. 

s  The  word  means  snow  already  fallen,  X"ii^t'i  in  »er.  46  we  have  wcJieToi,  norms  ofsnou!,  ovfalUns  inota. 

•  TUis  is  Ter.  48,  in  Theod.,  and  A.  V. 

'  Theod.  atMs  xvpiov.  9  Theod.  adil^  xvpiov. 


466  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


67       For  he  delivered  us  from  Hades, 

And  saved  us  from  the  hand  of  death, 

And  rescued  us  from  the  midst '  of  the  scorching  flame, 

And  from  the  fire  ^  he  redeemed  us. 

O  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord,  for  he  is  gracious, 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

O  all  je  that  worship  *  the  God  of  gods,  bless  him, 

Praise  and  give  thanks,  for  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

THE   HISTOEY   OF   SUSANNA  (according  to  the  LXX.).* 

6,  7  And  suits  in  law  came  to  them  from  other  cities.  These  men  saw  a  woman 
of  shapely  form,  wife  of  their  brother  of  the  sons  of  Israel,  Susanna  by  name, 
daughter  of  Chelcias,  wife  of  Joacim  as  she  walked  in  the  park  of  her  husband  at 
8,  9  evening.  And  desiring  her  for  their  lust,  they  perverted  their  mind  and  turned 
away  their  eyes  that  they  might  not  look  unto  heaven,  nor  remember  just  judg- 
10  ments.  And  both  were  inflamed  with  passion  on  her  account,  and  concealed  from 
each  other  the  evil  that  possessed  them  with  respect  to  her ;  nor  did  the  woman 

12  know  of  this  thing.  And  when  day  dawned,  as  they  went,  zealous  who  should  be 
first  to  appear  in  her  presence  and  speak  to  her,  they  betrayed  themselves  to  one 

13  another.  And  behold,  she  was  walking,  as  was  her  wont,  and  when  one  of  the 
elders  came,  behold  the  other  was  already  there.  And  the  one  said  to  the  other,  for 
the  sake  of  proving  him.  Why  did  you  go  out  so,  at  daybreak,  and  not  take  me 

14,  19  along  ?  And  they  acknowledged  to  one  another  their  passion,  and  said  to  each 
other.  Let  us  repair  to  her  ;  and  they  went  unitedly  up  to  her  and  used  violence 

22  against  her.     And  the  daughter  of  Judah  said  to  them.  I  know  that  if  I  do  this,  it 

23  will  be  my  death,  and  if  I  do  it  not  I  shall  not  escape  your  hands  ;  but  it  is  better 

28  for  me  not  having  done  it  to  fall  into  your  hands  than  to  sin  before  the  Lord.  And 
the  transgressors  turned  away  vowing  with  themselves  and  making  plans  that  they 
might  put  her  to  death.  And  they  went  to  the  assembly  of  the  city  where  they 
dwelt  ;  and   there   sat   together   in   council,  all   the  sons  of  Israel  who  were  there. 

29  And  the  two  elders  and  judges  arose  and  said,  Send  for  Susanna,  daughter  of  Chel- 

30  cias,  who  is  the  wife  of  Joacim  ;  and  they  at  once  summoned  her.  And  so  the 
woman  was  present  with  her  father  and  mother ;  and  her  servants  and  handmaids,  who 
were  five  hundred  in  number,  were  in  attendance,  and  the  four  little  children  of 

31,  32  Susanna.     And  the  woman  was  very  fair.     And  the  transgressors  commanded 

33  her  to  unveil  in  order  that  they  might  sate  their  lust  with  her  beauty.    And  all  her 

34  friends  and   all  as  many  as  knew  her  wept.     And  the  elders  and  judges  rising  up 

35  placed  their  hands  on  her  head.  But  her  heart  trusted  in  the  Lord  her  God,  and 
three  times  lifting  up  her  heart,  she  wept  and  prayed  within  herself,  0  Lord,  the 
eternal  God,  who  dost  know  all  things  before  they  come  to  be,  thou  knowest 
that  I  liave  not  done  that  which  these  transgressors  have  maliciously  charged 

36  against  me.     And  the  Lord  heard  her  prayer.     But  the  two  elders  said,  We  were 

37  walking  in  tlie  park  of  her  husband,  and  as  we  moved  around  the  stadium  we  saw 
this  person  recliniug  in  the  arms  of  a  man,  and  we  stood  and  observed  them  com- 

38  panying  together  ;  and  they  were  not  aware  that  we  stood  there.     Then  we  agreed 

39  with  each  other  saying,  Let  us  learn  who  these  persons  are  ;  and  on   going   up  we 

40  discovered  this  woman ;  but  the  young  man  fled  away  disguised.  And  laying  hold 
of  her  we  asked  her  who  the  man  was,  and  she  did  not  tell  us  who  he  was.     These 

41  things  we  testify.     And  the  whole  assembly  believed  them   since   they  were  elders 

42  and  judges  of  the  people.  And  behold  an  angel  of  the  Lord  appeared  as  she 
was  being  led  away  to  be  put  to  death,  and  the  angel,  as  he  had  been  commanded, 

48  gave  a  sagacious  spirit  to  a  young  man,  namely,  to  Daniel.  And  Daniel  putting 
asunder  the  populace  and  standing  in  the  midst  of  them  said :  Are  6ons  of  Israel 

1  After  ftetrov  Bouie  MS3.  of  Theod.  add  kouCvov.  ^  Tbeod.,  ex  neaov  irvpit. 

8  Theod.  adds  toc  jaipioc  ;  bo  also  Cod.  ChiB.  and  Syr.  B. 

*  On  account  of  the  great  divergency  of  the  text  of  the  LXX,  from  that  of  Theodotlon  (cf.  Introd.)  X  give  a  traiul* 
lioD  of  the  former  here,  and  make  it  the  basiB  of  tlie  comments  that  follow.     For  the  other  translation,  see  below. 


ADDITIONS   TO  DANIEL. 


457 


such  fools  ?     Do  ye  without  examination  or  knowledge  of  the  truth  put  a  daughter 

51  of  Israel  to  death  ?  And,  now,  separate  for  me  these  men  widely  from  one  another 
in  order  that  I  may  test  them.  And  when  they  were  separated,  Daniel  said  to  the  as- 
sembly, Now  consider  not  that  these  men  are  elders  and  say,  They  will  not  give  false 

52  witness  ;  but  judge  them  according  to  that  which  falls  out  with  me.  And  he  called 
one  of  them  ;  and  they  led  the  elder  to  the  young  man.  And  Daniel  said  to  him, 
Hear,  hear,  thou  who  hast  grown  old  with  evil  days,  now  have  come  thy  sins  which 

53  thou  didst  formerly  commit.  Relied  on  to  hear  and  pronounce  judgments  in  capital 
offences,  thou  hast  both  condemned  the  guUtless  and  acquitted  those  who  should 
have  been  held  to  account ;  although  the  Lord  hath  said,  Thou  shalt  not  slay  the 

54  innocent  and  the  just.  Now,  then,  under  what  tree  and  in  what  part  of  the  park 
hast  thou  seen  these  persons  as  they  were  together  ?     And  the  godless  fellow  said, 

55  Under  a  mastic  tree.  But  the  young  man  answered.  Fittingly  hast  thou  borne 
false  witness  against  thine  own  life ;  for  the  angel  of  the  Lord  wUl  cut  asunder  thy 

56  soul  this  day.  And  putting  him  aside  he  commanded  that  the  other  should  be 
brought  before  him,  and  to  him  also  he  said,  Wherefore  is  thy  seed  perverted  like 

57  that  of  Sidon  and  not  like  Judah  ?  Beauty  deceived  thee,  the  petty  lust !  And  so 
were  ye  wont  to  do  with  daughters  of  Israel  and  they  out  of  fear  companied  with 
you  ;  but  a  daughter  of  Judah  did  not  abide  your  sickly,  lawless  passion  that  she 

58  should  submit  to  it.  Now,  then,  tell  me,  under  what  tree  and  in  what  part  of  the 
garden  didst  thou  surprise  them  companying  together  ?     And  he  said,  Under  a 

59  holm  tree.  And  Daniel  answered,  O  thou  hardened  in  sin !  now  the  angel  of  the 
Lord,  sword  in  hand,  waits  until  the  people  shall  destroy  you,  that  he  may  cut  thee 
in  pieces.    And  all  the  assembly  shouted  over  the  young  man,  that  he  from  the  con- 

61  fessions  of  their  own  mouth  had  proved  them  both  false  witnesses.  And  as  the 
law  enjoins  dealt  they  with  them,  even  as  they  had  acted  wickedly  against  their 

63  sister.  And  they  gagged  them  and  leading  them  away,  cast  them  down  into  a  deep 
gorge.     Then  the  angel  of  the  Lord  passed  fire  through  the  midst  of  them  and  in- 

63  nocent  blood  was  saved  that  day.      Therefore  the  young  men  of  Jacob  are  beloved 

64  for  their  simplicity ;  and  let  us  watch  over,  as  sons,  mighty  young  men  ;  for  young 
men  are  piously  disposed  and  there  will  be  in  them  a  spirit  of  knowledge  and  sagac- 
ity for  ever. 


The  History  of  StrsAiWA  (in  the  LXX.,  Vulg.  and  Co.,  chap.  xiii.  of  Dan.). 


Ver.  6.  Undoubtedly  something  has  been  lost 
from  the  beginning  of  the  work  in  the  LXX. 
That  the  lost  portion,  however,  was  identical,  or 
even  corresponded  in  general,  with  what  is  sup- 
plied by  Theodotion  is  improbable.  Indeed,  the 
extant  codex  of  the  LXX.'s  version  of  the  story, 
which  came  to  light  in  the  last  century,  and  the 
Syriac  Hexaplar  translation  (Syr.  B.),  while 
using  for  an  introduction  this  text  of  Theodotion, 
have  distinguished  it  by  critical  marks  as  far  as 
to  the  middle  of  the  fifth  verse.  The  same  au- 
thorities have  also  by  the  letters  A.  S.  Th.  (the 
latter  has  only  S.  and  Th.),  which  refer  respec- 
tively to  the  versions  of  Aquila,  Symmachns,  and 
Theodotion,  indicated  still  more  definitely  the 
fact  of  the  want  of  originality.  Briill's  theory 
has  much  to  commend  it,  that  the  lost  portion 
related  to  the  licentious  conduct  of  the  two  elders 
in  connection  with  the  Israelitish  women  in  Baby- 
lon, and  that  the  verses  were  removed  from  the 
text  on  the  ground  that  they  contained  an  unjust 
imputation  upon  the  latter.  {Das  Apok.  Su- 
sanna-Buch,  p.  28  f.)  But  the  extant  text  of  the 
LXX.  could  not  have  begun  with  the  words 
which  immediately  follow  the  critical  marks 
spoken  of ;  namely,  "  such  as  the  Lord  spoke  of." 
And  we  may  suppose  either  that  these  marks 
were  meant  to  be  placed  at  the  end  of  the  fourth 
verse,  or  that  the  LXX.  began  simply  with  the 
words  :   "  There  were  two  elders   in  Babylon." 


See  Fritzsche's  Com.,  ad  he.  —  Kpiatis,  legal  pro- 
cesses ;  or,  as  the  A.  V.  renders  Theodotion, 
suits  in  law.  The  use  of  this  word  in  the  present 
sense,  while  the  common  one  in  New  Testament 
Greek,  is  comparatively  rare  in  the  classics. 

Ver.  7.  It  has  been  maintained  by  some  that 
by  Joacim  here  the  king  of  that  name  is  meant. 
(See  2  Kings  xxv.  27  f.)  But  if  this  were  the 
case,  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  why  it 
should  not  have  been  definitely  stated. 

Ver.  10.  KaTuvevvyiiivoi.  This  word  is  used 
to  express  any  violent  emotion,  especially  of 
grief.  See  a  learned  excursus  by  C.  F.  A. 
Fritzsche  (Ad  Rom.  Episl.,  ii.  558)  on  this  and 
kindred  words  from  the  same  root.  —  Ob  Trpoaeirot- 
eiTo.  It  is  clear  from  the  connection  that  the 
writer  meant  to  say  that  each  of  the  elders  con- 
cealed from  the  other  his  illicit  passion.  He 
seems,  however,  to  say  just  the  opposite.  One  of 
the  derivative  meanings  of  this  verb,  however,  is 
to  pretend.  We  may  therefore  render  freely : 
"  And  they  pretended  to  one  another  that  the  evil 
(purpose)  which  possessed  them  with  respect  to 
her  did  not  exist."  Cf.  Thucyd.,  iii.  47,  where 
iu?)  TrpotrTroieierflai  is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  ignor- 
ing." Kriiger  (67.  5)  gives  it  there  the  meaning 
of  "  dissimulare,  sich  stellen  als  ob  etwas  nicht  statt 
fande,"  make  as  though  something  had  not  taken 
place.  ' 

Ver.  12.    'OpBeot.    From  tpyv/u,  and  naed  in 


i58 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


the  LXX.  for  a  Hebrew  word  which  means  the 
iame  as  aurora.  See  Thiersch,  De  Pent.  Ver. 
Alex.,  p.  81. 

Ver.  19.  'E|f/3iafovTo.  This  verb  means,  first, 
to  drive  out ;  then,  /o  wrest  from,  which  is  nearly 
the  sense  here.  They  nsed  violence  against  her, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  her  acquiescence  in 
their  vile  designs. 

Ver.  28.  According  to  the  Talmud,  every 
city  of  Palestine  having  not  le.ss  than  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  householders  was  empowered  to 
have  a  leSiSer  S.Tiihedrin,  composed  of  twenty- 
three  members.  See  Winer,  Hetihmrlerh.  art. 
"  Syncd."  It  has  been  objected,  with  great  rea- 
son and  force,  against  the  representations  of 
this  verse,  and  indeed  against  the  entire  history, 
that  no  such  state  of  things  could  piobably  have 
existed  among  the  Jews  at  Babylon  during  the 
time  of  Nebuchadnezzar.  They  would  hardly 
have  been  allowed  the  exercise  of  so  much  free- 
dom as  to  be  able  to  hold  court  and  have  the 
power  of  life  and  death-  The  whole  process, 
moreover,  is  conducted  in  quite  too  disorderly  a 
manner  to  be  real.  And  if  Daniel  was  then  old 
enough  to  act  the  part  here  assigned  him.  he 
could  not  have  used  the  language  that  is  .ascribed 
to  him. 

Ver.  29.  'AiroffTefAoTe  itn  lovaavvav,  Send  to 
Susanna,  i.  e.,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  her 
into  the  assembly.  See  Kriiger,  68.  42,  2,  who 
assigns  to  this  preposition  sometimes  the  signifi- 
cation of  the  German  nach,  for,  after.  He  ci  tes 
Thucyd.,  iii.  105,  3. 

Ver.  31.  Fair.  See  remarks  at  Add.  to  Esth. 
T.  2. 

Ver.  32.  To  be  obliged  to  unveil  under  such 
circumstances  was,  according  to  Eastern  habits 
of  thought,  a  great  indignity.  It  lowered  her,  in 
fact,  even  before  she  had  been  tried,  to  the  grade 
of  a  common  corrupt  woman. 

Ver.  33.  '^Sfioav.  The  third  person  plural 
of  the  pluperfect  of  elfSai  is  so  written  also  in 
Mark  i.  34  ;  John  ii.  9,  xxi.  4,  instead  of  fiiioav. 

Ver.  34.  Placed  their  hands  on  her  head. 
Among  the  forms  of  adjuration  this  was  the  most 
common.  See  Gen.  xiv.  22  ;  Deut.  xxxii.  40 ;  Rev. 
X.  5  ;  Hom.,  //.,  xix.  254. 

Ver.  35.  I  have  translated  avaxi^aaa  by  "  lift- 
ing up  her  heart,"  as  the  context  seems  thus  to 
limit  the  word.  Theodotion  has,  however,  ave- 
^\i^p€v  6(5  Thv  ovpa.v6v. 

Ver.  37.  Th  aTibiov.  See  I  Cor.  ix.  24.  Every 
important  city  of  Greece,  and  those  of  Asia  and 
Palestine,  if  inhabited  largely  by  Greeks,  had  its 
ariSiov.  The  reference  here  seems  to  be  to  that 
part  of  the  garden  which  was  not  planted,  bein 
open  for  walks  and  games. 

Ver.  42.  It  is  interesting,  as  bearing  on  the 
question  of  their  relation  to  one  another,  to  ob 
serve  how  Daniel  is  introduced,  and  under  what 
circumstances  he  comes  to  interfere  in  the  case 
as  represented  in  the  versions  of  the  LXX.  and 
of  Theodotion  respectively ;  also,  to  note  the  in- 
tentional and  fitting  change  in  the  former  from 
the  expression  "an  angel"  to  "the  angel  of  the 
Lord,"  especially  with  regard  to  the  suliject  of 
angclology  and  its  relation  to  the  teaching  of  tlie 
Old  Testament  on  the  same  subject. — liiunipif, 
a  young  man.  For  this  use  of  the  compilative 
for  the  positive,  see  Winer,  p.  242  f.,  and  Kriiger, 
xlix.  6, 2.  Theodotion  has  iraiSapiou  newripov,  i.  e., 
a  young  boy.  ■  This  would  indicate  the  earlier 
part  of  the  period  of  the  Exile. 


Ver.  48.  Theodotion  enlarges  to  a  consider 
able  extent  on  the  original.  —  &vyarfpa  'Iffpa^A. 
The  word  "  Israel  "  is  used  iu  a  general  sense 
and  not  as  iu  verse  57  ;  otherwise  it  would  be  a 
bungling  lapsus  penjioz. 

Ver.  54.  'T7ri>  ox^np,  under  a  mastio-tree. 
This  word  occurs  only  here  in  the  Greek  Bible. 
The  tree  .spoken  of  produces  a  fragrant  resin 
known  as  mastic,  used  in  both  ancient  and  mod- 
ern times  fur  strctigthening  the  tcetli  and  gums. 
Martial  rci-ommciided  m.astir  toothpicks,  and  Pliny 
Ticntions  the  fnct  that  the  leaves  were  rubljed  on 
the  teeth  for  the  toothache.  See  under  the  word 
Sclieukfl's  Bib.  Lex.  and  Smith's  Bih.  Vict. 
The  inaccurate  expression,  "cut  asunder  thy 
soul."  o'x^'rei  oov  r^^v  ^vxrtv,  must  be  charged  to 
the  Greek  text.  The  intended  paronomasia  con- 
tained in  the  words  ax^'O"  ■  ■  ■  ■  oxiirf',  and  in 
verse  58,  TTpTvov  ....  KaTinrpiiiri,  is  well  brought 
out  by  Luther:  "under  einer  Linden  ....  der 
Engel' ....  wird  dich  finden  ;  under  einer  Eichen 
....  der  Engel  ....  ivird  dich  zeichen."  See 
Introd.  for  remarks  on  the  bearing  of  the  parono- 
masia on  the  subject  of  the  probable  age  and 
original  language  of  the  work.  On  the  subject 
of  paronomasia  iu  general  in  the  Greek  language, 
see  Winer,  p.  636,  and  Wilke,  N.  T.  Rhetorik, 
p.  413. 

Ver.  58.  ripivos,  the  holm,  or  oak  tree.  There 
are  several  different  Hebrew  words  which  are 
rendered    "  oak  "    in   the  A.  V.,  —  all,   however, 

is  likely,  allied  to  the  simple  form  7''S.     The 

Roman  edition  of  the  LXX.  renders  by  reptBiyOos, 

III.  by  rfp(ii.iv9ot,  while  the  versions  of  Aquila, 

Svmmachus,  and  Theodotion  have  translated  by 

"Si.     See  Balfour's  Plants  of  the  Bible,  p.  39  f. 

Ver.  61.  'ETTOnjpetSffafTO  Karh.  t^s  ii^iXtpris  ou- 
rCiv.  As  given  by  Theodotion  (verse  62)  :  iy 
Tpiirov  i-TTovTjpevaavro  rif  irATjc/ov  7roi^(rai.  Winer 
(p.  178)  disproves  the  idea  that  the  masculine  is 
liere  used  for  the  feminine,  although  Susanna  is 
doubtless  referred  to.  See  Gen.  xxiii.  3.  It  is 
singular  that  Theodotion  has  adopted  an  indefi- 
nite word  in  the  place  of  the  definite  one  found  in 
his  text.  But  the  frequent  use  of  the  word 
"neighbor"  in  the  Old  Testament,  where  the 
matter  of  right  and  wrong  is  involved,  probably 
led  to  the  change. 

Ver.  62.  'E<plii.ti(rai'  abrois.  This  verb  means 
to  muzzle,  and  is  so  used  at  1  Tim.  v.  18.  In 
Aristophanes  (Neph.,  592)  it  is  employed  to  desig- 
nate a  peculiar  kind  of  punishment,  which  con- 
sisted of  a  board  laid  on  the  shoulders,  with  an 
opening  for  the  head.  Sometimes  the  feet  and 
arms  were  also  bound.  In  Matt.  xxii.  34,  it  is 
used  of  our  Lord's  putting  the  Sadducees  to  si- 
lence, aud  that  is  probably  allied  to  the  sense 
here.  They  were  gagged  or  hooded,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent their  outcries. — ^ipay^  =  vallis  rupibus  ah- 
ruptisgue  montibus  coarctuta.  Grimm's  Lex.  Cf. 
Luke  iii.  5.  —  Aia  fiea-ov  avrwy.  See  Luke  xvii. 
4,  where  Lachmann,  however,  would  read  fueaov. 
Punishment  by  fire  was  allowed  under  Jewish 
law,  in  certain  cases  of  nnchastity.  (Lev.  xx.  14 ; 
xxi.  9.)  Sometimes  the  bodies  of  executed  crim- 
inals and  of  persons  who  had  made  themselves 
infamous  were  consumed  by  fire.  (Josh.  vii.  25 ; 
2  Kings  xxiii.  16.) 

Ver.  63.  'Ev  r-p  o7rX(iT7)Ti.  This  preposition 
may  mean  "  on  accouut  of."  See  Winer,  p.  386  f. 
I  have  translated  the  substantive  by  "simplicity," 
as  perhaps  the  best  rendering.     It  is  the  absence 


ADDITIONS  TO   DANIEL.  459 


of  dissimulatiou.  See  Kling,  in  Herrog's  Heal- 
Encyk.,  iii.  723,  art.  "  Einfalt,"  and  Fritzsche,  ad 
Epist.  Rom.,  iii.  62  f. 

Ver.  64.      El's  aiiiva  aluvos.      The  use  of  this 


emphatic  form  —  a  circumlocution  for  the  super- 
lative —  for  "  forcer  "  is,  to  say  the  least,  an  ex- 
travagauce  in  this  connection. 


THE   HISTORY   OF   SUSANNA. 

1,  2       There  dwelt  a  man  in   Babylon,  called  Joacim  ;  and  he  took  a  wife  whose 
name  was  Susanna,  daughter '  of  Chelcias,  a  very  beautiful  woman,'^  and  one  that 

3  feared  the  Lord.     Hei'  parents   also  were  righteous,  and  had  ^  taught  their  daughter 

4  according  to  the  law  of  IMoses.    And  Joacim  was  a  very  *  rich  man,  and  had  a  park 
adjoining  *  his  house  ;  and  to  him  resorted  the  Jews,  because  he  was  more  in  honor  ° 

5  than  all   others.     And  in  that  year  were  appointed   two   elders  from  '  the  people 
to  be  judges,  concerning  whom '   the   Lord   spake,  that  unjust  dealing '  came  from 

6  Babylon  from  elders  who  were  judges,^"  who  seemed"  to  govern  the  people.    These 

7  frequented  '^  Joacim's  house  ;  and  all  that  had  suits  ''  in  law  came  unto  them.  And 
it  came  to  pass  when  the  people  departed  "  at  noon,  Susanna  went   into  lier  hus- 

8  band's  park  ^^  to  walk.     And  the  two  elders  saw  her  going  in  every  day,  and  walk- 

9  ing ;  and  ^^  their  lust  was  inflamed  toward  her.   And  they  perverted  their  own  mind, 
and  turned  away  their  eyes,  that  they  might  not  look  unto  heaven,  nor  remember 

10  just  judgments.     And  both  were  wounded  with  her  loce,  and  did   not   show   one 

11  another  their  grief."     For  they  were  ashamed  to  tell  of*  their   lust,  that  they  de- 

12  sired  to  have  to  do  with  her.     And  '^  they  watched  diligently  from  day  to  day  to 

13  see  her.     And  the  one  said  to  the  other,  Let  us  now  go  home  ;  for  it  is  dinner  -'" 

14  time.  And  they  went  out  and  -^  parted  the  one  from  the  other.  And  turning  back 
again  they  came  to  the  same  place  ;  and  on  inquiring  out  the  reason  of  one  another, ■^■- 
they  acknowledged  their  lust ;  and  '^  then  appointed  they  in  common  a  time  '■'  when 

15  they  might  find  her  alone.  And  it  fell  out,  as  they  watched  a  fit  day,-^  she  went 
in  one  time  -^  as  before  '^  witli  two  maids  only  ;  and  she  was  desirous  to  wash  her- 

16  self  in   the  garden,  for  it  was   hot.     And  there  was  nobody  there  save  the   two 

17  elders,  that  had  hid  themselves,  and  watched  her.  And-*  she  said  to  her  ^  maids. 
Bring  me  now  ^  oil  and  ointments,'*'   and  shut  the  park  ^-  doors,  that  I  may  wash 

18  me.  And  they  did  as  she  bade  them,  and  shut  the  park  ^-  doors,  and  went  out 
themselves  at  side  ^^  doors  to  fetch  the  things  that  she  had  commanded  them  ;  and  '■* 

19  they  saw  not  the  elders  because  they  were  hid.    And  it  came  to  pass  ""  when  the  maids 

20  had  ^^  gone  forth,  the  two  elders  rose  up,  and  ran  unto  her,  and  said,^'  Behold,  the 
park'*  doors  are  shut,  and  no  one  seeth^  us,  and  we  are  in  love  with  thee;  there- 

21  fore  consent  unto  us,  and  lie  with  us.  But  if  ■""  not,  we  will  bear  witness  against 
thee,  that  a  young  man  was  with  thee  ;  and   therefore  thou  didst  send  away  thy 

22  maids  from  thee.  And  ^'  Susanna  sighed,  and  said,  I  am  hemmed  in  *-  on  every 
side  :  for  whether  ■*'   I  do  this  thing,  it  is   death  unto  me  ;  or  "   I  do  it  not,  I  shall 

23  not**  escape  your  hands.     It  is  better  for  me  not  having  done  it  to  fall  into   your 

24  hands,**  than  to  sin  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord.     And  *'   Susanna  cried  with  a  loud 

Vers.  1-4  —  >  A.  V. :  tlie  daughter  (Cod,  II.  h.as  never  Swo-aj-ca,  as  stated  in  Fritzsche's  critical  apparatus,  but  every- 
where Xovadwa,  as  in  the  text.  rec.  and  the  majority  of  MSS.).  -  fair  woynan.  ^  omit!,  had.  *  Now  J.  was  a 
great.         ^  fair  garden  joining  uuto.        ^  honourable. 

Vers.  5,6. —  ^  A.  v.:  The  same  ....  q/"  (A/^  ancients  of .  8  such  as  (so  Luther).  "  of,  that  wickedness  (aj-o/i*^ 
the  opposite  of  fiixaiotruvij).  >  ^^  ancient  judges.  ^^  (This  may  be  understood  to  mean :  who  seemed  to  others,  w^re 
accounted  ;  or,  wlio  put  on  the  appearance ;  or,  wko  seemed  to,  thought  themselves.  The  context  seems  to  me  to  favor  the 
first.     Cf.,  for  the  thought,  Jer.  xxix.  22,  23.)        •=  kept  much  at.         "  any  suits. 

Vers.  7,  8.  — ^*  A.  V. :  Now  when  ....  departed  away.        ^^  garden.        ^^  so  that. 

Vera.  1(V-13.  —  "  A.  V. :  albeit  they  both  were  wounded  with  her  tove,  yet  durst  not  one  shew  another  his  grief. 
18  declare.        ^  Tet.        ^  (apiorov.j 

Vers.  14, 15.  —  -^  A.  V. :  So  when  they  were  gone  out  they.  "  after  that  they  had  asked  one  another  the  cause. 

!-'  omits  and  (as  49.  87.  90.  91.  228.  Aid.).        ^  a  time  both  together.  ^s  time.  ="  omits  one  time  (irire). 

-'  Marg.,  Gr.,  as  yesterday  and  the  day  be/ore. 

Vers.  17-19.  —  =«  A.  V. :  Then.        ^  (au-rijs  is  added  by  34.  36.  48. 148.  al.  Co.)  »  omits  now.        si  washing  balli 

ycTfi-TiyfLaTa  ;  III.  2.S.  26.  al.,  the  sing.  It  might  mean  soap,  or  perfume ;  but  most  likely  a  perfumed  ointment  is  in* 
tended,  Cf.  Esth.  ii.  3,  9).        32  garden.        ^  privy  (marg.,  side).        ^  but.        ^  Now.        3''  were.        ^7  saying. 

Vers.  20-24.  —  »  A.  V.  :  garden.        '»  that  (148.  omits  Kai)  no  man  can  see.        *>  If  Ihoii  will.        "  Then.  «  am 

Btraited.  «  if.  "  and  if  (re  — re).  »»  cannot.  •«  better  (olpeioi-,  II.  III.  XII.  2.3.  26.  al.  Co.  Aid. ;  IKC(.  fee., 
^e  comparative)  for  me  to  fall  into  your  hands,  and  uot  do  it.        *^  With  that. 


460  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


25  voice  ;  and  the  two  elders  also  ^  cried  out  against  her.     And  one  ran,°  and  opened 

26  the  park  doors.*    And  *  when  the  servants  of  the  house  heard  the  cry  in  the  park,' 

27  they  rushed  in  through  the  side  '  door,  to  see  what  had  happened  '  unto  her.  But  when 
the  elders  uttered  their  accusations,"  the  servants  were  greatly  ashamed ;  for  there 

28  was  never  such  a  report  made  concerning  °  Susanna.  And  it  came  to  pass  the  next 
day,  when  the  people  assembled  ^^  to  her  husband  Joacim,  the  two  elders  came  full 

29  of  their  unrighteous  design  "  against  Susanna  to  put  lier  to  death,  and  said  before 
the  people,  Send  for  Susanna,  daughter  ^  of  Chelcias,  Joacim's  wife.     And  they  " 

30  sent.     And  "  she  came  with  her  father  and  mother,  and  ^^  her  children,  and  all  her 

31  kindred.     But  ^^  Susanna  was  a  very  delicate '"  woman,   and  of  beautiful  form." 

32  And  the  transgressors  '^  commanded  to  unveil  her,  for  she  was  veiled,  that  they 

33  might  sate  themselves  '^  with  her  beauty.     But  ^  her  friends  and  all  that  saw  her 

34  wept.     And  ^^  the  two  elders  stood  up  in  the  midst  of  the  people,  and  laid  their  ^ 

35  hands  upon  her  head.    But  "*  she  weeping  looked  up  towards  heaven  ;  for  her  heart 

36  trusted  in  the  Lord.  And  the  elders  said :  As  we  walked  in  the  park^  alone,  this 
woman  came  in  with  two  maids,  and  shut  the  park  "^  doors,  and  sent  the  maids  away. 

37,  38  And  ^  a  young  man  who  was  "^  hid,  came  unto  her,  and  lay  with  her.     But  we 

39  who  were  in  the  corner  of  the  park,  seeing  the  sin,'*  ran  unto  them.  And  though 
we  saw  them  having   intercourse  together,^"  him  '^  we  could  not  master ;  ''^  for  he 

40  was  stronger  than  we,  and  opened  the  door,  and  leaped  out :  but  having  taken  this 
woman,^  we  asked  who  the  young  man  was,  and  she  would  not  tell  us.     These 

41  things  do  we  testify.     And  ^  the  assembly  believed  them,  as  elders  of  the  people 

42  and  judges  ;  and  ^^  they  condemned  her  to  death.  But  ^^  Susanna  cried  out  with  a  loud 
voice,  and  said,  O  everlasting  God,  that  knowest  the  secrets,  and  knowest  all  things 

43  before  they  come  to  be,"  thou  knowest  that  they  have  borne  false  witness  against 
me  ;  and  behold,  I  ^'  die  without  having  done  one  of  the  things  which  these  men  " 

44,  45  have  maliciously  charged  *"  against  me.  And  the  Lord  heard  her  voice.  And 
as  she  was  being  led  away  to  be  put  to  death,  God  *'  raised  up  the  holy  spirit  of  a 

46  young  lad,"  whose  name  ivas  Daniel.     And  he  cried  *^  with  a  loud  voice,  I  am  in- 

47  nocent  of "  the  blood  of  this  woman.     And  "  all  the  people  turned  *^  towards  him, 

48  and  said.  What  mean  these  words  that  thou  hast  spoken  ?  And  "  he  standing  in 
the  midst  of  them,  said,  Are  the  sons  of  Israel  such  fools  ?     Without  examination 

49  or  knowledge  of  the  truth  have  ye  *^  condemned  a  daughter  of  Israel  ?  Eetiirn 
again  to  the  place  of  judgment ;  for  these  men  *^  have  borne  false  witness  against 

50  her.  And  ^  aU  the  people  turned  again  in  haste.  And  the  elders  said  unto  him. 
Come,  sit  down  among  us,  and  inform  ^'  us,  seeing  God  hath  given  thee  the  honor 

51  of  an  elder.^-     And  Daniel  said  °^  unto  them,  Separate  these  men  far  from  one 

52  another,^^  and  I  will  examine  them.  And^^  when  they  had  been**  put  asunder  one 
from  the  other,*'  he  called  one  of  them,  and  said  unto  him,  O  thou  that  hast  grown  *' 
old  in  wickedness,*^  now  th}'  sins  which  thou  hast  committed  formerly  have  ^  come 

53  to  light ;  for  thou  hast  pronounced  unjust  *^  judgment,  and  while  thou  *"  hast  con- 

Vers.  24-27.  —  i  A.  V. :  omfis  also.  2  Then  ran  the  one.  ^  garden  door.  *  So.  ^  garden.  "  at  a  privy. 
^  waa  done.        *  had  declared  their  matter.        ^  of. 

Vers.  28-33.  —  i"  A.  V. :  were  assembled.  "  also  full  of  mischievous  imagination.  "  the  daughter.  "  so  they. 
>*  So.  ^^  07711/5  and.  ^^  Now.  i7  (i.  e.,  in  the  sense  of  soji,  fair.)  i^  beauteous  to  behold  (106.  has  t£etf  for 
cl^ct).        "  these  wicked  men.        »  uncover  her/ac  (for  she  was  covered) ....  be  filled.        -^  Therefore. 

Vers.  31-38.  —22  A.  V. :  Then.  »  (ainiiv  y  added  by  XII.  34.  36.  48.  51.  88.)  »  And.  ^  garden.  «  gar- 
den.       27  Then.        2s  there  was.        20  Then  we  that  stood  in  a  ...  .  garden,  seeing  this  wickedness. 

Vers.  3&-41.  — ^o  a.  V. :  And  when  ....  them  together.  si  the  man.  23  hold.  ss  this  woman  (no  more 

reason  for  italics  than  in  ver.  39,  *'  the  man,"  ^icftVov).  ^  but  she  ....  Then.  ^5  those  that  were  the  elders 

and  judges  of  the  people  :  so. 

Vers.  42-46.  — »«  A.  V. :  Then  (as  34. ;  148.  omits  itai).         ''  they  be.  "  1  must.         3»  whereas  I  never  did  such 

things  as  these  men.  *o  invented  (the  Greek  word  means  to  deal  knavisbly,  but  must  be  rendered  with  some  latitude 
here.  Of.  ver.  62,  maUciously  intended).  **  Therefore  when  she  was  led  ....  the  Lord  (Fritzsche  adopts  6  fled?  from 
III.  Xn.  23.  al.)  «  of  a  young  youth  (cf.  01771.,  ver.  42).  «  who  cried.  "  ott:  clear  (HI.  XU.  23.  al.  Co.  Aid. 
read  KoBapoi  instead  of  aOutoi)  from. 

Vers.  47-51.  — "  A.  V. :  Then.         «  turned  them.  *^  So.        **  Are  ye  such  fools,  ye  sons  of  Israel,  that .  .  .  ,  y« 

have  (so  Luther).  "  they.  w  Wherefore.  ^^  shew  t'r.  52  (yj,  jrpecrpeloy  ;  HI.  85.  36.,  and  many  others,  irpe«- 
puT^pioc,  but  it  is  probably  a  mistake  of  a  copyist.)  ^  Then  said  Daniel.  **  Put  these  two  aside  one  far  from 

another. 

Vers.  52-58.  —  "A.  V.  :So.  ^  were.  "  from  another.  M  Aou  that  art  waxen.  ^^  (lAt.,with  evU,OT  viek«d 
*iy».)  «"  aforetime  are  come  (?ita<rii'.  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  Deut.  xixii.  17  ;  also  Mark  Tiii.  3,  where,  however,  the  fora 
ti  disputed.    See  Winer,  p.  87).       •' false  (iji'icovsi.       "  oitiim  while  thou  ((ict-). 


ADDITIONS   TO   DANIEL.  461 


demned  the  innocent,  thou  *  hast  let  the  guilty  go  free  ;  albeit  the  Lord '  saith, 

54  The  innocent  and  righteous  shalt  thou  not  slay.  Now  then,  if  thou  hast  seen  her,  tell 
me,  Under  what  tree  sawest  thou  them  companying  together  ?     And  he  ^  answered, 

55  Under  a  mastic  tree.  And  Daniel  said,  Well  hast  thou  *  lied  against  thine  own 
head  ;  for  even  now  an  angel   from  ^  God   hath  received  the  sentence  of  God  and 

56  shall  cut*  thee  in  two.  And'  he  put  him  aside,  and  commanded  to  bring  up*  the 
other,  and  said  unto  him,  O  seed  of  Chanaan,'  and  not  of  Juda,  beauty  hath  de- 

57  ceived  thee,  and  lust  hath  perverted  thine  heart.  Thus  have  ye  dealt  with  daugh- 
ters ^^  of   Israel,  and  they  out  of  ^'   fear  companied  with  you  ;  but  a  daughter  '•'  of 

58  Juda  did  ^^  not  abide  your  sin.'*   Now  therefore  tell  me.  Under  what  tree  didst  thou 

59  take  them  companying  together  ?  And  he  ^^  answered,  Under  a  holm  tree.  But 
Daniel  said  "  unto  him.  Well  hast  thou  also  "  lied  against  thine  own  head  ;  for  the  ^* 
angel  of  God  waiteth  sword  in  hand  '*  to  cut  thee  in  two,  that  he  may  destroy  you. 

60  And  ^  all  the  assembly  cried  out  with  a  loud  voice,  and  praised  God,-'  who  saveth 

61  them  that  hope''-  in  him.     And  they  arose  against  the  two  elders,  since '^'  Daniel 

62  had  convicted  them  of  false  witness  out  of  '■'*  their  own  mouth,  and  according  to  the 
law  of  Moses  they  did  unto  them  in  such  sort  as  they  maliciously  intended  ^  to  do 
to  their  neighbor  ;  ^°  and  they  put  them  to  death.     And  so  ^'  innocent  blood  was 

63  saved  on  that  ^*  day.  And  -''  Chelcias  and  his  wife  praised  God  on  account  of  °* 
their  daughter  Susanna,  together  '^  with  Joacim  her  husband,  and  all  '^  the  kindred, 

64  because  there  was  no  unseemly  thing  ^^  found  in  her.  And  *^  from  that  day  forth 
became  Daniel  great  *^  in  the  sight  of  the  people. 

Vers.  53-55.—'  A.  V. :  and.  '  the  Lord  (so  II.  III.  XII.  26.  al.  Co.  Aid.,  and  I  retain  <upi'ov,  although  rejected 

by  Fritzsche).  8  who.  *  Very  well  (cf.  ver.  59)  thou  hast.  ^  the  (the  article  is  omitted  here — except  in  XXE. 
34.  89.  90.  —  but  introduced  afterwards.    Cf .  Com.  at  ver.  42)  angel  of.        «  to  cut  (XII.  35.  230.  al.,  irxtirai). 

Vers.  56-60.  —  '  A.  V. :  So.  ^  omits  up.  ^  r/iO«  seed  of  Canaan.  *o  the  (so  a  few  cursives)  daughters, 

"for.        12  the  (as  26.  35.  235.)  daughter.        '3  would.        "wickedness.        is  Who.         "  Then  said  D.  "Well; 

thou  hast  also.  "  (Cf.  ver.  55.)  i^  with  the  sword  (lit.,  having  the  sword).  20  with  that  (34.,  T&re). 

»  (Fritzsche  adopts  tok  9e6v  from  III.  XII.  26.  multisque  I.  Co.  Aid.)        ^  trust. 

Vers.61-64.— »  A.  V. :  for.  »  by.  «  (See  ver.  43.)  ^MCf.  Ciwi.  at  ver.  61.)  "  Thus  the.  a  the  same 
»  Therefore.        =»  for.         si  omits  together.  =2  (Fritzsche  adopts  irivrwv  from  nl.  XII.  26.  al.  Vulg.  Syr.  P.  Ar. 

It  is  also  found  in  IL  ;  text,  rec,  avrwc.)  83  dishonesty  (airx'jjwot'  irpa-yMa).  ^  omits  And.         86  was  D.  had  in 

great  reputation 


BEL  AND   THE   DRAGON  (according  to  the  LXX.), 

1  There  was  a  certain  priest  whose  name  was  Daniel,  son  of  Abal,  who  was  on 

2  familiar  terms  with  the  king  of  Babylon.  And  there  was  an  idol,  Bel,  whom  the 
Babylonians  worshipped,  and  expended  on  him  daily  twelve   artabas  of  fine  flour, 

3  and  forty  sheep,  and  six  measures  of  wine.  And  the  king  worshipped  him,  and  the 
king  went  daily  and  did  homage  to  him  ;  but  Daniel  prayed  unto  the  Lord.     And 

4  the  king  said  to  Daniel,  Wherefore  dost  not  thou  do  homage  to  Bel.  And  Daniel 
said  to  the  king,  I  worship  none  except  the  Lord  God,  who  created  the  heaven, 

5  and  the  earth,  and  hath  sovereignty  over  all  flesh.  And  the  king  said  to  him,  Is 
this  then  not  a  god  ?     Dost  thou  not  observe  how  much  is  daily  expended  on  him  ? 

6  And  Daniel  said  to  him.  By  no  means  let  any  one  deceive  you  ;  for  this  thing  is  of 
clay  within  and  of  brass  without ;  and  I  swear  to  thee,  by  the  Lord,  the  God  of 

7  gods,  that  he  hath  never  eaten  anything.  And  the  king  was  wroth  and  called  for 
those  that  had  charge  of  the  temple  and  said  to  them.  Shew  me  him  that  eateth  what 
is  prepared  for  Bel ;  and,  if  you  do  not,  you  shall  die,  or  Daniel,  who  giveth  out 

8  that  it  is  not  eaten  by  him.  But  they  answered.  It  is  Bel  himself  who  eateth  it. 
And  Daniel  said  to  the  king.  Let  it  be  so  :  if  1  shall  not   show   that  it  is    not    Bel 

9  who  eateth  these  things  I  will  be  put  to  death  and  all  wlio  are  with  me.    And  there 

10  were  seventy  priests  of  Bel  besides  wives  and  children.  And  they  brought  the  king 
to  the  temple  of  the  idol  and  the  food  was  set  before  him  in  the  presence  of  the 
kuig  and  of  Daniel ;  and  the  wine  was  mixed,  and  carried  in,  and  placed  before  Bel. 

11  And  Daniel  said.  Thou  thyself  dost  observe  that  these  things  are  in  their  places,  O 

12  king  !    Do  thou  now  seal  the  bolts  of  the  temple  as  soon  as  it  hath  been  shut.   And 

13  what  he  said  pleased  the  king.     And  Daniel  c-dered  those  who  were  with  him  that 


4ti-2  THE   APOCRYPHA. 

putting  forth  all  from  the  temple  they  should  besprinkle  the  whole  temple  \\'ith  ashes, 
none  of  those  outside  the  same  being  aware  of  it.  And  he  then  put  a  seal  on  the 
temple,  and  ordered  that  it  should  be  sealed  with  the  signet  of  the  king  and  the  sig- 

14  nets  of  certain  priests  of  high  rank.  And  it  was  so  done.  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the 
morrow,  that  they  came  to  the  place  ;  but  the  priests  of  Bel  having  gone  in  thi-ough 

15  false  doors  had  consumed  all  that  had  been  placed  before  Bel,  also  the  wine.  And 
Daniel  said.  Ye  priests,  look  at  your  seals  whether  they  remain  ;  and  thou  too,  O 
king,  mark  well  whether  anything  hath   happened  which   is  not  agreeable  to  thee. 

16,  17  And  they  found  the  seal  as  it  was  ;  and  they  loosened  the  seal.  And  on  open- 
ing the  doors  they  discovered  that  all  which  had  been  set  out  was  consumed  and  the 
tables  were  empty.     And   the  king  rejoiced,  and  said  to  Daniel,  Great  is  Bel  and 

18  there  is  no  deception  with  him.    And  Daniel  laughed  heartily,  and  said  to  the  king. 

19  Here  !  Behold  the  deception  of  the  priests.  And  Daniel  said,  O  king  whose  foot- 
steps are  these?     And  the  king  answered,  Those  of  men,  and  women,  and  children. 

21  And  he  went  to  the  house  in  which  the  priests  abode,  and  found  the  food  of  Bel  and 
the  wine ;  and  Daniel  showed  to  the  king  the  false  doors  through  which  the  priests 

22  went  ill  and  consumed  that  which  was  set  before  Bel.  And  the  king  drove  them 
out  of  the  temple  of  Bel,  and  delivered  them  up  to  Daniel ;  and  the  provision  which 
he  had  given  to  him  he  gave  to  Daniel ;  but  Bel  he  destroyed. 

23  And  tliere  was  a  dragon  in  the  same  place,  and  the  Babylonians  worshipped  it. 

24  And-  the  king  said  to  Daniel,  Thou  wilt  not  say  that  this  also  is  of  brass  ?     Lo,  ho 

25  liveth,  and  eateth  and  drinketh ;  do  homage  to  him.  And  Daniel  said,  O  king, 
give  me  the  power,  and  I  will  destroy  the  dragon  without  sword  or  staff.     And  the 

26  king  gave  way  to  him,  and  said  to  him.  It  is  granted  thee.  And  Daniel  taking 
thirty  pounds  of  pitch,  and  fat,  and  hair,  boiled  them  together  and  made  cakes,  and 
put  them  in  the  mouth  of  the  dragon,  and  on  eating  them  it  burst  asunder.    And  he 

27  showed  it  to  the  king  saying,  Do  ye  worship  these  things,  O  king  ?  And  from  the 
region  round  about  all  were  gathered  together  against  Daniel,  and  said,  The  king 

28  hath  become  a  Jew  :  he  hath  destroyed  Bel  and  hath  slain  the  dragon.  And  the 
king  seeing  that  the  populace  of  the  region  were  gathered  against  him,  called  his 

29  courtiers,  and  said.  I  give  up  Daniel  to  destruction.  And  there  was  a  den  in 
which  seven  lions  were  kept,  to  which  were  given  up  those  who  conspired  against 
the  king  ;  and  there  were  furnished  them  every  day  two  bodies  of  those  condemned 

30  to  death.     And  the  populace  threw  Daniel  into  that  den  in  order  that  he  might  be 
31,  32  devoured,  and  find  no  burial.     And  Daniel  was  in  the  den  six  days.     And  it 

came  to  pass  on  the  sixth  day,  that  Ambacum  had  bread  crumbed  in  a  bowl 
with  pottage,  and  a  bottle  of  mixed  wine,  and  was  going  into  the  field  to  the  reap- 

33  ers.  And  an  angel  of  the  Lord  spoke  to  Ambacum  and  said,  The  Lord  God  com- 
mandeth  thee  thus,  The  bread  which  thou  hast,  carry  to  Daniel  in  the  den  of  lions 

34  at  Babylon.    And  Ambacum  said,  0  Lord  God,  1  have  not  seen  Babylon  and  I  do 

35  not  know  where  the  den  is.     And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  laid  hold  of  him,  even  of 

36  Ambacum,  by  the  hair  of  his  head  and  placed  him  over  the  den  at  Babylon.  And 
Ambacum  said  to  Daniel,  Rise  up  and  eat  the  meal  which  the  Lord  God  hath  sent 

37  thee.     And  Daniel  said.  The  Lord  God  who  doth  not  forsake  them  that  love  him 

38  hath,  indeed,  remembered  me.  And  Daniel  ate  ;  but  the  angel  of  the  Lord,  on  the 
same  day,  set  Ambacum  down  in  the  place  from  whence  he  had  taken  him  ;  and 

39  the  Lord  God  remembered  Daniel.     And  after  this  the  king  went  forth  bewailing 

40  Daniel ;  and  stooping  down  he  looked  into  the  den  and  saw  him  sitting  there.  And 
the  king  cried  out  and  said.  Great  is  the  Lord  God  and  there  is  no  other  beside  hiui. 

41  And  the  king  brought  Daniel  out  of  the  den  and  those  who  were  the  cause  of 
his  destruction  he  cast  into  the  den  in  the  presence  of  Daniel,  and  they  were  de- 
voured. 

Bel  and  the  Dragon  (in  the  LXX.,  chap.  xiv.  of  Dan.). 


Ver.  1.  The  chronological  introduction  in  Theo- 
jotion's  version  is  worthy  of  attention.  There 
was  a  descendant  of  Ithamar  by  the  name  of 
Daniel,  —  a  priest  who  returned  with  Kzra  to 
Jada^a  (Kz.  viii.  2).     The  same  person  also,  as  is 


probable,  signed  the  covenant  drawn  np  by  Nehe 
niiah  (Neh.  x.  6).  He  seems  to  be  the  one  her* 
meant,  and  to  be  confounded  with  the  prophet 
Daniel.  Nothing,  at  least,  is  said  in  the  canoni- 
cal  books  of  the  family  of  the  latter.  —  The 


ADDITIONS   TO   DANIEL. 


463 


avufiiinT'fis  was  literally,  one  who  lived  together 
with  :  then,  a  companion^  partner.  At  verse  28,  it 
obviously  refers  to  the  courtiers. 

Ver.  2.  And  there  was  an  idol,  BeL  Bel, 
or  Bil,  was  a  god  both  of  the  Babylonians  and 
the  A'^syrians.  Tlie  same  word  was  employed 
by  the  Canaanitish  and  Phoiniciau  nations  in  a 
lengthened  form,  Baal  (7^3);  but  there  is  a  differ- 
ence of  opinion  among  scholars  whether  the  same 
divinity  was  really  meant.  Rawlinson  thinl^s 
that  the  verbal  resemblance  is  merely  accidental, 
and  that  tlie  divinities  themselves  had  nothinjj  in 
commou.  See  Ancient  Mon.,  ii.  14.  It  was  un- 
doubtedly true,  as  is  represented  in  our  work, 
tliat  the  Babylonians  worshipped  their  divinities 
through  imas'es.  In  other  respects,  too,  the  wri- 
ter shows  a  familiar  acquaintance  witli  what  was 
the  probable  state  of  things  in  Babylon  when  the 
event  narrated  is  supposed  to  have  occurred. — 'Ap- 
Ta$a.,  artaba.  This  was  a  Persian  measure,  and 
etjual  to  about  two  Graek  chcenices,  or  two  English 
i|uarts.  See  Herod.,  i.  192.  —  yi(Tpr)Tiis.  It  was 
eijual  to  the  Attic  amphora,  ilie  Hebrew  Oalh,  and 
to  about  eight  and  seven  eighths  Englisli  gallons. 
See  Robinson's  Lex.,  s.  v. 

Ver.  6.  This  thing  is  of  clay  within  and  of 
brass  without.  The  idols  of  the  Babylonians 
were  of  various  materials :  wood,  stone,  and  also 
of  metal,  either  solid  or  plated.  Bronze  ham- 
mered work,  laid  over  a  clay  model,  has  been 
actually  found  among  the  ruins  of  Assyria.  See 
Ancient  Man.,  in.  28,  note.  —  'Ofxvvw  S4  arot  Kvpiov. 
The  person  or  thing  by  which  one  swears  is  put 
iu  various  constructions ;  in  the  accusative  with- 
out a  preposition,  as  here  (cf.  Jas.  v.  12)  •,  in  the 
genitive  with  koto  (Heb.  vi.  13)  ;  and  through  a 
Hebraism  with  iv  in  the  dative.  Cf.  Kriiger, 
xlvi.  6,  4. 

Ver.  7.  'O  ifiiaicuv.  This  word  often  carries 
with  it  the  collateral  idea  that  what  is  not  true  is 
said. 

Ver.  8.  AH  who  are  with  me.  See  Bislori/  of 
Susan.,  verse  33. 

Ver.  10.  And  the  wine  was  mixed.  Fritzsche 
understands  that  the  representation  is  that  water 
was  nii.xed  with  the  wine,  which,  he  says,  was  a 
(ireek  and  Roman  custom,  but  not  an  Oriental 
one,  nor  that  of  the  Jews  in  the  earlier  times. 
But  it  would  seem  that  spices  were  also  used  for 
the  purpose  of  increasing  the  .strength  of  wine, 
especially  on  tlie  occasions  of  high  festivals.  (Cf. 
Prov.  ix.  5;  Is.  v.  22.)  A  cup  of  mixed  wine 
was  also  the  symbol  of  severe  punishment.  Cf. 
Ps.  Ixxv.  8  ;  2  Mace.  xv.  39  ;   Rev.  xviii.  6. 

Ver.  12.  Much  importance  was  attached  to 
seals  in  the  East.  There  was  a  great  variety  of 
forms  used.  Often  they  were  engraved  stones 
pierced  through,  and  suspended  from  the  neck  or 
wrist  or  worn  on  the  finger.  The  Assyrians  and 
Babylonians  used  also  cylinders,  which  were  set 
in  a  frame  and  rolled  over  the  document.  Some 
of  tliese  ancient  seals,  dating  from  b.  c.  2000  or 
1000,  are  still  extant.  See  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  93  f., 
170,  264,  ii.  566  ;  and  Roskoft  in  SclieukeVs  Bib. 
Lex.,  under  "  Siegel." 

Ver.  13.  Signets  of  certain  priests.  Cf. 
Dan.  vi.  17,  where  the  den  of  lions  is  represented 
as  sealed,  not  only  by  the  king,  but  also  by  his 
nobles. 

Ver.  14.  The  verb  Kartaelw  admits  of  the  gen- 
eral sense  consume,  and  hence  may  refer  to  the 
wine  as  well  as  the  food.     See  Ecclus.  xliii.  21. 

Ver.  15.      Which  is  not  agreeable  to  thee, 


i.  e.,  probably  not  with  reference  to  the  seal,  but 
what  had  taken  place  in  the  temple. 

Ver.  17.  nop'  airrw.  Cf.  Rom.  ii.  11,  and  the 
LXX.  at  Job  xii.  13,  where  this  preposition  is 
also  used  to  indicate  what  belongs  to  the  charac- 
ter.    At  John  i.  48,  4y  is  employed. 

Ver.  21.  It  is  by  no  means  incredible  that 
such  a  trick  could  have  been  played  on  some 
king  of  Babylon  by  the  priests.  They  were  a 
superior  class  in  learning,  position,  and  influence, 
and  much  feared  by  the  people,  and  it  is  not 
likely  that  they  would  have  had  any  conscien- 
tious scruples  touching  the  matter.  See  Ancient 
Mon.,  iii.  12-14. 

Ver.  23.  That  a  serpent  or  any  monster  of  this 
sort  was  an  object  of  worship  in  Babylon  at  this 
time,  or  that  the  Babylonians,  Cbaldasans,  or 
Persians  were  ever  accustomed  to  this  form  of 
idolatry,  finds  no  support  in  the  history  of  these 
nations.  The  serpent  was,  it  is  true,  sometimes 
employed  as  a  symbol,  and  among  the  Chaldaeans 
was  emblematic  especially  of  the  god  Hea  or  Hoa, 
that  occupied  by  them  the  position  of  Neptune  in 
the  classic  mv-thology.  It  has  also  been  supposed 
by  some  to  have  been  identified  with  the  con- 
stellation Draco.  These  facts  may  have  given 
rise  to  the  present  repre.seutatiou.  See,  on  the 
general  subject,  Ancient  Mon.,  i.  122  f.  ;  Winer, 
Realworlerh..  art.  "  Drachc  zu  Babel  ;"  Mi-r.x  in 
Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  under  "Drache"  and 
"  Baal,"  and  in  the  Zeitschrlft  dcr  Deutschen 
MorcjfnJand.  Gcsellschaft,  xix.  1. 

Ver.  26.  The  Greek  mina  was  a  little  less  than 
the  English  pound  avoirdupois.  This  must  have 
been  a  monster,  indeed,  to  have  eaten  such  food 
and  in  such  quantities  !  —  Ou  Toi>ro  affftadf.  The 
plural  is  used  for  the  purpose  of  generalizing  the 
idea.     See  Winer,  p.  174. 

Ver.  27.  'Eiri  -rhv  AaviiiK.  This  preposition  is 
sometimes  used  to  convey  the  idea  of  hostility. 
Cf.  Matt.  xii.  26  ;  Mark  iii.  26. 

Ver.  29.  Rawlinson  {Ancient  Mon.,  i.  39), 
speaking  of  the  lions  of  Mesopotamia,  says : 
"  Taller  and  larger  than  a  St.  Bernard  dog,  he 
wanders  over  the  pl.ains  their  undisputed  lord, 
unless  when  a  European  ventures  to  question  his 
preeminence.  The  Arabs  tremble  at  his  ap- 
proach, and  mllingly  surrender  to  him  the  choicest 
of  their  flocks  and  herds.  Unless  urged  by  hun- 
ger, he  seldom  attacks  man,  but  contents  him- 
self with  the  destruction  of  liuffaloes,  camels, 
dogs,  and  sheep." 

Ver.  30.  The  importance  attached  to  the  mat- 
ter of  burial  in  the  East  is  well  known.  The 
Soibes  in  their  scrupulosity  would  not  even  suf- 
fer au  ass  whose  neck  had  been  broken,  or  the 
firstborn  of  cattle,  to  remain  unburied.  See  2 
Mace.  ix.  15,  xiii.  7  ;  and  articles  in  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet,  and  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  respectively,  un- 
der the  words  "  Burial  "  and  "  Begrabniss." 

Ver.  33.  'A/i)3okoi//x.  This  is  one  of  the  forms 
iu  which  the  Hebrew  word  pip^H  was  rendered 
by  the  old  Greek  translators  and  Fathers.  Little 
is  kuown  with  certainty  of  the  facts  of  the 
prophet  Habakkuk's  life.  Even  concerning  the 
period  of  his  prophetic  activity  there  is  the  great- 
est diversity  of  opinion.  But,  as  is  generally 
supposed,  it  was  during  the  life  of  Joiakim,  ;'.  e., 
within  the  last  ten  years  of  the  seventh  century 
before  Christ. 

Ver.  35.  For  a  similar  representation,  where 
a  prophet  is  borne  through  the  air  in  a  .somewhat 
similar  manner    ;ompare  Ezek.  viii.  3.     The  pres- 


464 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


ent  account  was  in  tliis  particular  probably  sug- 
gested by  that  in  Ezekiel.  Fritzscbe  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  ewi\aP6fjLei>os  has  here  a 
double  genitive,  —  a  case  which  very  seldom  oc- 
curs. 

Ver.  37.  ^Eixviiireiii  ydp  /iov.  For  the  use  of 
■yap  in  rejoinders  where  a  corroboration  of  what 
precedes  is  intended,  see  Winer,  p.  446. 

In  connection  with  the  Chaldaic  text  of  the 
Book  of  Tobit,  and  other  matter,  Ilr.  Neubauer 
gives  (pp.  xci.,  xcii.)  extracts  from  the  Midrash 
itahbah  de  liahbah,  that  contain  a  different  ver- 
sion of  the  present  story.  It  is  as  follows :  "  For 
Nebuchadnezzar  had  a  dragon,  which  used  to 
swallow  up  everything  which  they  cast  before  it. 
Nebuchadnezzar  said  to  Daniel, '  How  great  is  its 


power  !  for  it  swallows  up  everything  which  they 
cast  before  it.'  Daniel  said  to  him, '  Give  me  per- 
mission, and  I  will  weaken  it.'  So  he  gave  him 
permission.  What  did  he  do  ?  He  took  straw, 
and  hid  nails  in  the  midst  thereof ;  then  he 
cast  it  before  it,  and  the  nails  pierced  its  intes- 
tines. This  is  what  the  Scripture  says:  'And  I 
will  bring  forth  out  of  his  mouth  that  which  he 
hath  swallowed  up'  (Jer.  li.  44)."  See  also 
Records  of  the  Past  (vol.  ix.,  p.  137),  where  the 
translation  of  an  inscription  is  given,  in  which  a 
contest  between  Bel  and  the  Dragon  is  described. 
Among  the  weapons  used  by  Bel  was  a  flaming 
sword  which  turned  every  way,  like  the  sword  of 
the  cherubim  in  Genesis. 


BEL  AND  THE   DRAGON. 


1  And  the  *  king  Astyages  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  and  Cyrus  the  Persian ' 

2  received  his  kingdom.     And  Daniel  was  on  familiar  terms  '  with  the  king,  and  was 

3  honored  above  all  his  friends.     And  *  the  Babylonians  had  an  idol,  called  Bel,  and 
there  were  spent  upon  him  every  day  twelve  artabas  ^  of  fine  flour,  and  forty  sheep, 

4  and  six  vessels  ^  of  wine.     And  the  king  worshipped  him,'  and  went  daily  to  do 
homage  to  liim  ;  ^  but  Daniel  did  homage  to  his  God.°   And  the  king  said  unto  him, 

5  Why  dost  not  thou  do  homage  to  '°  Bel  ?    And  he  said,  Because  I  do  not  worship  '' 
idols  made  with  hands,  but  the  living  God,  who  created  ^^  the  heaven  and  the  earth, 

6  and  hath  sovereignty  over  all  flesh.   And  the  king  said  unto  Mm,  Doth  it  not  appear 
to  thee  '^  that  Bel  is  a  living  god  ?     Seest  thou  not  how  much  he  eateth  and  drink- 

7  eth  every  day  ?     And  Daniel  answered  laughing,^'  O  king,  be  not  deceived ;  for 

8  this  thing  is  of  '^  clay  within,  and  brass  without,  and  hath  never  eaten.*'     And  " 
the  king  was  wroth,  and  called  for  his  priests,  and  said  unto  them.  If  ye  tell "  me 

9  not  who  it  is  that  consumeth  this  provision,**  ye  shall  die.      But  if  ye  can  show  ^ 
that  Bel  consumeth  it,^*  Daniel  shall  die ;  because  he  spoke  ^^  blasphemy  against 

10  Bel.  And  Daniel  said  unto  the  king.  Let  it  be  according  to  thy  word.  And  ^  the 
priests  of  Bel  were  threescore  and  ten,  beside  t/ieir  wives  and  children.     And  the 

11  king  went  with  Daniel  into  the  temple  of  Bel.  And  °*  Bel's  priests  said,  Lo,  we 
go  away  outside  ;  -^  but  thou,  O  king,  set  out  the  food,-'  and  mix  and  place  ^'  the 

12  wine,  and  shut  up  ^*  the  door,  and  seal  it  with  thy'^  signet;  and  on  coming  to- 
morrow,*" if  thou  findest  not  that  Bel  hath  eaten  **  all,  we  will  suffer  death ;  other- 

13  wise,^-  Daniel,  that  speaketh  falsely  against  us.  But^  they  little  regarded  it ;  for 
under  the  table  they  had  made  a  privy  entrance,  and  through  it  ^*  they  entered  in 

14  continually,  and  made  way  with  ^°  those  things.  And  it  came  to  pass  when  these 
men  went '"'  forth,  the  king  set  food  ^'  before  Bel.  And  Daniel  ^°  commanded  his 
servants  and  they  brought  ''■'  ashes,  and  threw  down  over  the  whole  temple  *"  in  the 
presence  of  the  king  alone  ;  and  they  went "  out,  and  shut  the  door,  and  sealed  it  *'^ 

15  with  the  king's  signet,  and  departed.'''  But  during  the  night  the  priests  came  ^* 
with  their  wives  and  their  *^  children,  as  they  had  been  wont,^'  and  did  eat  and  drink 

16  up  all.     And  in  the  morning  the  king  arose  early j^'  and  Daniel  with  him.     And 

Vers.  1-4.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  ontiu  the  (as  62.).        2  of  Persia.        ^  conversed  (marg.,  lived  with  the  king).       *  Now  (34.,  fie  ; 
106.  omits  (Cat).  t"  great  measures  {cf.  Cojn.).  '^  (di.  Com.)        '  worshipped  (etreiSeTo.    In  the  latter  part  of  the 

verse  npoan/vetv  is  so  rendered)  it  (of.  ver.  3l.        ^  adore  it.        ^  worshipped  his  own  God. 

Ver.  5-7.  —  i"  A.  V. :  worship.        "  Who  av.twered  and  ....  Tnay  not  worship.        i^  hath  created.         '^  xhen  said 
the  Iting  unto  Mm,  Thinliest  thou  not.  "  Then  Daniel  smiled  (cf.  ver.  19)  and  said.  ^^  this  is  but.  ic  ^id 

never  eat  or  drink  any  thing  (for  ouSen-oTe,  III.  XII.  36.  al.  read  ouSe  Tren-wKef  Trion-oTe). 

Vers.  8-10.— "A.  v.:  So  (text,  rec,  Si ;  H.  III.  XII.  23.  143.  al.  Co.,  icoi).  "  (eliroire  ;  II.  lU.  XII.  23.  al.  Co., 

etTnjTe.)  1"  this  is  that  devoureth  these  expences  {('.  «.,  what  is  expended,  SawaiTif ).  ^^  can  certify  me  (&ei^e  ; 

III.  XII.  34.,  iirojei'f.).        !■  devoureth  them,  then.        ==  for  he  hath  spoken.        "  Now. 

Vers.  11-14.  —  24  A.  V.  :  So.        -^  go  out.        20  on  (]jt.,  ttefore  ;  ef .  ver.  14)  the  meat.        "  Qjai^e  ready  (fcepoiraf  tfeV 
Cf.  Com.).  28  phut ....  fast.  2'J  it  with  thine  own.  •"■«  to-morrow  when  thou  comest  m.  "  eaten  up 

*2  or  else.        ^^  And.        ^*  whereby.        SE  consumed  (lit.,  spent,  lavished).        M  go  when  they  were  gone.        87  meatj 
"s  Now  Daniel  had.  ^^  to  bring.  *"  those  they  strewed  throughout  (KaTetretaav  ;  84.  49.  al.,  KaTeorpaxrav  ;  148. 

Ko.Tina.iTav)  all  the  temple.        *'  then  went  they.        *-  it.       *"  so  departed. 

Vers.  1.5-19.  — **  A.  V.  :  Now  in  ...  .  came  the  priests.        *^  otnits  their.        ***  were  wont  to  do.        *'  In  the  morning 


ADDITIONS   TO  DANIEL.  465 


17  the  king  ^  said.  Daniel,  are  the  seals  whole?     And  he  said,  0  king,   they  are'' 

1 8  whole.  And  it  came  to  pass  '  as  soon  as  he  had  opened  the  doors,*  the  king  looked 
upon  the  table,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice.  Great  art  thou,  0  Bel,  and  with  thee 

19  is  no  deceit  at  all.''  And  Daniel  laughed,'^  and  held  the  king  that  he  should  not 
go  inside,'  and  said,  Behold  now  the  pavement,  and  mark '  whose  footsteps  these 

20  are  ?  '     And  the  king  said,  I  see  the  footsteps  of  men,  and  ^^  women,  and  children. 

21  And  the  king  being  angry,  then  seized  ^*  the  priests  with  their  wives  and  their  " 
children  ;  and  they  '^^  showed  him  the  privy  doors,  through  which  they  went "  in, 

22  and  consumed  what  was ''  upon  the  table.  And  '°  the  king  slew  them,  and  de- 
livered Bel  into  Daniel's  power ;  and  he  "  destroyed  him  and  his  temple. 

23  And  "  there  was  a  great  dragon.     And  ^  they  of  Babylon  worshipped  it.^     And 

24  the  king  said  unto  Daniel,  Wilt  thou  say  that  this  also  is  of  brass  ?  Lo,  he  liveth, 
and  he  eateth,'''  and  drinketh  ;  thou  canst  not  say  that  he  is  no  living  god ;  and  so  ^ 

25  worship  him.     And  Daniel  said,^'  I  wUl  worship  the  Lord  my  God  ;  for  he  is  a  ^ 

26  living  God.     But  do  thou  ^  give  me  the  power,-^  O  king,  and  I  wiU  "  slay  this 

27  dragon  without  sword  or  staff.  And  the  king  said,  I  give  it  to  thee.-'  And  ^  Daniel 
took  pitch,  and  fat,  and  hair,  and  boiled  them  ^  together,  and  made  cakes  ;  and  he 
put  them  into  "  the  dragon's  mouth,  and  on  eating  them  ^^  the  dragon  burst  asunder."* 

28  And  he  "  said.  Behold  what  you  worship.^  And  it  came  to  pass  when  they  of 
Babylon  heard  of  it,°*  they  were  very  angry,^'  and  conspired  against  the  king,  and 
said,"'  The  king  hath  ^  become  a  Jew  :  he  "  hath  destroyed  Bel ;  and  "^  he  hath  slain 

29  the  dragon,  and  put  the  priests  to  death.     And  *'  they  came  to  the  king,  and  said, 

30  Deliver  over  to  *"  us  Daniel,  or  else  we  will  destroy  thee  and  thine  house.  And  ** 
the  king  saw  that  they  pressed  him  sore,  and  *^  being  constrained,*'  he  delivered 

31  over*'  Daniel  unto  them.     And  they"  cast  him  into  the  lions'  den;  and  he  was 

32  there  *°  six  days.  And  in  the  den  there  were  seven  lions,  and  they  gave  ^^  them  every 
day  two  human  bodies,^'  and  two  sheep  ;  but  then  they  *-  were  not  given  to  them, 

33  to  the  intent  they  might  devour  Daniel.  And  ^"  there  was  in  Judaea  the  prophet 
Ambacum ;  and  he  ^  had  made  pottage,  and  had  broken  bread  in  a  bowl,  and  was 

34  going  into  the  field,  to  carry  it  '*  to  the  reapers.  And  an  ^'  angel  of  the  Lord  said 
unto  Ambacum,  Carry  *'  the  meal  ^'  that  thou  hast  unto  ^  Babylon  unto  Daniel, 

35  who  is  in  the  Uons'  den.     And  Ambacum  ^^  said.  Lord,  I  have  not  seen  '^  Babylon  ; 

36  neither  do  I  know  the  lions'  den.°"  And '"  the  angel  of  the  Lord  laid  hold  of  him 
by  his  °*  crown,  and  lifting  him  up  "'  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  with  the  swiftness  of 

37  his  breath  °^  set  him  in  Babylon  over  the  den.     And  Ambacum  "  cried,  saying,  O 

38  Daniel,  Daniel,  take  the  meal  *'  which  God  hath  sent  thee.  And  Daniel  said.  Thou 
hast  remembered  me,  O   God ;  and  hast  not  ^'  forsaken  them  that  love '"  thee. 

39  And  "  Daniel  arose,  and  did  eat ;  but  the  angel  of  God  set  Ambacum  '^  in  his  " 

40  place  again  immediately.  And  '*  upon  the  seventh  day  the  king  went  to  bewail 
Daniel  ;  and  when  he  came  to  the  den,  he  looked  in,  and  behold,  there  sat  Daniel,'^ 

betime  ....  arose.  >  (Fritzsche  receircs  6  j3a(rtAcvs  from  HI.  XII.  26.,  muUisqiu  ?.,  Co.  Aid.)  *  Yea  0  .  .  .  .  6e. 

»  owiiM  it  came  to  pass.  *  door.  ^  {\jit.,  not  deceit,  not  euen  one.)  ^  Then  laughed  D.  ^  in.  fl  mark 

tBell.        •*  are  these. 

Vers  20-22.  —  ^°  A.  V. :  omits  and.  "  And  then  ....  was  angry,  and  took.  ^^  Qyniti  their.  is  who. 

"  where  they  came.        ^  such  thin^x  as  were.        *8  Therefore.        ^^  who. 

Vers.  23-26.  — «  A.  V. :  And  in  tkat  same  place  (so  III.  49.  87.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  "  which.  =»  omits  it.  "  also 
Bay  that  tills  is  ...  .  liveth,  he  cateth.        "  Therefore  (kolI).        23  xhen  said  D.  unto  the  king.        ^  the. 

Vers.  28-28. —  «  A.  V. :  omirs  do  thou.  »  leaTe  (tjovmai').  ^^  shall.  =8  give  thee  (rave.  »  Then  (34.,  Tore). 
w  did  seethe  them,  **  lamps  thereof;  this  he  put  in.        22  ^nd  so  (in  23.  24.,  and  many  cursiTes,  <f)ayojf  is  omitted). 

S3  in  sunder.       3*  Daniel         ^e  Lq^  these  are  the  gods  yon  worship.        so  when  they  ....  heard  that.        s'  took  great 
indignation.        38  saying.        89  is.        «  and  he.        *i  07nits  and. 

Vers.  29-33. — *^A.\.:  So.  *s  owiifj  over  to.  **  Now  when.  *^  omits  a,nd.  ^s  (ppitzsolie  omits  o^otriAnff, 
as  wanting  in  III.  XII.  26.  al. ;  it  is  also  wanting  in  II.)  *'  omits  over.  *s  who.  **  where  lie  was.  w  had 
given.         "  carcases  (marg.,  two  staves.    The  Greek  is  o-aijuara).  ^  which  then.  68  jjow.  6*  Jewry  a  .  .  . . 

called  Habacuc,  who.        ^^  for  to  bring  it. 

Vers.  34-38.  — »  A.  V. :  But  the  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  art.  as  wanting  in  III.  XII.  23.  al. ;  it  is  not  found  in  n.) 
•'  Habacuc,  Go,  carry.  ™  dinner  [apitnov).  sa  iuto.  s*"  Habacuc.  si  never  saw  (34.  adds  irwirOTe), 

•a  where  the  den  is  (so  ni.  23.  al.  Co.  Aid.).         «  Then.  «*  took  him  by  the.  «6  bare  Aim.         "«  and  through 

the  vehemency  of  his  spirit  (so  Vulg.    I  render  with  Fritzsche,  and  Bunsen's  Si'de/wer^).        ^^  Habacuc.        ^s  dinner. 
y  neither  hast  thou.        '^  seek  thee  and  love. 

Vers.  39,40.  —  'i  A.  V. :  So.  "  and  ....  of  the  Lord  set  Habacuc.  "  his  own.  «  omits  And.  «  Dani«l 
teof  sitting. 

30 


466  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


41  And  he  cried '  with  a  loud  voice,  saying,  Great  art  thou,  0  Lord  God  of  Daniel, 

42  and  there  is  none  other  besides  thee.  And  he  drew  him  up,^  and  cast  those  that 
were  the  cause  of  his  destruction  into  the  den ;  and  they  were  devoured  immedi- 
ately,^ before  his  face. 

Ven.  41,42— I  A.V.:  ThenciledthakingiZn.  23.  aa.al.Oo.AU.  rappIrtfMaitff).         >  oat.         •iBkB»- 
Mat  (ct.  TU.  30). 


THE  PRAYER  OF  MANASSES. 


INTKODUCTION. 

The  composition  entitled  the  Prayer  of  Manasses,  placed  by  Luther  and  the  translators  of 
the  English  Bible  among  the  Apocryphal  liooks  of  the  Old  Testament,  has  been  relegated  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  church  since  the  Council  of  Trent,  along  with  1  and  2  Esdras  to  the  am- 
biguous position  of  an  appendix  to  the  ordinary  editions  of  the  Vulgate.  It  is  not  found  in 
all  the  older  editions  of  the  LXX.,  but  without  doubt  had  a  place  in  the  earlier  manuscripts 
of  the  same.  This  is  shown  from  the  fact  that  it  was  translated  froui  Greek  into  Latin  before 
the  time  of  Jerome,  and  was  held  in  considerable  estimation  by  the  Greek  fathers.  Too  much 
importance  is  not  to  be  ascribed  to  the  circumstance  that  it  cannot  be  certainly  proved  that 
the  work  was  quoted,  or  alluded  to,  by  any  writer  before  the  time  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions, since  this  might  easily  have  arisen  from  its  brevity  and  obscure  position,  being  usually 
found  after  the  Psalms  among  the  hymns.  This  is  its  position  in  the  Ale.xandrine  Codex. 
It  has  been  published  at  various  times  :  in  Robt.  Stephen's  Lai.  Bible,  1557,  1577,  from  the 
MS.  Victorianus  ;  in  the  English  Polyylot,  with  readings  from  Codex  A.,  1657,  1698  ;  by 
Fabricius,  Liber  Tobim,  Judith,  Oratio  Maims.,  etc.,  1691  ;  in  the  edition  of  the  LXX.  by 
Grabe  and  Breifinger,  with  readings  of  Codex  A,  etc.,  1730  ;  by  Reineccius,  1730,  1757;  by 
Michaelis  in  the  Biblia  Sacra,  1741  ;  by  Sabatier,  the  old  Latin  text  being  edited  from  three 
MSS.,  and  published  after  his  death  by  his  brethren  of  the  Benedictine  Order,  1743,  1751; 
by  Apel,  1837;  and  by  Fritzsche,  1871.  The  MSS.  have  not  been  studied  to  any  great  ex- 
tent. The  ordinary  text,  however,  is  unusually  trustworthy,  especially  when  supported  by 
the  tolerably  well-preserved  Latin  translation.  The  latter  is  not  as  old  as  the  so-called  Old 
Latin,  but  dates  farther  back,  as  it  would  appear,  than  the  version  of  Jerome.  In  form  the 
composition  seems  to  have  been  modeled  after  the  penitential  Psalms.  It  has  considerable 
unity  of  thought,  and  the  style  is  generally  simple.  Its  few  peculiarities  are  pointed  out  in 
the  commentary  below. 

Bertholdt  displays  a  somewhat  hypercritical  spirit  in  charging  that  the  language  of  the 
prayer  does  not  correspond  with  the  condition  of  Manasses  in  Babylon.  He  says,  for  instance, 
that  Manasses  may  have  been  loaded  with  chains,  as  declared  in  2  Chron.  xxxiii.  11,  on  his 
way  to  Babylon,  but  that  this  could  have  only  been  during  the  journey.  But  in  a  recently 
deciphered  inscription,  entitled  "  Annals  of  Assurbanipal,''  it  is  said  of  this  king,  the  son  and 
successor  of  Esarbaddon,  that  bis  forces  took  certain  kings  "  and  in  bonds  of  iron  and  fetters 
of  iron  bound  their  hands  and  feet."  Cf.  Records  of  the  Past,  i.,  p.  63,  and  Schrader,  Die  Kei- 
linschrifl.,  p.  242  f.  This  critic,  moreover,  assumes  that  in  verse  12  the  captive  king  prays 
to  God  that  his  life  maybe  preserved  while, as  be  says,  it  was  in  no  danger  at  all.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  it  does  not  appear  that  Manasses  did  pray  for  the  preservation  of  his  life,  although 
it  may  have  been  in  great  danger,  but  simply  for  the  forgiveness  of  his  sins  and  that  he  might 
not  perish  in  them.  A  more  weighty  objection  to  the  work,  as  it  seems  to  us,  might  be  found 
in  its  moral  teaching,  notwithstanding  a  recent  writer's  commendatiot  of  its  "  bold  and  frank 
theology,"  which,  he  says,  also  won  the  notice  of  Bishop  Butler.*  In  verse  8,  for  instance, 
,he  writer  declares  that  repentance  was  not  appointed  for  the  just  like  Abraham,  Isaac,  aud 

1  Stanley,  ii.  546,     Cf  Butler's  Ana',,  pt.  II.,  cbsp.  T. 


468  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Jacob,  who  had  not  sinned.  It  may,  indeed,  be  said,  as  by  Fritzsche  (Com.,  ad.  loc),  that 
this  statement  is  to  be  taken  only  in  a  relative  sense.  Still,  the  expression  will  strike  most 
persons  as  being  quite  too  definite  and  strong  to  have  had  this  meaning  in  the  mind  of  the 
writer.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  seems  to  us  to  be  going  somewhat  beyond  the  record  to 
impute  to  him  sentiments  which  the  writer  above  referred  to  thinks  that  he  finds  in  the  work. 
He  says  :  "  However  we  reconcile  these  traditions  with  the  older  narrative,  they  are  valuable 
as  containing  the  practical  expression  of  the  doctrine  already  prominent,  though  remarkable 
from  its  contrast  with  the  general  '  hardness '  of  the  Old  Dispensation,  —  that  the  Divine 
mercy  far  exceeds  the  Divine  vengeance  ;  and  that  even  from  the  darkest  reprobation,  the 
free-will  of  man,  and  the  grace  of  God  may  achieve  a  deliverance.  If  Manasseh  could  be  re- 
stored, there  was  no  one  against  whom  the  door  of  repentance  and  restitution  was  finally 
closed."' 

Undoubtedly  the  work  is  to  be  regarded  as  having  some  sort  of  connection  with  the  account 
of  Manasses  given  in  2  Chron.  xxxiii.  1-20.  In  the  13th  verse,  it  is  said  that  he  prayed  unto 
the  Lord,  who  heard  his  supplication  and  brought  him  again  to  Jerusalem.  And,  again,  in 
verse  19  :  "  His  prayer  also,  and  how  God  was  entreated  of  him,  and  all  his  sins  and  his  trespass, 
and  the  places  wherein  he  built  high  places,  and  set  up  groves  and  graven  images  before  he 
■was  humbled  :  behold,  they  are  written  among  the  sayings  of  the  seers  [or  Hosai]."  What, 
then,  is  the  relation  of  the  present  Greek  work  to  the  original  Prayer  of  Manasses,  which,  on 
the  supposition  that  the  narrative  in  2  Chron.  is  genuine,  must,  at  some  time,  have  existed. 

Fiirst '  maintains  that  it  is  a  true  translation  of  the  Hebrew  original,  and  points  to  the 
character  of  its  Hebraistic  Greek  as  proof.  And  Ewald  '  says  that  it  is  possible  to  suppose 
that  our  work  has  been  preserved  from  the  "  sayings  of  Hosai  "  referred  to  in  2  Chron. 
xxxiii.  19.  This,  however,  is  not  the  opinion  of  the  great  majority  of  critics,  who  see  in  it 
only  a  late  production  of  a  Hellenistic  Jew,  who  after  the  manner  of  the  Additions  to  Esther 
and  Daniel,  took  occasion,  from  allusions  to  a  work  not  existing  in  his  time,  to  compose  one  in 
its  place.  Hebraisms  there  certainly  are,  as  pointed  out  by  Fiirst,  but  no  more  than  might 
be  expected  if  it  were  the  composition  of  an  Israelite  speaking  Greek.  There  are  no  traces 
whatever  of  its  being  a  translation.  Bertholdt  finds  evidence  of  its  late  origin  in  the  great 
sanctity  which  the  writer  attaches  to  the  three  principal  patriarchs  of  the  nation,  as  well  as 
the  peculiar  terminology  employed,  God,  for  instance,  being  called  the  "  God  of  the  just  " 
(i  Sehi  tSv  SiKalaiv),  also,  the  "  God  of  the  repenting  "(9e!ij  tSv  /ifravoovvTui/') ,  which  terms  be- 
long peculiarly  to  the  theology  of  the  later  Judaism. 

It  is  probable  that  there  e.xisted,  at  some  time,  a  fuller  and  more  or  less  legendary  history 
of  Manasses,  and  that  the  prayer  before  us  is  an  excerpt  preserved  from  it  for  devotional 
purposes.  This  theory  finds  not  a  little  support  in  numerous  fragments  that  were  floating 
about  in  the  earlier  centuries  of  our  era,  and  that  might  well  have  been  the  disjecta  membra 
of  such  a  work.*  Such  a  modification  of  the  theory  of  a  later  "  Apocryphon  "  on  this  history, 
suggested  by  Ewald,  and  favored  by  Bertheau,  extracts  from  which  are  found  in  Suidas,  Syn- 
ceUus,  Nic.  de  Lyra,  and  elsewhere,  ought  to  make  it  generally  acceptable.*  Fabricius  ^  im- 
puted the  work  to  the  author  of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  where  it  is  first  referred  to.  But 
a  comparison  of  the  citations  there  found  with  the  MSS.  show  an  evident  corruption  of  the 
text  in  the  former.  Bertholdt,  also,  places  the  date  as  late  as  the  second  or  third  century 
after  Christ.  But  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  supposing  that  it  did  not  originate  at 
the  time  when  this  sort  of  compo^ition  so  much  flourished,  namely,  in  the  first  or  second  cen- 
tury before  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 

A  matter  of  great  importance,  but  for  the  full  discussion  of  which  this  is  not  the  place, 
is  the  question  whether  the  record  in  2  Chron.  on  which  the  present  work  seems  to  be 
based,  is  itself  genuine.  De  Wette  '  speaks  of  the  conversion  of  Manasses  as  resting  on  a 
"  pious  supposition."  Noldeke'  maintains  that  the  entire  narrative  has  no  historical  ground, 
inasmuch  as  the  Book  of  Kings  says  nothing  about  it,  and  that  it  was  fabricated  for  the  pur- 
pose of  accounting  for  the  unacceptable  fact  that  so  wicked  a  king  as  Manasses  did  not  suffer 
the  fate  of  an  Ahab  but  enjoyed  a  long  reign,  was  periuitted  to  complete  important  works  of 
defense  at  Jerusalem,  and  at  last  to  die  in  peace  and  be  buried  in  honor.     And  Graf  ^  nof 

1  Stanley,  id/im.  2   GeichiclUe  d  Bib.  Lit.,  ii.  399. 

8  Hitt.  of  Is.,  iv.  217  f,  note.  *  Ct  Fritoche,  Einleit.,  p.  168. 

6  See  Ploinptre  In  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  art  "  Manas."  6  Librr  Tobia,  Judith,  etc.,  p.  208. 

7  Einleit.,  p.  388.                                   8  Sohenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  art.  "  Manas.,"  ct.  Winer,  Rtalworterb.,  art.  "Maa»». ' 
»  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1859,  pp.  167-491,  and  Gach.  Biitker  d.  Allen  Tat.,  p.  171. 


THE  PRAYEE  OF  MANASSES.  469 

only  characterizes  the  account  as  unhistoi-ical,  but  as  being  contradictory  to  that  of  2  Kings. 
This  position  of  Graf  is,  however,  ably  refuted  by  Gerlach,'  while  Keil,^  Havernick,^  The- 
nius,*  and  others,  have  sufficiently  shown  not  only  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  narrative  of 
Alanasses'  captivity  and  repentance  that  contradicts  contemporaneous  Scripture  history,  but 
that  it  is  in  itself  every  way  credible  and  trustworthy.  Ewald,' Bertheau,' Hitzig,' and 
Graetz,^  also  accept  the  main  facts  of  the  history,  although  agreeing  in  the  opinion  that  the 
chronicler's  account  (xxxiii.  15)  of  Manasses'  efforts  to  do  away  with  idolatry  is  to  be  taken 
cum  grano  sal  is. 

It  is  admitted,  even  by  Graf,  that  genuine,  additional,  historical  matter  on  subjects  common 
both  to  Kings  and  Chronicles,  is  sometimes  found  in  the  latter,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the 
former.  And  further,  the  theory  of  the  existence  of  contradictions  in  the  two  histories  rests  on 
a  false  interpretation  of  the  passage  in  2  Chron.  It  is  not  there  said  that  Manasses  put  away 
idolatry  from  his  whole  kingdom.  The  contrary  rather  is  asserted  (verse  17).  Kor  is  it  said 
that  he  totally  destroyed  the  altars  and  idols  which  had  hitherto  been  used  in  Jerusalem,  but 
only  that  he  cast  them  out  of  the  city.  Consequently,  there  is  no  real  discrepancy  when  it  is 
declared  in  2  Chron.  xxxiii.  22,  that  Amon  sacrificed  unto  all  the  carved  images  which  Ma- 
nasses his  father  had  made ;  or  in  chap,  xxxiv.,  that  it  was  Josiah  who  first  ground  these  images 
to  powder  and  strewed  their  dust  on  the  graves  of  those  who  sacrificed  to  them.  It  may  even 
have  been  true,  as  Hitzig  and  Bertheau  suggest,  that  during  the  latter  part  of  the  long  reign 
of  Manasses,  he  himself  reintroduced  idolatry,  which  was  continued  by  his  son  Amon,  and 
only  effectually  suppressed  by  Josiah. 

The  following  important  collateral  evidence  for  the  truth  of  the  chronicler's  narrative  con- 
cerning Manasses  may  be  given  :  (1.)  He  refers  for  his  authority  to  the  book  "  of  the  sayings 
of  the  seers"  (Hosai),  a  work  no  longer  extant.  (2.)  There  is  a  possible  reference  to  this 
history  in  2  Kings  xx.  18.  (3.)  The  Assyrian  monuments  distinctly  mention  Manasses  as 
among  the  tributaries  of  Esarhaddon,  who  was  the  son  of  Sennacherib.  This  synchronizes 
with  the  Scripture  narrative  as  far  as  it  goes.  (4.)  Again  it  is  said  to  our  surprise,  at  first 
(2  Chron.  xxxiii.  11),  that  Manasses  was  carried  away  by  the  general  of  an  Assyrian  king, 
and  was  held  as  a  captive  at  Babylon,  Now,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Esarhaddon  was  the  only  one  of 
the  Assyrian  kings  who  had  a  palace  and  held  his  court  in  Babylon.  It  is  certainly  a  weighty 
incidental  support  of  the  narrative  in  Chronicles  that  this  statement  occurs  in  it.  Still 
further,  it  was  probably  in  connection  with  the  restoration  of  Manasses  to  his  throne  and  was 
a  part  of  a  general  plan  looking  to  the  pacification  of  his  realm,  that  this  same  Assyrian  mon- 
arch increased  the  foreign  element  in  Palestine,  by  a  considerable  deportation  of  people 
"thither  from  Babylon,  and  from  Cuthah,  and  from  Ava,  and  from  Hamath,"  who  "pos- 
sessed Samaria,  and  dwelt  in  the  cities  thereof  "  (2  Kings  xvii.  24).!" 

1  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1861,  pp.  503-524.  2  Com.  on  the  Chron.,  ad  toe. 

3  Einleit.  in  d.  A.  T.,  ad  loc.  4  Buchir  der  ESnige,  2/e  Aafl.,  1878,  ad  lot. 

6  Hist,  of  Is.,  iT.  217  f.  «  Com.,  ad  loc. 

7  Gesch.  d.  Volk.  Is.,  pp.  230,  231.  8  Oeschickle  der  Judtn,  U.  2M|1 
9  Schrader,  Die  Keilinsehrift.,  pp.  10  IT.,  24  ff.,  227  ff. 

10  CC  BswUnaon,  ITM.  Ev.,  p.  106,  and  Ancient  Mm.,  U.  IM  t 


THE   PRAYER  OF  MANASSES. 


1  O  Lord  Almighty,  the  ^  God  of  our  fathers, 
Abraham,  and  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 

2  And  of  their  righteous  seed  ; 

Who  hast  made  the  '^  heaven  and  the  ^  earth,  with  all  their  adornment ;  • 

3  Who  hast  given  bounds  *  to  tlie  sea  by  the  word  of  thy  commandment ; 
Who  hast  shut  up  ^  the  deep,  and  sealed  it  by  thy  terrible  and  glorious  name ; 

4  Whom  all  things  dread, ^  and  tremble  before  '  thy  power ; 

5  For  the  majesty  of  thy  glory  is  unendurable  ;  ^ 

And  thine  angry  threatening  against  sinners  is  irresistible  ;  ' 

6  Thy  '"  merciful  promise  is  both  immeasurable  "  and  unsearchable  ; 

7  For  thou  art  the  Lord  Most  High,  compassionate,^"  longsufEering,  and"  very 

merciful, 
Repenting  over  "  the  evils  of  men. 
Thou,  O  Lord,  according  to  the  abundance  of  thy  '^  goodness  hast  proclaimed  " 

repentance  and  remission  ''  to  them  that  have  sinned  against  thee ; 
And  in  the  abundance  of  thy  '*  mercies  hast  appointe'd  repentance  unto  sinnere, 

that  they  may  be  saved. 

8  Surely  thou,  0  Lord."  the  God  of  the  just,  hast  not  appointed  repentance  for  * 

the  just, 
For  -'  Abraham,  and  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  who  "^  have  not  sinned  against  thee  ; 
But  thou  hast  appointed  repentance  for  me  who  am  a  ^  sinner  ; 

9  For  I  have  sinned  above  the  number  of  the  sand  "*  of  the  sea. 
My  transgi-essions,  0  Lord,  are  multiplied  ;  they  are  ^  multiplied, 
And  I  am  not  worthy  to  look  at  -^  and  see  the  height  of  heaven. 
Because  of  ^  the  multitude  of  mine  iniquities. 

10  I  am  -*  bowed  down  with  many  iron  bonds,** 
So ""  that  I  cannot  lift  up  miue  head,''^ 
And  there  is  no  release  for  me. 

Because  '"  I  have  provoked  thy  wrath,  and  done  what  is  evil  ^  before  thee ; 
I  did  not  thy  will,  and  kept  not  '*  thy  commandments  ; 
I  set  ^  up  abominations,  and  multiplied  detestable  things.'^ 

11  And  now  ^'  I  bow  the  knee  of  mine  heart,  craving  the  goodness  that  cometh  from 

thee.'» 

12  I  have  sinned,  0  Lord,  I  have  sinned,  and  I  acknowledge  my  transgressions." 

Vera.  1-4.  —  '  A.  V  ;  o>«(fs  the  (so  T.).        2  omtfs  the.        3  the  ornament  thereof.      Abound.        ^  shut  vp  (6  ftAe£0«« 
T.,  ICO*  KAiVa?).        fi  men  {-navra.)  fear  (see  Com.).        '  Lit.,  bffore  thtfate  of. 

Vers.  &-7-  —  ^  A.  V.  :  cannot  be  borne.  "  towanls  sinners  is  importable.         ^*  but  thy.  "  unmeastirBble  (the 

more  recent  editions  read  6e  ifai  for  T€  Ktti.     See  C^w.).  '- nio-^t  high  Lord,  of  great  compaasion.  "  offltli  and. 

"  and  (Fritasche  strikes  out  K04,  with  T.)  repentest  of.  i^  thy  great.  "  promieed.  "  forgiveness  (o^atr) 

u  of  thine  inGnite. 

Vera.  8.9.  — ">  A.  V. :  Thou  therefore,  O  Lord,  (Aalarl.        »  to.        "  as  to.        "which.         »  unto  me  tAa«  o»n  a. 
'*  sands,         -^  my  tranagressions  are  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  second  oX  avofiCa*  ftaVf  with  T.).  ^  behold  [artviaat 

=z  to  §aze  at  intently).        27  for. 

Vers.  10-12. —  ^  A.  v.:  Jam.         2»  banda.        "  omits  So.        s>  (In  III..  "  so  that  I  shake  my  head  over  my  sins.' 
"  neither  have  nny  release  :  for.  «  done  evil  [the  evil,  or  what  is  evil).  ^  neither  kept  I.  "  liave  set 

^«  have  mnltipliffl  offences.        »' Now  therefore.        »  beseeching  thee  of  grace.        >"  acknowledge  (Fritzsche  receivei 
iyu  ytVMVKio  from  III.  T.  for  ayaytvi^.  of  the  tezl.  ret.     CI.  Com.)  mine  iniquities. 


THE  PRAYER   OF  MANASSES. 


471 


13 


14 


15 


But  I  pray  and  beseech  *  thee,  release "  me,  0  Lord,  release  *  me, 

And  destroy  me  not  with  my  transgressions.' 

Be  not  angry  and  keep  evils  for  me  forever, 

Nor  condemn  me  to  the  lovrest  parts*  of  the  earth; 

For  thou  art  God,  the  ^  God  of  them  that  repent ; 

And  in  me  thou  wilt  show  °  all  thy  kindness  ; ' 

For  thou  wilt  save  me,  that  am  unworthy,  according  to  thy  great  mercy. 

And'  I  win  praise  thee  continually,  while  I  live;* 

For  all  the  host  of  the  heavens  singeth  of '"  thee, 

And  thine  is  the  glory  for  ever."     Amen. 


Vera.  13-15.  —  «  A.  V. :  wherefore  {in.  omits  oAA")  I  humbly  beseech.  ^  forgive  (i»«).  •  mine  iniquitiea 

«  with  me  for  ever,  by  reserTing  evil  for  me  ;  neither  ....  into  the  lower  parts.  «  the  God,  even  the.  '  (HI. 

T.,  fieifijs  for  fieifcis.)  "  goodness  (a  good  rendering,  but  x/njffrdnjs  is  so  rendered  at  Ter.  7).  •  Therefor* 

»  forever  aU  the  days  (so  text.  ree. ;  HI.  T.,  iv  Tats  iiitpout)  of  my  life.  '»  powers  ....  do  pnds*  |ifi»').        "  •"' 

and  ever. 


The  Prater  of  Manasses. 


Ver.  1.  God  of  our  fathers.  Cf.  Ex.  iii.  6  ; 
1  Chron.  xvii.  24;  Wisd.  x.  15;  Ecclus.  x.  19. 
This  verse  is  properly  cited  as  evidence  of  Jewish 
avithorship  for  the  prayer. 

Ver.  2.  Suv  Travri  Toi  K6<rfjLtf}  cAruv,  with  all 
their  adornment.  This  substantive  is  probably 
from  the  root  ica5,  as  it  occurs  in  the  word  Kal- 
vvjxai,  to  polish.  Its  tirst  meaniug  is  ornament ; 
iheii  order,  as  gynouymous  with  toils',  and,  fi- 
nally, the  ordered  ttiiii-erse.  The  LXX.  version 
of  the  canonical  books  does  not  use  it  for  the 
world ;  but  it  is  so  used  in  counectiou  with  the 
Bible  first  in  the  books  of  Wisdom  and  2  Mac- 
cabees. Cf.  Cremer,  under  the  word  ;  Fritzsche, 
Ad  Rom.  Epist.,  i.  289,  ii.  467  ;  Lange,  Com.  on 
Matt.  (Am.  ed.),pp.  85,  422,2  Cor.,  p.  67,  1  John, 
p.  63;  Girdlestone,  0.  T.  Syn.,  pp.  412-417; 
Bengel,  Gnomon,  at  Rom.  iv.  13,  Eph.  vi.  12; 
Ebraid,  Com.  on  St.  John's  Epist.,  pp.  162-164, 
295  ;  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1841,  pp.  611,  695. 

Ver.  3.  Several  passages  of  Scripture  natu- 
rally come  to  mind  here:  Gen.  vii.  11,  viii.  2; 
Pg.  x.\iv.  2,  cxxxvi.  6. 

Ver.  4.  iplaffci.  This  word,  translated  dread, 
means,  first,  to  be  rirffled,  to  bristle,  and  was  a-<ed 
by  Homer  to  indicate  the  appearance  of  growing 
grain,  11.,  xxiii.  599;  a  line  of  battle,  //.,  xiii. 
339.  Again,  it  is  employed,  as  in  our  passage, 
to  express  the  feeling  of  chilliness  when  one's 
skin  contracts,  or  the  hair  stands  on  end,  horrent 
corner ;  hence,  further,  to  shudder  with  fear.  Cf. 
Judith  xvi.  10.  —  'Airh  Trpofftinrov,  i.  e.,  tremble 
before  it,  tiU  they  are  led  to  flee  from  it.  The 
same  construction  is  found  elsewhere  in  the  LXX. 
Cf.  2  Chron.  xxxii.  7  ;  Ps.  cxiv.  7. 

Ver.  6.  A^  koi  instead  of  re  Kai,  i.  e.,  "  bnt  the 
mercy  of  thy  promise  "  might  certainly  have  been 
expected,  aud  has  also  been  adopted  by  the  Old 
Latin.  It  has,  however,  no  MS.  authority.  The 
expression  is  Hebraistic  for  thy  promised  mercy. 

Ver.  7.  noAue'Aeoj,  very  merciful,  —  a  form 
peculiar  to  the  LXX.  Cf.  Ex.  xxxiv.  6  ;  3  Mace, 
vi.  9,  et  passim.  —  Repenting  over  the  evils  of 
men,  fi^Tavouiv  ^iri  KaKiais  av9pwiTtoy.  Cf.  Acts  viii. 
22  :  ixejayoeiv  aTrh  ttjs  KaKias  ;  Rev.  ix.  20  f. :  fUT. 
4k  tmx  ipywv.  See  Winer,  p.  622.  This  verb  is 
seldom  used  in  the  Apocrypha ;  but,  when  used, 
it  is  generally  employed  as  denoting  a  moral 
change.  — ''fLtt>eiriv.  Cf.  remarks  at  1  Esd.  iv.  62. 
—  'H/uopT7))c(f(riv  aoi.  The  most  usual  construc- 
tion is  with  Ei't  and  the  accusative  (cf.  Matt,  xriii. 


21  ;  Luke  xvii.  4  ;  1  Cor.  vi.  18) ;  but  sometimes 
with  vp6s  (Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xiv.  15,  §  2),  and  with 
jrep/  followed  by  the  accusative. 

Ver.  8.  This  teaching  certainly  has  no  paral- 
lel in  the  canonical  Scriptures.  "The  writer  does 
not  content  himself  with  applying  to  the  patri- 
archs the  proper  Biblical  expression  jiist,  but 
proceeds  to  explain  it  in  a  manner  quite  unwar- 
ranted as  meaning  to  be  without  sin. 

Ver  9.  The  historical  groundwork  of  these 
two  verses  is  to  be  found  in  the  narrative  of 
Manasses  contained  in  the  Scriptures  (2  Chron. 
xxxiii  1-20;  2  Kings  xxi.),  together  with  those 
more  or  less  legendary  accoimts  scattered  in  pro- 
fane authors.  Cf.  Introd.  —  'ATcWcrai,  to  gaze 
intently  at.  In  the  New  Testament  used  with 
the  dative  of  the  person,  also  with  ds  and  the 
accusative.  Cf.  Acts  i.  10.  —  'Airb  irTAiiovs  t&o 
i.5iKiSiv.  Cf.  Matt,  xviii.  7,  Luke  xxii.  45,  for 
examples  of  the  same  use  of  hr6  in  the  sense  of 
by  reason  of. 

Ver.  10.  IloXA^  d^fffi^  (riBtjp^.  TloKvs  seemfl 
to  be  used  with  reference  to  degree  rather  than 
number.  But  when  so  used  the  idea  of  repetition 
is  generally  connected  with  it.  Cf.  Homer,  Tl., 
xviii.  493  ;  Od.,  xv.  393.  From  2  Chron.  xxxiii. 
11,  we  learn  that  the  Assyrians  took  Manasses 
with  hooks,  and  bound  him  with  double  chains 
of  brass,  and  brought  him  to  Babylon.  The 
hook  is  a  figurative  allusion  to  the  ring  placed  in 
the  nose  of  wild  animals  to  lead  them.  Cf.  2 
Kings  xix.  28  ;  Job  .xli.  1  ;  aud  Ezek.  xxix.  4. 
See  Bertheau  at  2  Chron.  xxxiii.  11.  —  'Avaveiaat 
TiV  Ke(paK-fiv.  This  is  a  somewhat  anomalous  use 
of  tills  verb.  By  itself,  without  the  substantive, 
it  means  to  throw  the  head  back  in  token  of  denial, 
as  opposed  to  Karaveino  and  i-Trtvevu.  —  @vf.L6y. 
Connected  with  8ia>  this  word  is  properly  used  to 
express  life  in  its  active  developments.  Employed 
by  Homer  and  the  tragic  poets  in  its  most  com- 
prehensive sense,  we  find  it  in  Plato,  Thncydides, 
and  other  Greek  writers,  as  well  as  in  the  LXX., 
limited  to  express  particularly  excitement  of  feel- 
ing, such  as  courage  and  wrath.  In  the  New 
Testament  it  is  employed  only  in  the  latter  sense. 
Cf.  Cremer,  s.  v. ;  Trench,  N.  T.  Syn.,  1st  ser  , 
p.  178 ;  Bengel's  Gnomon,  at  Rom.  ii.  8  ;  ana 
Fritzsche,  Ad  Rom.  Epist.,  i.  105. 

Ver.  11.  Kxiva  yifu.  We  have  also  the  form 
flf'cTej  Tck  yivara  at  Lnke  xxii.  41 ,  Acta  vii.  60 ; 
and  Ki/iTTTfiy  y6vv,  Eph.  iii.  14.  —  Knee  of  mina 


472 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


beart.  This  expression  Is  used  to  indicate  spe- 
cial depth  of  feeling. 

Ver.  12.  TtvdirKo!.  Perhaps  the  translation 
acknowledge  is  not  here  too  strong  for  this  word. 
It  frequently  denotes,  especially  in  New  Testa- 
ment usage,  a  relation  of  the  person  to  the  object 
known.  John  ii.  24,  25  ;  1  Cor.  ii.  8.  Here  in 
the  idea  of  knowing  one's  sing  is  implied  that  of 
confessing  them.     Cf.  Wisd.  iv.  1  ;  Bar.  iv.  13. 

Ver.  13.  'Ev  toIs  KaTUTaTois  rrjs  yr\z.  Not  the 
grave,  but  Hades,  seems  to  be  meant,  which  is 
nnUormly  in  the  LXK.  the  translation  ol  the 


Hebrew  word  Shed.  Cf.  remarks  at  Add.  to 
Esth.  ii.  7  ;  Girdlestone,  0.  T.  Syn.,  pp.  443-454 ; 
and  Meyer,  Com.,  at  Eph.  iv.  9  ;  also,  the  LXX. 
at  Is.  xliv.  23,  Ps.  cxxxix.  15. 

Ver.  14.  ' \yaBwaiin\v.  Used  only  in  Biblical 
and  Ecclesiastical  Greek,  and  chiefly  with  the 
significance  of  goodness,  moral  worth.  It  is  the 
quality  of  the  man  who  is  ruled  by  and  aims  at 
the  good.  See  Cremer,  Lex.,  s.  v. ;  Fritzsche,  Ad 
Rom.  Epist.,  iii.  252  ;  Trench,  A^.  T.  Syn.,  2d  ser., 
p.  58.  —  T^  ToAi  i\tit  a»v.  See  above,  verse 
10. 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  English  Bible,  as  is  well  known,  originally  contained  but  two  so-called  Books  of  ths 
Maccabees.  There  are,  however,  three  such  books  found  in  the  Septuagint,  and  a  fourth 
bearing  the  same  title  in  connection  with  the  works  of  Josephus.  These  are  all  the  Books 
of  the  Maccabees  now  existing  in  Greek.  A  work,  sometimes  called  the  Fifth  Book  of  Mac- 
cabees, is  extant  in  an  Arabic  version,  which  is  also  known  under  the  title,  Historia  Macca- 
hmorum  Arabica,  Only  the  first  two  books  actually  treat  of  the  Maccabaean  family  and  their 
huroic  efforts  to  free  their  native  land  from  the  Syrian  yoke. 

The  order  in  which  these  several  works  are  usually  enumerated  is  also  that  of  their  actual 
worth.  The  second  book  takes  up  the  history  at  a  point  a  little  earlier  than  the  first  (b.  C. 
1 76),  but  covers  a  period  of  only  fourteen  years.  The  first  begins  with  the  reign  of  Antio- 
chus  Epiphanes  (b.  c.  175),  and  closes  with  the  death  of  the  high  priest  Simon  (a.  C.  135), 
so  including  a  space  of  forty  years.  The  third  book  narrates  the  history  of  events  which 
took  place  before  the  Maccabaean  family  appeared  on  the  stage  (b.  c.  221-204).  The  fourth 
makes  use  of  an  incident  or  two  found  in  the  second  book,  the  martyrdom  of  Eleazar  with  that 
of  the  seven  brothers  and  their  mother,  introduced  by  an  account  of  the  attempt  of  ApoUonius 
(Ileliodorus)  to  rob  the  temple,  in  order  to  connect  with  it  a  philosophical  disquisition  on 
the  Rule  of  Reason  {AvToKpiropos  Koynr/jLov') ,  or  the  supremacy  of  the  ipOos  \6yos  over  the  ititT). 
The  fifth  is  a  chronicle  of  Jewish  affairs,  contained  in  fifty-nine  chapters,  beginning  with  the 
aucuunt  of  Heliodorus'  sacrilege,  and  extending  to  the  Christian  era.  In  the  Arabic  it  has  the 
title,  "  Second  Book  of  Maccabees."  The  first  nineteen  chapters  include,  although  in  a 
different  order,  events  narrated  in  1  and  2  Maccabees.  At  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  chap- 
ter, the  remark  is  found  :  "  Thus  far  extends  the  second  book,  as  it  has  been  taken  from  the 
Hebrews."  The  compiler  then  goes  on  to  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  chapter  to  quote  from 
the  First  Book  of  Maccabees.  He  seems  also  to  have  made  use  of  the  works  of  Josephus,  but 
shows  DO  such  agreement  with  him  as  to  justify  the  belief  that  the  author  was  himself  Jose- 
phus, as  some  have  intimated.  Tlie  work  first  appeared  in  the  Paris  Polyglot  of  Le  Jay 
(vol.  ix.),  and  from  it  was  copied  into  the  London  Polyglot  (vol.  iv.). 

The  First  Book  of  Maccabees,  now  especially  under  consideration,  is  by  far  the  most  im- 
portant work  of  the  five  bearing  this  name.  Its  contents,  briefly  stated,  are  as  follows  : 
There  are  first  given,  as  by  way  of  introduction,  certain  alleged  facts  relating  to  Alexander 
the  Great  and  the  partition  of  his  kingdom.  The  writer  then  passes  over  to  describe  the 
efforts  of  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes,  to  corrupt  the  Israelitish  people  through  foreign  cus- 
toms, root  out  their  religion,  and  introduce  in  its  place  the  frivolities  and  abominations  of 
heathenism.  Excited  to  the  highest  pitch  by  this  course,  a  priest,  by  the  name  of  Mattathias, 
dwelling  at  Modein,  assembles  those  who  are  like-minded  about  him,  and  contests,  sword  in 
hand,  wherever  opportunity  offers,  the  unrighteous  doings  of  the  king.  He  himself,  however, 
already  advanced  in  life,  does  not  long  survive  the  outbreak  of  the  struggle.  But  he  does 
not  pass  away  until  he  has  instilled  a  determination  and  deathless  courage  like  his  own  into 
the  hearts  of  his  five  stalwart  sons.  They,  at  least  three  of  them,  are  the  real  heroes  of  the 
book,  and  carry  on  to  a  successful  issue  the  war  for  civil  and  religious  freedom.  In  chapters 
iii.-ix.  22  is  related  what  took  place  under  the  leadership  of  Judas  ;  from  ix.  23-xii.  53,  the 


i74  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


history  of  events  during  the  rule  of  tTonathan;  from  xiii.-xTi.  18,  the  results  achieved  bv  the 
skillful  and  prudent  Simon.  The  book  closes  with  an  account  of  the  escape  of  John  Hyr- 
uauus.  the  son  of  Simon,  from  an  attempt  on  his  life,  and  the  statement  that  his  remaining 
history  is  contained  in  the  "chronicles  of  his  priesthood,  from  the  time  he  was  made  high 
priest  ;ifter  his  father." 

The  Name  Maccabee. 

A  great  deal  of  research  and  learning  has  been  expended  in  the  effort  to  discover  the  deri- 
vation, and  thereby  the  real  meaning,  of  the  word  Maccabee.  The  Maccabees  were  of  an 
Asinonieun  family,  the  greatrgrandfather  of  Mattathias  having   borne  the  name  Chasmot 

(^Ci'n,  'A^aanwvalos).  Cf.  1  Chron.  xxiv.  7  ;  Ps.  Iviii.  32,  and  Jos.,  Antiq.,  xii.  6,  §  1,  xiv.  16, 
§  4,  XX.  8,  §  11.  And  the  title  "  Asmonaean  "  or  "  Hasmonsan  "  is  the  one  more  commonly 
employed  in  Jewish  literature  to  designate  not  only  Mattathias  and  his  five  sons,  hut  also 
their  descendants  down  to  Herod  the  Great  and  Aristobulus.  The  title  "Maccabee,"  on 
the  other  hand,  was  first  given  to  Judas,  the  third  son  of  Mattathias,  who  undertook,  after 
the  death  of  his  father,  the  leadership  of  those  opposed  to  the  Syrian  rule;  but  at  a  very 
early  date  it  was  transferred  to  the  entire  family,  as  well  as  to  many  others,  like  Eleazer  and 
the  seven  brothers,  who  had  a  prominent  part  in  the  same  tragical  history. 

The  usual  derivation  of  the  word  Maccabee  is  from  n3f5:5,  Chald.,  SDJv^,  hammer,  as  being 
a  figurative  characterization  of  the  thoroughness  and  stubbornness  with  which  Judas  fought 
against  the  enemies  of  his  country.  Su  Michaelis,  Gesenius,  Ewald,  Grimm,  Keil,  and  many 
others.  Curtiss,  however,  in  his  recent  e.xhaustive  monograph  on  this  subject  (77*6  Name 
Machdbee,  Hinrich,  Leip.,  1876),  urges  with  great  force  against  this  theor)-:  first,  that  the  read- 
ing, ^SpTS,  to  which  yia.KKafia7os  corresponds,  is  without  sufficient  foundation;  and,  second,  that 
the  particular  hammer  referred  to  by  such  a  designation,  supposin;;  the  derivation  to  be  cor- 
rect, would  be  no  fitting  illustration  for  the  dashing  bravery  of  Judas.  It  is  not  the  heavy 
smith's  hammer,  but  a  smaller  one,  such  as  was  used  in  various  kinds  of  simple  work.  (Cf. 
Judg.  iv.  21;  1  Kings  vi.  7;  Is.  xliv.  12;  Jer.  x.  4.)  And  he  maintains  that  the  Hebrew 
writer,  with  six  different  words  for  this  tool  at  his  command,  was  not  shut  up  to  this  one  in 
order  to  characterize  fitly  the  courage  and  impetuosity  of  the  Maccabaean  leader.  Others 
think  that  the  title  is  made  up  of  the  first  letters  of  several  Hebrew  words  which  together 
formed  the  sentence:  "  Who  among  the  gods  is  like  to  thee,  Jehovah"  (cf.  Ex.  xv.  11), 
which,  as  is  sujjposed,  was  inscribed  on  the  Maccaba?an  banner.  To  this  view  it  is  objected, 
first,  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  custom  of  forming  words  in  this  manner  prevailed 
at  so  earlv  a  date;  second,  the  Greek  form  of  the  word,  as  written  with  two  kappas,  would  in 
that  case  lie  incomprehensible;  and,  third,  tlie  title  would  not  have  possessed,  on  such  a  sup- 
position, that  indiviilual  character  which  the  facts  of  the  history  require.  Cf.  1  Mace.  ii. 
66,  iii.  1,  V.  34,  2  Mace.  x.  1,  and  passhiu  The  same  objections  are  valid  against  the  deriva- 
tion proposed  by  Delitzsch,  who  thinks  the  title  is  an  abbreviation  of  certain  Hebrew  words 
meaning  :  "  What  is  like  my  fatlier  ?  "  The  theory  of  this  critic  is  given  in  full  in  a  letter 
to  Curtiss  published  in  the  work  above  referred  to,  pp.  23,  24. 

Curtiss's  own  opinion  is,  that  the  word  comes  from  the  Hebrew  nnS,  meaning,  in  the 
Piel  form,  to  extinguish,  and  he  refers,  among  other  passages,  to  Is.  Ixiii.  17,  where  the  over- 
throw of  an  army  is  compared  to  the  extinguishing  of  burning  flax.  The  form,  ""23?;,  would 
then  be  the  Hiphil  of  this  verb,  having  the  same  general  meaning  as  the  Piel,  and  would 
signify,  t]ie  extinguisher.  But  in  order  to  come  .is  far  as  this,  it  was  necessary  first  to  settle 
the  point  that  the  original  reading  of  the  word  was  "'a-TS,  and  not  ^2"C  This,  Curtiss 
seeks  to  do,  but,  with  regi-et  it  must  be  said,  has  not  been  so  successful  as  der  Sache  ein  Lock 
zu  machen,  as  the  Germans  would  say.  His  argument,  in  brief,  is  this  :  The  question  turno 
on  the  forms  of  the  word  which  are  found  in  the  Greek  and  the  Latin,  since  the  original  is 
lost.  The  former  has  MaKKa^aios,  whicli  is  not  decisive,  since  it  might  come  from  either  of 
the  above-named  Hebrew  words.  The  latter,  Muchabccus,  which  could  be  derived  from  the 
Hebrew  ^230  only,  since  Jerome,  who  had  the  original  in  his  hands,  and  revised,  at  least  to 
ihis  extent,  the  old  Latin,  uniformly  employs  a  "c"  to  represent  "  p,"  and  "  eh  "  for 
"  3,"  the  exceptions  being  only  app:ii<til      But  at  this  point  the  otherwise  very  strong  and 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES.  475 

unexceptionable  cliain  of  argument  lacks  a  necessary  link  or  two.  It  is  assumed  as  a  fact, 
i»hich,  however,  by  the  almost  universal  admission  of  scholars  is  not  one,  that  Jerome  him- 
self made  a  revision  of  1  Maccabees,  and  that  he  made  it  on  the  basis  of  the  Hebrew  text. 
Hence,  since  the  Old  Latin  version  is  confessedly  an  offspring  of  the  Greek,  we  are  obliged 
to  fall  back  on  that  as  our  highest  authority  for  determining  the  original  form  of  the  word 
"  Maccabee."  That,  however,  as  we  have  already  said,  leaves  the  matter  wholly  undecided. 
Cf.  Schih-er's  notice  of  Curtiss's  essay  in  the  Theologische  LUeratwrzeitung,  1876,  No.  17,  col. 
436. 

Original  Language, 

In  its  present  form  the  work  before  us  closely  resembles  the  other  books  of  the  Septuagint, 
being  even  less  Hebraistic  in  its  coloring  than  some  of  them.  And  the  fact  that  its  Greek 
has  been  to  a  considerable  extent  modified  by  that  of  the  LXX.,  seems  clear  from  a  direct 
quotation  of  the  latter  in  chap.  vii.  17  (cf.  Ps.  Ixxix.  2,  3)  as  well  as  from  many  evident  al- 
lusions to  it  in  other  parts.  (See,  especially,  ix.  23,  and  cf.  Ps.  xcii.  8.)  The  number  of 
words  peculiar  to  the  book  is  comparatively  small.  It  must  have  existed  in  Greek,  moreover, 
as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  first  century,  u.  c,  since  it  is  used  largely  by  Josephus  in 
his  Antiquities  (cf.  xii.  5,  §  1-xiii.  7,  §  4).  Still  tliei'c  is  sufficient  evidence  to  establish  the 
matter  beyond  reasonable  doubt  that  it  was  originally  written  in  Hebrew.  The  very  fre- 
quent variation  in  the  Greek  MSS.,  for  instance,  between  the  third  person  singular  and 
plural,  obviously  arises  from  the  fact  that  in  the  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  the  third  person 
plural  masculine  differs  from  the  singular  only  in  the  vav  at  the  end.  The  author,  too, 
proves  himself  by  his  exact  knowledge  of  the  topography  of  Palestine  and  by  the  whole 
structure  of  his  work,  particularly  his  warm  sympathy  with  the  cause  and  heroic  deeds  of 
the  Maccabees,  to  have  been  a  resident  of  the  country  which  was  the  arena  of  the  conflict  he 
describes.  The  Hebrew  was  then,  and  had  been  for  a  long  time,  the  written  language  of  the 
people,  the  sacred  language,  and  was  also  not  altogether  in  disuse  as  a  medium  of  oral  com- 
munication (cf.  '2  Mace.  vii.  8,  21,  27,  xii.  37,  xv.  29).  Moreover,  there  is  no  evidence  that 
any  literary  productions  in  Greek  emanated  from  Palestine  during  this  period.  Still  further, 
the  language  of  the  book,  smooth  and  simple  as  it  is  for  the  most  part,  is  not  wanting  in  dif- 
ficulties whose  solution,  in  some  instances,  seems  to  require  the  supposition  of  a  false  or  im- 
perfect translation  of  the  original  (cf.,  for  example,  ii.  8,  iii.  3,  iv.  19,  24). 

But  we  have,  also,  positive  testimony  in  the  same  direction.  Origen  (in  Euseb.,  H.  E., 
vi.  25),  after  speaking  of  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  says  :  "  But  outside  the  number 
of  these  (that  is,  among  the  uncanonical)  is  the  Maccabsan  history  (To  yiaKKa$aiKi)  entitled 
3af$ii9  Sap^avifX,  Sarbeth  Sarhaniel.  There  is  also  the  reading  Basanaiel,  but  that  with  the 
spelling  Sarbane  El  is  generally  adopted,  and  is  probably  correct.  (Cf.  Fritzsche  in  Schen- 
kel's  Bib.  Lex.,  under  "  Makkabiier.")  This  title  jiven  by  Origen  is  variously  rendered: 
The  rod  of  those  that  rebel  against  God,  Herzfeld ;  71ie  government  (sceptre)  of  the  prince  of 
God's  sons,  Ewald  and  Keil  ;  The  obstinacy  of  those  who  resist  God,  Geiger  ;  Book  of  the 
house  of  God's  children,  Derenbourg  ;  History  of  the  princes  of  God's  children,  Michaelis  and 
Grimm.  The  title,  at  all  events,  is  Semitic,  and  furnishes  strong  evidence  for  the  Hebraistic 
origin  of  our  book.  That  this  church  father  meant  the  frst  book  of  Maccabees,  moreover, 
by  this  designation,  would  seem  to  be  clear,  from  the  nianner  in  which  the  canonical  books 
of  the  Old  Testament  are  mentioned  in  the  immediate  context.  To  each  one  of  them  he 
had  given  the  Hebrew  title  along  with  the  Greek.  The  testimony  of  Jerome  is  still  more 
conclusive.  He  says  (Prolog.  Gal.  ad  Lib.  Beg.):  "  The  first  book  of  Maccabees  I  found  in 
Hebrew;  the  second  is  Greek,  as  indeed  can  be  proved  simply  from  its  style."  Hengsten- 
berg  stands  almost  alone  in  disputing  the  force  of  these  arguments.  In  his  work.  Die  Au. 
thentie  des  Daniel,  etc.  (Berlin,  1831),  pp.  290  ff.,  he  attempts  to  show,  although  apparently 
under  the  influence  of  some  prejudice,  that  this  supposed  Hebrew  original  of  1  Maccabees, 
mentioned  by  Origen  and  Jerome,  is  simply  a  certain  "  Chaldaic  "  hook  of  Maccabees  (Megil- 
lalh  Antiochus),  which  still  exists  in  a  number  of  printed  copies.  (The  more  recent  are :  The 
Choice  of  Pearls,  and  the  Book  of  Antiochus  in  .Aramaic,  Hebrew,  and  English,  Lond.  1851; 
and  Beth  ha-Midrasch,  by  Jellinek,  Leip.,  1853,  part  i.,  pp.  142-146.)  Hengstcnbprg  «einis 
to  have  made  this  assertion  without  authority  or  special  examination.  Zunz  has  shown 
'  Vortrdge,  p.  134)  that  the  work  is  a  product  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  utterly  without  wditli. 


476  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


It  is  all  contained  within  the  compass  of  seventy -four  verses,  in  the  English  edition  just  re- 
ferred to.  and  is  made  up  of  the  most  fabulous  accounts  of  the  Asraonaan  family,  one  of 
which  is  that  Judas  died  before  his  father,  while  the  latter  shared  in  the  victories  that  termin- 
ated ilie  contest  with  the  Syrian  oppressors.  See,  for  much  valuable  information  touchinf 
this  MegiUath  Antiochus,  including  a  notice  of  the  places  where  sixteen  MSS.  of  it  are  to  be 
found  at  the  present  time,  Appendix  VI.  of  the  little  work  by  Curtiss,  The  Name  Machabee. 

Historical  Character. 

There  is  but  one  judgment  among  critics  in  general  respecting  the  merits  of  1  Maccabees 
as  a  historical  work.  The  narrative  is  written  in  a  simple,  objective  style,  with  scarcely  an 
attempt  at  ornamentation,  and  with  only  an  occasional  indulgence  in  real  poetic  flights  (i. 
25-28,  38-40;  ii.  7-13,  iii.  3-9,  45),  and  a  somewhat  more  frequent  poetic  turn  given  to  the 
thought  here  and  there  (ii.  44,  iii.  35,  86,  45,  51,  ix.  41,  xiii.  51).  It  has  been  compared  favor- 
ably with  the  historical  books  of  the  canonical  Scriptures  with  respect  to  a  candid  and  faithful 
presentation  of  facts  and  its  unexpected  freedom  from  the  influence  of  national  and  doctrinal 
prejudice.  Such  characteristics  are  the  more  appreciated,  not  only  because  this  work  is, 
for  a  part  of  the  period  which  it  covers,  the  sole  authority  still  extant,  but  also  on  the  ground 
of  the  marked  contrast  in  which  it  stands,  in  this  respect,  with  the  other  books  bearing  the 
same  name.  The  temptation  to  overdraw,  when  delineating  such  a  character  as  that  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  or  that  of  the  heroic  Judas,  to  give  rein  to  the  feeling  of  despondency 
in  the  hour  of  defeat,  and  of  exultation  in  the  midst  of  the  most  brilliant  victories,  are  but 
very  seldom  aud  very  slightly  indulged.  Even  faults  which  have  been  imjiuted  to  the  writer 
are  often  faults  common  to  all  writers  at  the  time  when  he  lived,  and  sometimes,  too,  no 
doubt  are  due  to  an  imperfect  translation  or  a  corrupt  text.  The  statements  are  in  some 
cases  substantiated  by  original  documents,  as  in  the  Book  of  Ezra  (cf.  viii.  23  ff.,  x.  18  fif. 
25-45,  xi.  30-37),  to  some  of  which  the  writer  gives  the  names  of  "copies  "  (avrly(ia(pa) •  others 
are  vouched  for,  even  in  minute  particulars,  by  contemporaneous  Greek  and  Roman  histories. 
On  the  whole  the  book,  whatever  may  be  thought  of  its  canonical  rank,  cannot  but  be  re- 
garded as  of  incalculable  value,  as  being  an  essentially  trustworthy  history  of  the  important 
period  which  it  covers. 

Still,  it  is  far  from  being  without  fault.  There  are  in  some  places  evident  exaggerations, 
especially  where  the  size  of  armies  and  the  numbers  slain  in  battle  are  stated  (see,  for  in- 
stance, iv.  14,  24;  v.  44;  vi.  47,  vii.  46).  All  of  these  instances  could  scarcely  be  explained 
away  by  the  supjmsition  of  a  corrupt  text,  or  the  apology  of  Keil  {Com.  iiber  die  BB.  der 
Male.,  Einleit.,  p.  18),  that  the  number  given  is  simply  a  rough  estimate  and  not  intended 
to  be  exact.  Here  and  there  is  to  be  found,  also,  an  error  in  dates,  as  in  xiv.  1,  where  the 
author  comes  in  conflict  not  only  with  Josephus,  but  with  Diodorus,  Justinus,  Appian,  and 
Livy,  respecting  the  time  when  Antiochus  YI.  was  put  to  death  by  Tryphon.  Common 
rumor,  too,  is  not  infrequently  accepted  as  authority,  particularly  in  what  relates  to  foreign 
countries  and  governments.  Alexander  tlie  Great  (i.  6)  is,  in  consequence,  falsely  repre- 
sented as  dividing  his  kingdom  among  his  generals,  all  of  whom  are  said  to  have  "  put  on 
crowns  "  after  his  death.  The  Spartans  are  represented  (xii.  6  f.)  as  being  related  by 
descent  to  the  Jews.  The  Romans  are  spoken  of  (viii.)  in  terms  quite  too  favorable,  both  as 
it  respects  their  conquests  and  the  spirit  of  their  dealings  with  other  nations.  And  positivt 
errors  of  statement  occur  regarding  the  army  of  Antiochus,  his  capture  by  the  Romans,  the 
constitutiim  of  the  Roman  government,  etc.  But  that  the  writer  intentionallv  made  mis- 
statements, few  would  be  ready  to  maintain.  The  ground  on  which  they  rested,  however, 
was,  in  not  a  few  instances,  quite  insufficient.  And  still  further,  the  speeches  and  prayers 
which  are  j)iit  into  the  mouths  of  his  heroes  cannot  be  accepted  as  in  any  sense  a  literal  re- 
production of  those  actually  uttered.  That  they  in  general  so  well  correspond  with  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  several  cases  is  due  chiefly  to  the  skill  and  good  sense  of  the  historian 
himself.  Grimm  (Com.,  Einleit.,  p.  18)  misses  from  them  what,  as  he  thinks,  might  be  ex- 
pected were  they  true  to  the  originals,  namely,  all  expressions  showing  a  Messianic  hope,  or 
a  belief  in  the  resurre<liiin  of  the  body.  This  objection,  however,  seems  to  be  based  on  the 
supposition  that  our  book  ou^ht  to  teach  on  this  subject  wliat  is  found  in  the  Book  of  Uaniel 
and  the  so-eiiUed  Psalter  of  Solomon,  claimed  to  be  products  of  the  same  period. 


THE  FIRST   BOOK   OF   MACCABEES.  477 

Again,  some  of  the  original  documents  which  the  writer  professes  to  cite  bear  every  trace 
of  being,  at  best,  but  unsuccessful  .attempts  at  independent  reproduction.  (Cf.,  particularly, 
xii.  5-25;  xiv.  20-24;  xv.  16-22.)  There  is  no  sufficient  reason  apparent  why  Jonathan 
should  have  written  such  a  letter  as  that  imputed  to  him  in  the  first  of  these  passages.  That 
of  Oniares  (Arius,  or  Areus),  on  the  other  hand,  contains  not  the  least  evidence  of  its  sup- 
posed Greek  origin,  and  in  its  form  in  other  respects  is  untrue  to  what  the  circumstances 
■would  have  demanded.  In  the  second  passage,  the  letter  of  the  Spartans  to  Simon  is  want- 
incf  in  a  proper  conclusion,  and  the  names  of  the  Ephors  are  not  given,  as  w.is  to  have  been 
expected.  In  the  third  case  mentioned,  where  ,an  ostensible  letter  of  Lucius,  a  consul  of  the 
Romans,  to  Ptolemy  is  quoted,  the  original,  it  is  clear,  could  not  have  been  at  the  command 
of  the  writer.  Only  one  consul  is  mentioned,  and  he  simply  by  bis  first  name.  Nothing  is 
said  of  the  senate,  from  which  such  documents  uniformly  emanated.  Besides,  there  is  no 
date  given;  and  other  particulars,  as  well  of  contents  as  of  form,  serve  to  show  great  freedom 
on  the  part  of  our  author  in  the  matter  of  using  authorities  of  this  kind. 

Religious  Coloring. 

Geiger  (Urschrift,  p.  206  ff.;  cf.,  also,  Holtzmann,  Die  Apok.  Biicher,  pp.  30,  56,  162)  has 
attempted  to  show,  and  his  theory  is  well  worthy  of  careful  attention,  —  although  he  may  some- 
times press  it  too  far,  —  that  1  and  2  Maccabees  are  partisan  writings,  the  first  being  the 
work  of  a  Sadducee  who  was  particularly  favorable  to  the  Asmonaean  family;  the  second, 
that  of  a  Pharisee  who  regarded  the  same  with  ill-concealed  distrust.  The  former  begins  his 
work  with  some  account  of  Mattathias,  in  order,  as  it  would  seem,  to  show  the  close  connec- 
tion of  the  family  with  the  leading  order  of  priests,  Joarib.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Sad- 
ducees  were  the  priestly  and  aristocratic  party  among  the  Jews.  The  derivation  of  the  word 
from  Zadok  (Cpn",  2aSSovKa7oi) ,  who  was  high  priest  during  the  reign  of  David,  has,  per- 
haps, more  to  support  it  than  the  more  usual  derivation  from  p'^/TV-  Our  writer  seems  to 
deUght  in  magnifying  the  deeds  of  the  Macoabaean  heroes  (xiii.  3;  xiv.  26;  xvi.  2).  In  one 
instance,  where  a  battle  was  fought  in  which  none  of  them  participated  and  a  defeat  was  ex- 
perienced, he  expresses  bis  opinion  of  the  matter  in  these  words  :  "  They,  however,  were 
not  of  the  seed  of  those  men  to  whose  hands  was  committed  the  deliverance  of  Israel. ' ' 
When  one  member  of  this  family  disappears  the  salvation  of  the  people  is  made  to  depend 
on  the  choice  of  another  as  leader  in  bis  stead.  Simon,  liowever,  was  a  special  favorite  of 
the  author.  It  is  he  that  the  father  on  his  dying  bed  conunends  to  his  children  as  their  future 
counsellor  and  head  (ii.  65J,  who,  indeed,  should  supply  to  them  the  place  left  vacant  by 
himself.  Made  to  occupy  a  prominent  position  throughout  the  entire  history  (ix.  33,  37,  62, 
65,  67;  X.  74,  82;  xi.  64  ff.;  xii.  33;  xiii.  1  ff.;  xiv.  32),  at  its  conclusion  he  is  elevated  to  a 
more  than  kingly  dignity.  By  the  united  voice  of  tie  people  in  solemn  public  assembly,  and 
as  a  grateful  recognition  of  his  services  on  behalf  of  the  nation,  he  is  declared  to  be  their  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  ruler,  at  once  high  priest  and  king,  with  the  oflice  hereditary  in  his  house. 

If  these  and  similar  reasons  might  lead  us  to  regard  the  writer  as  a  special  friend  and  par- 
tisan of  the  Maccabjean  family,  there  are  others  of  a  still  more  positive  character,  showing 
that  he  was  no  friend  of  Phariseeism  or  the  Pharisees.  His  narrative  is  quite  bare  of  the 
visions  of  angels  and  supernatural  interpositions  which  characterize  so  largely  that  of  the 
second  book.  It  is  manly  courage,  and  not  apparitions  from  the  spirit  world,  that  he  loves 
to  dwell  upon  and  represents  God  as  honoring  with  glorious  success.  Of  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead,  he  says  nothing;  although  the  narrative  here  and  there  furnished  him  with  a  favor- 
able opportunity  to  do  so.  How  different,  for  instance,  would  the  account  of  Mattathias' 
death  have  appeared  in  the  second  book  !  His  allusions,  if  any,  to  the  Messianic  hope  are 
only  of  the  most  general  character  (iv.  46 ;  ix  27 ;  xiv.  41).  Bretschneider  {Dogmatik  d.  Apok., 
p.  344)  contests  the  idea  that  in  any  of  the  passages  cited  the  Messiah  is  at  all  referred  to. 
But  especially  in  his  attitude  respecting  the  Sabbath  does  our  author  show  his  supposed 
Sadducsean  bias.  He  takes  a  view  of  the  subject,  at  least  represents  it  not  unfavorably, 
which  was  not  then,  nor  for  a  long  time  subsequently,  the  prevailing  one.  He  tells  with 
evident  relish  how  Mattathias  and  his  sons  (cf.  ii.  32  ff.  with  ix.  34,  43)  refused  to  be  gov- 
erned by  the  strict  letter  of  the  code,  \i  accordance  with  which  not  even  defensive  warfare 
was  allowed  on  the  Sabbath.     The  unrestricted  observance  of  the  Sabbatic  year,  too  (vi.  49, 


478  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


53)  he  seems  to  tbink,  wa6  not  meant  for  times  of  war.  In  addition  to  these  pomts,  for 
most  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  Geiger,  another  interesting  fact  bearing  in  the  same  direc- 
tion mi<.ht  be  mentioned.  It  relates  to  the  so-called  "  Assidseans."  They  undoubtedly  rep- 
resented the  Pharisaic  party,  as  far  as  it  existed  at  that  time.  By  comparing  now  u.  42  with 
vii  13  we  learn  that  this  party  cooperated  with  Judas  Maccabaeus  when  the  contest  against 
Antioc'hus  Epiphanes  first  broke  out.  Afterwards,  however,  at  least  in  some  instances,  they 
acted  in  direct  opposition  to  his  wishes,  which  could  hardly  have  been  the  case  had  not  their 
political  and  ecclesiastical  preferences  been  to  some  extent  diverse  from  his.     Cf.  2  Mace. 

""yet  with  all  these  supposed  evidences  of  a  Sadducaean  tendency,  over-sharp  partisan  dis- 
tinctions are  nowhere  discoverable,  and  we  have  no  ground,  as  Geiger  himself  admits,  for 
hoklin..  that  a  single  fact  is  intentionally  distorted,  or  falsely  stated,  for  doctnnal  reasons 
The  hfstory  has  received  the  confirmation  of  the  Talmudic  tradition,  and  Josephus  accorded 
it  an  apparently  unlimited  confidence.     The  Scriptures  our  author  treats  with  becon^ing  re- 
spect, Z  might  almost  say,  with  real  affection.     He  calls  them  (xu.  9)  'The  Holy  Books^ 
They  are  an  incomparable  source  of  consolation.     "  Albeit,"  he  says,  "we  need  none  of 
these  things  (that  is,  alliances  with  foreign  nations),  seeing  that  we  have  the  holy  books  of 
Scripture  in  our  hands  to  comfort  us."     His  allusions  are  of  such  a  kind,  indeed,  as  to  in- 
dicate that  the  Old  Testament  collection  was  not  only  already  looked  upon  as  a  well-known 
and  established  canon  of  doctrine,  but  was  regarded  with  a  reverence  and  a  devotion  ap- 
proachina  that  of  a  later  day.     This  fact,  moreover,  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  what    s 
known  respecting  the  doctrinal  position  of  this  Jewish  sect^  The  Sadducees  held  firmly  to 
the  Scriptures,  and  not  to  the  Pentateuch  alone  but  to  the  Prophets  as  well,  and  that  all  the 
more  firmly,  no  doubt,  that  they  repudiated  so  utteriy  the  traditional  teaching  of  the  Phari- 
sees     The  contrary  opinion  concerning  them  has  gained  wide  currency  simply  through  cer- 
a  n  un'rouilded  assertions  of  some  of  the  early  Christian  fathers.    Cf.  Schiirer,  Nentestamenl- 
liche  zlilgeschichte,  p.  432.     The  composition  before  us,  too,  is  everywhere  characterized  by 
Lh  an  unmistakable  tone  of  deep  moral  earnestness  and  of  loyalty  to  the  theocratic  con- 
stitution and  history  of  the  Jewish  people,  that  it  may  be  regarded  as  full  compensation  for 
he  want  of  more  marked  outward  expressions  of  the  same.     What    he  author  fails  to  say 
directly  of  God,  of  Providence,  and  the  higher  aims,  he  is  still  able,  through   the  devout 
.pirit  that  pervades  every  chapter,  to  make  us  feel  that  he  inwardly  means.     The  remark  of 
filum-^arten  on  the  Book  of  Esther  is  quite  as  applicable  here  :  "  There  is^no  need  of  much 
discernment  to  apprehend  the  immense  benefit  which  has  accrued  to  the  church  in  time  past 
mom    XV.  4;  2  Thess.  iii.  16)  and  must  accrue  in  time  to  come,  from  a  holy  sdence  combined 
iith  the  spir  t  and  action  of  martyrs."    (Cf.  Herzog's  Real-Encyk    under  "  Esther.'        But 
The  book  is  by  no  means  wholly  bare  of  allusions  to  the  God  of  the  fathers,  or  wantmg  in 
Tutward  expressions  of  dependence  and  trust.     What  picture,  for  instance,  could  be  more  full 
of  a  movini^pathos  than  that  which  i-  drawn  of  the  assembly  at  Massepha  '■  over  against  Je- 
rusalem," the  place  of  prayer  "  .foretime  in  Israel,"  where  the  people  gathered  and  "fasted, 
rent  the  r  clothes,  laid  open  the  book  of  the  Law,"  brought  together  the  priest  s  garments 
and  other  things  ^hich  on  account  of  the  triumph  of  their  enemies  could  be  no  longer  used 
and  'Cried  with  a  loud  voice  toward  heaven,  saying,  'What  shall  we  do  with  these,  and 
whither  shall  we  carry  them  away  ?  '  "     (Cf-  iii.  46  S.)     And  at  another  time  (vii.  37),  the 
priests  are  depicted  as  standing  and  weeping  before  the  altar  while  they  solemnly  invoked 
h     interposition  on  their  behalf  who  had  chosen  the  temple  to  be  called  by  his  -me,  and   a 
be  a  houL  of  prayer  for  his  people.     That  in  no  one  case  which  has  the  support  of  al    the 
MSB    throughout  the  entire  book  does  the  word  6.6,  or  «■!,...  occur,  or  any  other  direc    and 
defint     desfgnation  of  Jehovah,  is  certainly  a  very  remarkable  fact.     We  tave,  instead 
everywhere  the  indefinite  oipa.6s,  or  a  simple  pronoun  in  the  second  or  third  person.     That 
it  is  whoUy  due,  as  some  think,  to  the  already  prevalent  custom  of  avoiding   as  much  as  pos- 
sble  every  use  oi  the  divine  name,  can  scarcely  be  supposed  (so  Rosenthal   Das  Erste  Macca- 
MM,  etc.     Leipz.,  1867,  p.  10.)     It  is  more  likely,  on  the  other  hand,  that  i    is  chiefly 
o  be  regarded  as  bu^  an  unconscious  witness  to  the  fact  that  there  was   no  longer  any 
proplet  In  Israel  (1  Mace.  iv.  46;  ix.  27;  xiv.  41).     The  idea  of  God  as  of  One  who  dwelt 
amonlthem  and  might  be  communicated  with  as  friend  with  friend  (Ex.  xxxui.  1)  had  re- 
cedJC  while  in  its  pkce  ruled  the  more  cold  and  abstract  thought  of  One  whose  dwell.ng-plac. 
and  throne  were  in  the  distant  heaven. 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES.  479 

Authorities  Used  by  the  Author  and  Date  of  Composition. 

In  some  instances,  as  we  have  already  observed,  our  author  makes  direct  reference  to  au- 
thorities. But  he  nowhere  shows  a  slavisli  dependence  upon  them,  or  scarcely  accords  them 
the  weight  which  they  may  be  supposed  to  have  deserved.  He  lived  too  near  the  events 
which  he  relates  to  take  any  other  attitude  respecting  them  than  that  of  an  independent  his- 
torian. Such  original  documents  as  he  uses,  he  uses  with  the  utmost  freedom,  omitting,  en- 
larging, simplifying,  as  best  suits  his  aim.  This  would  be  clear  from  the  one  fact,  if  there 
were  no  others  to  support  it,  that  the  style  of  the  composition  is  throughout  the  same.  There 
are  nowhere  any  traces  of  the  patchwork  which  must  have  inevitably  resulted  if  anything  like 
a  literal  reproduction  of  originals  then  extant  in  different  languages  had  been  attempted. 
Where  written  authorities  were  wanting,  there  was  a  hardly  less  valuable  tradition,  still  en- 
joying a  youthful  life  in  the  speech  and  thought  of  the  people  about  him,  to  which  he  could 
ever  appeal.  And  even  assuming  the  latest  date  which  could  with  propriety  be  given  to  the 
work,  the  writer  must  himself  have  been  contemporaneous  with  many  of  the  persons  and  scenes 
that  are  the  subjects  of  his  narrative,  and  thus  possessed  the  very  best  support  for  some  of 
his  statements,  in  that  he  was  an  eye-witness  to  their  truthfulness.  As  far  as  he  availed  him- 
self of  written  authorities,  it  is  probable  that  it  was  only  of  such  as  existed  in  the  form  of  let- 
ters, brief  public  records,  and  fugitive  pieces  relating  to  persons  and  events  of  special  interest. 
The  work  alluded  to  in  chap.  xvi.  23,  under  the  title  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Priesthood  of 
John  Hyrcanus,  so  far  from  giving  encouragement  to  theviewthat  such  chronicles  existed  also 
of  the  period  immediately  preceding,  should  lead  us,  as  Grimm  {Einleit.,  p.  xxiii.,  versus 
Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  s.  v.)  has  shown,  to  just  the  contrary  conclusion.  The  present  writer  ends 
his  work,  quite  naturally,  at  the  point  where  these  Chronicles  take  up  the  history.  And  this 
remark  of  his  has  its  best  explanation  when  we  suppose  that  he  meant  thereby  to  give  a  reason 
for  his  carrying  on  the  history  no  further. 

Respecting  the  time  of  the  composition  of  1  Maccabees,  there  are  happily  certain  tolerably 
trustworthy  data  furnished  by  the  work  itself.  From  chap.  xvi.  23,  we  may  safely  infer  that 
it  was  written  after  the  death  of  John  Hyrcanus  (b.  C.  106).  This  opinion  is  indeed  dis- 
puted by  some  (Bertheau,  Welte,  Keil),  but  as  we  must  tbiuk  on  wholly  insufficient  grounds. 
It  has,  on  the  other  hand,  the  confident  support  of  Eichhorn,  Bertholdt,  De  Wette,  Ewald, 
Grimm,  Fritzsche,  and  many  others.  But  it  is  further  evident  that  the  work  was  not  written 
immediately  after  the  death  of  this  ruler,  since  the  published  record  of  the  events  of  his  reign 
was  ahready  in  circulation.  In  chap.  xiii.  30,  moreover,  we  read  concerning  the  family  monu- 
ment which  had  been  erected  by  Simon  that  it  still  existed  at  the  time  of  the  writer.  Such 
a  remark  would  have  been  uncalled  for  if  a  considerable  period  had  not  already  elapsed.  But 
we  are  not  allowed  to  date  the  composition  very  long  —  i.  e.  not  more  than  a  score  or  two  of 
years —  after  the  death  of  John  Hyrcanus,  since  views  are  expressed  in  it,  as,  for  instance, 
those  concerning  the  Romans  (chap,  viii.),  which,  in  that  case,  would  be  quite  incomprehen- 
sible. It  was  in  the  year  B.  c.  64  that  Jerusalem  was  taken  by  Pompey,  and  no  further  illu- 
sions concerning  the  "  noble  people  ' '  that  "  lovingly  accepted  all  that  joined  themselves  unto 
them  "  were  possible.  To  attempt,  however,  to  fix  the  date  of  composition  more  exactly  than 
in  saying  that  it  took  place  during  this  interval  of  about  forty  years,  —  i.  e.,  between  the  death 
of  John  Hyrcanus  and  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  —  might,  perhaps,  be  justly 
characterized  as  venturesome.  Still  the  early  existence  of  the  present  translation  as  witnessed 
to  by  Josephus'  use  of  it  and  some  other  considerations  derived  from  the  history  of  the  period 
itself  would  lead  us  to  place  it  somewhat  nearer  the  former  than  the  latter  of  these  two  ex- 
tremes. 

The  Cheek  Text  and  Ancient  Versions. 

The  oldest  Greek  MSS.  of  our  book  are  the  Sinaitic  and  Alexandrine.  The  former  contains 
only  the  First  and  Fourth  Books  of  Maccabees.  The  latter  the  entire  four.  The  Roman  (Six- 
tine)  edition  of  the  book  is  based  on  MSS.  not  now  known.  The  Vatican  Codex  does  not 
contain  1  Maccabees  nor  any  one  of  the  remaining  three,  although  many  critics  and  commen- 
tators, including  even  Michaelis  (cf.  Cotton,  p.  52),  have  cited  the  readings  of  the  Si-xtine 
edition  as  though  they  were  those  of  this  famous  MS.  Codex  Sinaiticus,  which  Fritzsche  in 
pis  edition  of  the  text  names  X.,  corresponds  generally  with  Codex  Alexandrinus  (HI.).   The 


480  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


more  iniportnnt  of  the  sixteen  codices  of  the  present  book  in  the  Holmes-Parsons'  edition  of 
the  LXX.,  we  have  ah-eady  described  in  the  General  Introduction.  The  best  text  is  found  in 
III.  X.  52.  56.  62.  106.  107..  which  also  show  an  inner  connection  with  one  another.  Next  to 
them  come  19.  64.  93.,  with  the  Syriac  version. 

There  are  but  two  old  versions  of  1  Maccabees  extant,  a  Latin  and  a  Syriae.  The  former  was 
received  into  the  Vulgate  without  special  revision  from  the  Old  Latin.  In  its  original  form  it 
came  from  the  Greek  and  closely  corresponds  with  it.  The  omissions,  additions,  and  deviations, 
which  indeed  are  somewhat  numerous,  are  rarely  of  special  importance,  and  may  be  due  more  to 
later  changes  which  the  version  has  suffered  tlian  to  original  faults  of  translation.  There  are, 
in  fact,  two  recensions  of  this  version.  In  addition  to  the  common  one,  Sabatier  publishwl 
(Bibliorum  Sacrorum  Latince  Versiones  Antique,  etc.,  Rheims,  1739-49;  Paris,  1751,  ii.  1013. 
sqq.)  for  the  first  thirteen  chapters,  another  from  a  MS.  belonging  to  the  cloister  of  St.  Ger- 
main in  Paris,  and  known  as  "  S.  Germ.  15,"  which  differed  considerably  from  the  former, 
and  which  he  regarded  as  an  earlier  form  of  it.  Grimm,  on  the  contrary,  and  following  him 
Keil,  have  represented  that  Sabatier  held  this  text  to  be  the  result  of  a  later  attempt  to  revise 
the  text  of  the  Vulgate  on  the  basis  of  the  Greek.  But  it  was  undoubtedly  the  text  of  the 
Vulgate  which  Sabatier  regarded  as  the  revised  one  (cf.  Welte,  Einleit.  in  die  Deuterokanon 
Bucher,  p.  26,  where  his  language  is  quoted  in  its  original  form).  Moreover,  the  text  of  the 
St.  Germain  MS.  is  a  sufBcient  witness  for  itself.  Fritzsche  says  of  it  {Libri  Apoc.  V.  T., 
prasf. ,  p.  XX.)  :  sed  ille  est.  .  .  .  genere  dicendi  horridior  et  verborum  textus  grcece  tenacior,  etc. 
Both  recensions  were  evidently  made  from  the  Greek,  and  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  in 
support  of  the  opinion  of  Curtiss  (The  Name  Machabee,  p.  6),  that  Jerome  or  any  one  else,  in 
either  of  them,  has  attempted  a  revision  on  the  basis  of  a  supposed  Hebrew  text  then  extant. 
The  best  text  of  the  common  Latin  version  is  found  in  the  Biblia  Sacra  Latina  Vet.  Testamentt 
Hieroni/mo  interprete  ex  Antiquissima  Auctoritate  in  Stichos  descripta,  by  Heyse  and  Tisoh- 
endorf.  Lips.,  Brockhaus,  1873.  In  this  edition  along  with  the  Clementine  text  (Rome,  1592- 
1861),  are  given  the  readings  of  Codex  Amiatinus.  Besides  the  two  recensions  of  the  Latin 
above  referred  to,  a  fragment  consisting  of  sixteen  verses  of  the  second  chapter  (49-64),  has 
been  published  by  Mai  (Spicil.  Rom.,  tom.  ix.,  Ap.  p.  60),  in  which  a  wholly  different  render- 
ing is  found.  Its  origin  is  unknown.  The  Syriae  version  (Lond.  Polyglot,  vol.  iv.)  which  was 
formerly  supposed  by  some  to  be  a  direct  offspring  of  the  Hebrew  (cf.  especially,  Michaelis, 
Deutsche  Ubersetzung  des  Ersten  Bucks  der  Maccabaer,  Vorrede,  p.  x.),  since  the  masterly  col- 
lation by  Trendelenburg  {Primi  Libri  Maccab.  Grceci  Textus  cum  Versions  Sr/riaca  Collatio 
in  Eichborn's  Repertorium  fur  Biblische  und  MorgenVdndische  Literatur,  xv.,  pp.  58-153)  is  uni- 
versally acknowledged  to  have  sprung  from  the  Greek.  The  correspondences,  indeed,  are 
found  to  be  most  marked,  and  no  other  conclusion  is  possible.  Even  the  special  form  of  the 
Greek  text,  which  impressed  itself  on  the  Syriae  translation,  is  still  discoverable  in  the  MSS. 
19.  64.  93.  Instances  in  which  they  are  followed  word  for  word  are  not  rare.  The  names  of 
places  are  so  given,  however,  that  it  is  inferred  the  translator  must  have  been  acquainted 
with  them  in  their  Semitic  form.  This  fact  gives  the  version  a  peculiar  value  for  exegetical 
purposes,  and  at  the  same  time  bears  witness  to  its  great  age. 

Canonical  Standing. 

As  we  have  already  noticed,  the  Sinaitic  Codex  contains  of  the  Maccabaean  books  only 
the  first  and  fourth.  The  latter  is  arranged  in  a  separate  section  with  the  Shepherd  of  Her- 
mas,  as  though  it  had  originally  formed  with  it  an  appendix  to  the  canonical  books.  The 
omission  of  the  several  books  of  the  Maccabees  in  the  Vatican  Codex  is  remarkable,  since  it 
contains  all  the  other  apocryphal  writings.  It  is  evident,  moreover,  that  the  former  could 
never  have  formed  a  part  of  it.  In  this  respect,  as  well  as  in  the  position  of  the  Book  of 
Esther,  next  after  the  Wisdom  of  Sirack,  it  is  in  harmony  with  the  canon  of  Atlianasius  (cf. 
Westcott,  Bible  in  Church,  pp.  161,  304).  In  Codex  Alexandrinus  the  four  books  of  Macca- 
bees follow  in  order,  after  Ezra  and  Nchemiah  and  before  the  Psalter.  The  arrangement 
indicates  that  they,  in  connection  with  Esther,  Tobit,  and  Judith,  were  regarded  as  forming 
an  appendix  to  the  historical  books  of  the  canon,  and  as  themselves  not  properly  canonical. 

riiis  view  is  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  Wisdom  and  Eccle-uasticus  are  similarly  arranged 
in  this  codex  with  respect  to  the  Hagiographa.     In   Codex  Claromonlanus  three   books  of 

Maccabees  are  found,  the  one  omitted  being  the  third.     They  are  placed  at  the  end  of  the 


THE  FIRST  BOOK   OF   MACCABEES.  481 

Old  Tuslaiiient,  next  after  Daniel,  in  a  series  of  books  that  includes,  besides,  Judith,  Esdras, 
Estlier,  Job,  and  Tobit.  This  position  was  doubtless  meant  to  indicate  here,  as  in  the  cases 
mentioned  above,  that  the  books  were  designed  for  ecclesiastical  use  only. 

We  find  but  very  few  traces  of  1  Maccabees  among  Christian  writers  of  the  first  Christian 
centuries.  Its  history,  for  the  most  part,  lay  outside  the  sphere  of  their  inquiries.  In  the 
so-called  Apostolic.  Canons,  art.  Ixxxv.,  —  wliich,  however,  is  probably  a  later  addition, — 
three  books  of  Maccabees  are  mentioned  among  those  to  be  i-evered  as  "holy,"  and  they  are 
enumerated  between  Esther  and  Job.  In  the  Coptic  version  of  these  canons  (see  Diet,  of 
Christian  Antiq.,  p.  118)  the  Book,  ot  Esther  is  omitted,  and  those  of  Tobit  and  Judith  are 
put  in  the  place  of  the  Maccabees.  Farther  on  the  words  occur  :  '  ■  And  out  of  the  Wisdom 
of  Solomon  and  Esther,  the  three  Books  of  Maccabees,  and  the  Wisdom  of  the  Son  of  Sirach, 
there  is  much  instruction."  Clement  of  Alexandria  makes  a  bare  allusion  to  our  work  as  the 
■'  Book  of  the  Maccabtean  history  "  (^Strom.,  i.  §  123).  Tertullian,  also  {Adv.  Jud.,  iv.),  shows 
acquaintance  with  the  histoi'y  of  the  Maccabaean  wars.  Origen,  as  we  have  previously  ob- 
served, speaks  of  the  books  of  the  Maccabees  as  not  being  included  in  the  canon  of  the  Jews. 
Eusebius.  too,  in  his  Chronicle,  separates  them  from  the  "  Divine  Scriptures,"  while  else- 
where showing  that  he  was  not  ignorant  of  their  contents.  (Cf.  Proep.  Ev.,  viii.  9.)  Athan- 
asius,  as  before  remarked,  omits  the  Maccabaean  books  from  his  list  entirely.  The  same  is 
true  of  Gregory  of  Jsazianzus  (f  a,  d.  390),  of  Amphilochius,  his  friend  (f  A.  D.  395),  and  of 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (f  A.  D.  386),  all  of  whom  published  catalogues  of  the  Old  Testament 
writings.  Even  among  the  Alexandrian  fathers  the  allusions  to  the  Maccabees  are  quite 
rare.  Among  Latin  writers  of  the  early  church,  Rufiinus  (f  c.  A.  D.  410)  reckons  the  "  Book 
of  Maccabees  "  among  "  ecclesiastical,"  in  distinction  from  "  canonical  "  works.  Jerome, 
as  is  well  known,  translated  none  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha  save  Judith  and  Tobit, 
and  accorded  them  likewise  onlj-  "  ecclesiastical  "  rank.  He  mentions  the  Maccabees  in  con- 
nection with  these  two  works  as  being  read  by  the  church,  although  not  held  to  be  canonical. 
(Cf.  Prcef.  ad  Lib.  Sol.)  Augustine  advocated  the  principle  that  the  usage  of  the  greatest 
number  of  churches  should  decide  the  matter  of  the  authority  of  the  several  books  of  Scrip- 
ture. Among  works  to  be  thus  judged,  he  mentions  two  books  of  Maccabees,  along  with 
Judith  and  Tobit.  He  himself,  however,  did  not  regard  the  former  as  standing  on  a  level 
with  works  usually  held  to  be  canonical,  since,  in  a  controversy  with  the  Donatists  who 
quoted  2  Maccabees,  he  remarks  that  these  works  had  never  been  received  into  the  Hebrew 
canon.  In  fact,  he  elsewhere  (i)e  Civ.  Dei,  xviii.  36)  expressly  distinguishes  them  from  the 
"  Holy  Scriptures,"  they  having  been  accepted  by  the  church  simply  on  account  of  the  his- 
tories of  martyrs  which  they  contain.  At  the  Council  of  Carthage  (a.  d.  397),  according  to 
some  authorities,  the  two  books  of  Maccabees  were  enumerated  among  the  '•  Divine  Scrip- 
tures." But,  if  it  be  true,  it  is  to  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  Augustine's  actual  position 
touching  the  matter  of  canonical  and  uncanonical  books,  since  his  influence  predominated  in 
this  council.  Subsequent  to  this  period  the  book  before  us  shared,  in  general,  the  fortunes  of 
the  remaining  works  of  the  Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken 
sufficiently. 

a 


THE  FIRST  BOOK 


MAC  CABEES. 


Chapter  I. 

1  And  it  happened,  after  that  Alexander,  the  Macedonian,  the  son  of  Philip,*  who 
came  out  of  the  land  of  Chettiim,  had  smitten   Darius  king  of  the  Persians  and 

2  Medes,  that  he  reigned  in  his  stead,  beiug  previously  ^  over  Greece.   And  he  waged  • 

3  many  wars,  and  won  *  many  ^  strong  holds,  and  slew  kings  °  of  the  earth.  And  he ' 
went  through  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  took  spoils  of  a  multitude  of  nations ; 
and '  the  earth  was  quiet  before  him.     And  °  he  was  exalted,  and  his  heart  was 

4  lifted  up.     And  he  gathered  a  very  great  army,"  and  ruled  over  countries,  and  ^' 

5  nations,  and  kings  ;  and  they  ^^  became  tributaries  unto  him.    And  after  these  things 

6  he  fell  sick,'*  and  perceived  that  he  would  "  die.  And  ^^  he  called  his  servants, 
those  that  were  distinguished  and  had  been  brought  up  with  "  him  from  his  youth, 

7  and  parted  his  kingdom  among  them,  while  he  was  yet  alive.     And  "  iVlexander 

8  reigned  twelve  years,  and  died.^'   And  his  servants  bore  rule  every  one  in  his  place. 

9  And  after  his  death  they  all  put  crowns  upon  themselves,  and ''  their  sons  after 

10  them,  for-"  many  years  ;  and  they  did  much  evU^^  in  the  earth.  And  there  came 
out  of  them  a  sinful  shoot,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  a  son  of  king  Antiochus,^  who 
had  been  a  hostage  at  Rome  ;  and  he  reigned  in  the  hundred  and  thirty  and  seventh 
year  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Greeks. 

11  In  those  days  went  there  out  of  Israel  apostates,  and  '■^  persuaded  many,  saying, 
Let  us  go  and  make  a  covenant'^*  with  the  nations  "^  that  are  round  about  us  ;  for 

12  since  we  separated  ourselves  "^  from  tbem  we  have  had  much  trouble.^     And  the 

13  matter  pleased  them.^*  And  ^  certain  of  the  people  declared  themselves  ready  to 
go,  and  went  ^^  to  the  king ;  and  he  gave  them  authority  to  practice  ^'  the  ordinances 

14  of  the  heathen.     And  ^^  they  built  a  gymnasium  ^  at  Jerusalem  according  to  the 

Vers.  1-3.  —  i  A.  V. :  son  (toc  is  omitted  by  19.  64.  93.)  of  Philip,  the  Macedonian.  ^  the  first  (n-poTtpoc  is  adopted 
by  Fritz.sche,  Grimm,  and  Keil  from  111.  X.  52.  66.  66.  al.  Co.  Aid.  ;  text,  rec,  n-porepos.  Grimm  would  insert  6e  after 
frpdrepoi').        8  and  made.         *  wan.        <>  (omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  al.)  "  Makings.  '  omitshe.  ^  took 

spoils  of  many  (wA^Sovs)  nations,  insomuch  that  (ifat).        *  whereupon  (23.  omits  KaL). 

Vers.  4-6.  —  '»  A.  V. :  gathered  ((rvi^yaye  ;  crurij^ec,  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  al.)  a  mighty  strong  host.  "  (omitted  by 

X.  23.  44.  62.  al.)  "  kings  (marg.,  fangrfojw.i.    Codd.  III.  23.  44.  al.  Co.,  nrpawiu.^),  who.  is  (See  Crwi.) 

"  should.  "»  Wherefore.  "'  such  as  were  honourable,  and  had  been  brought  up  with  (text,  rec,  oi/i^po'^ovs 

Fritzsche,  Grimm,  and  Keil  adopt  )jvvfK7p6i^ov^  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  62.  al.  Co.  Aid.). 

Vers.  7-9. —  '"  A.  V. :  So.         is  then  died.         i'-*  bare  ....  so  did.        ^  omits  for.         ^i  evils  were  multiplied. 

Vers.  10-12.  —  ==  A.  V. :  wicked  root  {jti^a  ifiopriuAoj.  I  take  the  former  word,  with  Grimm  and  Keil,  in  the  sense 
Df  "  shoot."  Cf.  Ecclus.  xlvii.  22),  Antiochus  surnnmed  Epiphanes,  son  of  Antiochus  the  (III.  X.  19.  23.  44.  106.  al. 
Co.  have  the  article)  king.  ^  wicked  men  (uioi  wapdt'Ofioi.    They  were  persons  who  held  the  law  of  Moses  in  no 

respect,  apostates,  and  hence  were  regarded  as  base  and  unworthy)  who.  -*  (the  word  5taBiiKr)v  seems  to  have  a 

somewhat  broader  meaning  here.  Cf.  ver  15.  They  resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the  foreign  peoples  about 
them.)  2c  heathen  (it  is  not  likely  that  they  would  have  used  such  a  word).  -®  departed.  ^^  sorrow  (lit.,  many 
tvils  have  found  i/.t).  -^  So  this  device  ....  them  well  (Kal  riyaBw^  6  Aoyos  iv  bijtdaXiioli  aiirStv,  "  And  the  nwitter  was 
found  good,  seemed  good,  in  their  eyes"). 

Vers.  1.3, 14.  — ^  A.  V. :  Then.  ^o  ^g^e  ,,o  forward  herein  (Trpoedvju^^trai'  =r  they  were  ready,  forward^  eager),  tta 

they  went.  8i  ^-ho  ....  licence  to  do  after.  ^'^  whereupon.  ^  a  place  of  exercise. 


1   MACCABEES.  483 


15  customs  of  the  heathen  ;  and  they  '  made  themselves  foreskins,"  and  fell  away  from  ' 
the  holy  covenant,  and  yoked  themselves  in  with*  the  heathen,  and  sold  them- 
selves *  to  do  the  evil.* 

1 6  And  '  the  kingdom  was  established  before  Antiochus,  and  he  had  the  thought  to 
become  king  of  the  land  of  Egypt,'  that  he  might  have  dominion  over  the  ^  two 

17  realms.     And'"  he  entered  into  Egypt,  with  a  great  multitude,  with  chariots,  and 

18  elephants,  and  horsemen,  and  a  great  navy.''  And  they  waged  '^  war  against 
Ptolemy  '"  king  of  Egypt ;  and  Ptolemy  turned  about  before  "  him,  and  fled ;  and 

19  many  were  wounded  to  death.'^    And  they  took  possession  of  "  the  fortified"  cities 

20  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  he  took  the  spoils  of  the  land  of  Egypt."  And  after  that 
Antiochus  had  smitten  Egypt,  he  returned  "  in  the  huudi-ed  forty  and  third  year  ; 
and  he  -"  went  up  against  Israel,  and  he  went  up  against  '^^  Jerusalem  with  a  great 

21  multitude.   And  he  entered  in  arrogance  ■*  into  the  sanctuary,  and  took  '^  the  golden 

22  altar,  and  the  candlestick  of  light,  and  all  the  vessels  thereof,  and  the  table  of  the 
shewbread,  and  the  pouring  vessels,  and  the  vials,  and  the  censers  of  gold,  and  the 
vail,  and  the  crowns,  and  the  golden  ornaments  that  were  on  the  front  of  ■''  the  tern- 

23  pie ;  and  he  scaled  all  the  gold  '^  off.    And  he  took  ''"  the  silver  and  the  gold,  and  the 

24  precious  vessels  ;  and  '■"  he  took  the  hidden  treasures  which  he  found.  And  hav- 
ing taken  all,  he  departed  into  his  land.'-'     And  he  made  a  '^  massacre,  and  spoke 

25  very  arrogantly.^"     And  there  came  great  mourning  upon  "  Israel,  in  every  place 

26  where  they  were;  and'''  princes  and  elders  groaned,"'  virgins  and  young  men  were 

27  made  feeble,  and  the  beauty  of  women  was  changed.     Every  bridegroom  took  up 

28  lamentation,  and  '^  she  that  sat  in  the  marriage  chamber  was  in  mourning.'^  The 
land  also  quaked '"  for  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  all  the  house  of  Jacob  was 
clothed  with  shame." 

29  And  "  after  two  years  time  '^  the  king  sent  his  chief  collector  of  tribute  unto  the 

30  cities  of  Juda  ;  and  he  *"  came  unto  Jerusalem  with  a  great  multitude.  And  he 
spake  words  of  peace  unto  them,  in  deceit ;  ^'  and  they  gave  *'•'  him  credence. 
And  ■"  he  fell  suddenly  upon  the  city,  and  smote  it  very  sore,  and  destroyed  much 

31  people  of  Israel.     And  when  he  had  taken  the  spoils  of  the  city,  he  set  it  on  fire, 

32  and  pulled  down  the  houses  and  the  **  walls  thereof  round  about.'"  And  ^'  the 
women  aud  the ''''  children  took  they  captive,  and  took  possession  of  ^'  the  cattle. 

33  And  they  fortified '"  the  city  of  David  with  a  great  and  strong  wall,  with  strong  ^ 

34  towers,  and  it  became  their  strong  hold.^'     And  they  put  therein  a  sinful  nation, 

35  apostates  ;  *-  and  they  strengthened  themselves  in  it."  And  they  laid  in  weapons  and 
provisions,  and  having'''  gathered  together  the  spoils  of  Jerusalem,  they  laid  them 

36  up  there  ;  and  they  became  '*  a  sore  snare.     And  it  became  ^^  a  place  to  lie  in  wait 

37  against  the  sanctuary,  and  an  evil  adversary  to  Israel  continually.^'  And ''  they 
shed   innocent  blood   round   about  ^'^   the   sanctuary,   and  defiled   the    sanctuary.^' 

38  And  "'  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  fled  because  of  them  ;  and  it  became "-  a  habi- 
tation  of  strangers  ;   and  it  ^'^  became  strange  to  those  that  were  born  in  her  ;  and 

Ver.  15.  —  ■  A.  V.  i  omits  they.  2  uncircumcised  (aKpo^variai.    See  Com.).  5  forsoot.  *  joiued  them 

selves  to.  fi  were  sold.  '^  do  mischief. 

Vers.  16, 17.  — "A.  V.  :  Now  when.  ^  Antiochus,  he  thought  to  reign  over  (Fritzsche  receives  yiis  from  III.  19. 

23.  62.  64.  93.  106.  Old  Lat.  Syr.)  E.  »  the  dominion  of.  >»  Wherefore.  "  (Of.  Cmn.)  "  and  made  {Uzl.  rec, 
irvv€tTTTi<TavTO,  which  is  retained  by  Grimm  and  Fritzsche  ;  Keil  would  prefer  the  sing.,  read  by  III.  62.  Co.  Old  Lat 
Syr.     In  the  former  case  the  subject  would  be  Antiochus  and  his  army,  as  in  ver.  19).  i"  Ptolemee.  i*  but 

Ptolemee  was  afraid  (so  Luther  renders  tVeTpdTnj  here)  of.  ^^  {Lit., /ell  wounded,  or  slain,  since  the  latter  is  generaUy 

the  meaning  of  Tpau^iaTias  in  the  LXX.     See  Tom.)  i'^  Thus  they  got.         "strong.        18  gpoils  thereof. 

Vers.  20-23.  —  '•'  A.  V.  :  returned  again.  -^  omits  he.  21  omits  he  went  up  against  (as  23.  44.  55.  56.  62.  71.  74. 
(has  6Trl 'I.,  as  X. )  106.  243.  Co.  Aid.).  22  and  entered  proudly.  23  took  awjay.  ^i  before.  25  [gmpig^  all  which 
he  pulled.        '"  He  took  also.        2'  also. 

Vers.  24-26.  —  ^s  a.  V. :  when  he  had  taken  all  away,  he  went  ....  own  land.  20  having  made  a  great  (Luther  : 

*' He  had  many  people  killed '').  30  gpoite,;  yery  proudly.  3i  Therefore  there  was  great  mourning  in.  S2  so  that 
the.        3^  mourned  Uo-nya^av),  the. 

Vers.  27,  28.  — ^  III.  X.  23.  55  al.  omit  ^  A.V.:  heaviness.         ^e  was  moved  (see  Com.).         37  covered  with 

confusion. 

Vers.  29-31.—  "^  III.  X.  44.  al.  omit.        3»  A.  V.  :  fully  expired  (see  Co?n.).         *o  who  ^^  spake  peaceable  words 

....  but  all  was  deceit.        *-  for  when  they  had  given.         ^^  omits  And.        **  omits  the.        *3  on  every  side. 

Ve^.  32-35.  —  *o  A.  V.:  But.  *'  o7iiits  the.  *8  possessed.  *^  Then  builded  they.         ^  and  with  mighty. 

6»  made  itft  strong  hold  for  them.  •'-  (Cf.  ver.  11     See  Com.)  ^  fortified  (cf.  ver.  33)  themselves  therein. 

**  They  stored  ((  also  with  armour  and  victuals  ...  when  they  had.        ^5  so  they  became  (eyeVeTO,  III.  X.  19.  64.). 

Vers.  36-38. —  i^  A.  V. ;  for  it  was.  '*'  omiia  continually  (5ta  Traw6s).  M  Thus.  w  on  every  side  ot. 

•*  defiled  it.        O'  insomuch  that.        "a  whereui/jQ  the  city  was  made.        '^  otnits  it. 


484  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


39  her  children  '  left  her.  Her  sanctuary  was  laid  waste  like  a  wilderness,  her  feast? 
were  turned  into  mourning,  her  sabbaths  into  reproach,  her  honor  into  contempt. 

40  As  had  been  her  glory,  so  was  her  dishonor  increased,  and  her  exaltation  ^  was- 
turned  into  mourning. 

41  And  the  king  '  wrote  to  his  whole  kingdom,  that  all    should  be  as  *  one  people, 

42  and  every  one  should  abandon  his  customs.     And  °  all  the  heathen  agreed  to  °   the 

43  commandment  of  the  king.     Yea,  many  '   of  the  Israelites  found  pleasure  in  '  his 

44  religion,  and  sacrificed  unto  idols,  and  profaned  the  sabbath.  And  the  king  sent  °  let- 
ters  by  messengers  unto  Jerusalem   and  the  cities  of  Juda,  that  they  should  follow 

45  the  foreign  customs  '"  of  the  land,  and  keep  ^'  burnt  offerings,  and  sacrifices,  and 
drink  offerings,  out  of   the   sanctuary  ;  ^^  and  that  they  should  profane  sabbaths  '* 

46,  47  and  festival  days  ;  and  ]iollute  i-ancluary  and  priests  ;  buOd"  altars,  and  groves, 

48  and  idol  temples,'"^  and  sacrifice  swine's  flesh,  and  unclean  animals  ;  ^°  that  they 
should  also  leave  their  sons  uncircumcised,  make  "  their  souls  abominable  with  aU 

49  manner  of  '^  uncleanness  and  profanation  :  to  the  end  they  might  forget  the  law,  and 

50  change  all  the  ordinances.     And  whosoever  would  not  do  according  to  the  command- 

51  ment  of  the  king,  he  ^°  should  die.  In  accordance  with  all  these  commands  ^  wrote 
he  to  his  whole  kingdom  ;  and  he  "'  appointed  overseers  over  all  the  people  ;  and 
he  commanded  -^  the  cities  of  Juda  to  sacrifice,  city  by  city. 

52  And  -'  many  of  the  people  were  gathered  unto  them,  every  -*  one  that  forsook  the 

53  law  ;  and  they  -^  committed  evils  in  the    land,  and   drove  the  Israelites  into  hiding 

54  places,  wherever  they  could  find  a  refuge.^°  And  on  -'  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month 
Ciiaseleu,''*  in  the  hundred  forty  and  fifth  year,  they  built  an  '^  abomination  of  des- 

55  olation   upon  the   altar,  and   built  altars  in  the  cities  of  Juda  ronndabout.*"     And 

56  they  ^'  burnt  incense  at  the  doors  "-  of  their  houses,  and  in  the  streets.  And  having 
rent "'  in  pieces  the  books  of  the  law  which  they  found,  they  burnt  them  with   fire. 

57  And  where  was  found  with  any  a  book  of  the  covenant,^'  or  if  any  found  pleasure 
in  ^  the   law,  the  king's   commandment  was,  that   they  should  put   him  to   death. 

58  Thus  did  they  according  to  their  might  ^^  unto  the  Israelites  every  month,  to  as 

59  many  as  were  found  in  the  cities.    And  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  ^'  of  the  month  they 

60  sacrificed  upon  the  altar,"'  which  was  upon  the  altar  of  burnt  offering.  And,'"  ac- 
cording to  the  commandment,  they  put  to  death  the  women,^  that  had  caused  their 

61  children  to  be  circumcised.     And  they  hanged  the  infants  about  their  necks,  and 

62  plundered''^   their  houses,  and  slew*-^   them  that   had   circumcised   them.     And 
many  in  Israel  were  strengthened  and  firmly  resolved  not  to  eat  what  was  unclean." 

63  And   they  chose  ^^  to   die.  that  they  might  not  be  defiled  with  food,'*"  and  that  they 

64  might  not  profane  the  holy  covenant ;  and*'  they  died.  And  there  was  very  great 
wrath  upon  Israel. 

Vers.  38-40.  — i  A.  V. ;  own  children.        *  excellency  (vi/<o?). 

Vers.  41-47.  —3  A.  V. :  Moreover  king  Antiochus  (Fritzsche  etrikes  out  the  last  word  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  23.  44. 
62.  85.  66.  al.  Oo.  Aid.).  ■>  omits  as  [eU  before  Ao^v  is  found  in  in.  23.  44.  55.  56.  al.  and  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche). 

'  leave  his  laws  ;  so.  «  according  to.  '  many  ako.  '  consented  to  (seeCom.).  '  For  ....  had  sent. 

I"  strange  laws.        "  forbid  (itioAScrai  followed  by  Ik).  '^  in  the  temple  (same  word  that  is  rendered  "  sanctuary  " 

elsewhere).  "^  the  sabbaths.  "  the  sanctuary  ....  holy  people  (not  the  Israelites  in  general,  but  clearly  those 

offlciMting  in  the  temple  are  meant) ;  set  up.        '■•  chapels  of  idols.        >"  beasts. 

Vers.  48-53  —  "  A.  V.  .  children  ....  and  make.  '•  mnnntr  o/(thi8  is  the  force  of  iravrt  here).  "  lie  said,  he. 
20  In  the  selfsame  manner.  2'  omits  he.  '■  people,  commanding.  ^  Then.  ^  to  wit,  every.  =•'■  so  they. 
'«  secret  places,  ri'en  wheresoever  they  could  flee  for  succour  (lit.,  "  in  all  their  places  of  refuge  ''). 

Vers.  54-57.  —^J  A.  V. :  Now.  ^  Casleu  (seeCom.).  =»  set  up  the  {same  word  rendered  "  builded  ''  in  the  second 
line  following.  Cf.  Com.).  so  builded  tV/o/ altars  throughout  ....  on  every  side.  3i  omi«  they.  3=  (Cf.  Com.) 
S3  when  thev  had  rent.        ^  wheresoever  ....  the  book  of  the  testament.        »  consented  to  (cf.  ver.  43). 

Vers.  68-60.  —M  A.  V. :  by  their  authority.  ='  Now  the  live  and  twentieth  day.  '«  did  sacriflce  upon  the  idol 
altar  (cf.  Com.).        «»  altar  of  God.    At  which  time.        *"  certam  women. 

Vers.  61-64.—  *'  A.  V. :  rifled.  *■  (III.  X.  23.  66.  al.  Co.  omit  this  and  the  preceding  verb,  and  III.  56.  rca4 

olKeiovt  for  oI«ovs.)  «  Howbeit.  «  fully  resolved  and  confirmed  in  themselves  (lKf,a.Tai.we-,,(Tav  «ac  ixi>piieiliJ-a>'  n. 
aiiToU)  ....  "Fiy  unclean  thing.  «  Wherefore  ....  chose  rather  (for  eireXeJoi-ro  Fritzsche  adopts  eVeSefaj'To  from 

III.  X.  19.  23.  44.  56.  al.,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  be  faTored  by  Keil  and  Grimm).       «  meats        *'  so  then. 


4» 


Chapter  I. 


Ver.  1.      Kol  tyivero  (for  the  Hebrew  TIM). 

In  the  opinion  of  Michaelis,  such  a  beginning  is 
llear  evidencu  of  a  Hebrew  original.  —  Uand  of 


Chettiim.  Cf.  Jer.  ii.  10 ;  Ezck.  xxvii.  6,  where 
the  "  isles  of  Chittim "  are  mentioned.  The 
islands  and  countries  on  the  more  westerl}' coast 
of  the  Mediterranean,  including  also  Macedonia, 


1   MACCABEES. 


485 


are  meant.  —  Persians  and  Medes.  This  was 
the  usual  designation  of  the  Persian  kingdom 
after  the  union  of  Media  with  Persia  effected  by 
Cyrus.  li]  the  Book  of  Daniel,  on  the  contrary, 
we  find  uniformly  Medes  and  Persians.  Cf.  Dan. 
V.  28;  vi.  15  ;  viii.  20 

Ver.  2.  It  has  been  noticed  that  the  Greek 
word  used  for  "slew"  {l(r<pa(f)  indicates  that 
these  kings  were  not  slain  in  regular  battle,  but 
were  executed  by  Alexander.  The  word  for 
kings  is  without  the  article,  as  indicating  that 
they  were  sini|>ly  rulers  of  the  smaller  provinces 
under  the  king  of  Persia. 

Ver.  3.  Ends  of  the  earth.  He  carried  his 
conquests  as  far  as  the  Indian  Ocean.  Accord- 
ing to  Strabo  (xv.  39),  it  was  reported  that  the 
booty  taken  by  Alexander  amounted  to  the  value 
of  from  forty  thousand  to  one  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  talents. 

Ver.  5.  ■'ETreffey  eVl  r^v  koIttjv.  This  form 
of  expression  was  common  to  the  Aramaic,  and 
means  much  the  same  as  our  "  took  to  his  bed," 
"  was  sick  abed."  For  an  account  of  the  final 
sickness  of  Alexander,  cf.  Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece, 
xii.  254  ff.  ;  Droyson,  i.  2,  p.  .3:i7  ff. 

Ver.  6.  Called  his  servants,  ;.  e.,  the  various 
officials,  civil  and  military.  —  While  he  was  yet 
aUve.  On  the  unusual  genitive  absolute  here,  cf. 
Winer,  p.  207.  The  statement  made  iu  this  verse 
that  Alexander  divided  his  kingdom  among  his 
officers  seems  to  have  no  sufficient  foundatiou. 
Such  a  report  was  widely  circulated  in  the  East, 
and  seems  to  have  been  accepted  as  a  fact  by  the 
writer  of  the  present  book.  Of  all  the  Greek  and 
Latin  historians,  however,  it  is  only  alluded  to  by 
one,  and  he  discredits  its  truth.  Curtius  (x.  10,5) 
says  :  "  Sed  famam  ejus  rei  qmunquam  ab  auctori- 
biis  tradtta  est,  ranam  fuisse  coiitpenmus."  The 
report  probably  got  into  circulation  through  the 
partisaus  of  the  Hellenistic  kings,  who  sought 
thus  to  give  some  color  of  authority  to  the  usurpa- 
tions of  the  latter.     Cf.  Droyson.  ii.  1,  2  Buch. 

Ver  7.  Twelve  years.  According  to  Arrian 
(vii.  28),  it  was  twelve  years  and  eight  months. 
"  He  lived  thirty-two  years,  and  beyond  thethiity- 
Becoud  eight  months ;  as  Aristobulus  says :  '  He 
was  king  twelve  years,  and  then  eight  mouths.'  " 

Ver.  9.  Put  crowns  upon  themselves.  /.  e., 
assumed  the  kingly  dignity.  The  various  officials 
and  generals  of  Alexander  who  actually  did  this, 
according  tij  Grimm,  were  Antigonus  iu  Asia, 
Ptolemy  in  Egypt,  Seleucus  in  Babylon,  Lysim- 
aclius  in  Thrace,  and  Cassauder  iu  Macedon.  But 
cf.  Grote,  xii.,  p.  319.  The  evil  which  these  petty 
kings  caused  supplies  a  good  thought  for  the  trau- 
siiiou  of  the  author,  at  this  point,  to  the  rule  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  the  consequent  insur- 
rection under  the  Maccabees. 

Ver.  10.  The  word  "  Epiphanes  "  corresponds 
to  the  Latin  nohilis,  ilbistris.  The  name  may 
have  had  its  origin  in  the  fact  of  Antiochus'  sud- 
den appearauce  from  his  imprisonment  at  Kome. 
He  was  also  known  by  the  name  Epimanes.  the 
madman.  He  is  so  called  by  Poly  bins  (Frag., 
xxvi.  10;  cf.  Diod.  Sic,  11.  xxvi.,  xxxi. ),  who 
gives  several  instances  of  his  wild  and  inconsist- 
ent behavior.  —  Who  had  been  a  hostage  at 
Eome.  This  is  said  apparently  to  bring  out  the 
contrast  between  his  condition  at  one  time  and 
his  subsequent  pretensions  and  conduct.  After 
the  battle  of  Magnesia,  b.  c.  189,  Antiochus  III. 
eould  make  peace  with  the  Romans  only  on  the 
condition  of  sending  twenty  hostages  to  Rome, 


among  them  his  own  son.  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
remained  fifteen  years  in  the  imperial  city,  and 
was  then  released  through  the  interposition  of 
his  brother  Seleucus  IV.,  who  delivered  to  the 
Romans  his  own  son  iu  place  of  Antiochus. 
While  the  latter  was  on  his  way  home,  Seleucus 
IV.  was  murdered  by  au  ambitious  courtier,  and 
Antiochus  became  king.  —  Hundred  and  thirty 
and  seventh  year  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Greeks, 
i.  e.,  the  oue  huudred  and  thirty-seventh  year  of 
the  so-called  f^eleucian  era.  Josepbus  calls  it  the 
era  ttjs  'Aaaoplav.  Cf.  Antiq.,  xiii.  6,  §  7.  By 
"Assyrian  "  he  means  "  Syrian."  This  era  dates 
from  the  autumn  of  the  year  B.  c.  312,  i.  e.,  with 
the  battle  and  victory  of  Seleucus  Nicator  on 
the  Tigris — between  the  summers  of  B.C.  312 
and  311  —  in  his  contest  with  Nicanor,  the  gen- 
eral of  Antigonus.  While  the  author  of  the 
present  book  makes  use  of  this  Seleuciau  chro- 
nology for  years,  when  months  are  spoken  of 
he  reckons  according  to  the  Jewish  mode,  {.  c, 
from  Nisan  (April).  Cf.  iv.  52;  x.  21.  This 
matter  is  fully  treated  by  Schiirer  (]Veutest.  Zeit- 
geschichte,  p.  15  ff. )  ;  Wieseler,  arts.  "  jEra"  aud 
"  Antiochus"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.  ;  also,  vol. 
xxi.  54.3-570  of  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1875,  iii.,  pp.  516- 
556;  1877,  ii.  281-298;  and  Caspari  in  the  latter 
work  for  1877,  p.  181  ff.  Cf.  Wieseler,  in  reply, 
1877,  iii.  510  ff. 

Ver.  11.  The  refereuce  is  to  the  efforts  of  a 
certain  party,  soou  after  the  accession  of  Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes,  to  Hellenize  the  Jewish  peo- 
ple and  institutions.  Cf.  Schiirer,  /.  c,  p.  67  ff. 
Their  wish  was  not  simply  to  make  a  covenant,  but 
to  become  like  the  Greeks  in  religion  and  gen- 
eral customs,  as  is  apparent  from  the  following- 
verses. 

Ver.  15.  Made  themselves  foreskins.  This 
was  on  account  of  the  exposure  of  the  body  in 
the  gymnasium.  They  wished  to  avoid  the  ridi- 
cule of  the  Greeks.  A  surgical  operation  was 
necessary.  Cf.  Winer,  Realu-orterb.,  and  Riehm's 
HandwOrterb.,  art.  "  Beschneidung  ;  "  aud  Stud, 
n.  Krit.,  1835,  p.  657.  —  Sold  themselves  to  do 
evil.  Cf.  1  Kings  xxi.  20,  the  words  of  Elijah  to 
Ahab,  of  which  the  present  |iassage  is  probably 
a  reminiscence.  The  meaning  is  that  they  be- 
came reckless  slaves  of  sin. 

Ver.  16.  Before  Antiochus,  ^vavriov  'Avri- 
rfxou,  i'  ^.,  when  he  saw  it  established. 

Ver.  17.  With  respect  to  the  question  whether 
Antiochus  made  two,  three,  or  four  campaigns 
against  Egvpt,  ou  which  authorities  differ,  cf.^ 
in  addition  to  the  commentaries  of  Grimm  and 
Keil,  Graetz,  ii.,  note  16,  and  Schiirer,  /.  c,  p.  61, 
with  the  authorities  there  cited.  — ■  A  great  navy. 
Grimm  supports  this  trauslation  of  the  word 
(rr6\os,  thinking  the  connection  demands  it.  But 
it  is  rejected  by  Keil,  who  follows  the  Syriac  in 
giving  the  word  the  meaning  equipment.  Michaelis, 
Schleusner,  Gaab,  and  De  Wette,  on  the  other 
hand,  would  render  by  "  land  force." 

Ver.  18.  Wounded  to  death.  The  Greek 
Tpaufiarlaj  is  commonly  used  iu  the  LXX.  to 
translate  -  ^C-  ^^-  ^^^  concordance  of  Trom- 
mins,  s.  v.  The  Syriac  renders  by  occisi.  Mi- 
chaelis says  properly  of  the  Vulgate,  which  trans- 
lates by  vulnerati,  that  it  follows  the  common 
Greek  usage,  rather  than  that  of  the  LXX. 

Ver.  21.  The  sanctuary,  rh  kyLaapa.  It  is 
here  the  va6s,  in  distinction  from  Up6i',  which 
meant  tne  temple  as  a  whole.      According  to  2 


i86 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Mace.  V.  2),  the  value  of  what  Antiochiis  took 
from  the  temple  at  this  time  was  1,800  talents. 

Vers.  22,  23.  On  the  various  vessels  used  in 
the  service  of  the  temple,  see  Keil,  Handb.  d.  Bib. 
Archaoloqie,  p.  140. 

Ver.  24.  Cf.  Dan.  vii.  8,  11,  36,  to  which  the 
present  passage  seems  to  have  reference. 

Ver.  28.  The  land,  i.  e.,  the  very  earth.  It  is 
reprisunted  as  being  affected  by  the  misery  of  its 
inhabitants. 

Ver.  29.  After  two  years.  The  Greek  is 
fxera  Suo  cttj  ^^epaJr,  which  has  a  strong  Hebrew 
oolorinir.  —  With  a  great  multitude.  Accord- 
ing to  2  Mace.  v.  24,  he  had  with  him  22,000 
men.  Antiochus  sent  this  detachment  of  his 
troops,  under  ApoUonius,  against  Jerusalem,  on 
his  return  from  a  fruitless  campaign  — the  second 
—  against  Egypt,  where  he  had  been  opposed  by 
the  Romans  under  Popilius  Lsenas.  According 
to  Josephus  (Antiq.,  xii.  5,  §  4),  Antiochus  him- 
self tool;  part  in  this  second  attack  upon  Jeru- 
salem ;  but  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees,  as  well 
as  the  present  one,  is  against  it. 

Ver.  33.  City  of  David.  This  is  not  to  be 
taken  here  as  identical  with  the  city  of  Jerusalem. 
It  was  rather  the  southwestern  part  of  the  same, 
which,  at  an  earlier  period,  went  under  the  name 
of  "  Mount  Zion."  Cf.  verse  35,  and  2  Sam.  v, 
7,9;  1  Cbrou.  ii.  5,  7.  The  "  Acra "  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  present  history  (i.  33; 
iv.  2;"ix.  52;  x.  32;  xiii.  52;  xiv.  32),  and  in 
2  Mace.  (xv.  31,  35),  having  been  occupied  by  a 
garrison  of  Syrian  troops,  until  they  were  finally 
dislodged  by  Simon,  B.C.  141  (1  Mace.  xiii.  49  f.j. 
In  our  book  (iv.  37,  60  ;  v.  54  ;  vi.  62  ;  vii.  33  ;  x 
11)  the  name  "Mount  Zion,"  on  the  other  hand, 
is  given  to  the  temple  mountain,  which  in  2 
Chron.  iii.  1  is  called  Mount  Moriah.  The  fact 
that  the  so-called  "  city  of  David  "  was  so  long  in 
the  hands  of  the  Syrians  is  sufficient  to  account 
for  this  interchange  of  names.  Josephus  misun- 
derstood the  matter,  representing  that  the  "  city 
of  David  "  meant  at  this  time  the  whole  of  Jeru- 
ealem  (Antiq.,  vii.  3,  §  2),  and  naming  as  "the 
Acra"  a  part  of  the  lower  city  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  temple.  Cf.  Com.  of  Grimm  and 
Keil  ad  loc,  and  Riehm,  Handworterb.,  under 
'•  Burg." 

Ver.  34.  Sinful  nation,  eflvor  aixapTu\6v.  This 
was  the  usual  designation  of  the  heathen  by  the 
Jews,  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  this  par- 
ticular garrison  was  made  up  of  worse  cliaracters 
than  the  rest  of  the  army  of  Antiocluis. 

Ver.  36.     An  evil  adversary,  Sta$o\oii  TTovrtp6v, 

—  a  probable  translation  of  17"l  "il^tS.  witli  a  ref- 
■erence  not  only  to  the  fortification,  but  to  those 
who  occupied  it.  The  following  verses  show  in 
what  respects  this  declaration  was  true. 

Ver.  43.  Found  pleasure  in,  fiiSSxitaav  rii. 
The  use.  of  this  w  ord  with  the  simple  dative  is 
found  in  the  LXX.  only  here  and  in  1  Esdras  iv. 
39.     It  is  connrioii  after  the  Macedonian  period. 

—  Aarpem  atiToO,  his  religion.  Cf.  ii.  19,  22.  The 
wor<l  AarpeiW,  i'runi  Aarpis,  a  sfrvant,  is  used  in 
the  Apocryjiha  exclusivi'ly  of  the  worship  of  God. 
See  1  Esd.  i.  4,  iv.  54 ;  Jud.  iii.  8 ;  Ecclus.  iv.  14  ; 
3  Mace.  vi.  6. 

Ver.  44.  Grimm  doubts  (tliough  on  .scarcely 
sufficient  grounds)  tlie  truth  of  the  statement 
here  made,  that  Auti(jchus  issued  such  orders 
respecting  the  llelleniziug  of  all  the  people  of  his 
realm,  and  tliinks  the  idea  may  have  been  taken 
from  the  similar  edict  of  Nebuchadnezzar  found 
in  Daniel,  chap.  iii. 


Ver.  47.  The  offering  of  the  flesh  of  swine  in 
sacrifice,  abhorrent  as  it  was  to  the  holiest  senti- 
ments of  the  Jews,  was  practiced  by  the  Greeks 
as  well  as  other  nations.  Herodotus  (ii.  47) 
says :  "  The  Egyptians  do  not  regard  the  offering 
of  swine  to  the'  other  gods  as  right ;  but  to  the 
goddess  of  the  moon  (XeWji'i))  and  Bacchus  (Aio- 
viaif)  they  offer  at  the  same  time,  on  the  same 
full  moon,  their  swine,  and  eat  their  flesh." 

Ver.  48.  Their  souls.  'Vvxii  here  refers  to  the 
inward  spiritual  man,  and  is  not  with  Gaab  to  be 
understood  as  a  circumlocution  for  the  personal 
pronoun. 

Ver.  51.  Over  all  the  people,  i.  e.,  over  the 
Jews. 

Ver.  52.  Gathered  unto  them,  namely,  the 
persons  who  had  been  set  over  the  people  by 
Antiochus. 

Ver.  54.  This  event — the  building  of  a  pagan 
altar  over  the  altar  of  Jehovah  in  the  temple  — 
occurred,  or  was  be^un,  on  the  15th  of  the  month 
Chisleu  (correspondmg  nearly  to  our  December), 
in  the  year  B.  c.  168  (145  of  the  Seleucian  era), 
and  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  the  same  month  sacri- 
fices were  first  offered  upon  it.  Graetz  ( Geschichte, 
iii.  2,  p.  315),  relying  mainly  on  the  interpreta- 
tion of  Jerome  and  the  Mishna,  maintains  that 
it  was  an  idol  that  was  placed  on  the  altar,  and 
not  another  altar.  The  cjiicoSSfj.ricrai'  of  the  pres- 
ent verse  he  is  obliged,  however,  to  stigmatize  as 
a  mistranslation  of  the  Hebrew.  Cf.,  below,  iv. 
43.  —  Abomination  of  desolation.  The  words 
and  idea  are  derived  from  Dan.  xi.  31,  and  xii. 
1 1,  where  the  Hebrew  is  translated  by  the  LXX. 
by  the  words  used  in  our  book,  0S4\vy/.ia  iprifiti- 
(Tews,  and  in  the  second  passage  by  Theodotion 
also.  Cf.  also  Matt.  xxiv.  15  ;  Mark  .\iii.  14.  It 
was  to  the  Jews  an  "  abomination  "  which  arose 
out  of  "  desolation,"  or  more  probably  one  that 
caused  it, —  especially,  a  desolation  of  all  holy 
ideas  and  usages  in  connection  with  the  temple 
and  its  service.  In  the  opinion  of  Calmet,  Mi- 
chaelis,  Grimm,  Fritzsehe,  and  others,  there  is  an 
error  in  the  date  here,  and  for  "  fifteenth  "  there 
should  be  read  "  twenty-fifth."  Cf.  verse  59 ;  2 
Mace.  X.  5  ;  Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xii.  7,  §  6.  Such  a 
change,  however,  has  no  support  in  the  MS.  au- 
thorities. 

Ver.  55.  At  the  doors,  iwl  rOiv  Bvpav.  Grimm 
would  give  the  preposition  here  the  sense  of  at  or 
near ;  while  Keil,  referiiug  to  Winer  (p.  374), 
prefers  the  rendering  on,  supposing  that  a  person 
could  stand  on  the  threshold  while  sacrificing. 
Among  the  Greeks,  Apollo,  Bacchus,  and  Diana 
were  among  other  divinities  thus  honored. 

Ver.  56.  Books  of  the  law.  It  refers  pri- 
m.arily  to  the  Pentateuch,  but  might  include  also 
the  entire  Old  Testament.  The  same  is  apjiarently 
true  of  the  expression,  "  book  of  the  covenant  " 
in  the  following  verse.  If  the  latter  be  really 
the  case,  this  would  be  the  first  known  use  of  this 
now  familiar  jilirase.  On  the  influence  of  the 
Antiochian  persecution  in  fixing  the  C'anon  of  the 
Old  Testament,  cf.  art.  "  Canon  "  in  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet.,  s.  V. 

Ver.  58.  Every  month.  The  meaning  seems 
to  be  that  on  a  certain  ilay  of  each  month  such 
persons  were  executed  as  had  been  found  guilty 
of  disobeying  this  edict  respecting  the  destruction 
of  all  bcioks  of  the  Law. 

Ver.  59.  The  present  book  everywhere  dis- 
tinguishes between  thealtar  in  the  temple  and  the 
lieatlieii  altars,  by  using  for  them  BufftcuTTiipiot 
and  0iii/i6s  respectively. 


1   MACCABEES.  487 


Ver.  60.  The  meaning  here,  as  the  following 
rerse  shows,  doubtless  is,  that  these  women 
''  caused   their  children  to  be  circumcised,"  al- 


though in  cases  of  need  it  was  also  allowed  to 
them  to  perform  the  rite  themselves.  Cf.  Ex.  it 
25. 


Chapter  11. 

1  In  those  days  arose  Mattathias  the  son  of  John,  the  son  *  of  Simeon,  a  priest  of 

2  the  sons  of  Joarib  from  Jerusalem,^  and  dwelt  in  Modein.°  And  he  had  five  sons, 
3,  4  John,*  surnamed  Gaddis ;  ^  Simon,  called  Thassi ;  Judas,  called  °  Maccabeus ; 
5,  6  Eleazar,  called  Avaran  ;  and  Jonathan,  called '  Apphus.    And  when  he  saw  the 

7  blasphemous  things  that  took  place '  in  Juda  and  Jerusalem,  he  said.  Woe  is  me, 
wherefore  was  I  born  to  this  to  see  the  ruin  '  of  my  people,  and  the  ruin  "  of  the 
holy  city,  and  to  stay  ''  there,  while  ''^  it  was  delivered  into  the  hand  of  the  enemy, 

8  and  '*  the  sanctuary  into  the  hand  of  strangers  ?     Her  temple  hath  "  become  as  a 

9  man  without  glory.     Her  glorious  vessels  are  carried  away  into  captivity,  her  in- 

10  fants  are  slain  in  her  streets,'^  her  young  men  with  the  sword  of  the  enemy.    What 

11  nation  hath  not  received  a  share  of  '^  her  kingdom,  and  gotten  of  her  spoils  ?  All 
her  ornaments   are   taken   away  ;  instead ''   of  a  free  woman  she  hath  '^  become  a 

12  slave.''     And  behold,  our  sanctuary,  and  ^^  our  beauty  and  our  glory,  are  ^'  laid 

13  waste,  and  the  heathen  ''-  have  profaned  them.'^'    To  what  end  should''*  we  live  any 

14  longer?  Aud^*  Mattathias  and  his  sons  rent  their  clothes,  and  put  on  sackcloth, 
and  mourned  very  sore. 

15  And  '^^  the  king's  oflBcers,  those  who  enforced  apostasy,  came  unto  "  the  city  Mo- 

1 6  dein,  in  order  to  -'  sacrifice.     And  when  many  of  Israel  came  unto  them,  Matta- 

17  thias  '^  and  his  sons  came  together.  And  the  king's  officers  answered  and  spoke'" 
to  Mattathias  on  this  wise,  Thou  art  a  ruler,  and  an   honored  '^   and  great  man  in 

18  this  city,  and  strong  through  '■  sons  and  brethren  ;  now  therefore  come  thou  up 
first,^  and  do  '*  the  king's  commandment,  as  all  the  nations  ^^  have  done,  and  ^"  the 
men  of  Juda,  and  those  that  are  left  in  *'  Jerusalem,  so  shalt  thou  and  thine  house 
be  of  ^'  the  king's  friends,  and  thou  and  thy  sons  ^  shall  be  honored  with  silver  and 

19  gold,  and  many  gifts.*"  And  *'  Mattathias  answered  and  spake  with  a  loud  voice, 
Though  all  the  nations  that  are  in  the  king's  realm  "  obey  him,  so  that  they  have 
fallen  *'  away  every  one  from  the  religion  of  his  fathers,  and  have  accepted  for 

20  themselves  **  his  commandments,  yet  *^  will  I  and  my  sons  and  my  brethren  walk  in 

21  the  covenant  of  our   fathers.     Be    it  far   from  us  to"  forsake  law*'   and   ordi- 

22  nances.*"     We  will  not  hearken  to  the  king's  words,  to  turn  aside  *^  from  our  relig- 

23  ion,  to  the  ^°  right  hand,  or  the  left.  And  ^'  when  he  ceased  ^-  speaking  these  words, 
there  came  up  a  man  who  was  a  Jew  ^'  in  the  sight  of  all  to  sacrifice  on  the  altar 

24  which  was  at  Modein,  according  to  the  king's  commandment.     And  when  Matta- 

Vers.  1-5.  —  1  A.  V.  :  the  son  {tov)  -[Gi.  Com.)  3  Modin  (I  shall  hereafter  write  "  Modein,'' without  further 

fiotice)  *  Joannan  (I  adopt  'Iwai/i/Tj?  with  Fritzsche,  from  III.  X    2.S.  44.  52.  55.  56.  al.).  ^  called  (ejrtKaAou^ei'of) 

Caddis  (so  uzt.  itc.  ;  III.  28.  44.  al.  Aid.  Vulg,  yoSSis  ;  X.  19.  64.,  yaSSti.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Numb.  xiii.  3,  TaSSi).  "  who 
was  called.  '  whose  surname  was  (Codd.  III.  X.  al.  read  KoAou^efos  ;  text,  rcc,  eTriKoAoufiefOs).  9  blasphemies 

tliat  were  committed  (it  refers  to  both  words  and  acts). 

Vers.  6-9.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  bom  to  see  this  misery  (ri  toOto  eyevirrjdr^i'  ISelv  to  trOfTpifj-fia).  lo  oynits  the  ruin  (as  19.  71. 

93.).        "  dwell  (icafliVai.     It  seems  to  get  the  meaning  given  above  through  the  context).  12  when.         13  (Omitted 

by  ni.  X.  66.  al.)  "  is.        «  the  streets  (I  adopt  auri)?  from  III.  X.  23.  44   al.,  with  Fritzsche). 

Vers.  10-14. — ^^  A.  V.  :  had  a  part  in.  J^  07nii5  instead.  "  is.  i"  bondslave.  2i>  sanctuary  (ra  oiyia  ^/laii/), 
even.  ^i  jg,  22  Gentiles  (usually  rendered  "  heathen,''  or  *'  nations,"  in  our  book).  23  it.  24  therefore  shall 
»  Then. 

Vers.  16-20.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  In  the  mean  while  27  such  as  compelled  the  people  to  revolt  came  into.  ^^  to  make 

them.  ^  M.  also.  so  fhen  answered  (cf  ro7?i.)  the  king's  ofiicers  and  said  si  honourable.  32  strengthened 
with.  33  thou  first  inpoaeKde  TrpwTO?,  i.  c,  come  up  first).         '^*  fulfil.  35  ij/^g  as     ...  heathen.  3'j  t/^a,  and. 

•^  also  and  such  as  remain  at.  38  in  the  nuy/tber  of .  39  children.  *3  rewards  (see  Com.).  *^  Then. 

*'  under  .  .  .     dominion  (ec  oiKti)  ttj^  ^acj-iAetas).  *3  and  (the  infiu.)  fall.  **  their  fathers  and  give  consent  ta 

l^peritravTO  iy.  The  verb  in  this  con.«truction  means  to  choose  gladly  for  the  purpose  of  holding  to.  Cf.  2  ChroQ. 
ixii.  11,  Heb.  and  Lireek.  Wahl's  CUivis  gives  it  heve,  aa  middle,  th6  sense  of  pr<Beepta  servanda  siii  sumere)  *^  HI. 
X.  "23.  55   al.,  Kayw  ;  text.  Tec,  oAA'  ryoi. 

Vers.  21-24.  — <«  A.  V.  :  God  forbid  (sec  Com.)  that  we  should.  "  the  law.  «  the  ordinances.  •'•'  to  go 

*o  either  on  the.  ^'  Now.  62  tjad  left.  63  came  one  of  the  Jews. 


488  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


thias  saw  it,^   he  was  inflamed  with  zeal,  and  trembled  inwardly  ;  and  he  gave  rfcii» 

25  to  his  anger,  as  was  right,  and^  ran,  and  slew  him  upon  the  altar.  Also  the  king's 
commissioner,^  who  compelled  men  to  sacrifice,  he  killed  at  that  time,  and  the  altai 

26  he  pulled  down.  And  he  acted  *  zealously  for  the  law,  as  ^  Phinees  did  unto  Zam- 
bri  son  ^  of  Salom. 

27  And   Mattathias   cried  out   in  '  the  city   with  a  loud  voice,  saying.  Every  one 

28  who  ^  is  zealous  for  °  the  law,  and  keepeth  ^°  covenant,  let  him  follow  me.  And  ^* 
he  and  his  sons  fled  into  the  mountains,  and  left  all  tha*^  -"^  they  had  in  the  city. 

29  Then    many  that   sought  after  justice   and   judgment  went  down  into   the  wilder- 

30  ness,  to   dwell   there,   they  "  and   their  sons,^*  and  their  wives,  and  their   cattle  ; 

31  because  the  troubles  ^^  increased  upon '^  them.  And"  it  was  told  the  king's  ser- 
vants, and  the  troops  "  that  were "  at  Jerusalem,  in  ^  the  city  of  David,  that 
men,^'  who  had  broken  the  king's  commandment,  had  -^  gone  down  into  the  hiding- 

32  places  *  in  the  wilderness.  And  many  pursued  after  them,"  and  having  over- 
taken tliem,  they  camped  against  them,  and  made  war  against  them  on  the   sab- 

33  bath  day.    And  they  said  unto  them.  Enough  !  *"     Come  forth,  and  do  according  to 

34  the  commandment  of  the  king,  and  you  shall  live.  And  "^  they  said,  We  will  not 
come  forth,  neither  will  we  do   the   king's  commandment,  to  profane   the  sabbath 

35,  36  day.  And  they  hastened  the  battle  against  them.'"  And"'  they  answered  them 
not,  neither  cast  they  a  stone  at  them,  nor  stopped  up  ™  the  hiding-places,  saying,*" 

37  Let  us  die  all  in  our  innocence  ;  *^  heaven  and  earth  will  '^  testify  for  us,  that  you 

38  put  us  to  death  wrongfully.  And  *'  they  rose  up  against  them  in  battle  on  the  sab- 
bath, and  they  perished,^*  with  their  wives  and  their  "^  children,  and  their  cattle,  to 
the  number  of  a  thousand  people.*^ 

39  And  '*'   when  Mattathias  and  his  friends  learned  of  it,^'   they  mourned  for  them 

40  right  sore.  And  one  of  them  said  to  another,^^  If  we  all  do  as  our  brethren  have 
done,  and  fight  not  for  our  lives  and   ordinances  **  against   the   heathen,  they  will 

41  now  quickly  root  us  out  of  "  the  earth.  And  at  that  time  ^"^  they  resolved  and  an- 
nounced,''^ Whosoever  may  "  come  against  us  to  battle  *^  on  the  sabbath  day,  we 
will   fight  against   him,  and   not  *^   die   all,  as  our  brethren  perished  in  the  hiding- 

42  places."    Then  assembled  ^^  there  unto  him  a  company  of  Asidseans,  valiant  men  of 

43  Israel,  every  one  who  voluntarily  devoted  himself  for  "  the  law.  Also  all  they  that 
fled  from  the  troubles  ^^  joined  themselves  unto  them,  and  became ^^  a  stay  unto  them. 

44  And  they  collected  an  army,^-  and  smote  sinful  men  in  their  anger,  and  apostates  in 

45  their  wrath  ;  and  ^'  the  rest  fled  to  the  heathen  for  safety.^''    And  "  Mattathias  and 

46  his  friends  went  round  about,  and  pulled  down  their  **  altars  ;  and  as  many  children 
as  "  they  found  in  the  bounds  ^^  of  Israel  uncircumcised,  they  circumcised  by  force.*' 

47  They   pursued   also   the   insolent  foe,*    and  the  work    prospered   in   their  hand. 

48  And  ^^  they  recovered  the  law  out  of  the  hand  of  the  heathen,^-  and  out  of  th» 
hand  of  the  kings,  and  they  suffered  not  *^  the  sinner  to  triumph.^ 

Vers.  24-28.  — i  A.  V  :  Wtiicli  thing  .  .  .  .  M.  saw.  2  iiig  reins  trembled,  neither  could  he  forbear  to  show  {lit., 

and  ht  brought  up)  his  anger  according  to  judgment:  wherefore  he.  >  (Lit.,  man.)  *  Thus  dealt  he.  <■  of  God, 
like  as.        o  the  son. 

Vers.  27-32.  — 'A.  v.:  cried  thoughout.  »  Whosoerer.  ^  of.  »  maintaineth  the  (cf.  Corn.).  "So. 

"  that  ever.  13  both  they.  ^*  children.  ^^  afflictions  (marg.,  evils).  "  sore  upon.         '^  Now  when. 

>*  host  (see  Torn. ).  i"  was.         ^^  {See  Com.)        ^i  certain  men  iUt.,  men  o/the  kind  who).  23  were  23  secret 

plaus  (cf.  i.  53.    They  were  cares,  of  which  there  were  many  in  the  wilderness  of  Judaea).  "  they  pursued  after 

hem  a  great  number. 

Vers.  33-3S.  —  26  A.  v. :   Let  that  which  you  have  done  hitherto  suffice  {lit.,  K«ri7  now,  ews  tou  vvv.    I  adopt,  with 

Fritzsche  and  others,  the  reading  of  III.  X.  23.  44.  62.  and  many  other  MSS.,  omitting  'ik<iv6v).        "  But.         ='  So  then 

.  .  gave  them  the  battle  with  all  speed.  -'  Howbeit.  20  omits  up.         '»  places  where  they  lay  hid  ;  but  said. 

8'  innocency  (niarg.,  Gr.,  simp/icily).         32  shall  =3  go.        si  slew  them  (dire'Soi'oi-).        36  omi«  their  (as  44.  71.). 

3"  Jj\t.,  souls  o/men. 

Vers.  39-42.  —  37  a.  V  :  Now.  3s  understood  hereof.         30  (Lit.,  a  man  said  to  his  neighbor,  which  is  a  commop 

Ilehraism.)  «  laws  (Si/toiiujiiTioi').  "  {Lii.,  destroy  us  from.)  «  At  that  time  therefore.  "  decreed  (e^ouAfii- 
o-aiiro)  saying.  "shall.  "  to  make  battle  with  us.  «  neither  will  we.  «  (A«I  were  murdered  ....  in  th» 
secret  places.  <*  came  {avvrixeTjtTav).  ^'•'  Asideans  (Fritzsche  receiTes  'XffiSaibtv  from  III.  44.  62.  64.  106.  243.  Co 
Aid  ;  text,  ree.,  *lovBaiiitv),  who  were  mighty  men  of  Israel,  even  all  such  as  were  .  .       devoted  unto. 

Vers.  43-48.  —  »>  A.  V. :  for  persecution  (see  Com.),      "i  were.      '2  go  they  joined  their  forces  [ijvvt<rrri<r^vTO  ivvofuv 
■s"  wiclicil  men  .     ..but.  "succour.  »  Then.  ce  the  (Fritzsche  receives  avrai- from  III.  23.  44.  55.  al.) 

"  what  children  soever.  <•'  within  the  coast.  '»  those  they  ....  valiantly  {marg.,  bii  force).  eo  after  the  prouj 
men  (lit.,  ions  of  insolence).  <"  So  «2  the  Geatiles  <»  of  kings,  neither  sutfered  they  »•  Lit.,  and  gave  >M 
•  horn  to  th*  sinner 


1   MACCABEES. 


489 


49  And '  when  the  time  drew  near  that  Mattathias  should  die,  he  said  unto  his 
sons,  Now  hath  insolence  and  correction  ^  gotten  strength,  and  the  time  of  destruc- 

50  tion,  and  furious  anger.^      And  now  ■*   7ny  sons,  be  ye  zealous  for  the  law,  and  give 

51  your  lives  for  the  covenant  of  your  fathers.  Call  to  remembrance  what  acts  our 
fathers  did  in  their   time  ;  ^  so   shall   ye  receive   great  glory  '  and  an  everlasting 

52  name.     Was  not  Abraham  found  faithful  in  temptation,  and  it  was  imputed  unto 

53  him  for  righteousness  ?     Joseph  in  the  time  of  his  distress  kept  the  commandment, 

54  and  became  '  lord  of  Egypt.     Phinees  our  father   for  his   fervent  zeal  *  obtained 

55  the  covenant  of   an  everlasting  priesthood.     Jesus  for  fulfilling  the  word  became  ' 

56  a  judge  in  Israel.     Caleb'"  for  bearing  witness  before  the  congregation  received  a 

57  heritage  of  '^  land.     David  through  his  piety  '-  possessed  the  throne  of  an  everlast- 

58  ing  kingdom.     Elias  for  being  fervently  zealous  '^  for  the  law  was  taken  up  even  " 

59  into  heaven.     Ananias,  Azarias,  and  Misael,  by  believing  were   saved   out  of  the 
60,  61   flame.    Daniel  for  his  innocence'^  was  delivered  from  the  mouth  of  lions.    And 

thus  consider  with  respect  to  '^  all  ages,  that  none  that  hope ''  in  him  shall  be  over- 

62  come 

63  come 
be  found,  because  he  hath  '^''  returned  into  his  dust,  and  his  thought  hath  -'  come  to 

64  nothing.     And  ^^  you  my  sons,  be  strong,'^  and  show  yourselves  men  in  behalf  ^^  of 

65  the  law  ;  for  by  it  shall  you  obtain  glory.  And  behold,  I  know  that  your  brother 
Simeon  "^  is  a  man  of  counsel,  give  ear  unto  him  alway  ;  he  shall  be  a  father  unto 

66  you.     And  "*  Judas  Maccabaeus,  a  mighty  warrior  from  his  youth   up,  he  shall  be 
€7  leader  of  your  army,-^  and  fight  "'*  the  battle  of  the  people.*''     Take  also  unto  you 

68  all   those  that  observe   the  law,  and  avenge  ye  *-  your  people.     Recompense  fully 

69  the  heathen,  and  take  heed  to  the  commandments  of  the  law.   And  *^  he  blessed  them, 

70  and  was  gathered  to  his  fathers.  And  he  died  in  the  hundred  forty  and  sixth  year, 
and  his  sons  buried  him  in  the  sepulchres  of  his  fathers  at  Modein,  and  all  Israel 
made  great  lamentation  for  him. 


'^     And  fear  not  before ''  the  words  of  a  sinful  man  ;  for  his  glory  shall  be- 
dung  and  worms.   To-day  he  will  -'  be  lifted  up,  and  to-morrow  he  shall  not 


Vers.  49-54.  —  i  A.  V. :  Now,  2  pride  and  rebuke  (cAeyiuis,  i.  e.,  our  "  chastisement,  correction  ").  '  the  wrath 
of  indignation  (opyrj  flv/iou).         i  now  therefore.  °  {^l^itg.,  Gt.,  generations.)         ^  iionour  (cf.  Ter.  &i).         'was 

made.        ^  in  being  zealous  and  fervent  {kv  roj  ^TjAwerat  ^i)\ov). 

Vers.  66-61.  —»  A.  V. :  was  made.  ">  (XoAe^.)  i'  the  heritage  of  the  (see  Com.).  "  for  being  merciful. 

13  zealous  and  fervent  (cf.  ver.  54).  **  omits  even  (cws,  as  far  as;  III.  55.  56.  al.,  ws.    Cf.  LXX.  at  2  Kings  ii.  1). 

»5  innocency.        ^^  ye  throughout  (Kara).        ^^  put  their  trust  (cATrifon-es).        18  \At.^be  weak. 

Vers.  62-70.  — '»  A.  V. :  Fear  not  then.  20  5/,^;;  fce  (eis  followed  by  the  accus.).  21  shall.  22  jg,  23  thought 
(fiioAoyiiT^dc.  Often  used  for  "  plans  "  in  the  plur.)  is.  24  \yherefore.  25  valiant.  28  the  behalf .  27  simon 
(so  64.  only  ;  but  everywhere  else  this  is  the  usual  form  in  the  Greek).  28  ^s  for.  2fl  Maccabeus  (I  shall  write 

'■  Maccabseus  '"  in  all  cases.  The  word  has  the  article  in  III.  64.  106.)  he  hath  been  mighty  and  strong,  even  ....  youth 
up,  let  him  be  your  captain  {a.px'*>v  trrpana-;).  '"  (Marg.,^A(  ye  ;  HI.  52.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.,  n-oAeju^ffeTe.)  ^^  people 
(see  Com.).         52  the  wrong  of  (e*cSt(c^uaTe  cic5iic7jo-t»' =/if7^y  ai-en^e.    Cf.  following  ver.).        33  So. 


Chapter  II. 


Ver.  1.  Grimm,  with  many  of  the  older  com- 
mentators and  the  margin  of  the  A.  V.,  would 
translate,  "  arose  from  Jerusalem,"  connecting 
the  phrase  "  from  Jerusalem  "  directly  with  the 
verb  aviary).  But  Keil,  following  Wahl,  main- 
tains that  this  is  not  only  against  the  context, 
which  represents  Modein  as  the  paternal  resi- 
dence (vsiv-fes  17,  70),  but  gives  a  wroiij;  meaning 
to  the  verb  avetrrri  joined  with  a.ir6,  which  could 
scarcely  refer  to  one's  removing  his  permanent 
residence  from  one  place  to  anotlier.  —  Modein, 
MtoSeij'.  'the  question  of  the  situation  of  this 
place  is  still  in  dispute.  Hitzig  {Geschichte,  ii.  450), 
with  some  others,  fi.Kes  on  the  solitary  heights  of 
tlie  village  El-Burdsch,  about  fifteen  Roman  miles 
west  from  Jerusalem.  The  best  modern  critics, 
however,  find  it  in  the  neighborhood  of  El- 
Mediyeh,  to  the  north  of  the  last-named  place. 
(Cf.  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.v.)  In  Josephus, 
both  the  form  MwSeetv  and  MajStet/z  occur. 

Ver.  2.  On  the  meaning  of  the  word  Macca- 
\ifeua,  cf.  Inirod. 

Ver.  8.      As  a  man  without  glory,  is  av))p 


SSo|oi.  This  expression  was  doubtless  meant  to 
correspond  to  a  common  Hebrew  phrase,  "  the 
house  of  a  dishonored  man."  So  Michaelis,  Keil, 
Grimm,  and  others. 

Ver.  10.  'What  nation.  In  the  Syrian  army 
there  was  a  great  diversity  of  peoples  repro 
sented,  including  Philistines,  Ammonites,  Moab 
ites,  Samaritans,  Assyrians,  Chaldaeans,  Greeks, 
and  Macedonians. 

Ver.  16.  Many  of  Israel.  These  Jews  had 
apostatized,  and  came  for  the  purpose  of  partici- 
pating iu  these  heathen  rites. 

Ver.  17.  Answered,  aTTEKp/flrjirai'.  This  word 
corresponds  to  the  Hebrew  HH',  and  is  used  to 
introduce  a  conversation  or  speech,  only  when 
something  has  preceded  which  was  in  fact,  or 
which  implied,  an  expression  of  opinion  or  pur- 
pose of  which  it  is  the  answer.  Here  it  was  the 
well-known  attitude  of  Mattathias  and  his  family, 
or  that  of  the  apostate  Jews.  — A  ruler,  i.  e.,  he 
was  the  priest  and  head  of  his  family. 

Ver.   18.      Gifts,   AirocrToAarj.       'This    word,    in 


i90 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


the  sense  here  given,  is  also  found  in  the  LXX. 
at  1  Kings  ix.  16  ;  1  Esd.  ix.  51,  54  ;  2  Mace.  iii. 
2.     It  belongs  to  the  later  Greek. 

Ver.  21.  "lAetos.  This  wonl,  translated  in  the 
A.  \.  "  God  forbid,"  means  *'  merciful,"  i.  e., 
may  God  be  merciful  if  such  a  thing  happen  ! 
On  the  improper  translation  given  to  the  corre- 
sponding Hebrew  words  ^7  n7^  711  (see  2  Sam. 
XX.  20 :  xxiii.  17)  in  our  English  version,  cf.  Plea 
for  a  New  English  Version  of  the  Scriptures,  Lon- 
don, Macmillan  and  Co.,  1864,  p.  231  ff. 

Ver.  25.  Josephus  [Antiq.,  xii.  6,  §  2)  names 
the  official  of  the  king  here  mentioned  "  Apelles, 
the  king's  general ; "  probably  the  same,  accord- 
ing to  Grimm,  whom  he  elsewhere  calls  "  Bac- 
chides  "  {Jud.  Bell.,  i.  1,  §  3).  The  statement, 
however,  like  many  others  by  Josephus,  is  in  con- 
tradiction with  what  is  related  of  this  officer  in 
our  book. 

Ver.  26.     Zambri.     Cf.  Num.  xxv.  14. 

Ver.  27.  Keepeth  covenant.  The  article  is 
wanting  before  SiaSriKrii>.  While  the  covenant 
with  God  is  probably  meant,  the  words  are  to  be 
taken  apparently  in  a  general  sense  :  "  he  who 
means  to  be  a  covenant  keeper." 

Ver.  29.  Justice  and  judgment.  These  words 
are  usually  found  in  a  reverse  order.  The  mean- 
ing is  that  those  whose  aim  was  to  conform  to 
the  law  of  judgment  and  justice  as  laid  down  in 
the  Mosaic  books  sought  a  refuge  with  Matta- 
thias.  —  Into  the  wilderness,  ;'.  e.,  the  so-called 
"  wilderness  of  Judtea"  which  lay  west  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  It  was  not  without  sufficient  vegeta- 
tion to  support  the  flocks  and  herds  of  these  fugi- 
tives. 

Ver.  31.  Troops,  Suva^co-ic.  This  is  the  com- 
mon Greek  word  for  a  force  of  soldiers  in  the 
present  book.  —  City  of  David.  The  garrison  in 
the  fortress  is  meant,  which  was  called  "  city  of 
David  "  in  distinction  from  Jerusalem  as  a  whole. 
Cf.  i.  33.  Josephus,  with  his  usual  exaggeration, 
(ays  that  the  whole  garrison  took  part  in  this 
expedition.  (Cf.  Aniiij.,  xii.  6,  §  2.)  —  Hiding- 
places.  At  the  time  of  David's  flight  before 
Saul  these  caves  of  the  wilderness  of  Jadeea  are 
alluded  to.     Cf.  1  Sam.  xxiv.  3. 

Ver.  32.  On  the  Sabbath  day.  Well  aware 
of  the  observance  of  this  day  by  the  Jews,  they 
rightly  judged  that  from  religious  scruples  they 
would  offer  no  resistance  if  attacked  at  such  a 
time.  The  word  for  Sabbath  is  in  the  plural,  as 
in  the  LXX.  generally,  and  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment.    Cf.  Winer,  p.  177. 

Ver.  34.  To  profane  the  Sabbath  day.  It  is 
not  meant  here  that  the  Jews  would  regard  the 
participation  in  heathen  sacritices  as  wrong  only 
on  the  Sabbath.  They  refer  rather  to  the  evacu- 
ation of  the  cave  and  the  necessary  secular  ac- 
tivities attendant  upon  it,  which  in  their  view 
would  have  been  such  a  profanation. 

Ver.  36.  Answered  them  not.  Some  (Gro- 
tiiia)  would  translate  the  verb  here  by  resisted. 
3ut.  the  idea  seems  to  be  that  the  Jews  did  not 
reply  to  the  enemy's  preparations  to  attack,  and 
their  actual  onset,  by  a  similar,  counter  activity. 

Ver.  37.  Innocence.  Lit.,  simplicity,  aTr\6TriTi. 
It  refers  to  the  simplicity  and  purity  of  their 
purpose  in  the  observance  of  the  Mo-saic  law.  Cf. 
the  LXX.  version  of  Susantia,  verse  63  :  oi  vfii- 

Ver.  41  This  resolution  w,as  quite  in  har- 
mony with  the  spirit  of  the  Mo.saic  law  respect- 
ing the  Sabbath.     It  enjoined  abstinence  simply 


from  unnecessary  secnl&r  labor.  Cf.  Matt.  xii. 
2-11,  with  Ex.  XX.  10,  xxxi.  14  f.,  and  Deut.  v 
14. 

Ver.  42.  A  company  of  Asidaeans  (C"'^^DP 
^=  the  pious).  According  to  Schiirer  (/.  c,  p.  89) 
and  others  this  name  is  applied  to  all  those  who 
assembled  themselves  about  Judas  Maccabeeus  in 
his  wars  with  the  enemies  of  Israel.  But  in  chap, 
vii.  3,  these  "  Asidseans  "  are  represented  as  seek- 
ing peace  from  the  Syrians,  against  the  desire  of 
Judas  and  his  brethren.  This  probably  would 
not  have  been  the  case  if  they  had  sustained  so 
intimate  a  relation  to  this  leader.  It  is  more 
likely,  therefore,  that  they  were  a  separate  party, 
who  held  strenuously  to  the  old  faith,  and  co- 
operated with  Judas  Maccabseus  in  most  of  his 
military  campaigns.  Cf.  2  Mace.  xiv.  6.  This 
word  Chasidim  is  often  found  in  the  Psalms,  and 
has  also  been  adopted,  as  their  own  designation, 
by  a  sect  of  Polish  Jews.     Cf.  Gratz,  ii.  2,  note  17. 

Ver.  43.  Troubles,  KaKuv.  This  word  is  neuter, 
and  refers  to  the  miseries  which  the  foes  of  Is- 
rael had  brought  upon  it.  Some  were  more  in- 
fluenced by  this  fact  than  by  zeal  for  the  law. 

Ver.  44.  The  persons  spoken  of  as  having  been 
put  to  death  were  probably  apostate  Jews,  as  the 
last  clause  of  the  verse  implies. 

Ver.  45.  By  force,  ;'.  e.,  they  compelled  the 
parents  to  conform  to  the  law  in  this  particular. 

Ver.  48.  Kecovered  the  law  out  of  the  hand 
of  the  heathen.  It  is  simply  meant  that  they 
protected  those  who  would  observe  it. 

Ver.  49.  We  have  here  the  common  formula 
used  in  the  Old  Testament  to  characterize  the 
approach  of  death  to  distinguished  men.  Cf. 
Gen.  xlix.,  Deut.  xxxiii..  Josh,  xxiii.,  1  Kings  ii., 
for  accounts  of  the  death  of  Jacob,  Moses,  Joshua, 
and  David,  respectively.  —  Insolence  and  cor- 
rection. Insolence  of  the  wicked,  and  correction 
of  the  good  through  their  agency.  So  in  the 
next  member  the  two  words,  furious  anger,  opy^ 
dvfiov,  refer  to  the  divine  anger.  "  It  is  opyfi 
which  expresses  itself  as  6vfi6s."     Grimm. 

Ver.  51.  Call  to  remembrance  .  .  .  .  so  shall 
ye  receive.  The  A.  V.  has  properly  rendered 
these  two  imperatives  connected  by  xat.  When 
two  imperatives  are  thus  connected,  the  first  con- 
tains sometimes  the  condition  under  which  the 
action  denoted  by  the  second  will  take  place,  or 
the  second  expresses  an  infallible  result.  ( Winer, 
p.  311.)  Giving  the  usual  meaning  of  and  to  this 
connective  here,  however,  would  not  alter  the 
sense. 

Vers.  52,  53.  It  was  not  his  being  found  "  faith 
ful  in  temptation  "  that  was  "imputed  to  Abra 
ham  for  righteousness"  (Gen.  xv.  6),  but  his  faith 
in  God.  It  might  be  held,  however,  that  the 
former  had  so  close  a  connection  with  the  latter 
that  they  might  be  looked  upon  as  one  aud  the 
same  by  our  writer.  Grimm  sees  in  the  citation 
of  these  instances  of  faithfulness  from  the  past, 
for  the  purpose  of  stimulating  to  heroic  deeds  (as 
also  in  Ecclus.  xliv.  8-15,  and  in  other  parts  of 
the  present  book),  an  evidence  that  any  hopeful 
view  of  the  future  life  as  a  stimulating  force  was 
wanting  at  this  time.  But  this  inference  does 
not  follow  from  this  fact.  These  cases  aie  cited 
because  they  are  examples  of  rewards  obtained 
in  the  present  life  as  the  result  of  faithfulness 
and  it  is  to  the  present  life,  especially,  that  Matta- 
thias  is  directing  his  attention.  But  cf.  Introd. 
on  the  probable  point  of  view  from  which  out 
book  was  written. 


1    MACCABEES. 


491 


Vers.  54,55.  Phineea.  Cf.  Numb.  xxv.  Il- 
ls. He  was  the  priestly  ancestor  of  Martathias. 
—  Jesus.  Joshua  is  meant,  this  being  the  usual 
form  of  his  name  in  Greek. 

Ver.  56.  Heritage  of  land,  i.  e.,  the  city  of 
Hebron. 

Ver.  57.  For  being  merciful  (A.  V.).  This 
is  referred  by  some  to  David's  treatment  of  Saul 
(1  Sam.  xxiv.  4  ff.).  But  it  would  seem  better, 
with  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others,  to  take  cAeo;  here 
in  the  more  general  sense  of  piety,  as  it  is  often 
used  in  our  books.  It  doubtless  stands  for  the 
Hebrew  f^P,  and  has  the  meaning  of  this  word 
as  used  at  Hos.  vi.  6  ;  Jer.  ii.  2.  Cf.  Cremer's 
L^x.,  s.  V.  —  Everlasting  kingdom.  These  words, 
if  taken  literally,  and  the  circumstances  are  con- 
sidered in  which  they  were  uttered, —  namely,  after 
the  political  kingdom  of  David  had  long  since 
passed  away,  —  would  appear  to  make  the  infer- 
ence natural  that  the  faith  in  a  coming  Messiah, 
wlio  should  be  of  the  seed  of  David,  was  at  this 
time  not  wholly  extinct.  Still  the  promise,  sim- 
ply as  a  promise  to  David,  may  have  been  thought 
of,  without  special  consideration  for  its  deeper 
import.  Cf.,  however,  iv.  46  ;  xiv.  41  ;  and  our 
Introd.  to  this  book. 

Ver.  60.  Daniel  for  Iiis  innocence.  Cf., 
above,  verse  37.  This  illustration  and  those  of 
the  previous  verse  are  taken  from  the  Book  of 
Daniel  itself,  as  is  evident  from  the  order  in 
which  they  are  given,  and  not  from  any  oral 
traditions  of  the  period.  Michaelis  (Com.,adhc.) 
says :  "  One  sees  from  this  verse  that  the  third 
chapter  of  Daniel,  against  which  so  manv  special 
objections  have  been  made,  stood  at  that  time  in 
Daniel,  and  was  held  by  the  priest  Mattathias 
for  genuine."  But  Gratz,  on  the  other  hand,  sees 
in  this  evident  recognition  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
a  suspicious  circumstance.  He  says  (  Geschichte, 
ii.  2,  p.  325) :  "  The  admonition  put  into  the  month 
of  the  dying  Mattathias  cannot  be  wholly  authen- 


tic. For  Daniel  and  his  three  companions  are 
referred  to,  which  presupposes  the  existence  of 
the  Book  of  Daniel,  that  owes  its  origin  to  the 
recessities  of  the  time  of  the  Maccabees."  This 
is  an  easy  way  to  dispose  of  the  matter,  but  is  far 
from  being  a  satisfactory  one.  If  the  account  of 
our  book  did  not  come  from  the  Book  of  Daniel, 
how  is  the  fact  that  Daniel  is  mentioned  after  the 
three  friends,  who  were  so  far  inferior  to  him  in 
reputation,  and  whose  experience  was  far  less 
important  than  his,  to  be  accounted  for  ?  Cf. 
also  3  Mace.  vi.  5  f.  The  inference  of  Grimm 
seems  to  be  the  only  reasonable  one  (  Com.,  p.  49) : 
"  So  these  examples  are  hardly  taken  from  an 
oral  tradition  (as  then,  also,  the  corresponding 
contents  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  are  hardly  derived 
from  such  a  tradition.  See  Hitzig  on  Daniel,  p. 
viii.j,  but  from  the  Book  of  Daniel  itself,  which 
brings  them  forward  in  the  same  order." 

Ver.  62.  'Words  of  a  sinful  man,  i.  e.,  his 
commands  and  threatenings.  For  passages  con- 
taining the  same  thought  as  the  remainder  of  the 
verse,  cf.  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  10;   Is.  Ixvi.  24. 

Ver.  66.  Battle  of  the  people.  Are  the  Is- 
raelites here  meant !  "  So  the  majority  of  com- 
mentators have  supposed,  referring  to  iii.  2,  and 
supposing  that  \auy  corresponds  to  the  Hebrew 
C^^i'V,  which  is  employed  sometimes  to  denote 
the  tribes  of  Israel.  But  this  Hebrew  word  is 
only  used  in  this  sense  when  it  has  a  suffix,  and 
it  is  confined  even  then  to  the  Pentateuch.  And 
the  LXX.  renders  it  uniformly  by  6  \a6s  or  rh 
yeyoi,  i.  e.,  employs  the  article.  The  passage, 
iii.  2,  cannot  be  considered  as  expressing  the  same 
thought  with  the  present  one.  It  might  be  better, 
therefore,  with  'Wahl  [Ctavis,  s.  v.)  and  Keil,  to 
refer  the  word  Kaav  in  the  present  instance  to 
heathen  peoples. 

Ver.  70.  Sepulchres  of  his  fathers.  See  re- 
marks below,  xiii.  27. 


Chapter  III. 


1,  2       And  *  his  son  Judas,  called  Maccabaeus,  rose  up  in  his  stead.     And  all  his 
brethren  helped   him,  and  all,  as  many  as  had  united  themselves  -  with  his  father, 

3  and  they  fought  with  cheerfulness  the  battles  '  of  Israel.     And  he  won  honor  for 
his   people   far  and  wide,^  and   put  on  armor  as  a  hero,^  and  girt   his  weapons  of 

4  war  *  about  him  ;  and  he  waged  wars,'  protecting  the  army  '  with  Ms  sword.     And 

5  he  was  like  a  lion  in  his  acts,'  and  like  a  lion's  whelp  roaring  for  prey.^"   And  "  he 
pursued  transgressors,'^  and  sought  them  out,  and  burnt  up  ^^  those  that  harassed  " 

6  his  people.     And  the  transgressors  lost  courage  '^  for  fear  of  him,  and  all  the  work- 
ers of  iniquity  were  thrown  into  disorder  ;  and  the  work  of  deliverance  '"  prospered 

7  in  his  hand.     He  brought  bitter  sorrow  also  to  "  many  kings,  and  made  Jacob  glad 

8  with  his  acts  ;  and  liis  memory  shall  be  blessed  '*  for  ever.    And  ''  he  went  through 
the  cities  of  Juda,  and  destroyed  '*''  the  migodly  out  of  it,^'  and  turned  ^"  away  wrath 


'  so  did  all  they  that  held.        '  battle  (lit.,  warrtd  the  war).        «  So  he  gat  his  ...  . 
8  a  breastplate  {dutftaxa)  as  a  giant  (the  Hebrew  word  so  rendered  into  Greek  was 

*  host  (see  Com.). 


•  warlike  harness. 


made  battles. 


Vers.  1-3.  — 1  A  V.:  Then, 
great  honour  {iwKdTvve  S6^(w), 

doubtless  "^122,  which  meant  also  '*  hero  ' 

Vers.  4-6. —»  A. 'V. :  In  his  acts  .  .  .  a  lion.  '»  Aij  prey.  "For.  "  the  wicked  (see  Com.).  "  (See  CSim.) 
^*  vexed.  ^  Wherefore  the  wicked  (see  ver.  6)  shrunk  {avveirraXrjaav).  !«  troubled  (the  same  word  Is  translated 
"  vexed  "  just  before  ;  but  here  it  is  strengthened  by  the  preposition  (rvv,  except  in  19.  64.  93.) :  because  (koC)  salvatloD 
(deliveiance  from  the  Syrian  yoke  is  meant). 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  *'  A.  V. :  grieved  also  (ital  iniKpayt\  '8  memorial  is  blessed  (to  nvri^iouvvov  avrov  tU  tvkoyiay). 

>•  Moieover.        »  J.,  destroying.        "  of  them  (<£  airar,  19.  56.  64.  93.).        S!  tcming. 


492  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


9  from  Israel.     And  ^  he  was  renowned  ^  unto  the  utmost  part  of  the  earth,  and  he 
gathered  together  ^  such  as  were  ready  to  perish.^ 

10  And  ^  Apollonius  gathered  heathen  °  together,  and  a  great  army '  out  of  Sama- 

11  ria,  to  fight  against  Israel.  And  when  Judas  learned  of  it,^  he  went  forth  to  meet 
him  ;  and   he  '  sijiote  him,  and  slew  him  ;  and  many  fell  slain,  and  ^^  the  rest  fled. 

12  And  they"  took  their  spoils  ;  and  Judas  took  Apollonius' sword ;   and  he  fought 

13  therewith  all '-  his  life  long.  And  when  Seron,  the  leader  "  of  the  army  of  Syria, 
heard  ^^  that  Judas  had  gathered  a  multitude  ■'^  and  a  company  of  the  faithful,  who 

14  also  went'^  out  with  him  to  war,  he  said,  I  will  make  myself  a  name  and  I  will  be 
honored  "  in  the  kingdom  ;  and  ^*  I  will  fight  Judas  ^^  and  them  that  are  with  him, 

15  who  set  at  nought '-'"  the  king's  commandment.  And  he  undertook  a  second  cam- 
paign ;  -'  and  there  went  up  -^  with  him  a  mighty  army  ^  of  the  ungodly  to  help  him 

1 6  and  to  be  avenged  on  the  sons  ^*  of  Israel.   And  when  he  came  near  to  the  ascent  '^ 

17  of  Bethoron,  Judas  went  forth  to  meet  him^"  with  a  small  company.  But '"  when 
they  saw  the  army  -*  coming  to  meet  them,  they  "^  said  unto  Judas,  How  shall  we 
be  able,  being  few,^"  to  fight  against  a  multitude  80  great  and  strong?    We  are  also 

18  faint,  having  eaten  nothing  to-day  ?  '^  And  ^"  Judas  answered.  It  is  easy  ^^  for  many 
to  be  given  into  ^''  the  hands  of  a  few  ;  and  with  the  God  of  "*  heaven  it  is  all  one,  to 

19  save  by  many  or  by  few.^^     For  victory  in  battle  is  not  through  the  multitude  of 

20  an  army  ;  ^'  but  from  heaven  eometh  the  strength. ^^  They  come  against  us  in  much 
pride  ^^  and  iniquity  to  destroy  us,  and  our  wives  and  our  '"'  children,  and  to  spoil 

21,  22  us  ;  but  we  fight  for  our  lives  and  our  customs.^^     And  ihe  Lord*''  himself  will 

23  overthrow  *^  them  before  our  face  ;  and  as  for  you,  be  ye  not  afraid  of  them.  And 
when''^  he  had  left  oS  speaking,  he  leaped  suddenly  upon  them,  and  Seron"  and 

24  his  army  were  overthrown  ^^  before  him.  And  they  pursued  him  "  from  the  de- 
scent *^  of  Bethoron  unto  the  plain ;  and  there  fell  *^  about  eight  hundred  men  of 

25  them  ;  but  ^  the  residue  fled  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines.  And  the  fear  and 
the  dread  of  Judas  and  his  brethren  began  ^^  to  fall  upon  the  heathen  ^'^  round  about 

26  them.  And  his  name  reached  even  ''  the  king ;  and  every  nation  ^*  talked  of  the 
battles  of  Judas. 

27  But  when  the  king  ^^  Antiochus  heard  these  things,  he  was  very  angry  ;  '^  and  " 

28  he  sent  and  gathered  together  all  the  forces  of  his  realm,  a  '*  ^■ery  strong  army.  He 
opened  also  his  treasury ,^^  and  gave  his  ^  soldiers  pay  for  a  year,  and  commanded 

29  them  to  be  ready  for  any  service.'*^     And  he  saw  that  the  money  from  his  treasure- 

Ver.  9.  —  ^  A.  v. :  so  that.  2  (Lit.,  Tiamed.)       3  received  unto  Atm.        *  See  Com, 

Vers.  10-12. —s  A.  V. :  Then.  "the   Gentiles.  'host.  s  Which  thing  when  J.  perceived.  »  jo  he. 

'"  him  (in.  X.   23.  44.  55.  62.  al.  omit  avioi'  after  incKTeivev) :  many  also  feli  down  slain,  bat.  "  Wherefore 

Judas  (I  read  ika^ov,  with  III.  X.  19.  56.  Syr.,  which  is  supported  by  Michaelis,  Apel,  Grimm,  and  Keil,  but  not  by 
Fritzsche,  who  retains  eAa^e  of  the  text.  rec).        ^^  3,0^  Apollonius'  sword  also,  and  therewith  he  fought  all. 

Vers.  13-15.  —'2  A.  V.  :  Now  when  ....  a  prince  (see  Com.).  "  heard  say.  '=  unto  him  a  multitude  (lit., 

gathered  a  gathering.    See  Com.).  "  and  company  of  the  faithful  (see  Com.)  to  go  {Fritzsche  receives  kcU  before 

«iropevo)ieViu>'  from  III.  X.  44.  56.  62.  al,  Co.  Aid.  ;  text.  rec.  omits).  ''  get  me  a  name  and  honour.  '»  for. 

i»  go  fight  with  J.  ■-»  despise  (Kat  is  prefixed  by  III.  44.  71.  74.  106.  243.  Co.  Aid.).  ='  So  he  made  him  ready  to  go 
up  (the  words  to5  ii/a^^i-oi  are  omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  52.  56.  al.    See  Com.).  '^  went.  »  host.  "  of  the 

children. 

Vers.  16-18.  —  2*  A.  V. :  going  up  (the  preceding  verb  is  in  the  plur.  in  the  text.  rec.  Fritzsche  adopts  the  sing,  from 
III.  X.  19.  44.  56.  62.  64.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  »  ("  them  "  in  the  text.  rec.  Codd.  III.  X.  19.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.  have  the  sing.) 
2'  who.  '"  host.  -'■>  omits  they.  ^o  j^  few.  =>  so  great  a  multitude  and  so  strong,  seeing  we  are  ready  to  faint 
with  fasting  alt  thisday.  ^-  Unto  whom.  33  no  hard  matter.  ^  shut  up  in  (ovyKketaBrivaL.  1  render  freely,  but 
according  to  the  obvious  sense).  35  ilie  God  o/(the  words,  tow  0eov,  are  omitted  by  III.  44.  71.  74.  106.  243.  Co.  Aid.). 
88  deliver  with  a  great  multitude,  or  a  small  company. 

Vers.  19-21.-3'  a.  V. :  the  victory  of  battle  standeth  not  in  ....  a  host.  "  strength  eometh  from  heaven 

St*  (marg.,  in  muttitude  of  pride.  The  Greek  is  ev  TrA^eei,  the  latter  probably  for  ^"1,  as  often  in  the  LXX.,  and  may 
therefore  refer  to  quantity.  Grimm  and  Keil  support  the  rendering  of  Grotius :  cmn  midta  superbia  et  injuria.) 
*o  0T/iif5  our  (as  71.).        *^  laws  (i-o^tjuwi'). 

Vers.  22-24.  —«  A.  V. :  Wherefore  the  Lord  (19.  64.  93.  have  Kupios  for  ainii).  '^  overthrow  ( o-un-pl^ei.    Th« 

rendering  is  hardly  strong  enough.  This  Greek  word  waa  used  by  Polybius  (v.  47,  1)  in  the  sense  of  crushing  an  enemy 
it  probably  stands  for  "l^u').  «  Jcow  as  soon  as.  <=  so  Seron.  »=  host  was  overthrown  (see  vers.  22,  85 

e«Tpi\(<ai ;  and  cf.  iv.  10  ;  xiv.  31,  et pa.tsim).  «'  them  (so  III.  23.  44.  65.  62.  71.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  "  going  down 

*o  where  were  slain         ^  and. 

Vers.  25-27.  — ^^  A.  V. :  Then  began  the  fear  of  J.  and  his  brethren,  and  an  exceeding  great  dread  (^  rrr6r) ;  19.  64. 
93.  add  ainSiv).  ^^  nations.  ^  insomuch  as  his  fame  came  unto.  "  all  nations.  ''D  nqw  when  king 

^  full  of  indignation  {aipYi<r0Tj  dvi^w).        "  wherefore.        ^  even  a. 

Vers.  2^30.  —  ^  A.  V. :  treasure.         o  (Omitted  by  X.  19.  93.)  '^  year,  commanding  ....  whensoever  ht  sboula 


1   MACCABEES.  493 


chests  failed,'  and  that "  the  tributes  of '  the  country  were  small,  because  of  the 
dissension  and  desolation,^  which  he  had  brought  upon  the  land  in  taking  away 
30  the  customs '  which  had  been  from  early  times  ;  and  he  °  feared  that  he  should  not 
have  means,  as  once  and  again,  for  the  expenses,  and  the  presents  which  he  had 
formerly  given   with  liberal  hand,  and  had  gone   beyond '  the  kings  that  were  be- 

51  fore  him.  And  he  was  '  greatly  perplexed  in  his  mind,  and  '  determined  to  go 
into   Persia,  and  "*  to   take   the   tributes  of  the  countries,  and  to  gather  together  " 

52  much  money.  And  he  left  behind  "  Lysias,  a  man  of  note,  and  of  royal  descent,^' 
to  oversee  '*  the  affairs  of  the  king  from  the  river  Euphrates  unto  the  borders  of 

33,  34  Egypt,  and  to  bring  up  his  son  Antiochus,  until  he  came  again.  And  "  he  de- 
livered unto  him  half  of  the  '''  forces,  and  the  elephants  ;  and  he  gave  him  orders 
concerning  all  things  that  he  had  resolved  upon,  and  ''  concerning  them  that  dwelt 

35  in  Judffia  and  Jerusalem  ;  that  he  ^'  should  send  an  army  against  them,  to  destroy  '' 
and  root  out  -"  the  strength  of  Israel,  and  the  remnant  of  Jerusalem,  and  should 

36  take  away  their  memorial  from  the  place  ; "'  and  that  he  should  settle   aliens  ''■-  in 

37  all  their  borders,^  and  divide  their  land  by  lot.  And  the  king  took  with  him  the  re- 
maining half  of  the  forces,''^''  and  departed  from  Antioch,  his  royal  city,  in  ^  the  hun- 
dred forty  and  seventh  year  ;  and  he  crossed  over  the  river  Euphrates,  and  went 
through  the  upper  ^^  countries. 

38  And  ^  Lysias  chose  Ptolemy  ^  the  son  of  Dorymenes,  and  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias, 

39  valiant  ^  men  of  the  king's  friends  ;  and  with  them  he  sent  forty  thousand  footmen,*" 
and  seven  thousand  horsemen,  to  go  into  the  land  of  Juda,  and  to  destroy  it,  as  the 

40  king  commanded.     And  *'  they  went  forth  with  all  their  army,*'-  and  came  and  en- 

41  camped  near*'  Emmaus  in  the  plain.**  And  the  merchants  of  the  country  heard 
the  report  of  them  ;  and  they  took  very  much  silver  and  gold,  and  fetters,*"  and 
came  into  the  camp  to  buy  *'^  the  children  of  Israel  for  slaves.     An  army  also  from 

42  Syria  and  from  the  land  of  the  Philistines  *'  joined  themselves  unto  them.  And 
when  *'  Judas  and  his  brethren  saw  that  their  troubles  increased,  and  that  the  armies 
encamped  in  their  borders,  and  knew  what  things  the  king  had  given  commandment 

43  should  be  done  to  the  people  for  their  destruction  and  annihilation,*^  they  said  one  to 
another,  Let  us  restore  the  desolation  *"  of  our  people,  and  let  us  fight  for  our  people 

44  and  the  sanctuary.*'  And  the  troop  *'^  gathered  together,  that  they  might  be  ready  for 

45  battle,  and  that  they  might  pray,  and  ask  mercy  and  compassion.  And  .lerusalem  was 
uninhabited  **  as  a  wilderness,  there  was  none  of  her  children  that  went  in  or  out ; 
the  sanctuary  also  was  trodden  down,  and  aliens  were  in  the  fortress.  It  was  a  habi- 
tation for  the  heathen  ;  *■*  and  joy  was  taken  from  Jacob,  and  pipe  and  harp  ceased.*' 

46  And  they  assembled "  together,  and  came  to  Massepha,*'  over  against  Jerusalem  ; 

47  for  Massepha  was  a  **  place  where  they  prayed  aforetime  in  Israel.  And  *'  they 
fasted  that  day,  and  put  on  sackcloth,  and  cast  ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  rent  their 

need  them  (marg. ,  Qr.,  at  every  need\.  ^  Nevertheless  when  .  of  his  treasures  failed.  ^  that  (the  force  of  the 
preceding  oti  is  continued).  ^  in.  *  plague.  ^  laws.  ^  of  old  time  ;  he.        '  be  able  to  bear  the  charges 

Any  longer,  nor  to  have  such  gifts  to  give  so  liberally  as  he  did  before  ;  for  he  had  abounded  above.  (Others  would  make 
the  last  verb  trans.,  as  at  2  Cor.  iv.  15,  is.  8,  with  the  preceding  a  for  its  object,  which  he  had  richly  bestowed.) 

Vers.  31-34.  — '  A.  v.:  Wherefore,  being.  s  he.  '"there  "  omils  together.  "  So  he  left.  "  noble- 
jnan,  and  one  of  the  blood  royal.  i^  (Lit.,  over.)         ^^  Moreover.  '^  the  half  of  his.  ^^  and  gave  him  charge 

■of  ...  .  would  have  done,  as  also. 

Vers.  35-37.  —  "  A.  V.  :  Juda  ....  to  wit  that  he.  '»  destroy  {eKTptipai.    Cf .  vers.  22,  23).        ^  root  out  (efipoi, 

^gen.  rendered,  "  destroy  ''  in  the  A.  V.).  21  to  take  away  ....  that  place.  ^2  fig  should  place  (KaToi»cTierai.  I  give  it 
the  trans,  sense,  with  Wahl,  Keil,  and  others,  although  the  usual  word  used  in  this  sense  is  (caroiKt'^tu,  and  Grabe,  with 
Breitinger,  with  X.  62.  so  change  the  former  verb)  strangers  (cf.  ver.  45).  23  quarters.  24  So  ...  .  took  the  half  of 
the  forces  that  remained  (not  clear).        25  ornits  in.        -''  having  passed  .  he  went  ....  high. 

Vers.  3>M0.  —  2'  A.  V.  :  Then.         ^  Ptolemee.  -"  mighty  (rendered  properly,  "  valiant,''  in  ver.  68).  'O  foot- 

men  (infantry  are  clearly  meant).        81  So.        ^2  power.        33  pitched  by.        M  plain  country. 

Vers.  41,  42. — 25  ^_  y.  :  hearing  the  fame  of  them,  took  silver  and  gold  very  much,  with  servants  (see  Com.) 
^  (Lit.,  to  take).  37  a  power  also  of  Syria  and  of  ...  .  Philistines  (aWo^v^oiv.     The  Philistines  are  often  so  named, 

-and  the  connection  seems  to  make  it  plain  that  they  are  meant.  But  cf .  iv.  12).  s8  Now  when.  3o  miseries  were 
multiplied  {ewXTjdvvdrj  rlx  Koxa)  and  that  the  forces  did  encamp  themselves  .  .  .  for  they  knew  how  tlie  king  ...  to 
destroy  the  people  and  utterly  abolish  them. 

Vers.  43-45.  — *"  A.  V. :  decayed  estate.  *i  (Tif  ayioji/,  i.  e.,  "  holy  things,''  which  naturally  includes  the  "  sanc- 

tuary ;  "  but  for  the  latter,  distinctively,  we  find  to  iy^Wfia,  ver.  45  ;  i.  21,  36,  37,  et  passim.)  *^  Then  was  the  con- 
gregation. *3  Now  J.  lay  void.  ^*  kept  the  strong  hold  (cf.  iv.  2) :  the  heathen  had  their  habitation  in  that  place 
^Jerusalem  is  meant,  not  the  citadel).        ■••  the  pipe  with  the  harp  ceased 

Vers.  46, 47. — *s  A.  V. :  Wherefore  t^c /.-irap/itc.?  assembled  themselves  *t  Maspha  (cf   Com.).  *"  in  Maspha 

WM  the.  "  Then. 


494 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


48  clothes.     And  they  unrolled '  the  book  of  the  law,  one  of  those  for  which  '^  the 

heathen  had  sought  in  order  *   to  paint   the   likenesses  of  their  idols  upon  them.* 

40   They  brought  also  the  priests'  garments,  and  the  firstfruits,  and  the  tithes  ;  and  the 

50  Nazarites  they  presented,^  who  had  accomplished  their  days.  And  they  cried  aloud  ' 
toward  heaven,  saying.  What  shall  we  do  with  these,  and  whither  shall  we  carry 

51  them  away?     And'  thy  sanctuary  is  trodden   down  and  profaned,  and  thy  priests 

52  are  in  mourning,  and  humiliation.'  And  lo,  the  heathen  are  assembled  together 
against  us   to  destroy  us;    what  things  they  intend^   against  us,   thou  knowest. 

53,  54  How  shall  we  be  able  to  stand  before  '"  them,  except  thou  help  us  ?  "   And  they 

55  sounded  with  the  '-  trumpets,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice.  And  after  this  Judas  set 
leaders  '*  over  the   people,  chiefs  "   over   thousands,  and  over   hundreds,  and   over 

56  fifties,  and  over  tens.  And  he  said  to  them  that  were  building  houses,  or  had  be- 
trothed wives,  or  were  planting  vineyards,  or  ivere  fearful,"  that  they  should  return, 

57  every  man  to  his  house,'*  according  to  the  law.     And  the  army  removed,  and  en- 

58  camped  southward  from "  Emmaus.  And  Judas  said.  Arm  yourselves,  and  be 
valiant  men,  and  be  '*  in  readiness  against  the  morning,  to "  fight  with  these 
heathen,^"  that  are  assembled  together  against  us  to  destroy  us  and  our  sanctuary.'^' 

59  For  it  is  better  for  us  to  die  in  battle,  than  to  look  upon  the  evils  ^  of  our  people 

60  and  our  sanctuary.^     Nevertheless,  as  heaven's  will  is,  so  let  it  ^  do. 

Ver.  48.  —  I  A.  V.  :  laid  open  {e^e-iriTaaav.  Cf .  Luke  iv.  17,  where  another  verb  is  used,  but  with  the  same  general 
meaning  as  here).  -  law,  wherein  (n-epi  w^.     Gen.  of  category.    See  Com.).  ^  omils  in  order.  '  likeueBs 

of  their  images  (Fritzsche  receiTes  the  words  tov  ejrtypatfietc  err'  auTwv  from  55.  71.  74.  243.  Co.  Aid.,  which  are  wanting 
in  the  text.  rec.  The  A.  V.  has  in  the  margin :  "  for  the  which  the  heathen  had  made  diligent  Bearch,  that  they 
might  paint  therein  the  likeness  of  their  idols  "). 

Vers.  49-52.  ^^  a.  V. :  stirred  up  (riyeipav.  It  means  here  they  ranged,  set  out,  presented,  i.  e.,  along  with  the  other 
things  mentioned).  ^  Then  cried  they  with  a  loud  voice  {i^orjaav  ipuivii.    Codd.  62.  93.  add  ^eyoAji).  '  For  (cf. 

ver.  4.3).        8  are  in  heaviness,  and  brought  low.        ^  imagine. 

Vers.  63-66.  —  ^'^  A.  Y. :  against.        "  O  God,  be  our  help.  ^2  Then  sounded  they  with.        **  ordained  captains 

1*  ei-en  captains.  ^^  But  as/or  such  as  ...  .  fearful,  those  he  commanded  (I  adopt,  with  Grimm  and  Keil,  the  reading 
eTn-ec,  from  III.  X.  56.  64.  74.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  instead  of  the  plur.  of  the  text.  rec.  favored  by  Fritzsche).  ^^  own 

house. 

Vers.  57-60.  —  ^'  A.  V.  :  So  the  camp  ....  pitched  upon  the  south  side  of.  ^^  see  that  ye  be.  ^  that  ye  may  (cf 
Co7ti.).  20  nations.  21  (Cf.  ver.  43.)  22  behold  the  calamities  (ra  Ktucd.    "  Calamities  "  are  more  usually- 

referred  to  events  occurring  in  the  material  world).        23  (cf.  ver.  43.)        **  the  will  0/  God  is  in  heaven,  so  let  him. 


Chapter  III. 


Ver.  3.  Protecting  the  army  with  (his) 
sword.  The  word  rrapffiPoAit  means  both  "  camp  " 
and  "army,"  Init  more  frequently  the  latter,  iu 
our  liook.  The  former  meaning  seems  more  ap- 
l)riate  here.  Judas  did  not  rely  ou  fortifications 
for  the  protection  of  his  force,  but  ou  the  mifjht 
of  his  sword.  The  word  belongs  to  the  Mace- 
donian Greek,  and  is  without  the  article  here  on 
account  of  the  jioetical  style. 

Ver.  5.  The  word  Slvo/jloi  is  used  in  the  pres- 
ent book  chiefly  as  referring  to  apostate  Jews, 
but  may  also  include  tlie  heathen.  —  Burnt  (up) 
those.  The  language  may  be  regarded  as  ]>oetic, 
with  the  me.ining  of  "  de.stroyed  utterly,"  or  may 
refer  to  what  is  related  at  v.  5,  44  ;  2  Mace.  viii. 
33 

Ver.  7.  Many  kings.  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
Eupator,  and  Demetrius  I.  are  doubtless  included. 

Ver.  9.  Such  as  were  ready  to  perish,  an-oA- 
Xviifvovs,  The  A.  V.  gives  the  sense  correctly. 
Grimm  supports  the  view  of  Michaelis,  that  it  is 
to  be  rendered  tvho  had  lost  themselves,  <jot  lost,  in 
harmony  with  I's.  cxix.  176,  Jer.  1.  6,  Ezek. 
xxxiv.  "ti,  where  Israel  is  referred  to  under  the 
figure  of  lost  or  straying  sheep.  But  Keil  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  LXX.  rh  ano- 
\tt>K6s  is  used  in  such  cases.  He  tlierefore  agrees 
with  Grotius  that  our  Greek  word  stands  for 
peTf'iintes  in  tlui  ^eu^i.'  of  uhsi/iic  ipso  /len'litros. 

Ver.  10.  ApoUonius.  t'f.  i.  29,  witli  2  Maec. 
*.  24.      According    to  Joscphus  this  ApoUonius 


was  the  military  governor,  a-Tparriyit,  of  Samaria, 
and  is  probably  identical  with  the  so-called  "  Meri- 
darch '  of  Samaria  mentioned  in  Antig.,  xii.  5, 
§5. 

Ver.  13.  Seron,  the  leader  of  the  army  of 
Syria.  He  was  leader  of  that  division  of  the 
Syrian  army  which  operated  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Jerusalem  now  that  that  of  ApoUonius  had 
been  defeated.  —  A  multitude,  &6poi<rixa.  They 
are  further  designated  as  a  "company  of  the 
faithful."  Thai  is,  they  are  not  dignified,  in  this 
report  which  came  to  the  ears  of  Seron,  with 
the  title  of  "  soldiers."  The  word  Triaraiv  is  fre- 
(|uently  used  in  the  sense  of  true,  faithful  (cf.  the 
LXX.  at  2  Sam.  xx.  19;  Prov.  xiv.  5;  1  Mace, 
ii.  52  ;  Ecclus.  xliv.  20).  Some,  however,  on  ac- 
count of  the  connection,  would  give  it  here  the 
less  ennobling  sense  of  "  believers." 

Ver.  15.  n^otre'^eTo  rov  iyajS^i/oi  =  went  up 
again,  i.  e.,  he  undertook  a  second  campaign.  The 
A.  V.  followed  the  Vulgate  in  translating  irpotr- 
eOiTo  in  the  sense  of  prceparavit  se.  On  the 
Hebraistic  adverbial  use  of  this  Greek  word,  see 
Winer,  p.  468,  and  cf.  Luke  xx.  U.  —  Ungodly. 
This  word  here  probably  refers  to  apostate  Jews, 
and  might  perhaps  be  better  rendered  by  trans- 
gressors. 

Ver.  1 6.  Bethhoron.  There  was  an  upper  and  a 
lower  Bethhoron  separated  by  a  narrow,  precipi- 
tous pa.ss.  It  lay  on  the  boundary  line  between 
Benjamin  and  Ephraim.    Joshua  fought  liere  witk 


I   MACCABEES. 


495 


the  five  kings  of  the  Aniorites  (cf.  Josh.  x.  16-26 ; 
Ecclus.  xlvi.  6),  gaiDing  a  complete  victory  over 
them  ;  and  this  thought  must  have  given  cour- 
age to  the  small  Maccab^ean  force  on  the  present 
occasion. 

Vei-.  24.  It  would  appear  from  this  verse  that 
Judas  attacked  the  euemy  in  the  narrow  pass  be- 
tween tlie  up])er  and  lower  Bethhoron. 

Ver.  28.  Gave  his  soldiers  pay  tor  a  year. 
This  gives  a  hint  of  the  uncertain  financial  condi- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  Antiochus.  The  soldiers 
must  be  ])iud  in  advance,  in  order  to  insure  their 
fidelity. 

Ver.  30.  On  the  rich  gifts  of  Antiochus,  cf. 
Schiirer,  Neulest.  Zeitgeschiclite,  pp.  72,  73.  See 
also  Dan.  xi.  24  :  "  And  he  shall  do  that  which  his 
father.^  liave  not  done,  nor  his  fathers'  fathers ; 
he  sliall  scatter  among  them  the  prey,  and  spoil, 
and  riches." 

Ver.  31.  Go  into  Persia,  ;'.  e.,  the  Seleucian 
provinces  lying  on  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates. 
Kawlinson  {'I'he  HnFenth  Great  Oriental  Hon., 
p.  5)  says :  "  The  temples  of  the  Asiatics  had 
hitherto  been  for  the  most  part  respected  by  tlieir 
Enropeau  conquerors,  and  large  stores  of  the  pre- 
cious metals  were  accumulated  in  them.  Epiph- 
anes  saw  in  these  hoards  the  njeans  of  relieving 
his  own  necessities,  and  determined  to  seize  and 
confiscate  them.  Besides  plundering  the  temple 
of  Jehovah  at  Jerusalem,  he  made  a  journey  into 
the  southeastern  portion  of  his  empire,  about 
B.  c.  165,  for  the  express  purpose  of  conductiug 
in  person  the  collection  of  the  sacred  treasures 
It  was  while  he  was  engaged  in  this  unpopular 
work  that  a  spirit  of  disaffection  showed  itself ; 
the  East  took  arms  no  less  than  the  West ;  and 
in  Persia,  or  upon  its  borders,  the  avaricious 
monarch  was  forced  to  retire  before  the  opposi- 
tion which  his  ill-judged  measures  had  provoked, 
and  to  allow  one  of  the  doomed  temples  to  escape 
him."  Cf.  also  The  Sixth  Oriental  Hon.,  by  the 
same  author,  p.  73,  ff. 

Ver.  33.  This  son  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
had  also  the  name  "  Eupator,"  in  addition  to  the 
one  here  mentioned. 

Ver.  37.  'Ihe  account  of  this  expedition  is 
continued  in  chap.  vi.  The  epithet  "  high  coun- 
tries "  {ras  ^Trafoj  ;^t^pas),  as  applied  to  the  region 
of  conntiy  lying  on  the  Euphrates,  is  not  peculiar 
to  our  book.  Polybius  (v.  40,  5)  also  uses  the 
expression  oi  &vw  rdivoi ;  and  Arrian  (iii,  6,  12),  ri 

Ver.  38.  This  Ptolemy  had  also  the  name 
"  Macron  "  (MaKpcov,  2  Mace.  x.  12).  Respecting 
Dorymenes,  cf.  Polyb.  v.  61,  9.  Nicanor,  accord- 
ing to  2  Mace.  viii.  9,  was  the  son  of  a  certain 
Patroclus,  and  lost  bis  life  in  a  conflict  with  the 
Jews. 

Ver.  40.  Emmaus.  This  is  not  the  place, 
near  Jerusalem,  to  which  the  two  disciples  of  our 
Lord  went  immediately  after  the  resurrection.  It 
was  situated  at  the  base  of  the  mountains  of 
Judab  ["  ubi  incipiunt  montana  Judeeee consta-gere." 
Jerome,  Ad  Dan.),  twenty-two  Roman  miles  from 
Jerusalem,  aud  had  also  the  name  Nicopolis.  The 
latter  name  it  received  in  the  third  century,  at 
which  time  it  was  rebuilt. 

Ver.  41.     The  A.  V.  agrees  with  all  the  Greek 

MSS.  aud  the  Vulgate  in  the  reading  koI  imiJas, 

ont/  xervants.     But  the  emendation  of  Breitinger, 

Fritzsche,  and  others,  with  the  Syriac,  Jo.sephus 

Antiq.,  xii.  7,  §  3),  Kol  iriSas,  is  doubtless  correct. 


The  former  word  was  probably  interchanged  for 
the  latter  through  the  influence  of  eis  na7Sas  at 
the  end  of  the  clause. 

Ver.  46.  'HASoo-av.  This  termination  of  the 
third  person  plural  in  the  histoiical  tenses  occurs 
frequently  in  the  present  book.  (Cf.  iv.  ."50  :  vi. 
31  ;  xi.  44,  48.)  It  is  likewise  found  frequently  in 
1  Esdras  (iii,  16;  v.  63.  68;  viii.  68),  and  in  fact 
is  much  used  in  the  IjXX.  and  by  the  Byzantine 
writers  generally.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  77.  —  Massepha 
=  Mizfiah.  It  was  the  name  of  several  different 
idaces  mentioned  in  Biblical  history.  The  place 
here  meant,  however,  is  probably  the  Mizpah  in 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  a  few  miles  northwest  of 
Jerusalem  and  in  sight  of  it.  The  form  of  the 
word  as  here  found  is  also  found  at  Judges  xx.  I. 
—  'Where  they  prayed  aforetime.  Cf.  1  Sam. 
vii.  5. 

Ver.  48.  Paint  the  likenesses.  The  explana- 
tion of  this  passage  by  the  Roman  Catholic  com- 
mentators of  the  Middle  Ages,  based  on  the  Latin 
text  ('*(/e  quibiis  scrutabantur  Gentes  similiiudinem 
simulacrorinn  suoniin  ")  was  that  the  heathen  had 
sought  in  the  Scriptures  analogies  between  its 
histories  and  the  Grecian  myths.  For  instance, 
they  likened  Moses  to  Minos.  The  giants  of  Gen. 
vi.  were  the  Titans.  Samsou  was  Hercules,  etc. 
But,  in  disproof  of  this  explanation,  it  need  only 
be  said,  (1)  that  the  Greeks  could  scarcely  have 
been  expected  to  study  Hebrew  books;  and  (2) 
the  Greek  vepl  av  would  not  allow  such  a  render- 
ing. The  real  meaning  seems  to  be,  accepting 
the  reading  of  the  Complutensian  and  Aidine 
editions  of  the  LXX.  which  Fritz.sche  adopts, 
that  they  painted  images  of  their  idols  on  the 
Scriptures,  in  order  to  ridicule  the  Jewish  exclu- 
siveuess  aud  shock  their  reverential  feelings.  The 
Syriac  translates :  Aud  they  spread  out  the  roll 
of  the  Lan\  and  then  complained  before  God  that  the 
heathen  compelled  them  to  do  according  to  their  like- 
ness. Cf.  Graetz  (Geschichte,  i\.  2,  p.  345,  note). 
Hitzig  ( Geschichte,  p.  393)  thinks  that  they  un- 
rolled the  Scriptures  with  lefereiice  to  obtaining 
from  them  by  lot  some  prophetic  intimation  of 
the  divine  purpose,  and  "  Es  gab  die  Losimg 
'  Eleazar,'  Gott  hat  beigestanden."  Cf.  2  Mace, 
viii.  23. 

Ver.  49.  They  brought  also  the  priests' 
garments.  These  things  could  no  longer  be  used 
in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  on  account  of  the 
interruption  of  its  service  ;  hence  they  had  been 
brought  here,  ('.  e.,  to  a  sacred  place  in  the  vicinity 
of  Jerusalem,  and  spread  out  before  the  Lord, 
with  the  pathetic  inquiry  concerning  them  found 
in  the  text.  —  Nazarites.  Cf.  Numb.  vi.  5,  13. 
After  the  time  had  passed  for  which  the  Nazarites 
had  made  their  vow,  there  were  certain  sacrifices 
to  be  offered  and  gifts  to  be  jjresented  which 
naturallv  in  peaceful  times  would  have  taken 
place  in  Jerusalem.  Now  these  Nazarites  were 
assembled  here,  and  served  to  enhance  the  pic- 
ture of  distress  which  the  Jewish  people  at  that 
time  presented. 

Ver.  54.  Sounded  with  the  trumpets.  This 
was  customary,  and  according  to  the  instructions 
given  the  Israelites  by  Moses.     Cf.  Numb.  x.  7-10. 

Ver.  56.  According  to  the  law.  Cf.  Deat. 
XX.  5-8. 

Ver.  58.  Be  in  readiness  ....  to  fight. 
'Etoi^uoj,  with  the  following  infinitive  in  the  geni- 
tive, is  found  also  at  v.  39 ;  xiii.  37  ;  and  in  the 
LXX.  at  Ezek.  xxi.  U.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  332. 


496  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IV. 

1  And  Gorgias  took  five  thousand  footmen,'  and  a  thousand  chosen "  horsemen,  and 

2  the  force  removed  '  by  night,  to  the  end  that  they  might  fall  *  upon  the  camp  of  the 
Jews,  and  smite  them  suddenly.     And  the  men    of  the  fortress  were  his  guides. 

3  And  '  when  Judas  heard  thereof,  he  himself  removed,  and  the  valiant  men  with  him, 

4  that  he  might  smite  the  king's  army  which  was  at  Emmaus,  while  the  forces  were 

5  yet  ^  dispersed  from  the  camp.     And  Gorgias  came '  by  night  into  the  camp  of 
Judas  ;  and  when  he  found  no  man  there,  he   sought   them   in   the  mountains  ;  for 

6  said  he.  These   fellows  flee  from   us.     And '  as   soon  as  it  was  day,  Judas  showed 
himself  in  the  plain  with  three   thousand  men  ;  but  they '  had  neither   armor  nor 

7  swords '"  to  their  minds.    And  they  saw  the  camp  of  the  heathen  that  it  was  strong, 
fortified,"  and  compassed  round  about  with  horsemen  ;  and  these  were  expert  in  ''' 

8  war.     And  Judas  said  ^°  to  the  men  that  were  with  him.  Fear  ye  not  their  multi- 

9  tude,  neither  be  ye  afraid  of  their  assault.    Remember  how  ^*  our  fathers  were  de- 

10  livered  in  the  Red  sea,  when  Pharaoh  pursued  them  with  an  army.  And  now 
let  us  cry  unto  heaven,  if  peradventure  it'^  will  have  mercy  upon  us,  and  remember 
the  covenant  of  our  ^^  fathers,  and  destroy  this  army  "  before  our  face  this  day ; 

1 1  and  all  the   heathen   shall  know  "  that  there  is  one  who  redeemeth  ^'  and  saveth 

12  Israel.    And  ™  the  strangers  lifted  ^'  up  their  eyes,  and  saw  them  coming  over  against 

13  thetn,  and  '^^  they  went  out  of  the  camp  to  battle  ;  and "'  they  that  were  with  Judas 

14  sounded  their  trumpets,  and^*  joined  battle  ;  and  they  utterly  routed  the  heathen,^' 

15  and  they  fled  into  the  plain.  But  all  the  hindmost  fell  by  ^'  the  sword.  And  "  they 
pursued  them  unto  Gazera,-'  and  unto  the  plains  of  Idumaea,  and  unto  ^  Azotus, 

16  and  Jamnia;  and   there   fell  of  them  about '"  three  thousand  men.     And  °' Judas 

17  returned  with  his  force  ^^  from  pursuing  them,  and  said  to  the  people.  Be  not  greedy 

18  of  the  spoils,  for  a  battle  is  before  us,  and  Gorgias  and  his  army  are  near  ^  us  in 
the  mountain  ;  but  stand  ye  now  against  our  enemies,  and  fight  '*  them,  and  after 

19  this  j-ou  may  boldly  take'*  the  spoils.     As  Judas  was  yet  speaking'*  these  words, 

20  there  appeared  a  part  of  them  peering  out  of  the  mountain.  And  they  perceived 
that  their  force  had  been  put  to  flight,  and  that  they  were  setting  fire  to  the  camp," 

21  for  the  smoke  that ''  was  seen  showed  what  had  taken  place.  And  perceiving  " 
these  things,  they  were  sore  afraid,  and  perceiving  '"'  also  the  force  *'  of  Judas  in  the 

22,  23  plain  ready  to  fight,  they  all  fled  *-  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines.^'  And  ** 
Judas  returned  to  spoil  the  camp  ;  and  '*  they  got  much  gold,  and  silver,  and  blue,*' 

24  and  purple  of  the  sea,  and  great  riches.     And  on  returning  they  sang  songs,  and 

25  blessed  "  heaven,  because  it  is  good,^'  because  its  ^  mercy  endureth  for  ever.  And  ^ 
Israel  had  a  great  deliverance  that  day. 

Vers.  1-5.  — ^  A.  V. ;  Then  took  Q.  .     .  ./ootiaen  *  of  the  beet  (exAcfeT^i*).  *  and  removed  out  of  the  camp 

■  ke  might  rush  in.        ^  Now         ^  while  as  yet  the  forces  were.        ^  In  the  mean  season  came  O. 

Vers.  6-8.  — »  A.  V. :  But.  '  who  neyertheless  '»  (III.  44.  56.  62.  71.  al.  Co.,  the  sing.)  "  that  it  mat 

Btrong  and  well  harnessed  {i<rxvpai'  7fQtjipaKiuixivT)v).        '"  of.         ^^  Then  said  J  "  how  (109,  III.  X   23.  44.  56.  62. 

71.  al.  Co.  Aid. ;  text,  rtc,  ttois). 

Vers.  10-13. —  "  A.  v.  :  Now  therefore       .     thr  Lord.        '«  (III.  X.  44.  66.  al.  omit.)        i;  host.         i»  that  so  .  . 
may  know.        w  delivereth. 

Vers.  12-15.  — 2»  A.  v.:  Then.        "lift.         22  Wherefore  »  but.  "  So  they.  »  and  the  heathen  being 

discomfited.        2^  llowbeit  .     ..  o/iAem  were  slain  with.        ^t  fop.        ^  {yi&Tg.,  Qr.,  Asjaremot/i.    It  is  the  reading  of 
44.  52.  62.  71.  74.  243.  Co.  Aid.  Cf.  LXX.  at  Jer.  xxxviii.  40,  and  see  Com.)         »  omits  unto.  =»  so  that  there  were 

slain  of  them  upon  a. 

Vers.  16-22.  — 3i  a.  V. :  This  done  S'  again  with  Uis  (19.  55.  93.  have  auroO)  host.  33  inasmuch  as  there  w  a 

battle  .  .     .  /lis  host  are  here  by.  **  overcome  {noXffiijfjaTe).         ^  (Fritzsche  receives  Xa^ere  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  52. 

al. ;  text,  ree.y  A^i/iere.)        3«  (Fritzsche  receives  n-A>)poi;;T09  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  56.  62.  al.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  XaXovvroi 

The  former  is  probably  original.    There  is  perhaps  a  mistake  in  the  Greek  translation,  7  .^  having  been  mistaken  for 

S  '  w.    I  leave  the  A.  V.  as  found,  since  with  the  reading  n\r)fiovyTo^,  the  speaking  of  J.  may  be  referred  to.)  3^  0/ 

Ihem  looking Who  when  ....  that  the  Jews  had  put  their  host     .  .  .  and  were  burning  the  tents.  3«  (^  ig 

received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X  23.  55.  56.  62.  64.  106.)  ''  declared  what  was  done  :  when  therefore  they  per- 

ceived.       *"  peeing.        *^  host.        *^  they  fled  every  one.        *^  strangers  (see  Cor/i.). 

Vers.  23-25.  — "  A.  V. :  Then.  "  spoil  (see  Cojn.)  the  tents,  where.  "  blue  silk.  "  After  this  they  wen 

home,  and  sung  a  song  of  thanksgiving,  and  praised  the  Lord  In  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  rbc  Kvpior,  as  wanting  in  HI.  Z. 

13.  44.  56.  al.  Co.  Aid.).         «  (icuXoi',  but  probably  as  a  translation  of  ^itl.)        "  his         »>  Thu«. 


1   MACCABEES.  497 


26  And  as  many  of  the  heathen  as  '   escaped  came  and  told  Lysias  all  that  ^  had 

27  happened ;  and  he,  on  hearing  it,'  was  confounded  and  discouraged  because  such 
things  as  he  wished  had  not  happened  unto  Israel,  and  what  *  the  king  commanded 

28  him  had  not  come  ^  to  pass.  And  in  tlie  year  following "  he  '  gathered  together 
threescore  thousand  chosen  footmen,*  and  five  thousand  horsemen,  that  he  might 

29  subdue  them.     And  '  they  came  into  Idura;ea,  and  pitched  their  tents  at  Bethsura ; 

30  and  Judas  met  them  with  ten  thousand  men.  And  when  he  saw  the '"  mighty  army, 
he  prayed  and  said.  Blessed  art  thou,  0  Saviour  of  Israel,  who  didst  quell ''  the 
violence ''  of  the  mighty  man  ^'  by  the  hand  of  thy  servant  David,  and  gavest  the 
army  of  the  Philistines"  into  the  hands  of  Jonathan  son'^  of  Saul,  and  his  armor- 

31  bearer.     Deliver  this  arm)'  into  ""  the  hand  of  thj-  ]jeople  Israel,  and  let  them  be 

32  brought  to  shame  over  "  their  power  and  horsemen.  Make  them  afraid.'*  and  cause 
the  boldness  of  their  strength  to  melt "  away,  and  let  them  quake  at  their  destruc- 

33  tion.     Strike  them  down  by  ™  the  sword  of  them  that  love  thee,  and  let  all  those 

34  that  know  thy  name  praise  thee  with  songs.^'  And  ^-  they  joined  battle  ;  and  there 
fell  from  the  army  ^  of  Lysias  about  five  thousand  men,  even  before  them  they  fell. 

35  But  Lysias  on  seeing  his  army  put  to  flight,  while  that  of  Judas  was  inspirited,'^* 
and  how  they  were  ready  either  to  live  or  die  valiantly,  he  departed  unto  ^  Antiochia, 
and  collected  mercenaries,^*  and  having  made  his  army  greater  than  it  was,  he  pur- 
posed to  come  again  into  Judjea.'" 

36  But  Judas  and  his  brethren  said,^  Behold,  our  enemies  are  discomfited ;  let  us 

37  go  up  to  cleanse  the  sanctuary  ^  and  dedicate  it.'"     And  the  whole  army ''  as- 

38  sembled  themselves  together,  and  went  up  into  mount  Sion.  And  when  they  saw 
the  sanctuary  desolate,  and  the  altar  profaned,  and  the  gates  burnt  up,  and 
shrubs  grown  '^  in  the  courts  as  in  a  forest,  or  as  on  **  one  of  the  mountains,  and 

39  the  chambers  "  pulled  down,  they  rent  their  clothes,  and  made  great  lamentation, 

40  and  cast  ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  fell  '*  to  the  ground  upon  their  faces,  and  blew 

41  an  alarm  with  the  trumpets,  and  cried  towards  heaven.  Then  Judas  made  it  the 
duty  of  '*  certain  men  to  fight  against  those  that  were  in  the  fortress,  until  he  had 

42  cleansed  the  sanctuary.     And  he  selected  blameless  priests  who  had  pleasure  in 

43  the  law ;  and  they  cleansed  the  sanctuary,"  and   bore  °*  the  defiled  stones  into 

44  an  unclean  place.    And  they  "^  consulted  over  the  altar  of  burnt  offering,  which  had 

45  been  profaned,  what  they  should  do  with  it.  And  it  occurred  to  them  as  good 
counsel  *"  to  pull  it  down,  lest  it  should  become  "  a  reproach  to  them,  because  the 

46  heathen  had  defiled  it ;  and  they  pulled  down  the  altar.   And  they  laid  away  *-  the 

Vers.  26-28.  —  i  A.  V. :  Now  all  the  strangers  that  had.         '  what  ^  who,  when  he  heard  thereof.         *  neither 

Buch  ....  would  were  done  ....  nor  such  things  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  rotaOra  before  e^ifiij,  as  wanting  In  III.  44.  65. 
66.  62.  al.  Co.)  as.  b  ^ere  come.  ^  The  next  year  therefore  following  (exo^eftp ;  III.  X.  66.  62. 106.  Aid., 

tpxo^ei^.    Cf.  Ter.  12.)        ^  Lysias  (this  word  is  wanting  in  HI.  X.  23.  44.  52.  56.  al.  Co.^  *  choice  (of.  ver.  1)  men 

of  foot  (the  context  shows  that  infantry  are  meant). 

Vera.  29-33. —»  A.  v.:  So.  ^^  that.  "  quail  (obs.,  in  this  sense).  "  (Rendered  more  literally  "  assanlt,'"  al 
Ter.  8.)  "  (A.  V.,  should  have  written  in  italics,  there  being  no  Greek  word  for  "  man.'')  "  host  of  strangers 

"  the  son.  "  shut  up  this  army  in  (cf.  iii.  18).  "  confounded  in  (aiiTXvi'^TwCTav  k-nC).  *8  to  be  of  no  courage 
>"  fall  (marg.,  fne/t).        20  Cast  ....  with.        21  thanksgiving  (^j.  v^vots). 

Vers.  34,35.  —  22^.  y.  :So.  23  were  slain  of  the  host.  24  Now  when  L.  saw  .  ,  and  the  manliness  of  Judas' so/> 
dim  (t^s  fie  'loilfia  to  yeyttojfie'voi'  dapiro;).         36  went  into  20  gathered  together  a  company  of  strangers  (cf.  Com.  at 

ver.  28.)  27  go,  essentially,  De  Wette  :  "  And  after  that  he  had  increased  the  army,  aa  it  had  been,  he  thought  to  come 
again  to  Judaea."  But  this  is  to  give  a  wrong  sense  to  t'ov  yevrjeevra  trrpaTov.  Grimm,  with  Mlchaelis  and  Apel,  would 
therefore  insert  woAtf  before  yetTieej^a  :  *'  the  again  assembled  army,''  otherwise  render  with  De  Wette.  The  text.  Tec 
is  Kat  jrAeoi'aa'as  TOf  yevrfOevro.  (rrpaTov  eXoytfero  naXiv  jrapay(vea€ai  ci?  rriv  'I.  With  this  slight  change,  good  sense  is 
obtained,  and  TTa\tv  might  ea,sily  have  been  written  where  it  is  by  mistake.  But  Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading  of  III. 
X.  23.  52.  and  the  majority  of  MSS.,  Kai  irK€ova.aThv  yem^Qevra  TroAif,  etc.,  changing,  however,  Kat  into  a>s  :  *'  that  it  [the 
army]  become  increased,  might  again  come,"  ete.  This  is  also  supported  by  the  Vulg.  But  it  looks  as  though  n-Xeoi'aa- 
ro*-  had  been  formed  out  of  TrXeofacrac  to*-,  and  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  sentence,  as  thus  formed,  would  also 
be  objectionable.    Cf.  Grimm's  Com. 

Vers.  36-38.  —"  A.  V. :  Then  said  J.  and  his  brethren.  »  cleanse.  so  and  dedicate  the  sanctuary.  1  Upon 
this  all  the  host.  32  growing  (ire^v/coTa).  »  or  in  (<k  is  omitted  by  X.  23.  64.  74.).  «  yra,  and  the  priest's 

chambers  (cf.  I  Esd.  viii.  69). 

Vers.  39-43.  —  »»  A.  V. :  fell  down  flat.  "  (The  A.  V.  renders  as  the  Heb.  expression,  doubtless  lying  at  the  basis 
of  our  passage,  is  generally  rendered  ;  but  the  Greek  is,  '*  they  trumpeted  with  the  trumpets  of  signals,''  i.  e.,  g»Te  a 
signal  with  the  trumpets.  They  so  rendered  because  this  special  use  of  the  trumpet  was  intended  as  a  signal.)  ....  J, 
appointed.  S7  (cf_  iji_  43  j  as  go  he  chose  priests  of  blameless  conversation,  such  as  had  .  .  .  who  cleansed  the 
tanctuary  and  bare  out. 

Vers.  44-46.  —  »»  A.  V. :  when  as  they.  •  what  to  do  with  the  altar    .  .  .  offerings,  which  wa»  profaned :  they 

thought  it  best         "  be         "  Wherefore  they         .  it  down,  and  laid  up. 
33 


498 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


stones  on  '   the  mountain  of  the  temple  in  a  fitting^  place,  until  there  should  come 

47  a  prophet  to  give  answer  concerning '  them.     And  *  they  took  unhewn  ^  stone? 

48  according  to  the  law,  and  built  the  altar  new  ^  according  to  the  former.  And  they 
restored  '   the  sanctuary,  and  the  interior  of  *  the  temple,  and  hallowed  the  courts. 

49  They  made  also  new  holy  vessels,  and  into  the  temple  they  brought  the  candlestick, 

50  and  the  altar '  of  incense,  and  the  table.  And  upon  the  altar  they  burnt  incense; 
and  the  lamps  that  were  upon  the  candlestick  they  lighted,  and  they  gave  ^°  light  in 

51  the  temple.     And  they  put  the  loaves  "  upon  the  table,  and  spread  out  the  vails. 

52  And  when  they  had  finished  all  the  works  which  they  did.  they  rose  early  on  the 
twenty-fifth  day  of  the  ninth  month,  that  is  the  month  Chaseleu,  in  the  hundred 

53  forty  and  eighth  year/"  and  offered  sacrifice  according  to  the  law  upon  the  new  altar 

54  of  burnt  offerings,  which  they  had  made.  At  the  time  and  on  the  day  on  which  the 
heathen '°  had  profaned  it,  on  that  "  was  it  dedicated  with  songs,  and  citherns,  and 

55  harps,  and  cymbals.    And  ^^  all  the  people  fell  upon  their  faces,  and  worshipped  and 

56  blessed  heaven, ''  which  had  given  them  prosperity."  And  they  kept  the  dedication 
of  the  altar  eight  days,  and  offered  burnt  offerings  with  gladness,  and  sacrificed  a 

57  sacrifice  of  deliverance  and  praise.^'  They  decked  also  the  front  ^°  of  the  temple 
with  crowns  of  gold,  and  with  shields  :  and  the  gates  and  the  chambers  they  restored, 

58  and  made  doors  for  them.^   And  there  was  ^^  very  great  gladness  among  the  people, 

59  and  '-^  the  reproach  of  the  heathen  was  turned  °'  away.  And  ^*  Judas  and  his  brethren 
with  the  whole  congregation  of  Israel  ordained,  that  the  days  of  the  dedication  of 
the  altar  should  be  kept  in  their  season  from  year  to  year,  eight  ^  days,  from  the 
five  and  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Chaseleu,''*  with  gladness  and  delight.^'  At 
that  time  also  they  fortified  ^  mount  Sion  with  high  ^  walls  and  strong  towers  round 
about,  lest  the  Gentiles  should  come  and  tread  it  down,  as  they  had  done  before. 
And  he  placed  '°  there  a  garrison  to  keep  it ;  and  they  fortified  '^  Bethsura  to  keep  °^ 
it,  that  the  people  might  have  a  defense  against  Idumsa. 


60 


61 


Vers.  46,  47.  —  *  A.  V. :  in.  2  convenient.  ^  ghew  what  (55.  adds  ti)  should  be  done  with.  *  Then. 

5  whole  io\oK\ripovi.    Cf.  Ileb.  at  Deut.  xxrii.  6,  where  the  A.  V.  has  likewise  rendered  by  "  whole  ").  ^  a  new 

altar  {to  6v(ri(urrr]pi.ov  Kaivov.    The  article  is  omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  66.  62.  71. 106.). 

Ver.  48-52.  —'  A.  V.  :  and  made  up.  ^  if^g  things  that  were  within.         ^  altar  of  burnt  ofEerings  and  (so  m.  X. 

23.  56.  62.  al.  Co.  Aid.  It  is  an  obvious  and  false  correction,  since  the  altar  of  burnt  offerings  stood  not  in  the  vaoi). 
'0  that  they  might  give  light  (right  according  to  sense).  1*  Purthermore  they  set  the  loaves  (suggested  by  the  plural 
form,  apTou?  ;  lit.,  breads).  ^2  amj  finished  ....  they  had  bes^n  to  make.    Now  on  the  five  and  twentieth  day  .... 

which  is  called  ....  Casleu  ....  year,  they  rose  betimes  in  the  morning. 

Vers.  54-56.  — 13  A.  V.:  iooi,  at  what  ....  what  day  the  heathen.  '*  efen  in  that  (X.  23.55.64.  93.  al.  add  ^jiepif). 
15  Then.  i^  worshipping  and  praising  the  God  of  (the  Divine  name  seems  to  be  purposely  omitted  everywhere.  Cf. 
Introd.)  heaven.        i'  who  ....  good  success.  ^^  so  they  kept  .    .  .  the  sacrifice  of  deliverance  and  praise  (what  is 

usually  named  the  '*  thank  offering,"  or  "  peace  offering,"  is  meant,  C^^  /U^  H^T.  The  word  Qvtriav  is  also  doubt- 
less used  collectively.    The  whole  might  therefore  be  rendered  peace  offerin^s^  as  noted  in  the  maigin  of  the  A.  V.). 

Vers.  57,  58.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  forefront.  20  renew-ed  and  hanged  doors  upon  them  (cWptixrai*  aura.  In  the  margin  ren- 
lered,  made  doors  for  them,  i.  e.,  the  chambers).        ^i  Thus  was  there.        22  foj.  that.        23  put. 

Vers.  59-61. — 21  x.  V. ;  Moreover.  ^  btf  the  space  0/ eight .  26  Casleu.  27  mirth  and  gladness  {I  render  aa 

above  for  the  sake  of  uniformity.  Cf.  ver.  68).  28  builded  bjj.  29  ^jja  high.  s"  they  (III.  74.  106.,  the  plur.) 
set.        31  and  fortified  (X.  23. 19.  64.,  the  sing.).        32  preserve  (cf.  previous  line  in  the  Greek). 


Chapter  IV.     (Cf.  2  Mace.  viii.  23-36,  and  Jos.,  Antiq.,  xii.  7,  §  4.) 


Ver.  2.  Men  of  the  fortress.  Lit.,  "  sons  of 
the  fortress."  Probably  apostate  Jews  are  meant, 
Josephns,  indeed,  speaks  of  them  as  Jewish  fugi- 
tives. 

Ver.  6,  The  word  for  "  armor,"  KaAu^^ora,  as 
at  vi.  2,  means,  first,  a  covering  for  the  head 
worn  by  women.  It  includes  here  all  kinds  of 
armor  used  for  protecting  the  person.  While 
fiaxaipas,  "  sword.s,"  should  have  the  same  general 
signihcance,  as  including  all  sorts  of  weapons  for 
oj/'ensiv*'  warfare. 

Vers.  7,  8.  That  it  was  strong.  The  men 
whom  (lorgias  had  taken  with  him  on  his  expedi- 
tinii  had  not  materially  weakened  the  main  force. 
—  Afi\£i>9i)Tc.  This  word  is  nowhere  else  found 
in  the  (Jrcek  I3ilple,  except  in  the  present  book. 
Cf.  verse  21 ;  v.  41  ;  xvi.  6. 

Ver.   12.      The   strangers   [=  hrallun].      The 


Syriac  has  translated  this  Greek  word,  ii\\6(pv\oi, 
by  "  Philistines,"  which,  indeed,  was  its  Hellen- 
istic and  technical  meaning,  but  clearly  cannot 
be  the  rendering  in  this  place.  This  fact,  to- 
gether with  similar  facts  occurring  elsewhere, 
is  clear  proof  that  the  Syriac  is  a  translation 
from  the  Greek,  since  the  Hebrew  word  for  Phitis 
tines  could  not  have  stood  in  the  original  text. 

Ver.  15,  Gazera.  Cf,  xiii.  53;  xt.  28,  35. 
The  modern  Yazflr,  situated  not  far  from  Joppa 
Keil,  however,  would  identify  it  with  the  modern 
el-Kubab.  —  Azotus  is  but  another  name  for  Ash- 
dod,  situated  midway  between  Gaza  and  Joppa 
—  Jamnla,  elsewhere  called  Jabneel  (Josh,  xv 
11),  the  modern  .lebna,  is  situated  aliout  a  dozen 
miles  south  of  Joppa.  —  The  u;irrative  of  the 
battle  as  here  given,  with  so  immense  a  dispro- 
portion of  numbers  and  equipments  in  favor  O:' 


1   MACCABEES. 


499 


the  Syrians,  seems  much  exaggerated.  Accord- 
ing to  the  account  in  2  Maccabees  (viii.  9,  16), 
the  Jewish  army  had  six  thousand  men,  and  the 
Syrian  twenty  thousand.  Jloreover,  the  history 
appears  somewhat  suspicious  in  other  respects,  if 
the  above  desij^uation  of  places  be  correct.  To 
pursue  the  enemy  to  Gazera,  and  then  on  to 
IdumiEa,  would  require  more  time  than  is  here 
allowed.  On  a  single  day,  all  that  is  mentioned 
in  verse  19  is  supposed  to  have  occurred.  Keil, 
with  Cod'X  Alexandriinis,  would  read  'Iou5a(os 
instead  of  'iSovfiatas,  which  would  in  a  great  meas- 
ure remove  the  difficulty ;  while  Grimm  and 
others  would  uuderstand  that  the  army  of  Judas 
oursued  only  to  Gazera,  but  that  the  enemy  con- 
tinued their  flight  to  Iilumtea. 

Ver.  22.  Land  of  the  Philistines,  a,\\o<pi''\oiiv. 
Cf.  above,  verse  12. 

Ver.  2.3.  SKuAei'a from  o-Ki/Ae^iD,  like  iraiSe/o  from 
iraiSei/u,  is  uot  elsewhere  found  ;  and  hence  in 
some  MSS.  cKv\ev<Tis  is  read  in  its  place. 

Ver.  24.  Blue  and  purple  of  the  sea,  i.  e., 
garments  of  this  color.  Cf.  Ecelus.  xlv.  10.  The 
designation  "  purple  of  the  sea  "  indicates  that  it 
was  a  genuine  purple,  produced  from  a  certain 
species  of  shell-fish. 

Ver.  25.  That  day.  The  representation  need 
not  be  understood  to  mean  that  all  this  happened 
on  one  and  the  same  day.  It  might  refer  simply 
to  the  day  of  the  engagement,  or  the  word  "  day  " 
may  be  used  in  the  sense  of  "  time." 

Ver.  28.  2i'»'eA(fx')i''f>',  from  trvWoxfiv  or  avK- 
Koxav,  means  to  bring  together  \6xovs.  The  word 
is  not  elsewhere  found.  —  The  campaign  of  Lysias 

—  if  it  be  the  same  —  is  quite  otherwise  described 
in  2  Mace.  xi.  1-12,  especially  with  respect  to  the 
time  when  it  occurred.  There  it  is  said  to  have 
taken  place  after  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes,  during  the  reign  of  Eupator.  Most  Roman 
Catholic  commentators,  unwilling  to  accejit  the 
theory  of  a  discrepancy  between  the  two  accounts, 
hold  that  there  were  two  separate  campaigns. 
But,  if  this  were  the  case,  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand, as  Grimm  well  maintains,  how  the  author 
of  the  first  book  could  have  omitted  any  account 
of  the  second  campaign,  and  the  author  of  the 
second  book  could  make  no  mention  of  the  first. 

—  In  the  year  following,  i.  e.,  b.  c.  164,  or  the 
year  148  of  the  Seleucian  era.  —  Bethsura,  else- 
where Bethzur  ^  "  house  of  rock."      It  was  a 


place  somewhere  in  the  mountains  of  Judah.  It 
is  mentioned  in  Josh.  xv.  58,  between  Halhul  and 
Gedor,  as  though  in  their  neighborhood. 

Ver.  42.  Pleasure  in  the  law.  From  this 
passage  Graetz  { GeschiJdt,  ii.  2,  p.  352)  infers  that 
all  priests  who  had  adhered  to  the  Greek  party 
were  excluded  from  further  service  in  the  temple, 
which  is  likely,  but  it  hardly  follows  from  this 
passage. 

Ver.  4.3.  Defiled  stones.  These  were  the 
stones  from  which  the  heathen  altar  had  beeu 
made.  See  i.  54.  —  An  unclean  place,  i'.  e.,  some 
place  outside  the  city  where  the  offal  was  cast. 

Ver.  46.  A  prophet.  Christ  is  obviously  not 
meant  here,  as  some  have  intimated.  Cf.  similar 
passages  at  ix.  27,  xiv.  41,  which  show  that  at  this 
time  there  were  none  who  were  regarded  as  true 
prophets  of  the  Lord,  and  that  there  had  been 
none  for  a  long  time.  —  Mountain  of  the  tem- 
ple. Josephus  (Anti<j.,  xii.  7,  §  7)  misunderstood 
this  passage,  supposing  that  the  city  of  Jerusalem 
was  meant. 

Ver.  54.  At  the  time,  i.  e.,  t/te  month.  For 
Kara  with  the  accusative  in  a  temporal  sense,  cf. 
Winer,  p.  400  f.  The  time  here  meant  was 
December,  B.  c.  165  ;  it  being,  according  to  Jo- 
sephus and  Jerome  (at  Dan.  viii.  14),  exactly 
three  vears  from  the  time  of  the  first  profanation 
of  the  altar  through  pagan  sacrifices.  According 
to  2  Mace.  (x.  .3),  however,  it  was  only  two  years. 
—  Citherns  and  harps.  ""133  and  /D?.  i  answer- 
ing nearly,  it  would  seem,  to  our  guitar  and 
harp. ' 

Vers.  56-58.  The  name  of  this  feast  of  dedi- 
cation among  the  Jews,  HS^l^n,  is  given  by  Jo- 
sephus as  0a>To,  who  adds :  "  I  suppose  the  reason 
was  because  this  liberty  beyond  our  hopes  ap- 
peared to  us."  But  this  would  hardly  explain 
the  use  of  the  plural.  Winer  (RealwBrterb.,  under 
Kirchweihfest)  :  "Josephus  was  perhaps  right 
in  giving  this  more  special  significance,  although 
an  illumination  was  in  general  a  symbol  of  joy 
(Juvenal,  xii.  83  f.)."  For  a  description  of  the 
manner  in  which  this  feast  is  celebrated  by 
the  Jews  in  modern  times,  see  Stanley,  iii.,  p. 
343  f. 

Ver.  59.  The  feast  here  spoken  of  is  called  in 
the  Gospel  of  John  (x.  22)  "the  feast  of  dedica- 
tion," rh  iyKaivia. 


Chapter  V. 


1  And  it  came  to  pass  when  ^  the  heathen  '^  round  about  heard  that  the  altar  was 

2  built,  and  the  sanctuary  restored  ^  as  before,  they  were  very  angry/     And  they  re- 
solved ^  to  destroy  the  race  ^  of  Jacob  that  was  among  them  ;  and  they  '  began  to 

3  slay  and  destroy  among  the  *  people.     And^  Judas  fought  against  the  sons'"  of 
Esau   in  Idumoea  at  Acrabattiue,"  because   they  lay  in  wait  for  '■^  Israel  ;  and  he 

4  smote  them  in  a  great  defeat,'^  and  humbled  them,'''  and  took  their  spoils.     And  " 
he  remembered  the  injury  '*  of  the  sons  of  Baean,"  who  were  '*  a  snare  and  an 

Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Now  when.         ^  nations.         3  renewed.         *  it  displeased  them  very  much  ^  Wherefore 

they  thought.  *  generation  (•yei'os ;  19.  64.  93.,  (nrep^a).  ^  thrreupon  they.  8  destroy  (^i*)  the.  ^  Then. 

I'  children.  ^i  at  (or  naynely.    Cf.  Com.)  Arabattine  (III.  X.  64.,  'AjcpafiaTr^vijv.    The  text,  rec,  gives  the  forni 

found  in  our  test.    See  Com.)  i3  besieged  (lit.,  but  probably  from  227^,  which  also  sometimes  meant  to  lu  in 

jiaitfoT.  The  Lat.  obsidere,  too,  has  occasionally  this  meaning.  See  Com.).  ^  gave  them  a  great  overtlirow  (UL, 
fmote  them  a  great  smiting)         ^*  abated  their  courage  {avvitnetXev  aurovs). 

Ver    4  — 1^  A.  V.  .  Also         '^  injury  (t^s  Koxiat).        *^  children  oX  Bean  (SM  Com.)         i^  had  been. 


600  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


5  offense  unto  the  people,  in  that  they  lay  in  wait  for  them  in  the  ways.  And  '  he 
shut  tlieni   into  ^    the   towers,   and   encamped   against  them,  and  destroyed  them 

6  utterly',*  and  burnt  its  towers  *  with  fire,  with  '  all  that  were  therein.  Ar.d  he 
marched  on  against  the  sons  ^  of  Ammon ;  and '  he  found  a  strong  force, ^  and 

7  much  people,  with  Timotheus  as '  their  leader.'"   And  he  engaged  in  ^'  many  battles 

8  with  them,  and  '^  they  were  discomfited  before  him ;  and  he  smote  them.  And 
when  he  had  taken  Jazer,"  with  the  towns  belonging  thereto,"  he  returned  into 
Juda'a. 

9  And  '^  the  heathen  that  were  in  "  Galaad  assembled  themselves  together  against 
the  Israelites  ''  that  were  in  '*  their  borders,"  to  destroy  them  ;  and  ^  they  fled 

10  into  ''  the  fortress  Dathema.^  And  they  ^  sent  letters  unto  Judas  and  his  breth- 
ren, saying.-''  The  heathen  that  are  round  about  us  are  assembled  together  against 

11  us  to  destroy  us  ;  and  they  are  preparing  to  come  and  take  the  fortress  into  which 

12  we  fled  ;  and  Timotheus  is  leader  ^  of  their  force.^'     Come  now  therefore,  and 

13  deliver  us  from  their  hand,  for  a  multitude  of  us  have  fallen.  And  ^  all  our  brethren 
who  were  in  the  regions  of  Tubius  "°  are  put  to  death ;  their  wives  and  their  chil- 
dren also  they  have  carried  off  with  their  stuff  ;  ^  and  they  have  slain  ^°  there 

14  about  a  thousand  men.  While  the  '^  letters  were  yet  in  reading,^^  behold,  there 
came  other  messengers  from   Galilee  with  their  clothes  rent,  who  reported  on  this 

15  wise,  and  said.  They  of  Ptolemais,  and  of  Tyrus,  and  Sidon,  and  all  Galilee  of  the 

16  Gentiles,^^  are  assembled  together  against  us  to  consume  us.  But  ^*  when  Judas  and 
the  people  heard  these  words,  there  gathered  a  great  assembly  '^  together,  to  consult 
what  they  should  do  for  their  brethren,  that  were  in  aflfliction,*'  and  had  been  at- 

17  tacked  by  these  people.^'  And  Judas  said*'  unto  Simon  his  brother.  Choose  thee 
out  men,  and  go  and  deliver  thy  ^  brethren  that  are  in  Galilee,  while  *"  I  and  Jon- 

18  athan  my  brother  will  go  into  Galaad.^'  And  *"  he  left  Joseph  the  son  of  Zacha- 
rias,  and  Azarias,  as  leaders  *'  of  the  people,  with  the  rest  of  the  army  "  in  Judaea 

19  to  keep  it.  And  he  gave  them^^  commandment,  saying,  Take  ye  the  charge  of  this 
people,  and  see  that  you  engage  not  in  *^  war  against  the  heathen  until  *'  we  come 

20  again.    And  *^  unto  Simon  were  apportioned  *'  three  thousand  men  to  go  into  Gali- 

21  lee,  but  "*  unto  Judas  eight  thousand  men  for  "  Galaad.  And  Simon  went  ^^  into 
Galilee,  and  engaged  in  ^*  many  battles  with  the  heathen,  and  '°*  the  heathen  were 

22  discomfited  before  ^^  him.  And  he  pursued  them  unto  the  gate  ^^  of  Ptolemais. 
And  there  fell  ■'^'  of  the  heathen  about  three  thousand  men  and  he  took  their  spoils." 

23  And  those  that  were  of  ^^  Galilee,  and  in  Arbattis,""  with  their  wives  and  their  chil- 
dren, and   all   that   they  had,  took   he   along, ^'  and  brought  them  into  Judiea,  with 

24  great  joy.     And  Judas  the  Maccabee  '^  and  his  brother  Jonathan  went  over  the "' 

25  Jordan,  and  traveled  three  days'  journey  in  the  wilderness.  And  they  fell  in  ^*  with 
the  Nabatsei,'^  and  they  met  them  peaceably,^'  and  told  them  all  "  that  had  happened 

26  to  their  brethren  in  Galaad  ;  °*  and  that  ^'  many  of  them  were  shut  up  '°  in  Boasora, 

Ver.  5.  — ^  A.  v. :  omits  And  ^  yp  therefore  (it  so  renders  the  preceding  leoc)  in  (Fritzsche  receives  ecs  for  ep, 

from  III.  X.  23.  65.  66.  ai.).  s  (See  Com.)  <  the  towers  of  that  ;j/aM  (airis  ;  airii',  55.  106.).  '  and  ((nil-) 

Vers.  6-8.  — ^  A.  V. :  Afterward  he  passed  over  to  the  children.  '  where  *  mighty  power  [\flpo.  Kparatav 

The  former  word  is  so  used  in  the  classics,  as  is  also  manus,  in  Latin.    Cf.  xi.  15)  *  omits  as.  ^^  captain. 

"  So  he  fought  {(rvtrfiijje).        ^s  till  at  length         '3  Jazar  (this  form  probably  comes  from  the  Old  Lat.  Jazare)  >*  Lit. 

luT  daughters. 

Vers.  9-11.  — >' A.  v.:  Then         '»  at.        ^t  (Ut.,  the  Israel.)        '»  (e'iri.    The  A  V.  has  properly  rendered  by  "  in," 
»nd  not  by  "  on,"  as  is  usual.    A  few  Codd.,  66.  62.  64.  93.,  read  «>■.)         "  quarters  ">  but  21  to  "  of  D 

(see Com.  The  form  of  the  word  adopted  by  us  is  found  in  III.  44.  243. ;  text,  rcc,  fiiodfjuaj.  ^s  omits  they  24  omits 
Baying.        *s  whereunto  we  are  fled,  Timotheus  being  captain         ^6  host. 

Vers.  12-14.  —  27  A.  V. :  hands,  for  many  of  us  are  slain  :  yea.  28  that  were  in  the  places  of  Tobie  (marg.,  Tubin 

This  is  from  the  Old  Lat.  and  Syr. ;  III.  X.  23.  52.  62.  al.,  ToujSi'ou  ;  text.  Tec,  Tw^tov.  See  Com.).  »  away  captivee 
uai  borne  away  their  Bt\x^.    (See  Com.)        30  destroyed.        ^^  these  [X.  M.  oxmt  aX).        »'  yet  reading. 

V»r8. 16-17.  — **  See  Com.        34  x.  V.  ;  Now.        35  assembled         .  congregation.         3fl  trouble.         •'  assaulted  of 
th«m         »«  Then  said  J         3e  (Omitted  by  X.  93.)        "for  (St).        «'  the  country  of  O. 

Vers.  18-20.  —  "  A.  V.  :  So.  <»  A.,  captains  (III.  X.  19.  2.3.  106.  have  the  sing. ;  64.  93.  the  same,  and  prefix  the 

article).         "  remnant  of  the  host.         *g  Unto  whom  he  gave.  *fi  make  not  (cf.  ver.  7).         *'  until  the  time  thAt 

"  Now         49  given.        ■*  and.        "  for  the  country  of  (riji'  TaXimilriv.    Cf.  vers.  17,  20,  21). 

Vers.  21-23.  —"  A.  V. :    Then  went  S.         ^'  where  he  fought  (cf.  vers.  7,  19).  "  so  that.  «  by.  "  (Tijf 

vvAijc  ;  iCiv  TToAewf,  III.  62.  74.  106.  Aid.  ;  ric  ttvAwi/,  65.  Co.,  and  Josephua.)  w  there  were  Plain.  *  whose  spoil* 
he  took.  "•  in  (Fritzsche  receives  U  for  iv,  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  56.  66.  al.)  «"  (The  form  of  the  word  Is  In  disput* 
as  well  as  the  place  meant.    Cf.  Com.)        11  away  with  him. 

Vers.  24-26. — "^  A.  V. :  Judas  Maccabeus  also.        "3  omttj  the.        "  where  they  met.         «3  Nabathites  "who 

same  unto  (jcol  airrivrfttjav)  them  in  peaceable  manner.  o^  every  thing.  ^  in  the  land  of  ^'  how  that 

'*  irvvfi\ijij.fitvoi  tltriv,  more  properly  held  as  prisoners,  the  verb  meaning  to  seize,  take  prisoner 


J 


1    MACCABEES.  "  501 


and  Bosor,  in  Alema,*   Chasphor,  Maked,  and  Carnain,'  all  these  cities  are  strong- 

27  and  great,  and  that  they  were  shut  up  in  the  rest  of  the  cities  of '  Galaad,  and  *  that 
against  to-morrow  tliey  were  marshalling  their  forces  to  attack  ^  the  forts,'  and  to 

28  take  them,  and  to  destroy  them  all  in  one  day.  And '  Judas  and  his  force  *  turned 
suddenly  their  course  backward  into  °  the  wilderness  towards  Bosor  ;  *"  and  when  h& 
had  won  the  city,  he  slew  all  the  males  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and  took  all  their 

29  spoils,  and  burnt  it  "  witli  fire.    And  from  thence  ^-  he  removed  by  night  and  marched 

30  as  far  as  '^  the  fortress.  And  when  morning  broke  ^*  they  lifted  up  their  eyes,"  and 
behold,  an  ^'  innumeral)le  multitude  of  people  "  bearing  ladders  and  other  engines 
of  war,^'  to  take  the  fortress  ;  and  they  were  beginning  the  battle  against  ^'  them> 

31  And  when  Judas  ™  saw  that  the  battle  was  begun,  and  that  the  cry  of  the  city  went 

32  up  to  heaven  with  trumpet  blast,  and  a  great  outcry,''^  he  said  unto  the  men  of  his 

33  force.--  Fight  this  day  for  your  brethren.     And  -'  he  went  forth  behind  "''  them  in 

34  three  divisions  ;  and  they  ^°  sounded  their  trumpets,  and  cried  out  in  -°  prayer.  And 
when  the  force  of  Timotheus  perceived  "  that  it  was  Maccabseus,  they  fled  before  ** 
him  ;  and  ^  he  smote  them  in  a  great  defeat ; '"  and  there  fell  ^'  of  them  that  day 

35  about  eight  thousand  men.  And  he  ^^  turned  aside  to  Maspha  ;  and  he  ^'  assaulted 
it,  and  **  took  it ;  and  he  "^  slew  all  the  males  therein,  and  received  the  spoils  there- 

36  of,  and  burnt  it  with  fire.    From  thence  he  removed,"  and  took  Chasphor,  Maked,*' 

37  Bosor,  and  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  ^'  Galaad.    But  ^  after  these  things  *"  Timotheus 

38  gathered  another  army,^'  and  encamped  before  *^  Raphon  beyond  the  brook.  And  *• 
Judas  sent  men  to  spy  out  the  camp  ;  and  they  **  brought  him  word,  saying,  All 
the  heathen  that  be  round  about  us  are  assembled  unto  them,  even  a  very  great 

89  army.^^  They  have  ^°  also  hired  the  Arabians  to  help  them,  and  they  have  pitched  " 
their  tents  beyond  the  brook,  ready  to  come  against  thee  to  battle.*'     And  *^  Judas 

40  went  to  meet  them.  And  ""  Timotheus  said  unto  the  leaders  of  his  army,  as  ^^  Ju- 
das and  his  force  came  ^-  near  the  stream,^'  If  he  cross  '''  over  first  unto  us,  we  shall 

41  not  be  able  to  withstand  him  ;  for  he  will  mightily  prevail  ^^  against  us ;  but  if  he 
be  afraid,  and  camp  beyond  the  river,  we  will ''  go   over  unto  him,  and  prevail 

42  against  him.  But  ^'  when  Judas  came  near  the  stream,^'  he  stationed  the  scribes  of 
the  people  ^'  by  the  brook,  and  gave  them  ^  commandment,  saying.  Suffer  not  a 

43  single  man  "  to  remain  in  the  camp,'^  but  let  all  come  to  the  battle.  And  "  he  went 
first  over  against  ^  them,  and  all  the  people  '^  after  him  ;  and  "  all  the  heathen 
were  *'  discomfited  before  him,  and  '*  cast  away  their  weapons,  and  fled  into  "  the 

44  temple  at  Carnain.'"'  And  "  they  took  the  city,  and  burnt  the  temple  with  fire  '^ 
with  all  that  were  therein.     And  Carnain  "  was  subdued ;  and  they  could   not  '* 

45  stand  any  longer  before  Judas.     And "  Judas  gathered  together  all   the  Israelites 

Vers.  26,  28.  — '  23.,  'AAinoit ;  Vulg.,  AHmi.<.    It  has  not  been  identified.  '  A.  V. :  Camaim  (so  56.).  '  ot 

the  country  of.  «  (III.  X.  23.  74.  106.  243.  Co.  Aid.  omit.)  »  had  appointed  to  bring  their  host  againat 

«  Cf.  Ters.  11,  29.    The  plural  is  probably  inaccurate. 

Vers.  28-30.  — '  A.  V. :  Hereupon.  8  host.  ^  by  the  way  of  {aire<rTpeipev  oSov  «cs).  "*  unto  Bosorra 

(marg.,  Bosor;  Boaoppa,  44.  62.  74.243.  Co.  Aid.  Cf.  ver.  36).  "  the  city  (airrji/).  "  From  whence.  "went 
tin  he  came  to  (the  verb  is  in  the  plural  in  X.  64.  93.).  '*  betimes  in  the  morning  (^-yeVeTo  ew^cn}).  '^  looked  up 
^*  there  was  an.  i^  innumerable  people.  '^  Ifirf^avai.     Grimm  renders  by  Mauerbrerher,  wall-breaker ;  but  cf 

2  Mace.  xii.  16,  where  that  machine  is  otherwise  named.)        '^  for  they  assaulted  (ical  eiroAeVoue ). 

Vers.  31-34.  —»  A.  V. :  When  J.  therefore.  ^i  „ith  trumpets,  and  a  great  sound.  "  his  host.  "  So.  "  (Lit., 
from  bekinii,  i.  e.,  he  fell  on  their  rear.)  ^  companies,  who  ^^  with.  ^  Then  the  host  .  knowing. 

3*  Maccabeus  (III.  71.  prefix  the  article.    Cf.  ver.  24),  fled  from.  29  wherefore.  ^  with  a  great  slaughter  (lit. 

a  great  smiting.    Cod.  III.,  with  Co.,  has  the  dative).        3i  so  that  there  were  killed. 

Vers  35,  36.  —»  A.  V.  :  This  done,  Judas  (19.  64.  93.  Old  Lat.  have  the  proper  name).         ^3  after  he  had  "  he 

=6  omits  he.  '»  went  he  (cf  ver.  29).  ='  Casphon  (so  the  last  syllable,  X.  44.  al.,  but  cf.  ver.  26),  Maged 

^  other  cities  of  the  country  of. 

Vers.  37-39.  —SB  A.  V. :  omits  But.  "  (pijcuToi  ravra,  often  used  in  this  sense  in  the  LXX.    Cf.  vil.  33;  ii  37.) 

*^  gathered  T  .  host.  *-  against  "So  **  espy  (Karao-icoTrevtrai.    For  this  verb  Karatricoiredi  is  found  in 

the  classics.    Hence  the  reading  of  III.,  icaTaffKOTrVjo-ai )  the  host :  who.  *5  host.  «  He  hath  {Fritzsche  receives 

u€fiicrflu)i^at  from  X.  23.  55.  al.  ;  texi-rec,  itetiirrOMTat).        <^  (Fritzsche  receives  rrapetJ-^aWovertv  from  III.  23.  44.  55  al 
Co.  Aid. ;  text.  Tec,  jrapevf^a^ov.)       **  and  fight  against  thee.        **  Opon  this 

Vers.  40,41.  —  w  a_  v.  :  Then.  ^  captains  ....  host,  When.  ^  host  come  (the  connection  shows  that  he  said 
this  while  Judas  was  seen  approaching,  and  the  grammatical  construction  also  requires  the  rendering  given).  "  (Lit. 
brook  af  water).        "pass         »  (Suri/ieiw  SunjirfTai.    Cf.  Hcb.  and  Greek  at  2  Chron.  xxiii.  13.)        i>»  shall. 

Vers.  42,  43.  — ^^  Jl.  y  :  Now.  cs  brook.  69  caused  the  scribes  (see  Com.)  ....  to  remain.  •*  nnto  whom  he 
gave  "  no  man.  "-  (Lit.,  to  encamp.)         «  So.  ««  unto  (tiri).  "  (in.  44.  56.  62.  Co.  Ala.  add  avnC.) 

•*  then.        s'  being.        *8  omits  and.        "^  unto.        "9  that  was  at  Camaim. 

Vers.  44,45.  —"A  V. :  But.  "  omits  with  fire  "  Thus  was  Camaim  "  neither  could  they  (eSvi-oiTo  ;  III 
■i6  91.,  the  sing.)  '»  Then 


602  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


that  were  in  ^  Galaad,  from  the  least  unto  the  greatest,  also  ''  their  wives,  and  theii 
children,  and  their  stuff,  a  very  great  host,  to  the  end  they  might  come  into  the  land 

46  of  Juda.'  And  *  they  came  unto  Ephron.  And  *  tnis  was  the  °  great  city  at ' 
the  entrance,  strongly '  fortified  ;  they  could  not  turn  from  it,  to  °  the  right  hand 

47  or  the  left,  but  must '"  pass  through  the  midst  of  it.     And  "  they  of  the  city  shut 

48  them  out,  and  blocked  ^^  up  the  gates  with  stones.  And  '^  .Judas  sent  unto  them 
with  words  of  peace,"  saying,  Let  us  pass  by  thy  ^^  land  to  go  back  '°  into  our  land," 
and  none  shall  do  you  any  hurt ;  we  will  only  pass  through  on  foot.     And  ^'  they 

49  would  not  open  unto  him.     And  '^  Judas  commanded  a  proclamation  to  be  made  in 

50  the  army  '^  that  every  man  should  pitch  his  tent  in  the  place  where  he  was.  And  ^' 
the  soldiers  encamped,"  and  assaulted  '■^  the  city  all  that  day  and  all  the  ^  night ; 

51  and'-*'  the  city  was  delivered  into  his  hands.  And  he°°  slew  all  the  males  with  the 
edge  of  the  sword  ;  and  he  razed  it,'-"  and  took  the  spoils  thereof,  and  passed  through 

52  the  city  over  them  that  were  slain.  And  they  went  over  the  -'  Jordan  into  the 
5.3  great  plain  before  Bethsan.'^     And  Judas  brought  up '"  those  that  fell  behind," 

and  encouraged  ^^  the  people  all  the  way  through,  till  they  came  °°  into  the  land  of 

54  Juda.''*  And  ^  they  went  up  to  mount  Sion  with  joy  and  gladness,  and  °^  offered 
burnt  offerings,  because  not  one  of  tliem  had  fallen  "  until  they  °'  returned  in 
peace. 

55  And  in  those  days,  when  ^  Judas  and  Jonathan  were  in  *"  Galaad,  and  Simon  his 

56  brother  in  G.ililee  before  Ptolemais,  Joseph  the  son  of  Zacharias,  and  Azarias,  lead- 
ers of  the  army,"   heard  of  the  valiant  acts  and  warlike  deeds  *•  which  they  did.*^ 

57  And  he  "  said,  Let  us  also  make  ourselves  ^*  a  name,  and  go  fight  against  the 

58  heathen  that  are  round  about  us.     And  they  ordered  out  **  the  men  of  the  army  " 

59  that  was  with  them,  and  marched  against^'  Jamnia.     And   Gorgias  and  his  men 

60  came  *'  out  of  the  city  to  meet  them  ^  in  battle.  And  Joseph  ^^  and  Azarias  were 
put  to  flight,  and  pursued  unto  the  borders  of  Juda;a  ;  and  there  fell  ^-  that  day  of 

61  the  people  of  Israel  about  two  thousand  men.  And  there  took  place  a^^  great 
overthrow  among  the  children  of  Israel,'*  because  they  were  not  obedient  unto  Ju- 

62  das  and  his  brethren,  thinking  ^^  to  do  valiant  deeds.^*  But  "  these  were  '*  not  of 
the  seed  of  those  men,^^  by  whose  hand  deliverance  was  given  unto  Israel. 

63  And '"  tlie  man  .Tudas  and  his  brethren  were   greatly  honored  °'  in   the  sight  of 

64  all  Israel,  and  of  all  the  heathen,  where  '■  their  name  was  heard  ;  and  men  thronged 

65  to  them  with  plaudits.*^  And  .Judas  went^*  forth  with  his  brethren,  and  fought 
against  the  sons  *^  of  Esau  in  the  land  toward  the  south  ;  and  °^  he  smote  Hebron," 
and  the  towns  thereof,  and  pulled  down  the  fortress  ^'  of  it,  and  burnt   the   towers 

66  thereof  round  about.     And  '^  he  removed  to  go  into  the  land  of  the  PhUistines,  and 

67  passed  through  Samaria.'"     On  that  day ''  certain  priests,  desirous  to  show  their 

68  valor,  fell  '^  in  battle,  since  '^  they  went  out  to  fight  unadvisedly.  And  '*  Judas 
turned  toward  '^  Azotus  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines,  and  when  he  had  pulled 
down  their  altars,  and  burnt  the  images  of  their  gods  '^  with  fire,  and  spoiled  their 
cities,  he  returned  into  the  land  of  Juda." 

Vers.  45,  46.  —  *  A.  V. :  in  the  country  of.  ^  even  (the  men  are  previously  referred  to).  3  Judea.         *  Now 

wken.        ^  omits  ^ni.         c  a  (the  art.  is  omitted  by  55.  64.  93.).         'in.  9  way  iis  Mey  .<AouW  go  (eirl  ttJs  citriSov 

=:  at  the  entrance)  very  well.  ^  either  on.         '•*  must  needs  (the  words  ovk  V  have  still  force). 

Vers.  47-50.  —  i'  A.  V. :  Then.  12  stopped  (it  is  meant  that  they  supported,  secured,  the  gates  with  stones) 

13  Whereupon.  "  in  peaceable  manner.  is  through  (TropeAfuo-ojueea  ;  ni.  19.  62.  al.  Co.  Aid.,  5ceAevo-(S/i€0a)  your. 
'^  om'M  back.  1'  own  country.  is  ho^beit.  ^^  Wherefore.  ^  throughout  the  host.  2x30,  2:  pitched 
(cf.  Ter.  .37).         ==  (en-oAtnijirar.)        "  lAa(.        ^  tiL\  at  the  length. 

Vers.  51-54.  — ^  .A.  V. :  who  then.  ^'  and  rased  the  city.  28  After  this  went  they  over.  »  (See  Com.) 

»  gathered  together.         3'  came  behind.  ='  exhorted.        »  (The  verb  is  sing,  in  III.  X.  23.  44.  al.  Co.  Aid. ;  teit. 

rer_.^  plur.)  34  .Judea.        35  go.        3o  where  they.        3T  were  slain.        38  they\i&i. 

Vera.  55-58. — 30  a.  V. :  Now  what  time  a''.       *^  in  the  land  of.        <i  captains  ....  garrisons.  *=  (tov  TroAe>ou 

ftta.)        •s  had  done.  «  Wherefore  they  (III.  X.  19.  44.  al.,  the  plur.).        *3  get  us.  *3  go  when  they  had  given 

charge  (fl-ap^yyeiAai').        <'  unto  the  garrison.        *3  they  went  towards. 

Vers.  59-62.  —  *o  A.  V. :  Then  came  Gorgias  and  his  men.  ^  fight  against  them.  3*  so  it  was,  that  J.  62  ^ert 
slain.        M  Thus  was  there  a.  «  (in.  X.  23.  omit.)         33  but  thought.  3e  gome  valiant  act.  37  jiorgovec 

33  men  came.        3»  omits  men. 

Vers.  63-65. — 30  A.  V.  ;  Howboit.  31  renowned.  32  vrheresoever.  33  heard  q/";  Insomuch  as  the  peopll 

(fcs.epmbled  unto  them  with  joyful  acclamations.  3^  Afterward  went  J.  36  children.  30  ,^.here.  37{Xeppwi*. 
»  riur.  in  X.  19.23.  64.  93. 

Vers.  66-68.— »»  A.  V.  :  From  thence  (fitttOti/  is  found  in  19.  56.  62.  64.  93.).  "  (Cf.  Com.)  "  At  that  tim. 

**  were  slain.        '3  for  that.        "  So.        '3  to.        '3  their  cai-ved  images.        "  Judea. 


1   MACCABEES. 


503 


Chapter  V. 


Ver.  1.  Hitzif;  thinks  the  second,  and  Von 
Lengerke  the  eighty-third,  Psalm  was  based  on 
the  facts  mentioned  in  this  and  the  following 
verse,  and  Grimm  assents  to  the  theory.  Cf., 
however,  Giatz,  Geschichte,  ii.  2,  note  17,  and 
Westcott  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  under  "  Macca- 
bees," sect.  10. 

Ver.  3.  TV  ' AKpaSarTlvv"  's  constructed  in  ap- 
position with  IduniiEa.  The  construction  is  po- 
etic. Kiihner  (  Gram.,  p.  372)  says  :  "  In  the  same 
manner  in  poetry,  especially  in  Epic,  but  very 
seldom  in  pro^e,  two  objects  (commonly  in  the 
accusative)  are  joined  to  one  verb.  The  first  of 
these  denotes  the  entire  thing  ;  the  other,  that 
part  of  it  to  which  the  action  of  the  verb  is  par- 
ticularly directed,  both  being  in  the  same  case." 
The  place  here  mentioned  receives  its  name  from 
the  hill  Acrabbim,  the  boundary  line  of  Judah. 
Kuobel  (Com.  on  Josh.  xv.  3)  identities  it  with  the 
pass  E.'i-Sufah,  southwest  from  the  Dead  Sea. 
Su/ah  is  the  Zephath  to  which,  .according  to 
Judges  i.  17,  the  tribe  of  Judah  extended  its  con- 
quests. Cf.  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.  —  Lay  in 
wait  for  Israel.  The  meauing  seems  to  be  that 
they  took  possession  of  the  mountain  passes,  and 
from  thence  made  hostile  incursions  into  the  land 
of  Israel. 

Ver.  4.  Sons  of  Bsean.  This  "  Baean  "  was 
probably  at  the  head  of  some  Bedouin  tribe  which 
made  predatory  excursions.  Blau,  in  Merx's 
Archiv  (i.,  p.  3.i9),  says:  "The  region  in  which 
the  event  described  in  1  Mace.  v.  1-6  took  place  is 
the  same  as  that  which  the  table  by  Karnak  calls 
Bajaa,  near  Kapharbaruk,  east  from  Hebron, 
where  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  Idumaeans 

settled.      In   my  opinion,  ]*2  ^D2  signifies  sim- 
ply the  inhabitants  of  the  place  B<ajjan." 

Ver.  5.  Destroyed  them  utterly.  The  Greek 
word  is  ave9e/iaTi(T(i'.  The  word  avad-qijia  is  the 
Attic  form  of  the  substantive,  and  means  "  offer- 
ing.'' It  occurs  also  with  this  meaiiiug  in  2 
.M.1CC.  ii.  13.  Cf.  also  Luke  xxi.  5,  with  Gal.  i.  8, 
9.  Generally,  however,  in  the  LXX.,  as  in  the 
present  passage,  it  is  used  as  synonymous  with 
C1^I7,  i.  e.,  devoted  to  destruction.  Cf.  Cremer 
Lex.,  s.  V. 

Ver.  6.  Timotheus.  He  was  probably  a 
Syrian  general,  and  the  same  as  the  one  men- 
tioned iu  verse  11,  below,  and  in  2  Mace.  xii.  2  ff. 

Ver.  8.  Jazer,  spelled  also  Jaazer.  It  was 
situated  fifteen  Roman  miles  north  from  Hesh- 
bon,  and  ten  west  from  Philadelphia  in  Gilead. 
It  has  been  recently  found,  as  is  supposed,  in 
Szir,  from  which  a  little  stream  flows,  as  from  the 
incient  Jazer,  into  the  Jordan.  Cf.  Fritzsche,  in 
Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v. 

Ver.  9.  Galaad.  It  is  the  Greek  form  of  the 
word  Gilead.  It  is  meant  to  embrace  here,  appa- 
rently, the  possessions  of  Israel,  which  went  by 
this  name,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan.  — 
Dathema.  This  place  is  also  mentioned  by  Jo- 
sephus  (Antiq.,  xii.  8,  §  1),  but  has  not  been  iden- 
tified. Ewald  supposes  it  may  be  the  Dama  in 
Hauran  discovered  by  Burckhardt. 

Ver.  12.  Tubius.  It  is  probably  the  land  of 
Tob  spoken  of  in  the  history  of  Jephtha.  See 
Judges  xi.  3,  and  cf.  2  Sam.  x.  6 ;  2  Mace.  xii. 
17. 

Ver.  13.  Tiiy  awoaicevriy.  Trendelenburg  (Eich- 
horn's  Rep.,  'I'heil   15,  p.  13)  thinks  that  by  this 


word  female  children  and  young  unmarried  wom 
en  are  indicated.  But  it  is  interpreted  in  verse 
23  as  all  that  they  had.  It  seems  to  mean  here 
miich  the  same  as  our  expression  gooils  and  chat- 
tels, including,  with  household  utensils,  the  flocks 
and  herds.  It  is  rendered  in  Polybius.  liotli  as 
singular  and  plural,  by  "  baggage."  Cf.  Liddell 
and  Scott,  s.  v.  See,  below,  ix.  35,  and  the  LXX. 
at  1  Chron.  v.  21.  —  A  thousand  men,  xi^'opx'"" 
ai'Sptay.  This  Greek  word  is  used  in  the  LXX. 
(Numb.  xxxi.  48)  to  designate  a  division  of  a 
thousand  men  standing  under  the  command  of  a 
chiliarch.  Some  (Michaelis  and  Scholz)  suppose 
these  Gileadites  would  represent  that  an  entire 
tribe  had  been  destroyed. 

Ver.  15.  Ptolemais  ^.4 ccAo,  the  Modern  St. 
Jean  d'Acre,  a  seaport  town  on  the  Mediterranean, 
not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  little  river  Belus, 
and  thirty  miles  south  of  Tyre.  —  Galilee  of  the 
Gentiles.  The  corrections  of  the  text  at  this 
point  —  for  such  they  seem  to  be  —  were  probably 
occasioned  by  ignorance  of  its  meaning  in  the 
origin.ll  form.  Cf  Matt.  iv.  15,  where  this  ex- 
pression is  used.  Upper  Galilee  is  meant,  whose 
population  was  largel}"  foreign. 

Ver.  20.  The  size  of  the  Jewish  army,  as  con- 
sisting of  eleven  thousand  men,  is  considerably 
larger  than  it  was  represented  to  be  in  the  previ- 
ous chapter  (iv.  6).  Two  thousand  are  said  to 
have  fallen  (verse  60)  in  the  battle  which  Joseph 
and  Azarias,  contrary  to  the  orders  of  Judas, 
fought  at  Jamnia. 

Ver.  23.  Of  GaUlee,  i.  e.,  the  Jews  of  that 
province.  They  were  transferred  to  Jerusalem 
for  the  sake  of  greater  security.  —  Arbattis. 
This  place  has  been  supposed  by  some  (Ewald) 
to  be  the  district  north  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee 
(Syr.,  Ard  Bot).  Others  think  the  word  to  be  a 
corruption  of  'AKpa$aTrivri,  Acrabattine,  in  Idu- 
maea.  Others  still  (Hitzig,  GescAicAte,  p.  397)  make 
it  the  same  .IS  Harbattot  {mountain  of  the  abyss), 
the  Ndp0ada  of  Josephus  {Jud.  Bell.,  ii.  14,  §  5), 
sixty  furlongs  from  CoBsarea,  towards  Samaria. 

Ver.  23.  The  length  of  a  day's  journey  was 
differently  reckoned  by  the  ancients  in  the  East, 
being  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred 
and  ten  furlongs.  At  present  it  is  about  four 
geographical  miles.  —  Nabataei.  According  to 
NiJldeke  (Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.),  an  Arab 
tribe  which  dwelt  in  the  southern  part  of  Judaea, 
in  a  region  which  had  been  previously  vacated  by 
the  Edomites.  The  latter  had  taken  possession 
soon  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebu- 
chadnezzar. See  Gen.  xxv.  13,  and  Diod.  Sic, 
ii.  48,  xix.  94-97. 

Ver.  26.  Bossora.  Probably  "  Bostra,"  in 
Hauran.  —  Casphor.  According  to  Hitzig  ( Ge- 
schichte, p.  398),  Chisfin,  lying  between  the  Jordan 
and  "  Nava,"  on  the  way  to  Egypt,  .about  sixty 
miles  from  Damascus.  —  Maked.  The  same  au- 
thor holds  this  place  to  be  identical  mth  Maqadd, 
on  the  border  of  Haur.an,  near  Adhraat.  —  Car- 
nain.  This  was  the  residence  of  Og,  king  of 
Bash;m.     Cf.  Deut.  i.  4. 

Ver.  27.  The  meaning  is  that  the  enemy  had 
resolved  to  destroy,  on  the  very  next  day,  all  the 
Jews  whom  they  were  now  besieging  in  these 
different  cities. 

Ver.  28.  Edge  of  the  sword,  i.  e.,  giving  no 
quarter. 

Ver.  29.     The  fortress.     Dathema  (verse  11 1 


504 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


must  be  meant.  The  apparent  inaccuracy  of 
using  the  plural  was  perhaps  due  to  the  incorrect 
report  of  the  3S^abata;i,  as  Keil  suggests. 

Ver.  35.  Maspha.  Clearly  not  the  Mizpeh  of 
Moab  (1  Sam.  xxii.  3),  but  of  Gilead  (Judg.  xi. 
29;  X.  17). 

Ver.  37.  Baphon.  Probably  one  of  the  ten 
cities,  namely,  Raphana.  Cf.  Jos.,  Antiq.,  xii.  8, 
§4. 

Vers.  40,  41.  This  opinion  of  Timotheus  is 
based  on  his  knowledge  of  the  impetuosity  of  the 
assaults  of  Judas. 

Ver.  42.  Scribes  of  the  people.  The  Greek 
word  •ypaixixaTfis,  here  used,  is  employed  by  the 
LXX.  to  translate  both  "^SD,  numberer,  scribe, 
and  "11227,  overseer,  director.  Probably  the  for- 
ra»r  is  here  meant.  They  were  officers  who  kept 
the  muster-rolls,  and  looked  after  all  matters  of 
this  sort  which  required  writing. 

Vers.  43,  44.  Carnam.  See  verse  26,  above. 
The  soldiers  of  Timotheus  seem  to  have  supposed 
that  their  lives  would  be  spared  if  they  took 
refuge  in  this  temple.  Cf.  x.  83,  where  a  similar 
case  occurs. 

Vers.  46-48.  Ephron.  It  lay  on  the  east  of 
Jordan,  over  against  Scythopolis.  There  was  an- 
other place  by  this  name  in  the  possessions  of 
Benjamin.  Cf.  Keil's  Com.  at  2  Chron.  xiii.  19. 
Judas  probably  at  first  feared  that  the  city  might 
prove  to  be  too  strong  for  his  force,  and  for  that 
reason  sought  a  peaceful  passage  through  it. 
The  reason  for  its  refusal  is  the  more  plain  if  this 


was  really  the  residence  of  the  Syrian  general 
Lysias.     fcf.  2  Mace.  xii.  27. 

Ver.  52.  Great  plain  before  Bethsan.  This 
was  probably  not  the  plain  of  Jezieel,  or  Es- 
draelon,  as  Grimm  supposes,  —  as  that  lay  behind, 
not  "  before,"  Bethsan,  —  but  the  Jordan  valley, 
between  Lake  Tiberias  and  Sakat.  Bethsan, 
now  Beisan  (cf.  Josh.  xvii.  11),  was  named  by 
the  Greeks  Scythopolis. 

Ver.  54.  Not  one  of  them  had  fallen,  i.  e., 
none  had  fallen  from  the  time  they  crossed  the 
Jordan ;  or  it  may  refer  simply  to  the  non- 
combatants  whom  Judas  was  conducting  to  Jeru- 
salem. 

Ver.  63.  The  man  Judas.  The  same  expres- 
sion is  used  of  Moses.  Ex.  xi.  3  ;  Numb.  xii.  3. 
It  means  the  man  par  excellence,  the  noted  man, 
the  hero. 

Ver.  65.  Hebron.  This  is  the  old  patriarchal 
city  of  the  name,  situated  south  of  Jerusalem,  on 
the  mountains  of  Judah.  Its  present  name  is  El- 
Khalil. 

Ver.  66.  Passed  through  Samaria.  Keil, 
with  Grotius,  Michaelis,  aud  others,  accepts  the 
reading  of  the  Old  Latin,  Mapiaaav  (Mareshah), 
which  is  also  that  of  Josephus  (Antiq.,  xii.  8,  §  6). 
It  certainly  agrees  better  with  the  context,  this 
city  lying  in  the  low  country  of  Judah,  directly 
on  the  line  of  his  march. 

Ver.  67.  On  that  day,  i.  e.,  apparently  on  the 
day  of  the  march  through  Mareshah.  The  in- 
habitants probably  showed  hostility  to  the  army 
of  Judas.     Cf.  2  Mace.  xii.  35. 


Chapteb  VI. 


1  And  the '  king  Antiochus  passed  ''  through  the  upper  '  countries,  and  *  heard  that 

2  in  Elymais  in  Persia  there  was  a  city  renowned  '  for  riches,  silver,  and  gold  ;  and  that 
the  temple  which  was  in  it  was  very  rich ;  and  that  there  were  there  armors  °  of 
gold,  and  breastplates,  and  weapons,'  which  Alexander  the  son  *  of  Philip,  the ' 

3  Macedonian  king  who  reigned  first  among  the  Grecians,  had  left  there.  And  ^''  he 
came  and  sought  to  take  the  city,  and  to  spoU  it ;  and  ^^  he  was  not  able,  because  the 

4  matter  was  known  to  the  citizens.'''    And  they  ''  rose  up  against  him  in  battle,  and  " 

5  he  fled,  and  departed  thence  with  great  grief  to  return  ''"  to  Babylon.  And  "  there 
came  one  who  brought  him  tidings  into  Persia,  that  the  armies,  which  went  into  the 

6  land  of  Juda  "  were  put  to  flight ;  and  thai  Lysias  went  forth  as  commander " 
with  a  strong  force,  and  was  put  to  flight  before  them  ;  "  and  that  they  were  made 
strong  with  weapons,  and  material,  and  many  ''■"  spoils  which  they  had  taken  from  ''^ 

7  the  armies  that  -^  they  had  destroyed ;  also  that  they  had  pulled  down  the  abomi- 
nation which  he  built  '■^  upon  the  altar  in  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  had  surrounded  '^ 

8  the  sanctuary  with  high  walls,  as  before,  and  his  city  Bethsura.     And  it  came  to 

Ver.  1.  —  1  A.  V.  :  About  that  time  (»cai).  ^  travelling.  ^  high.  *  omits  and.  ^  say  that  Elymaia  (the 

raading  I  have  adopted,  with  Fritzsche  and  Keil,  is  iv  ^EAv/iouSt,  and  it  iB  supported  by  many  of  the  best  authorities, 
that  is,  as  far  as  the  preposition  is  concemed  ;  III.  X.  23.  65.  66.  71.  al.  Co.  Aid.  Besides,  there  was  no  city  "  Elymais. " 
in  Persia ;  It  was  the  name  of  a  province.  This  reading  is  also  supported  in  a  general  way  by  Folyb.  (ixxi.  11)  and 
Appian  (Syr.,  c.  livi.))  in  the  country  of  Persia  was  s  city  greatly  renowned. 

Vers.  2,  3.  —  "  A.  V.  :  that  thtre  was  in  It  a  very  rich  temple,  wherein  were  coverings  (marg.,  shields.    Cf.  iv.  6,  where 
the  A.  V.  renders  the  same  word  "  armour'').  '  shields  (oTrXa).  ^  A.,  son.  *  {Fritzsche  adopts  the  article 

MforepacriArit  from  III.  X.  23.  56.  al.)        "Wherefore.        "but.        »  they  of  the  city,  having  had  warning  thereof 

Vers.  4-6. — 13  A.  V.  :  (wniM  And  they         '*  so.         «  heaviness,  and  returned  w  Moreover.         "against. 

Jndea.  "  who  went  forth  flrst  [iy  ,rpuToi<  =  inter  primos,  i.  e.,  as  leader).  '»  great  power,  was  driven  away  o. 

the  Jews  (there  is  slight  MS.  authority  for  the  words  in  italics).  ™  by  the  armour,  and  power  ({v>'a)ici.    It  i«fets  t< 

■applies  of  various  kinds),  and  store  of.        !>  gotten  of.        '2  whom. 

Ver.  7  —  23  X  V. :  had  set  up         «*  compassed  about. 


1   MACCABEES.  505 


pass  when  '  the  king  heard  these  words,  he  was  astonished  and  sore  moved ;  and 

he  took  to  his  -  bed,  and  fell  sick  for  grief,  because  it  had  not  befallen  him  as  he 

9  desired.'     And  he  was  there  *  many  days  ;  for  great  grief  came  ever  anew  upon 

10  him,^  and  he  thought  that  he  should  die.°  And'  he  called  for  all  his  friends,  and 
said  unto  them,  Sleep  departeth  *  from  mine  eyes,  and  my  heart  faileth  because  of 

1 1  care.^  And  I  thought  with  myself.  Unto '"  what  tribulation  have  "  I  come,  and 
what  great  flood '-  is  it  wherein  now  I  am  !   For  I  was   bountiful  '^  and   beloved  in 

12  my  power.  But  now  I  remember  the  evils  that  I  did  at  Jerusalem,  and  that  I  took 
all  the  vessels  of  gold   and  silver  that  were  '*  therein,  and  sent  forth  ^°  to  destroy 

13  the  inhabitants  of  Juda  without  a  cause."  I  perceive  therefore"  that  for  these 
things  '*  these  troubles  have  come  "  upon  me  ;  and  behold,  I  perish  through  great 

14  grief  in  a  strange  land.     And  he  called'^   for   Philip,  one  of  his  friends;  and  he 

15  made  him  *'  ruler  over  all  his  kingdom.^"  And  he  ^  gave  him  the  crown,  and  his 
robe,  and  the  ^  signet,  to  the  end  that  he  might  guide  his  son  Antiochus,  and  train  ^ 

16  him  up  for  the  kingdom.     And  the  "^  king  Antiochus  died  there  in  the  hundred 

17  forty  and  ninth  year.  And  '^  when  Lysias  learned  "*  that  the  king  was  dead,  he 
set  ^  Autiochus  his  son,  whom  he  had  trained  up  as  a  youth,^"  to  reign  in  his  stead; 
and  his  name  he  called  Eupator. 

18  And  they  of  the  fortress °^  shut  up"  the  Israelites  round  about  the  sanctuary, 

19  and  sought  always  their  hurt,  and  the  strengthening  of  the  heathen.  And  Judas 
purposed  °'  to  destroy  them,  and  ^*  called   all  the  people  together  to  besiege  them. 

20  And  "'  they  came  together,  and  besieged  them  in  the  hundred  and  fiftieth  year,  and 

21  he  made  shooting  towers  'a-nd  other  engines  ^^  against  them.  And  some  of  them 
came  forth  from  the  confinement,  and  unto  them  certain  of   the  ^  ungodly  men  of 

22  Israel  joined   themselves  ;  and  they  went  unto  the  king,  and  said.  How  long  ^*  ere 

23  thou  execute  judgment,^  and  avenge  our  brethren  ?  We  were  well  pleased  *"  to 
serve  thy  father,  and  to  walk  according  to  his  orders,''  and  to  obey  his  command- 

24  ments.  And  for  this  cause  the  sons  of  our  people  encamped  against  the  fortress,*^  and 
were  '*  alienated  from  us  ;  moreover  as  many  of  us  as  they  lighted  on  "  they  slew,  and 

25  our  inheritance  was  spoiled.*^     And  they  stretched  not  ■"  out  their  hand  against  us 

26  only,  but  also  against  all  their  borders.  And  behold,  this  day  are  they  besieging*' 
the  fortress  '*  at  Jerusalem,  to  take  it ;  and  the  sanctuary  *"  and  Bethsura  have  they 

27  fortified.  And  ^^  if  thou  dost  not  anticipate  "  them  quickly,  they  wUl  do  greater 
things  than  these,  and  thou  wilt  not  be  able  to  restrain  them." 

28  And  ^'  when  the   king  heard   it,^'  he  was   angry,  and   gathered  together  all  his 

29  friends,  and  ^  the  commanders  °*  of  his  army,  and  those  over  ^'  the  horse.^*  There 
came  also  unto  him  from  other  kingdoms,  and  from  isles  of  the  seas,^'  hired  soldiers. 

Vers.  8,9.  —  '  A.  V. :  Now  when.  ^  whereupoQ  he  laid  him  down  upon  his,  3  looked  for  *  And  there 

he  continued.  *  his  grief  was  ever  more  and  more.        ^  made  account  ....  should  die. 

Vers.  10-12.  —  'A.  V.  :  Wherefore.  8  Xhe  sleep  is  gone  (of.,  for  a  similar  expression.  Gen.  xxxi.  40  ;  Dan.  tI.  18) 

^  faileth  {lit.,  falls  together,  or/alls  away.      He  felt  heartbroken)  for  very  care.  lO  with  my.felf  (lit.,  said  to  my 

heart,  but  III.  X.  23.  55.  al.  Aid.  omit  ^ou),  Into  (ews,  i.  e.,  as/ar  as).         i'  am.  l^  how  great  a  flood  o/misery  (the 

italics  are  correct  as  a  gloss,  but  more  properly  belong  in  a  commentary  than  in  a  translation).  ^^  bountiful  (xpijir- 

t6s).  **  (Xothing  representing  "  were  "'  is  found  in  the  Greek.)  '^  omits  forth.  ^^  Judea  without  a  cause 

(Jta  Ke»^s,  often  found  in  the  LXX.  as  6ia  Ke»T)s  n-pd^ews.     In  the  classics  it  meant,  rather,  witliout  result). 

Vers.  13-15. —"  Omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  44.  71.  al.  Co.  Aid.  "  A.  V.  :  this  cause.  "  are  come  (ejpo^).  »  Then 
called  he.         "'  whom  he  made.  22  realm.  23  omits  he.  24  Jiis  (more  emphatic  to  leave  the  article).         ^  h« 

should  bring  up  {here  dyayeii',  and  followed,  in  the  next  line,  by  €«0pe't/*oi)  ....  nourish. 

Vers.  16,  1".  —  »  A.  V. ;  So.        2'  Now.        m  knew.         =3  get  up.         ^o  brought  up,  being  young. 

Vers.  18-20.  -  -s^  A.  V. :  About  this  time  {«ai)  they  that  were  in  the  tower  (for  uniformity,  I  change.    Cf.  iv  41,  et 
passim).       ^^  i:hut  up  (eonclusum  tenebant,'Wa.ii\).      33  wherefore  J,  purposing.       34  07^1(5  and.        3^  So.        38  mounts 
for  shot  (peAo<TTaa-eis.    Cod.  III.  has  fieAoirTaaia,  which  form  is  found  in  Polyb     It  was  an  engine  for  hurling  missiles) 
.  .  and  ether  engines  (^ijxai'ds). 

Vers.  21-34.  —  3t  a.  V. :  Howbeit  rrrlain  of  them  that  were  besieged  got  forth,  unto  whom  some.  38  long  will  it  be 
">  irrotTtoT]  Kpiuiy.  Codd.  III.  23.  44.  62.  have  for  the  former,  Tronjo-eis,  which  is  preferred  by  Grimm,  as  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  usage  of  the  LXX.  But  cf.  2  Mace.  siv.  13.)  4P  have  been  willing.  *^  do  &a  he  would  have  ns 
*2  For  which  cause  they  of  our  nation  besiege  (I  adopt  TTspisKa&rjvro,  with  Fritzsche  and  Keil,  from  X.  23  52.,  and  so, 
too,  afterwards,  liAAoTptoOvTo,  from  111.  X.  23.  44.  and  most  of  the  MSS.,  in  place  of  ireptKaSrji'Tat  and  dAAorptou^^ai 
respectively,  of  the  text,  rec.)  the  tower.        «  are.        **  could  light  on.        *3  spoiled  our  inheritance. 

Vers.  25-27.  — ***  A.  V.  :  Neither  have  they  stretched.  *^  (here  7^ape^^e^A^7Ka(^l ,  which  is  a  stronger  word  than  the 
one  used  at  ver.  24.  irepteicd^vTO.)        *3  tower  (cf.  ver.  IS).  *^  it:  the  sanctuary  also  ""^  Wherefore  31  pp^ 

vent  (i.  e.,  get  ahead  of).         ^2  neither  shalt  thou  ....  rule  them  (Karatrxecv  airTwi'  zr  hold  them  in  check). 

Vers.  28,  29.  —  f^  A.  V. :  Now.  M  this.  "  {xai,  with  the  following  article,  is  omitted  by  111.  X.  44.  62.  Co  Aid 
33  captains.  37  tijat  had  charge  of  (simply  ini)  58  i"  i]^^  reins,"  i.  e.,  of  the  horses  of  the  army.)  39  gea  (plnrj 
jand."  et 


606  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


80  And  ^  the  number  of  his  forces  ^  was  an  hundred  thousand  footmen,  and  twenty- 
Si  thousand  horsemen,  and  two  and  thirty  elephants  exercised  in  °  battle.     And  tliey  * 
went  though  Idumsea,  and  pitched  against  Bethsura.  and   fought '   many  days,  and 
made  °  engines  of  war  ;  and  they '  came  out,  and  burnt  them  with  fire,  and  fought 

32  valiantly.  And '  Judas  removed  from  the  fortress,  and  pitched  in  Itethzacharia,^  over 

33  against  the  king's  army.^"  And  the  king  rose  early  and  removed  his  army,  eager 
for  the  fray,  toward  Baethzacharia  ; '  and  the  soldiers  made  ready  for  "  battle,  and 

34  sounded  the  trumpets.    And  to  the  end  they  might  provoke  ^^  the  elephants  to  fight, 

35  they  showed  them  the  blood  of  grapes  and  mulberries.  And  ^^  they  distributed  " 
the  beasts  among  the  phalanxes, ^^  and  for  every  elephant  they  appomted  a  thousand 
men,  wearing  chain  armor,  and  on  their  heads  helmets  of  brass  ;  and  for  every  beast 

36  there  were  appointed  five  hundred  chosen  horsemen."  These  were  beforehand," 
wheresoever  the  beast  was  ;  and  whithersoever  it  ^'  went,  they  went  also,  and  de- 

37  parted  not  '^  from  him.  And  upon  them  were  ^  strong  towers  of  wood,  which 
covered  everyone  of  the  beasts,  awrfwere  bound  upon  him  by  certain  contrivances  ; 
and  ^'  upon  every  one  were  two  and  thirty  soldiers,^  that  fought  upon  them,  besides 

38  his  Indian  driver.^  And  the  rest  of  the  horsemen  they  set "''  on  this  side  and  on 
that  side  on  the  two  wings  of  the  army,  to  harass  the  enemy  and  serve  as  protec- 

39  tion  for  the  phalanxes.'^     And  ^^  when  the  sun  shone  upon  the  shields  of  gold  and 

40  brass,  the  mountains  glistened  ^  therewith,  and  shone  '*  like  lamps  of  fire.  And  ** 
part  of  the  king's  army  spread  itself  out  upon  ^^  the  high  mountains,  and  part  on 

41  the  lowlands  ;  and  they  came  on  confidently  '^  and  in  order.  And  ^^  all  that  heard 
the  noise  of  their  multitude,  and  the  marching  of  the  multitude, *'  and  the  striking 
together   of  the  weapons,  trembled  ;  ^  for   the   army  was  very  great   and    mighty. 

42  And  ^  Judas  and  his  army  '"  drew  near  to  ^  battle  ;  and  there  fell  *'  of  the  king's 

43  army  six  hundred  men.  And  Eleazar  Avaran  perceived  one  of  the  beasts  that  was 
armed  with  royal  armor,  and  ^^  was  higher  than  all  the  other  beasts,  and  he  appeared 

44  as  though  the  *"  king  was  upon  him.    And  he  gave  his  life,^'  to  the  end  he  might  de- 

45  liver  his  people,  and  get  for  himself  an  eternal  ^'^  name.  And  *^  he  ran  upon  him 
courageously  into  the  midst  of  the  phalanx,  and  put  to  death  to  the  right  hand 

46  and  "  the  left;  and*^  they  were  divided  from  him  on  both  sides.*^  And  he  slipped 
in  *'  under  the  elephant,  and  stabbed  him  from  beneath,*'  and  slew  him  and  he  fell 

Ver.  30. —  1  A.  V. :  So  that.        2  army.        '  t'lilne^,  here  skillid  in. 

Vers.  31-34. —  *  A.  V. :  These.         6  which  they  assaulted.  e  making.  '  but  they  o/B«/iTOra.  'Upon 

this.  8  Bathzacharias  (as  93.  and  Old  Lat.,  as  it  respects  the  termination).  lo  camp  (cf.  Ter.  83).  ii  Then  the 
king,  rising  very  early,  marched  tiereely  with  iiv  op^Tjfiart  avrrjs  ^  in  its  eagerness,  impetuosity.  It  was  eager  for  the 
fray)  his  host  toward  Bathzacharias,  where  kis  armies  made  them  ready  to.  ^-  Trapa<rn)(7ai,  to  bring  to  one^s  side  and 
Fo  stimulate,  encourage.     Vulg.,  acuere. 

Vers.  35,  36.  —  "  A.  V.  :  MoreoTer,  "  divided.  ^^  armies  (<|>oAayyas  ;  ^dpayya^,  III.  62.  71.  74.  243.  Aid.), 

^c  armed  with  coats  of  mail  [ev  oAvaiStoToty,  preceded  by  Te^wpoxtcrpeVous),  and  jvith  helmets  of  brass  on  their  heads  j 
and  besides  this  for  every  bea.«t  xvere  ordained  five  hundred  horsemen  of  the  best.  ^t  These  were  ready  at  every 

occasion  (n-po  Katpot)  ^  before  the  time,  i.  e.,  the  battle,  and  hence  in  previous  exercises,  and  on  the  march).  ^  the 

beast.         isi  neither  departed  they. 

Vers.  37,  38.  — ^^  A.  V. ;  the  beasts  tvere  there,  ^t  of  them,  and  were  girt  fast  unto  them  with  devices  :  there  were 
also.  22  every  one  two  and  thirty  strong  men  {Svydfxeujs  is  omitted  by  111.  62.  71.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  -3  the  Indian  that 
ruled  him.  24  ^g  for  the  remnant  ....  set  them.  -^  and  that  side  [ev6ev  koI  evdev)  ....  at  ...  .  parts  of  the 

host,  giving  IheTn  signs  tfhat  /o  tfo  (jcaraffetoi-rfs,  lit.,  ro  shake  down,  throw  down.  The  subject  is  the  persons  who 
krianged  the  order  of  battle,  and  the  present  p.articiple  is  used  lilie  the  infin.  in  Latin.  Cf.  \\'iner,  p.  345,  §  4),  and 
being  harnessed  all  over  amidst  the  ranks  (wal  Karatitpaatrofjifvot  kv  rais  f^oAayfii',  lit.,  and  to  protect  themselves  in  the 
ohalanxes,  i.  e.,  the  same  persons  spoken  of  before,  the  commanders  with  their  men,  not  the  horsemen.  Fritzsche  re- 
(eives  i^aAoy^iv  from  III.  X.  55.  56.  62.  106.  Old  Lat.  Syr. ;  text,  rec,  tf}dpay^i.v,  which  reading  the  A.  V.  notices  in  the 
nargin  :  defended  with  the  valleys). 

Vers.  39,  40.  —  »■  A.  V.  :  Now.         2'  glistered.         *'  shined.        29  go.  »  being  spread  upon.         ='  on  the  valleys 

helow  {Fritzsche  receives  to.  before  Taireiva  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  56.  74.  93.  106.  243.  Co.),  they  marched  on  safely  (ao-i^a- 
Vois.  The  Vulg.  has  caute,  and  is  followed  by  most  commentators.  More  properly  with  Grimm  and  Keil,  eoiijuienter, 
firmo  pede). 

Vers.  41,  42.  —  3^  A.  V. :  Wherefore.  ^  company  (7r\^0oi;s,  as  just  before).  ^  rattling  [trvyKpovtjiJ.ov)  of  the 

harness,  were  moved  (lit.,  jAa*tf«).        ^'^  Then.        ^'^  host.        ^^  near,  anrf  en^ererf  into.        2«  were  sl.-xiii. 

Ver.  43.  —  3"  A.  V.  ;  E.  also,  turnamed  Savaran  (so  text,  rec;  19.  23.  64  al.  Co.  Syr.  .Toseph.,  avapai' ;  X.  .55.  al 
uvpav.  Cf.  ii.  5),  perceiving  that  ....  armed  with  royal  harness,  (Fritzsche  adopts  0tupa^ic  ^arriXtKoU  from  III.  X.  23 
44.  55.  al. ;  text,  rec,  the  sing.).        *o  the  rest,  and  supposing  that  (ok^^.     The  subject  is  to  &7ipiov)  the. 

Vers.  44-46.  — *^  A.  V.  ;  put  himself  in  jeopardy  (See  Com.).        *-  him  a  perpetual.        *3  Wherefore.  **  through 

....  battle,  slaying  on  ...  .  and  on.  *t>  go  that.  **■  (Lit.,  hither  and  thither.)  *'  \\'hich  done,  he  crept  (jcal 

^eSv).        **^  thrust  him  under  (so  the  Vulg.,  supposuit  se,  but  it  is  an  unusual  employment  of  this  verb,  and  would  b* 


1   MACCABEES.  507 


47  on  the  ground  over  ^  him,  and  there  he  died.  And  when  they  saw  ^  the  strength 
of  the  king,  and  the  impetuosity  of  the  soldiers,  they'  turned  away  from  them. 

48  Buf*  the  king's  army  ^  went  up  to  Jerusalem  to  meet  them.     And  the  king 

49  pitched  his  tents  against  Judsa,  and  against  mount  Sion  ;  and  ^  with  them  that 
were  in  Bethsura  he  made  peace  ;  and '  they  came  out  of  the  city,  because  they 
had  no  provisions  there    to   endure  the  siege  ;  *  for  it  was  a  year  of  rest^  to  the 

50  land.     And  '°   the  king   took   Bethsura,  and  detailed  "  a  garrison  there  to  keep  it. 

51  And  he  besieged  the  sanctuary  many  days  ;  and  he  set  up  there  towers  for  shooting, 
and  engines  and  machines  ^-  to  cast  fire  and  stones,  and  scorpions  ^'  to  cast  darts, 

52  and  slings.  And  ^*  they  also  made  engines  against  their  engines,  and  fought  a  long 
63  time.^^     But  their  magazines  were  without  provisions,  on  account  of  its  being  the 

seventh  year,  and  they  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Judosa  from  the  heathen,  had  eaten 

54  up  the  residue  of  the  store  ;  and  there  '^  were  but  a  few  left  in  the  sanctuary,"  be- 
cause the  famine  overcame  them,  and  they  dispersed  ^*  themselves,  every  man  to  hia 
own  place. 

55  And  Lysias  heard ''  that  Philip,  whom  Antiochus  the  king  while  he  yet  lived  ^ 

56  had  appointed  to  bring  up  his  son  Antiochus,  that  he  might  be  king,  had  returned 
from  '^  Persia  and  Media,  also  the  troops  that  went  with  the  king,  along  with  him,^ 

67  and  that  he  sought  to  seize  the  government.^  And  he  felt  impelled  to  depart  in 
haste, ^^  and  said  to  the  king  and  the  leaders  of  the  army  and  the  men.  We  grow 
weaker  daily,  and  our  provision  is  ^  small,  and  the  place  we  lay  siege  unto  is  strong, 

58  and  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom    lie  upon   us.     Now  therefore   let  us  be   friends  ^* 

59  vrith  these  men,  and  make  peace  with  them,  and  with  all  their  nation  ;  and  cove- 
nant -'  with  them,  that  they  shall  live  ''^  after  their  customs,  as  before  ;  -"^  for  they 
are  angry,'"  and  have  done  all   these  things,  because  we  abolished  their  customs." 

60  And  the  matter  pleased  the  king  and  the  princes  ;  and  '^  he  sent  unto  them  to  make 

61  peace  ;  and  they  accepted  thereof.     And '^  the  king  and  the  princes  made   an   oath 

62  unto  them ;  whereupon  they  went  out  of  the  fortress.'*  And  ^  the  king  entered 
into  mount  Sion ;  and  '"  when  he  saw  the  defenses  "  of  the  place,  he  broke  the 
oath  that  he  had   sworn,'*  and   gave   commandment    to  pull  down  the  wall  round 

63  about.  And  he  departed  in  haste,"  and  returned  unto  Antiochia,  and  found 
Philip  *"  master  of  the  city  ;  and  *^  he  fought  against  him,  and  took  the  city  by 
force. 

a  repetition  of  what  is  just  said-    The  word  to  ^i^o^  is  rather  to  be  supplied,  as  is  done  by  19.  56.  64.  93.).  '  where- 

upon tke  elephant  f eU  down  upon . 

Vers.  47-49.  —  -  A.V. :  Howbeit  the  rest  of  the  Jews  seeing.  ^  violence  (c£.  ver.  33)  of  his  forces.  *  Then. 

6  (Lit..  Those  from  the  king's  army,  ot  6^  eic,  etc.  Cod.  III.  omits  the  article,  indicating  that  it  was  only  a  detach- 
ment.) ^  But.  '  for.  8  victuals  there  to  endure  the  siege  (tou  ffvyicefcActa^at  iv  avi-H).  ^  It  being  .... 
rest  {iTofi^aiov).                                                                                  , 

Vers.  50-54.  —  ^'^  A.  V. ;  So.  "  set  laireTo^ev).  ^-  As  for  the  sanctuary,  he  besieged  it ...  .  and  set  there 

artillery  with  engines  and  instruments.  13  pieces  (trKopirtfiia).  ^*  Whereupon.  ^^  held  them  battle  ....  season. 
>»  Yet  at  the  last,  their  vessels  (ay'cxs  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  X.  56. 106.  al.  Syr. ;  Old  Lat.,  in  dvilale :  text. 
rec,  ayyeioi?,  which  is  accepted  by  Grimm  and  Keil.  The  former  may  have  arisen  from  its  use  at  ver.  64)  being  without 
victuals,  (for  that  it  was  ....  in  Judea,  that  were  delivered  from  the  Gentiles  ....  store  ;)  there.  ^"  sanctuary  (or 

"  holy  places,"  t.  e.,  here,  the  fortress  of  the  temple  mount).  i^  ^\^  ^q  prevail  against  them,  that  they  v  ere  fain  t<y 

disperse. 

Vers.  55-58.  —  is  A.  V.  :  At  that  time  ....  heard  say.  20  whiles  he  lived  (Iti  ^toKros  aiiTOv,  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  al.  Co. 
Aid.  ;  te:xt.  rec,  In  ^wc).  21  ^as  returned  out  of.  -2  and  the  king's  host  also  that  went  with  him  (X.  2-3.  52.  al.  Syr. 
have  ^era  before  toO  ^ao-tXe'ius  which  is  omitted  by  the  text,  rec,  while  55.  Old  Lat.  omit  the  last  two  words),  23  take 

unto  him  tlu  ruling  o/the  affairs.  24  Wherefore  he  went  in  all  haste  (I  adopt  from  Fritzsche,  with  Grimm  and  Keil, 
the  text,  Kal  KttTeo-TrevSei'  Kol  Irzeve^vtrev,  employing  the  former  verb  adverbially.  Cf.,  for  this  usage,  Winer,  p.  468. 
For  eijreic,  there  should  also  be  read  etTrei',  with  III.  X.  23.  al.).  2fi  captains  of  the  host  and  the  company.  We  decay 

daily,  ....  victuals  are  but.         26  Marg.,  Gr.,  give  hands. 

Vers.  59-61. — ^' (rrfiaititjiev.        ^  lAt.,  go,  walk.         28  a.  V. :  laws  (i-ofti'/iot?),  as  (A^y  rfi'dbefore.  ^  therefore  ^• 

pleased.        si  laws.        32  gg  tije  king  ....  were  content:  wherefore.        ss  Also.        "  strong  hold. 

Vers.  62,  63.— s^  A.  v.:  Then.  »«  but.  »'  strength  (t6  o^vpia/ia).  i>^  brake  his  ....  made.  ''Afterward 
departed  he  in  all  haste.        *"  where  he  found  Philip  to  be.        «!  so. 

Chapter  VI. 


Ver.  1.  InEljrmais.  Another  name  for  Susi- 
ma,  in  the  western  part  of  Persia.  Those  who 
accept  the  text.  rec.  think  the  writer  may  have 
piven  the  name  of  the  province  to  its  chief  city, 
00  city  by  this  name  being  known  to  geographers. 


Such   a   custom   was   not    unknown    in   ancient 

times ;  Arabic  geographers,  for  instance,  having 
given  the  name  "  Egypt  "  both  to  Memphis  and 
Cairo.  Grimm  prefers  the  theory  of  a  mistake 
in  translation,  thinking  that  the  Hebrew  word  for 


508 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


province  was  rendered  by  iriMs.  Cf.  LXX.  at 
T)a.n.  xi.  24.  But  the  readintr  above,  which  is 
adopted  by  Fritzsche,  seems  sufficiently  well  sup- 
ported. 

Ver.  2.  Eeigned  first  among  the  Grecians. 
See  emended  text  at  i.  I.  This  statement  is  not 
exactly  true,  since  his  father,  Philip,  had  also 
reigned  over  the  Greeks.  But  the  kint^dom  of 
Alexander,  through  the  conquests  which  he  made, 
quite  overshadowed  that  of  his  father.  The  for- 
mer was  founder  of  the  Greek  empire  in  its  widest 
«xtent. 

Vers.  3,  4.  According  to  Appian,  Antiochus 
i;iicceeded  in  robbing  the  temple  but,  in  addition 
to  our  book,  the  definite  statement  of  Polybius 
is  against  him.     Cf.  Text.  Notes. 

Ver.  7.  Abomination.  Of  course,  the  ines- 
fienger  diil  not  use  this  word  to  Antiochus.  It  is 
put  in  his  mouth  by  the  Jewish  historian. 

Ver.  13.  Strange  land.  It  belonged  to  his 
own  kingdom,  but  was  far  from  the  seat  of  gov- 
•ernment.  Doubtless  the  description  of  the  last 
hours  of  this  wretched  king  is.  for  the  most  part, 
imaginative.  That  there  was  some  basis  of  truth 
in  the  representation,  however,  appears  from  what 
Polybius  (xxxi.  11)  says:  " ^aifioviitras,  as  eviol 
^offi."  etc. 

Ver.  14.  Philip.  According  to  2  Mace.  v.  22, 
a  Phrygian  ;  and  2  Mace.  ix.  29,  a  friend  of  Anti- 
ochus in  boyhood.  —  Signet,  seal  ring.  Cf.  Tob. 
i.  22,  and  Esth.  iii.  10.  See  .ilso  Rawlinson, 
Ancient  Mon.,  i.  94,  158,  170,  383  ;  iii.  226,  342.  _ 

Ver.  15.  Died  there.  It  was  at  Tabse,  in 
Persia,  on  the  authority  of  Polybius  (/.  c). 

Ver.  17.  Antiochus  Eupator  was  at  this  time 
but  nine  years  of  age,  according  to  Appian  (De 
Rebus  iS)/r.,  xlvi.,  Ixvi).  According  to  other  au- 
thorities he  was  fourteen.  The  former  view  is 
probably  the  correct  one. 

Ver.  18.  Shut  up  the  Israelites  (fjaav  <rvy- 
xKelovm).  They  hindered  the  people  from  go- 
ing in  and  out,  by  holding  possession  of  the  pas- 
sages. 

Ver.  22.  Our  brethren.  See,  in  the  following 
Terse,  our  people.  The  garrison  was  composed  of 
foreign  soldiers,  together  with  apostate  Jews. 

Ver.  23.  EuSoKov/j.ei',  we  were  well  pleased. 
The  word  is  found  only  in  the  later  Greek,  and  is 
really  but  a  stronger  form  for  SoKfii',  to  think  it 
ijood.     Cf.  Acts  xxvi.  9. 

Ver.  28.  'When  the  king  heard  it.  What  is 
«aid  of  the  king  here  is  probably  to  be  referred  to 
Lysias. 

Ver.  29.  Other  kingdoms.  Those  of  Asia 
Minor :  Pergamos,  Bithyuia,  Pontus,  and  Cappa- 
docia. 

Ver.  30.  Great  as  this  army  is  here  repre- 
sented to  be,  the  numbers  are  still  further  in- 
creased in  2  Mace.  xiii.  2.  Both  stem  too  hig:h. 
One  hiilf  the  array  of  Lysias  was  still  in  Persia, 
under  Philip  (verse  14).'  While  the  entire  army 
of  Syria,  at  an  earlier  period,  when  the  empire 
■was  in  its  bloom,  as  at  the  battle  of  Magnesia, 
numbered  only  eighty  thousand  men.  Still,  as 
Michaulis  and  Grimm  have  shown,  there  was  a 
special  reason  why  Lysias  should  raise  as  large  a 
force  as  possible  at  tliis  time,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
not  simjily  to  operate  against  Judsea,  but  against 
his  rival,  Philip,  and  to  sustain  the  yet  uuac- 
knowhdged  claims  of  Eujiator  to  the  throne. 

Ver.  32.  BEethzaoharia.  It  lay,  .according  to 
JoHcplins  (A">-'<l-t  J*''-  9.  §  *)•  hetween  Jerusalem 
Hiul   Betbsnra,  about  eight  miles  north  from  the 


latter  place.  It  is  identified  with  the  modern 
Beit  Sakarieh. 

Ver.  34.  Showed  them  the  blood  of  grapes 
and  mulberries,  i.  e.,  spirituous  liquors  made  out  ■ 

of  these  fruits,  which  were  much  relished  by  these  I 

animals.     Cf.  3  Mace.  v.  2.     If  it  had  been  really  1 

given  to  them,  they  might  have  been  rendered 
unmanageable.  On  the  use  of  elephants  by  the 
Persians  in  battle,  cf.  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.^ 
iii.  182,  532.  The  Romans  had  declared  their 
unwillingness  that  the  Syrians  should  use  ele- 
phants for  warlike  purposes. 

Ver.  37.  Two  and  thirty  soldiers.  The 
number  commonly  fighting  in  this  way  on  the 
back  of  an  elephant  was,  at  the  most,  only  four 
or  five.  Besides,  a  structure  capable  of  holding 
thirty  warriors  would  have  been  quite  too  large 
for  an  elephant's  back.  Whether  the  obvious 
error  is  due  to  an  exaggeration  or  a  mistransla- 
tion, two  or  three  being  taken  for  two  and  thirty,  it 
is  impossible  to  say  ;  but,  considering  the  gener- 
ally trustworthy  character  of  our  book,  the  latter 
theory  is  preferable.  —  His  Indian  (driver).  The 
elephant  came  from  India,  and  often,  though  not 
always,  had  drivers  from  that  country. 

Ver.  38.  Phalanxes.  It  seemed  to  us  better 
to  retain  this  term,  which  is  descriptive  of  the 
well-known  Macedonian  order  of  battle,  that  was 
in  use  also  among  the  Syrians.  The  cavalry  on 
each  wing  had  for  its  object  to  prevent  any  flank- 
ing movement  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

Ver.  39.  Shields  of  gold.  There  must  have 
been  veiy  few  indeed.  Possibly,  however,  a  thin 
covering  of  gold  is  meant. 

Ver.  44.  Gave  his  life.  Lit.,  himself.  Cf. 
Gal.  i.  4  ;  Tit.  ii.  14. 

Ver.  47.  The  brevity  of  this  narrative  has 
been  observed  by  commentators,  and  ascribed  to 
the  desire  of  the  Jewish  historian  to  get  over  an 
unpleasant  subject  as  soon  as  possible.  But  it 
may  have  really  been  a  comparatively  small  and 
unimportant  battle,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
country. 

Ver.' 48.  This  verse  seems  to  presuppose  that 
Judas  took  refuge  with  his  force  within  the  forti- 
fications of  Jerusalem.  So  also  Josephus  (xii.  9, 
§  5) ;  although  in  another  place  the  latter  afllrms 
that  he  was  not  in  Jerusalem  at  all  at  this  time, 
as  was  probably  the  case.  Otherwise  we  should 
expect  some  notice  of  the  fact  in  what  is  said 
later  concerning  the  conclusion  of  a  peace. 

Ver.  49.  A  year  of  rest  to  the  land.  Cf. 
Deut.  XV.  1  ff  ;  Keil's  ArchdoL,  p.  392  f. ;  and 
Caspari  in  Stud.  u.  Kritik.  for  1877,  p.  181  £ 
The  last  author  says :  "  This  "  —  i.  e.,  what  is 
narrated  from  vi.  20,  to  vi.  52,  53 — "all  hap- 
pened in  the  (Seleucian)  year  150  ;  for  the  events 
of  the  year  149  are  described  chap.  vi.  1-16,  and 
those  of  the  year  151  in  ch.ap.  vii.  1  ff.  The  year 
150  was  therefore  the  Sabbatic  year.  With  this 
position  of  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  agrees 
almost  literally  the  report  of  Josephus  {Antig., 
xii.  9).  According  to  him,  also,  the  events  belong 
to  the  Seleucian  year  150.  The  want  which  the 
besieged  in  the  temple  suffered,  he  ascrilies  to  the 
Sabliatic  year.  With  these  two  concordant  re- 
ports that  of  2  Mace.  xiii.  1  is  in  contradiction 
where  the  date  149  instead  of  150  is  found.  But  in 
that  book  rules  an  evident  chronolugical  confusion, 
sinci'  in  chap.  xi.  33  the  royal  confiimation  of  the 
capitulation  of  the  temple  is  improperly  put  in 
the  vear  148,  since  it  took  place  in  consequence 
of   what   is  related  in  xiii.    1.      The  dates  of 


I   MACCABEES.  509 


Maccabees  and  of  Josephus  must  then  be  held  for 
correct,  and  the  vear  150  of  the  Seleucian  era 
have  been  the  Sabbatic  year."  "  The  epoch  of 
the  Seleuciau  era  is  October,  or  Tischri,  b.  c. 
312,  442  of  Rome.      The  first  vear  of   the  era, 


utmost  definiteness  that  the  Seleucian  year  150 
was  the  Sabbatic  year  :  ^Kfivci;  rw  trei  .  .  .  .  t6 
e$Soij.ov  %Tos.  Moreover,  the  want  in  the  Sabbatic 
year  itself  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  every 
cultivator  of  the  soil  held  a  stock  for  two  vears 


accordinj^ly,  is   reckoned   from  October,  313,   to  |  on  hand  for  himself,  and  hence  the  public  m.irkets 


October,  312.  The  Seleucian  era  150  is  e.  c 
312-15(1  =  163,  i.e.,  from  October  B.C.  163  to 
October  b.  c.  162.  This  is  the  Sabbatic  year. 
Some  chronologists  think  it  extended  from  b.  o. 
164-163,  because  in  this  way  the  want  experi- 
enced in  the  Seleucian  year  150  could  be  better 
explained.     Both  reports,  however,  say  with  the 


and  magazines  were  less  cared  for,  and  so  the 
want  was  perceptible  immediately  after  the  hai 
vest  of  the  sixth  year." 

Ver.  61.  The  princes  joined  in  taking  tht 
oath,  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  king  had 
not  yet  attained  his  majority. 


Chapter  Vil. 

1  In  the  hundred  and  fifty-first  ^  year  Demetrius  the  son  of  Seleucus  departed 
from  Rome,  and  came  up  with  a  few  men  unto  a  city  of  the  sea  coast,  and  reigned 

2  there.     And  it  came  to  pass  ^  as  he  entered  into  the  palace  of  his  ancestors,  the  sol- 

3  diers  seized '  Antiochus  and  Lysias,   to  bring  them  unto  him.      And  when  the 

4  matter  was  known  to  him,*  he  said.  Let  me  not  see  ^  their  faces.     And  the  soldiers  ° 

5  slew  them,  and '   Demetrius  sat  ^   upon  the   throne  of  his  kingdom.     And '   there 
came  unto  him  all  the  transgressors  '"  and  ungodly  men  of  Israel,  and  Alcimus,  who 

6  was  desirous  to  be  high  priest,  was  their  leader."     And  they  accused  the  people  to 
the  king,  sayiug,  Judas  and  his  brethren  have  slain  all  •'-  thy  friends,  and  driven  '^ 

7  us  out  of  our  land."     Now  therefore  send  a  ^^  man  whom  thou  trustest,  and  let  him 
go  and  see  all  the  ^^  havoc  he  hath  made  amongst  us,  and  in  the  king's  land,  and  let 

8  him  pimish  ''  them  with  all  them  that  aid  them.     And  '*  the  king  chose  Bacchides, 
one  of  the  friends  ^^  of  the  king,  who  ruled  beyond  the  river,-"  and  was  a  great  man 

9  in  the  kingdom,  and  faithful  to  the  king.     And  he  sent  him  and  the  godless  -^  Alci- 
mus, whom  he  made  high  priest,-^  and  commanded  that  he  should  take  vengeance 

10  on  the  sons  "^  of  Israel.     And  "'  they  departed,  and  came  with  a  great  force  ^  into 
the  land  of  Juda.     And  he  -^  sent  messengers  to  Judas  and  his  bretlu'en  with  words 

11  of  peace  "  deceitfully.     And  they  did  not  give  -*  heed  to  their  words  ;  for  they  saw 

12  that  they  had  ^  come  with  a  great  force.^"     And  there  assembled  ^^  unto  Alcimus 

13  and  Bacchides  a  company  of  scribes,  to  seek  ^-  justice,  and  the  Asida^ans  were  the 

14  first  among  the  sons'^  of  Israel  that  sought  peace  of  them.     For  said  they,  A" 
priest  of  the  seed  of  Aaron  hath  '^  come  with   the  soldiers,^^  and  he  will  do  us  no 

15  wrong.     And''  he  spake  with  ^*  them   peaceably,  and  swore '^   unto  them,  saying, 

16  We  will  not  seek  to  harm  you  or*"  your  friends.     And  they  trusted  in  him;  and  he 
seized  threescore  men  of  them,*'  and  slew  them  in  one  day,  according  to  the  word 

17  which  one*^  wrote.  The  flesh  of  thy  saints  have  they  cast  out,  and  their  blood  have 

18  they  shed  round'"  about  Jerusalem,  and  there  was  none  to  bury  them.     And"  the 
fear  and  dread  of  them  fell  upon  all  the  people,  for  they  ''^  said.  There  is  neither 

Vers.  1,2.  —  1  A.  V. :  one  and  fiftieth.        2  omits  it  came  to  pass.        3  so  it  was  tkat  his  forces  had  taken. 

Vers.  3-6.  — '  A.  v.:  Wherefore  when  he  knew  it.           '' {lit.,  shew  me  not.)  «  So  Aii  host.  '  Now  when. 

•  was  set.        '  omits  And.        i"  the  wickej  (ivoiioi).        "  having  A for  their  captain. 

Vere.  6-8.  —12  Fritzsche  receives  i-ii-Tas  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  o6.  62.  71.  al.  Old  Lat.  Co.  Aid. ;  text.  tec.  omits. 
"  Lit.,  dispersed,  e(7K6itmaav  ;  III.  X.  23.  62.  Old  Lat.,  the  sing.  "  A.  V.  :  own  land.  is  some.  '«  what  (n-icraK 
18  omitted  by  52.).  "  For  Ko\a.a-dTa,  III.  X.  2-3.  62.  106.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  have  eKilA.a(raTo,  so  making  the  words  refer 

to  Judas.    But  it  is  rejected  by  the  best  critics. 

Vers.  9-11.  —  '•  A.  V. ;  Then.  »  a  friend.  »  flood.  21  him  he  sent  with  that  wicked.  "  (Lit.,  and  made 
tilt  high  priesthood  sure  to  him.)  ^  of  the  children.  "So.  =6  power.  20  ju^ea  (so  23.),  where  they  (44.  haa 
the  plur.).        ^  peaceable  words.        ^  But  they  gave  no.        29  were.        so  power. 

Vers.  12-14  —  si  A.  V. :  Then  did  ...  .  assemble.  8=  require.  »  Now  the  Asideans  (Fritzsche  receives  koi 

before  irpiroi  from  III.  X.  55.  62.  Co.  Aid.  Old  Lat.)  ....  children.  "  One  that  is  a.        S6  Jg.        30  (^J,  army. 

Vera.  15-17.  —  s' A.  V  :  So.  S8  unto.  '»  eware.  "  procure  the  harm  neither  of  you  nor.  <i  Whereupon 
they  believed  him  :  howbeit  he  took  of  them  threescort  3ien.  "  words  which  he  (56.,  "  David  "'  ;  55.  Old  Lat.,  in 

Cod.  S.  Germ.,  "  Asaph  '' ;  and  the  last  two,  with  19.  64.  93.  Syr.,  add  o  Trpo((>^Tr|i.  Codd.  III.  44.  66.  66.  al.  tht  uords 
vhich,  for  the  sing.).  «  There  is  but  one  verb,  ii(x"^i  which,  however,  is  meant  to  cover  both  thoughts     C£ 

ver.  19. 

Ver.    18. —«  A.  V.  :  Wherefore.  "who. 


510  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


truth  nor  righteousness  in   them  ;  for  they  have  broken  the  treaty  ■  and  oath  that 

19  they  swore.^  And  Bacchides  removed '  from  Jerusalem,  and  pitched  his  tents  in 
Bezeth  ;  and  *  he  sent  and  seized  ^  many  of  the  men  that  had  deserted  from  him,' 
and  certain  of  the  people,'   and  when  he  had  slain  them,  he  cast  them  into  the  great 

20  pit.  And  he  committed  '  the  country  to  Alcimus,  and  left  with  him  an  army  "^  to 
aid  him  ;  and  ^°  Bacchides  went  back  "  unto  the  king. 

21,22  And '^  Alcimus  contended -"^  for  the  high  priesthood.  And  unto  him  as- 
sembled "  all   those  who  stirred   up  their  people,  and  they  got  ■''   the  land  of  Juda 

23  into  their  power,  and  slew  many  '°  in  Israel.  And  ''  when  Judas  saw  all  the  evil '' 
that  Alcimus  and   his   followers  '^  had  done  among  the  Israelites,  even   above  the 

24  heathen,  he  went  out  into  all  the  borders  ™  of  Judsea  round  about,  and  took  ven- 
geance on   the  men  ^■'   that  had  deserted,^''  so  that  they  durst  no  more  go  forth  into 

25  the  country.  On  the  other  hand,-'  when  Alcimus  saw  that  Judas  and  his  followers 
gained  strength,'"  and  knew  that  he  was  not  able  to  withstand  them,'^^  he  returned  ^ 
to  the  king,  and  accused  them  wickedly.^ 

26  And  ^  the  king  sent  Nicanor,  one  of  his  honored  chief  oflBcers,  one  that  hated 

27  and  was  hostile  unto  Israel,  and  commanded  him  ^  to  destroy  the  people.  And  ''' 
Nicanor  came  to  Jerusalem  with  a  great  force,  and  sent  unto  Judas  and  his  breth- 

28  ren  deceitfully  with  friendly  words,  saying.  Let  there  be  no  war  ''  between  me 

29  and  you ;  I  will  come  with  a  few  men,  that  I  may  see  your  faces  °'^  in  peace.  And 
he  came  ^'  to  Judas,  and  they  saluted  one  another  peaceably.     And  '*  the  enemies 

30  were  prepared  to  take  away  Judas  by  violence.  And  the  thing  became  °'  known 
to  Judas,  that  he  had  come  *'  unto  him  with  deceit,  and,  in  dismay,  he  withdrew 

31  from  ^'  him,  and  would   see  his  face  no  more.     And  Nicanor,'*  when  he  saw  that 

32  his  plan  ^  was  discovered,  went  out  to  fight  against  Judas  by  Chapharsalama ;  and 
there  fell  on  *°  Nicanor's  side  about  five  hundred  **  men  ;  and  they  fled  ^'^  into  the  city 

33  of  David.  And  after  these  events*'  went  Nicanor  up  to  mount  Sion.  And  there 
came  out  of  the  sanctuary  some  of  the  priests  and  some  ^*  of  the  elders  of  the  peo- 
ple, to  salute  him  peaceably,  and  to  show  him  the  burnt  sacrifice  that  was  offered 

34  for  the  king.     And"  he  mocked   them,  and  laughed  at  them,  and  defiled  them,*' 

35  and  spoke  insolently.*'  And  he  swore  *'  in  his  wrath,  saying,  Unless  Judas  and  his 
army  be  at  once  *°  delivered  into  my  hands,  it  shall  be,"  if  ever  I  come  again  in 

36  peace, ^'  I  will  burn  up  this  house.  And  he ^'^  went  out  in  great  wrath.^'  And'* 
the  priests  entered  in,  and  stood  before  the  altar  and  the  temple,  and  wept,  and 

37  said,''  Thou  0  Lord,"  didst  choose  this  house  to  be  called  by  thy  name,  and  to  be 

38  a  house  of  prayer  and  petition  for  thy  people.  Be  avenged  on  "  this  man  and  on  " 
his  army,"  and  let  them  fall  by  the  sword  ;  remember  their  blasphemies,  and  suffer 
them  not  to  continue.™ 

39  And  '^  Nicanor  went  out  of  Jerusalem,  and  pitched  his  tents  in  Bethoron ;  and 

40  there  joined  him  a  force  from  Syria.'''     And  "  Judas  pitched  in  Adasa  with  three 

41  thousand  men  ;  and  Judas  prayed,  and  said,'*  When  they  that  were  sent  from  the 

Vers.  18, 19.  —  *  A.  V. :  covenant  ((rr-tio-ii').  2  niade.  3  After  this  removed  B.  'where.  '•took 

■  forsaken  him  (I  adopt  the  reading  of  the  text,  rer.^  with  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others,  air*  aiiTov  avTOfio^Tj<rdvr<av  avSpiliv 
Fritzsche  receives  for  the  first  two  words  (xer'  airoC,  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  62.  56.  al.  Co.  Aid.     The  reference  is  probably 
to  Jews  who  had  once  joined  the  Syrian  party  and  afterward  withdrawn  from  it.    Cf.  Com.).  ^  people  also. 

«  Then  committed  he  (xal  KaTe^miae,  which  the  Old  Lat.  renders  by  commistt).         ^  a  power.        10  so.        ''  went. 

Vers.  21-23.  —  ^2  a.  V. :  But.        ^  (t.  e.,  with  arms.)        "  resorted.        ^6  such  as  troubled  the  ....  who,  after  they 
had  gotten.        >«  did  much  hurt  (lit.,  made  a  great  defeat).        "  Now.        '^  mischief.        "  company. 

Vers.  24-26. — 20  a.  V. :  coasts.         21  of  them.         -^  T&volt&d  from  him .         *3  aide.         24  company  had  gotten  the 
upper  hand  (ivitrxixrev).  26  abide  their  force.  20  wont  again.  27  gaid  ail  the  worst  of  them  that  he  could. 

2*  Then.        20  honourable  princes,  a  man  that  bare  deadly  hate  unto  I.,  with  commandment. 

Vers.  27-29.  —»  A.  V. :  So.  ='  battle  (/ioixii  herejighting,  war).  =2  you  (I  adopt  the  marginal  rendering) 

w  He  came  therefore.        ^  Howbeit. 

Vers.  30-82.-3'!  a.  v.  :  Which  thing  after  it  was.  '"  to  wit,  that  he  came.  "  he  was  sore  afraid  of  (jirro^fh^ 

iff' ouToO).  38  more.    Nicanor  also.  3b  counsel.  <o  beside  (icaTa)  Capharsalama  ;  where  there  were  slain  of. 

«■  thousand  (so  the  text  rec.    Fritzsche  receives  nevraxiaioi.  from  X.  19.  44.  65.  al.  Syr.  and  Old  Lat.  by  Cod.  S.  Qerm.). 
«  the  rest  fled. 

Vers.  33-36.  —«3  A.  V. :  After  this.         «  certain  ....  certain  (iiro,  followed  by  the  gen.).         «  But.  «  abuse! 

thom  shamefully.  "  spake  proudly.  *'  And  sware.         *»  host  be  now  (rh  liv).         '^  omits  It  shall  be  (as  71 

«i  safety.        w  y^ith  that  he.        33  a  great  rage  (cf.  ver.  35). 

Vers.  3&-38.  —  ix  A.  v.:  Then.  33  weeping,  and  saying.         •••0  (Omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  66.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  "of 

"  omits  on.        3*  host.         30  continue  any  longer  (lit.,  and  give  not  to  them  continuance). 

Vers.  33-42.  — 3' A.  V. :  80.         3>  where  a  host  oul  of  S.  met  him        33  But.       34  ,Ajre  he  ....  saying,  0  Lord  (th» 


1   MACCABEES. 


511 


king  of  the  Assyrians  '  blasphemed,  thine  angel,  0  Lord,  went  forth,^  and  smote 

42  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five  thousand  among  °  them.  So  *  destroy  thou  this 
army  ^  before  us  this  day,   that  the  rest  may  know  that  they  spoke  wickedly  ° 

43  against  thy  sanctuary  ;  and  judge  thou  him  according  to  his  wickedness.  And  on  ' 
the   thirteenth  day  of  the  month  Adar  the  armies  "  joined   battle ;  and  Nicanor's 

44  army  ^  was  discomfited,  and  he  himself  fell  first  "  in  the  battle.  But  when  the 
army  "   saw  that  Nicanor   had  fallen,^-  they  cast   away   their  weapons,   and  fled. 

45  And  ^'  they  pursued  after  them  a  day's  journey,  from  Adasa  untO  they  came  to 

46  Gazera ;  "  and  they  sounded  an  alarm  ^°  after  them  with  the  ^^  trumpets.  And  " 
they  came  forth  out  of  all  tlie  villages  '^  of  Judaja  round  about,  and  closed  them  in  ; 
and  they  turned  against  one  another :  and  all  fell  by  ''•'  the  sword,  and  not  even  ^^ 
one  of  them  was  left.  And  ^^  they  took  the  spoils,  and  the  booty,"  and  smote  off 
Nicanor's  head,  and  his  right  hand,  which  he  stretched  out  insolently,-^  and  brought 
them  away,   and  hanged   l/iem  up  by  -''    Jerusalem.      And  "^  the   people   rejoiced 

49  greatly,  and  they  kept  that  day  as  '■"^  a  day  of  great  gladness.     And  -'  they  ordained 

50  to  keep  yearly  this  day,  being  the  thirteenth  of  Adar.  And  ^  the  land  of  Juda  was 
at  ^'  rest  a  little  while. 


47 


48 


last  two  words  are  more  properly  inserted  below).         ^  (Omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  55.  62.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  ^  thine  angel 

went  out.  3  of  (^^j.  4  Ei-en  so.  c  host.  ^  he  hath  spoken  (III.  X.  23.  Old  Lat.  have  the  sing.,  but  it 

looks  like  a  correction  ;  plur.  in  the  text,  ree.)  blasphemously. 

Vers.  43-46.  — '  A.  V. :  So.  ^  hosts.  »  but  N.*8  host,  lo  was  first  slain.  ii  Now  when  N.'s  host. 

^  he  was  slain.  "  Then.  i*  Adasa  unto  Gazera  (the  intervening  words  are  omitted  by  62.).  ^  sounding  an 

alarm  (cf.  iy.  40).  *»J  their.  i'  Whereupon.  ^^  towns.  '^  so  that  they,  turning  back  upon  them  that  pursued 
them,  were  all  slain  with  {lit.,  and  these  turned  about  against  those,  and  aUfell).         -o  omits  even. 

Vers.  47-50.  —  ^i  x.  V. :  Afterwards.  2*  prey.  ^  so  proudly.  24  towards  (Trapa,  i.  e.,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  city.    Cf.  2  Mace.  xt.  32).        «6  For  this  cause.        »  omits  as.        "  Moreover.        »■  Thus.        »  in. 


Chaptek  VII. 


Ver.  1 .  This  Demetrius  had  been  a  hostage  in  | 
Kome  since  his  ninth  year.  In  his  twenty-third 
year,  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  he  sought  permission  from  the  Ro- 
mans to  take  possession  of  the  Syrian  throne,  but 
was  refused.  At  the  time  now  under  considera- 
tion, lie  asked  for  no  permission,  but  fled  from 
Rome  on  a  Carthaginian  vessel.  —  Came  up.  The 
Hebrew  writer  cannot  rid  himself  of  the  idea 
that  a  journey  toward  Palestine,  even  by  water, 
is  an  ascent.  Keil,  however,  thinks  the  reference 
is  simply  to  his  disembarking. — A  few  men. 
This  is  supported  by  Polybius  (xxxi.  22,  U),  but 
not  by  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees.  The  city 
where  Demetrius  landed,  if  we  may  trust  .To- 
eephus  and  2  Maccabees,  was  Tripoli.  —  Keigned 
there,  i.  e.,  was  there  recognized  as  king.  j 

Ver.  2.     Palace.     The   translation   royal  city, ! 
i.  e.,  Antioch,  is  also  allowable.     Cf.  Dan.  iv.  29  ; ! 
Esth.  i.  9. —  The  soldiers,  ai  imifjieii.   The  Syriac 
translates  by  principes  copiarnm. 

Ver.  3.  Demetrius  probably  did  not  wish  to 
hear  their  pleas  for  mercy.  It  was  at  least  a 
Buflacient  hint  to  the  bloodthirsty  soldiers. 

Ver.  5.  Desirous  to  be  high-priest.  Accord- 
ing to  2  Mace.  .\iv.  7,  lie  had  already  been  high- 
priest,  and  been  deprived  of  the  office  by  the 
Jews.  The  statement  of  the  present  verse  might 
simply  mean  that  he  wished  to  be  reinstated  and 
confirmed  in  this  office. 

Ver.  8.  Friends  of  the  king  =  one  of  his 
high  officials.  —  The  river  =  Euphrates. 

Ver.  12.  A  company  of  Scribes.  We  might 
expect  the  article  here  if  the  Sanhedrin  proper 
were  meant.  (Cf.  Bertholdt,  Einleit.,  i.  69,  73.) 
These  Scribes  were  simply  those  who  made  the 
study  and  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament 
their  special  object.  Graetz  holds  that  they 
formed  one  party  with  the  "  Asidaeans."  Ge- 
tchichte,  iii.  7.  —  Seek  justice.     Probably  (witn 


Grimm)  to  seek  the  confirmation  of  the  concessions 
granted  them  by  Eupator,  or  freedom  from  any 
new  demands  which  might  have  been  expected. 

Ver.  13.  The  Asidaeans.  The  present  pas- 
sage bears  against  the  theory  that  the  Asidseans 
and  the  |>arty  of  Judas  Maccabseus  were  identical, 
as  some  have  supposed.     Cf.  ii.  42. 

Ver.  15.  He  swore,  i.  e.,  Alcimus,  the  new 
high-priest,  swore  it.  His  treachery,  therefore,  as 
described  in  the  next  verse,  was  the  more  unex- 
pected and  monstrous.  Judas  and  his  troops  were 
at  this  time  jjrobably  hovering  about  somewhere 
in  the  neighboring  mountains. 

Vers.  16,  17.  According  to  the  word.  As 
Grimm  and  Keil  have  shown,  we  have  here  the 
familiar  formula  of  quotation  from  the  Scrip- 
tures, or  at  least  one  analogous  to  it,  and  that 
special  weight  was  meant  thereby  to  he  laid  on 
the  Scriptures  as  such,  and  on  the  Psalm  here 
quoted  as  a  ]iart  of  the  written  word.  (Cf.  in  the 
LXX.  Ps.  Ixxix.  23.)  The  usual  formula  is  in- 
deed ws  yeypaiTTai,  or  Kara  rh  yeypafjifieyot/ ;  but 
the  aorist.  eypai^e,  in  Scripture  citations  is  analo- 
gous to  the  same  word  as  used  in  John  (v.  46), 
where  Jesus,  speaking  of  Moses,  says,  "  he  wrote 
of  me."  The  subject  of  eypa'pe,  d  ypa^as,  is  to  be 
taken  from  the  verb  itself,  according  to  a  common 
Hebrew  usage,  as  also  that  of  the  New  Testament. 
Cf.  Winer,  p.  588. 

Ver.  19.  Bezeth.  The  exact  position  of  this 
place  is  uncertain,  though  it  obviously  lay  not  far 
from  Jerusalem.  —  If  we  adopt  the  reading  of 
Friizsche,  as  above,  instead  of  that  of  the  "  re- 
ceived text,"  there  would  still  be  room  for  ques- 
tion what  its  real  meaning  would  be.  Hitzig 
thinks  that  strolling  bands  of  soldiers  would  be 
meant ;  Grimm,  deserters  to  the  Jewish  army 
under  Judas  Maccabseus ;  Ewald,  the  Jewish 
apostates  that  were  about  him.  —  The  great  pit 
The  article  shows  ;hat  it  was  a  well-known  cis 


612 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


tern  at  the  time  oiir  book  was  written.  Cf.  art. 
"  Bnmnen  "  in  Richm's  HandvBrterhuch. 

Ver.  21 .  Contended  for  the  high-priesthood. 
He  used  force  in  carrying  out  his  purpose,  as  the 
ne.xt  verse  plainly  shows.  But  cf.  Josephus 
{Antiq.,  xii.  10.  §  3),  where  a  different  accoupt  is 
given. 

Ver.  25.  According  to  2  Mace.  xiv.  26,  Al- 
cimus  was  vexed  on  account  of  the  apparent 
good  understanding  between  Nicanor  and  Judas, 
and  fur  that  reason  went  to  Antioch  to  complain 
to  the  king.  In  the  opinion  of  Grimm,  this  is 
but  a  mutilated  form  of  the  present  history. 

Ver.  26.  Hated  and  was  hostile.  Cf.  iii.  38 ; 
iv.  6  ff. 

Ver.  31.  Chapharsalama.  Unknown,  except 
that  it  seems  to  have  been  situated  in  the  moun- 
tainous region  south  of  Jerusalem. 

Ver.  32.  According  to  Josephus  it  was  Nica- 
nor who  won  this  victory,  and  Judas  who  fled  to 
Jerusalem.  It  is  hard  to  decide  how  he  arrived 
at  such  an  opinion,  if  he  had  it.  It  may  have 
been  merely  a  slip  of  the  pen.  Keil  suggests  that 
he  mixed  up  this  account  with  that  of  2  Mace, 
xiv.  17,  where  a  defeat  of  Simon  by  Nicanor  is 
mentioned.  The  present  battle  is  not  at  all  men- 
tioned in  2  Maccabees. 

Ver.  33.  Offered  for  the  king.  This  was 
customary  with  the  Jews.     Cf.  Ezra  vi.  10. 

Ver.  .35.  Come  again  in  peace,  i.  e.,  from 
the  campaign  against  Judas. 

Ver.  39.     Bethhoron.     See  above,  iii.  16. 

Ver.  40.  Adasa.  It  was,  according  to  Eu- 
gebius,  about  thirty  furlongs  from  Betlihoron. 
Jo.sephus  (Antig.,  xii.  10,  §  5)  allows  Judas  but 
a  thousand  men ;  and  to  the  hostile  army,  nine 
thousand;    while    in   2  Maccabees   (xv.  27)  it  is 


stated  that  the  number  of  the  latter's  dead  was 
thirty-five  thousand  ! 

Ver.  43.  Adar.  It  corresponded  to  parts  of 
our  February  and  March,  but  mostly  to  the  latter. 
It  was  the  sixth  mouth  of  the  Jewish  civil  year, 
and  the  last  of  the  ecclesiastical  year. 

Ver.  46.  Closed  them  in.  Lit.,  outflanked 
thf^m,  vTTHjiKipitiv.  Syriac  :  ventilabaitt  eo^  cormt. 
—  They  turned  against,  etc.,  ai>4aTpe<pov  oBtoi 
nphs  TovTovs.  This  would  seem  at  first  sight  to 
niean  that  the  pursued  turneil  upon  their  pursu- 
ers. But  it  is  better  (with  Grimm  and  Keil)  to 
refer  it  wholly  to  the  pursued.  They  turned 
upon  their  own  friends,  so  great  was  their  haste 
to  escape.  —  Not  even  one.  A  rhetorical  expres- 
sion for  a  total  overthrow. 

Ver.  47.  The  spoils  and  the  booty.  The 
last  word  {-Kpovoixiiv)  may  refer  to  the  spoil  which 
the  Syrians  had  previously  taken,  and  which 
was  now  retaken  from  them.  It  was  used  in  the 
classics  {or  forage  ;  but  in  the  T, .X  X .  generally,  as 
here.     Cf.  Dent.  xxi.  10. 

Ver.  49.  Some  have  held  th.at  this  day  is  still 
kept  by  the  Jews.  But  the  observance  seems  to 
have  lasted  only  to  a  period  a  little  after  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Christian  era.  On  the  14th  of 
Adar,  i.e.,  the  following  day,  was  the  Feast  of 
Purim.  This  may  have  been,  at  last,  the  occa- 
sion for  giving  up  the  former  festival.  Michaelis 
sees  in  the  failure  of  our  author  to  mention  this 
fact,  i.  e.,  the  occurrence  of  these  two  feasts  at  the 
same  time,  a  reason  for  believing  that  the  Book 
of  Esther  was  then  unknown  to  him,  or  was  not 
regarded  as  canonical !  The  same  is  true  of  Jo- 
sephus, who  yet  knew  of  both  feasts.  Cf.  also 
2  Mace.  xv.  36. 


Chapter  VIII. 


1  And  Judas  ^  heard  of  the  fame  of  the  Romans,  that  they  were  men  of  great  valor,' 
and  that  they  took  pleasure  in  *  all  that  joined  themselves  unto  them,  and  made  * 

2  a  league  of  amity  with  as  many  as'  came  unto  them  ;  and  that  they  were  men  of 
great  valor.  It  was  told  him  also  of  their  wars  and  valiant  ^  acts  which  they  did ' 
amongst  the  Galatians,"  and  that  they  ^  conquered  them,  and  brought  them  under 

3  triljute  ;  and  what   they  did  ^°  in    the   country  of   Spain,  to  get  possession   of  the 

4  mines  of  silver  ^^  and  gold  wliich  are  '^  tliere  ;  and  that  by  their  prudence  and  per- 
severance ''  they  got  possession  of  the  whole  land,"  though  the  land  was  '^  very  far 
from  them  ;  and  of  the  kings  ^'^  that  came  against  them  from  the  uttermost  part  of 
the  earth,  till  they  "  discomfited  them,  and  gave  them  great  overthrows,'"  and  that 

5  the  rest  gave  ^^  them  tribute  every  year  ;  and  that  -°  they  ^^  discomfited  in  battle 
Philip,  and  Perseus,  king  of  the  Macedonians,  and  the   others  that  lifted   up   them- 

6  selves  against  them,  and  overcame  -^  them  ;  and  that  ^  Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of 
Asia,  who  -^  came  against  them  in  battle,  having  an  hundred  and  twenty  elephants, 
with  horsemen,  and  chariots,  and  a  very  great  army,  was  also  ^  discomfited  by  them  ; 

7  and  that  ^^  they  took  him  alive,  and  covenanted  with  them  that  both  he  -''  and  such 

Vers.  1-3.—  '  A.V. :  Now  J.  had.  -  mighty  aDd  valiant  men  {cf.  last  part  of  verse).  *  such  as  would  lovingly 

Accept.  *  make.  ^  all  th&t.  ^  noble.  ^  had  done.  ^  (mavg.,  Frenchmen.  See  Com.)  »  how  they  had. 
'<>  had  done.  "  Spain  (Fritzsche  adopts  XnavCai  from  III.  X,  23.  44.  55.  71. 106.  243. ;  text  re:.,  •I<nrai-io!),  for  the 

winning  of  ...  .  the  Bilver.        12  jg. 

Vere.  4,  5.  —  "  A.  V. :  that  by  ...  .  policy  and  patience  (777  ^ovAp  avrijiv  koX  tjJ  tj.aKpo9vti.Ca).  '*  had  conquered  alj 
the  place  (tojtos  is  not  infrequently  used  for  a  whole  country  in  the  LXX.,  as  at  1  Sam.  xii.  8,  and  in  the  classics) 
'^  it  were.  "^  and  the  kings  also.  ''  they  had.  '^  given  them  a  great  overthrow  (t.  «.,  a  series  of  them,  th« 

«ing.  ftaniling  distributively  fortho  plur.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  174).  '"  so  .  .  .  .  did  give.  »  besides  this,  Ar» 

"  they  had.        --  Citims  (marg.,  Macedonians.    Cf.  i.  1)  with  others  that  lift ....  had  overcome. 

Vers.  6,  7.  —  23  A.  V. :  how  also.  "  that.  20  omit»  also.  ^  how.  -^  covenanted  that  ho. 


I   MACCABEES.  513 


as  reigned  after  him  should  pay  a  great  tribute,  should  ^   give  hostages,  and  a  part 

8  of  the  empire,  namely,"  the  country  of  India,  and  Media,  and  Lydia,  and  of  their  ^ 

9  goodliest  countries,  which  they  took  from  ■*  him,  and  gave  to  king  Eumenes  ;  and 

10  that^  the  Grecians^  determined  to  come  and  destroy  them  ;  and  that  the  matter 
became  known  to  them,  and  they  '  sent  against  them  a  certain  general,'  and  fought 
against  them  and  many  of  them  were  killed  ; '  and  they  '°  carried  away  captives 
their  wives  and  their  children,  and  spoiled  them,  and  took  possession  of  their  land," 

1 1  and  pulled  down  their  strong  holds,  and  made  slaves  of  them '"  unto  this  day  ;  and 
that  "  they  destroyed  and  reduced  to  servitude  the  rest  of  the  "  kingdoms  aud  the  '* 

12  isles  as  many  as  "  at  any  time  resisted  them  ;  but  with  their  friends  and  such  as  re- 
lied upon  ^'  them  they  kept  amity  ;  and  that  they  had  gotten  possession  of  the  '* 
kingdoms  far  "  and  nigh,  and  that '-"  all  that  heard  of  their  fame  ^'  were  afraid  of 

1 3  them  ;  also  that,--'  whom  they  would  helj)  and  have  reign,  they  ^  reign  ;  and  whom  ^* 

14  they  would,  they  displace  ;  and  that -^  they  were  greatly  exalted.  And  in  all'* 
this  none  of  them  put  on -''  a  crown,  or  clothed  himself -'*   in   purple,  so  as -'   to  be 

1 5  magnified  thereby ;  and  that  ^  tliey  had  made  for  themselves  a  senate,  and  that " 
three  hundred  and  twenty  men  sat  in  council  daily,  consulting  alway  for  the  people, 

1 6  to  the  end  they  might  be  well  governed  ;  and  that  they  intrusted  it  to  one  man 
every  year  to  govern  them,  and  rule  over  ^'-^  all  their  country,  and  that  *^  all  were 
obechent  to  the  ''  one,  and  that  ^^  there  was  neither  envy  nor  jealousy  ^*  among 
them. 

17  And  ^  Judas  chose  Eupolemus  son  ^  of  John,  the  son  of  Accos,  and  Jason  son  ^'  of 
Eleazar,  and  sent  them  to  Rome,  to  make  a  league  of  amity  and  an  alliance  ^'  with 

18  them,  and  that  they  might  ^*  take  the  yoke  from  them  ;  for  they  saw  that  the  king- 

19  dom  of  the  Grecians  would  bring  Israel  wholly  into  ^  servitude.  And  they  went** 
to  Rome,  and  it  was  *'  a  very  great  journey  ;  and  they  came  into  the  senate,  and 

20  spake  "  and  said,  Judas  the  Maccabee  *^  with  his  brethren,  and  the  people  of  the 
Jews,  sent  ^  us  unto  you,  to  make  an  alliance  *^  and  peace  with  you,  and  that  we 

21  might  be  registered  your  allies  '"'  and  friends.     And  the  ■"   matter  pleased  them.-** 

22  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  epistle  which  they  ""^  wrote  back  on  ^°  tables  of  brass, 
and  sent  to  Jerusalem,  that  it  might  be  by  them  there  ^^  a  memorial  of  peace  and 
alliance  :  °^ 

23  Good  success  be  to  the  Romans,  and  to  the  nation  ^^  of  the  Jews,  by  sea  and  by 

24  land  for  ever;  the  sword  also  and  enemy  be  far  from  them.  But"  if  there  be 
at  hand  first  war  for  Rome  *°  or  any  of  their  allies  ^^  throughout  all  their  domin- 

25  ion,  the  nation  °'  of  the  Jews  shall  help  them,  as  the  circumstances   permit,^*  with 

26  all  their  heart.  And  the  Romans  shall  not  give  to  them  that  make  war  nor  sup- 
ply provisions,  weapons,  money,  ships,  as  it  seemeth  ^^   good  unto  the   Romans ; 

Ver.  7.  —  '  A.  V. :  and.  ^  that  which  wa.s  agreed  upon  (Gr.,  SiaffroAiif.     I  render  with  Druaius,  GrotiuB, 

Wahl,  Grimm,  Buusen's  Bibelwtrk,  and  Keil,  as  above,  in  the  senae  of  a  separation^  i.  e.,  a  part  of  the  empire  separated 
from  the  rest),  and. 

Vers.  8-10.  —  3  A.  V. :  the  (auxwi';  avToO,  5^.  64.  93.).  ^  of.  5  moreover  how.  «  G.  had.  ^  /Aaf  they, 

having  knowledge  thereof.  ^  captain.  "  fighting  with  them  slew  many  of  them.         i"  omits  they.  ^^  lands. 

^2  and  (received  from  III.  X.  23.  62.  1U6.  Co.  Aid.)  brought  them  to  be  their  servants. 

Vers.  11,  12  — ^^  a,  y.  :  it  was  told  hivi  besides,  hoiu.  ^*  brought  under  their  dominion  all  other.  ^°  omils  the. 
^6  that,  1^  (Cf.GreekofLXX.atMicahiii.il.)  '^  had  conquered.  '^  both  tax.  20  insomuch  as.  ^^  name 
(see  ver.  1). 

Vers.  13,  14.  —  2-  A.  V. :  that.  ^  to  a  kingdom,  those.  -*  whom  again.  23  finally,  that.        20  yet  for  all. 

"  wore  (en-e'fleTo  ;  III.  X.  23-  93.,  the  plur.).        28  ^-as  clothed.        ="  omits  so  as  (ware). 

Vers.  15,  16.  —  3"  A.  V. :  moreover /io«;.  "i  senate  house  (cf.  ver.  19),  wherein.  32  ordered:  and  that  they  com- 
mitted their  government  (Fritzsche  receives  apx^iv  from  III.  X.  2.3.  44.  52.  55.  Co.  Aid.  ;  text,  rec,  ttji/  apxiiv)  .... 
every  year,  who  ruled  over.        ^  that.        34  emulation. 

Vers.  17-20.  — ^■'  A-  V.  :  In  consideration  of  these  things.  ^a  the  son.  ^^  confederacy.  ss  ^q  intreut  tiiem  that 
they  would.         -^  did  oppress  I.  with.  'O  xhey  went  therefore.  *i  which  W(W.  ^2  where  they  spake  (lit., 

answered).  ^  J.  Maccabeus  (III.  X.  44.  74.  Aid.,  6  »cal  Mokk.).  "  have  sent.  *5  a  confederacy.  *fi  con- 

federates. 

Vers.  21-24.  ^•'*  A.  V. :  So  that.  ^  the  Romans  well.  4^  the  senate.  E"  back  again  in  (Fritzsche  adopts  the 
sing,  of  these  verbs  from  III.  X.  al.  Old  Lat.  Syr.  ;  text,  rec,  plur.).  ^1  there  they  might  have  by  them.  ''-  con- 

federacy,        ta  people.         ^  omits  But.  ^^  come  [ivtrr^)  first  any  war  upon  the  Romans  ('Ptij/ip.     Fritzsche  adopts 

iv  before  it,  from  III.  X.  19.  23.  55.  al.     Rome  and  its  dependencies  .ire  meant).        Sfi  confederates. 

Vers  25,  26  —  ^'  A.  V.  :  people.         ^^  the  time  shall  be  appointed  (6  Kaipb;  vnoypaji^jj ,  i.  e.,  the  time  and  its  relations 

may  pr,.«cribe).  ^^  neither  shall  they  give  (i.  «.,  the  Romans  shall  not  give,  as  is  evident  from  what  follows  just 

after,  (OS  l5ofe  'P.,  and  in  ver.  28,  where  crvn[iaxov<Ttp  is  employed  instead  of  jroAe^oOtrif.     This  is  the  rendering  of  Mi 

ehaelis,  Grimm,  Keil,  and  many  others)  any  thtnt;  unto  them  tnat  make  war  upon  thfm  (rather,  for  them,  the  Kom.ans) 

33 


514 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


27  and  ^  they  shall  keep  their  covenants  without  receiving  anything.^  In  the  same 
manner  also,  if  war  come  first  upon  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  the  Romans  shall  help 

28  them  heartily,^  according  as  the  circumstances  permit ;  *  and  there  shall  not  be 
given  to  the  allies  provisions,  weapons,  money,  sh^ps,^  as  it  seemeth  °  good  to 
the  Romans  ;  and '  they   shall  keep   these  *  covenants,    and  that    without  deceit. 

29  Thus  ^  according  to  these  articles  have  the  Romans  made  covenant  ^°  with  the 
SO  people  of  the  Jews.     But  if  after  these  articles  are  in  force  ^^  the  one  party  or  the 

other  shall  wish  to  add  or  take  away  ^-  any  thing,  they  may  do  it  with  the  consent 

31  of  the  others, ^^  and  whatsoever  they  shall  add  or  take  away  shall  be  valid.^'  And 
as  touching  the  evils  that  the  king  '^  Demetrius  bringeth  to  pass  against  them,'' 
we  have  wi-itten  unto  him,  saying.  Wherefore  hast  thou  made  thy  yoke  heavy 

32  upon  our  friends  and  allies "  the  Jews  ?  If  therefore  they  complain  any  more 
against  thee,  we  will  execute  for  '*  them  justice,  and  fight  against  '^  thee  by  sea 
and  by  land. 

or  aid  them  with  victuals  .  .  .  ,  or  ships  ....  bath  seemed  (the  Romans  leave  the  matter  open  to  do  it,  or  not,  as  they 
pleasel.  ■  Romans  ("Pii/iD,  III.  X.  23.  55.  62.  106.) ;  but.         =  taking  any  Iknig  llierefore. 

Vers.  27-29.  —  3  a.  V. :  them  with  all  their  heart  (e«  >/wx^5)-  *  time  shall  be  appointed  them  (cf .  ver.  25). 

6  neither  shaU  victuals  ....  them  that  take  part  against  (toTs  cn'^^axoOcrii^.  Cf.  ver.  26)  them,  or  weapons,  or  money, 
or  ships.         6  hath  seemed.  '  but.  8  their  [aindv,  but  Fritzsche  receives  raura  from  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  55.  62. 

106.  al.  Co.  Aid.).  »  omits  thus  (which  Fritzsche  receives  from  III.  X  19.  23.  52.  62.  64.  93.  al.).  '°  did  the  E 

make  a  covenant  (loTTjtTaf  'P.). 

Vers.  30-32.  —  "  A.  V. :  Howbeit  if  hereafter  (eav  5e  fieri  tous  Aoyous  toutous).  **  shall  think  meet  ....  diminish 
^  at  their  pleasures  (e|  atpeVeu;  avToic).  i*  ratified.  ^  omits  the  king  (as  X.).  ^*  doeth  to  the  Jewi.  ^^  and 
aonfederates.        ^^  do.        "*  with. 


Chapter  VIII. 


Ver.  1.  With  reference  to  what  is  said  here 
and  in  the  following  verses  concerning  the  Ro- 
mans and  their  relations  to  the  Jews,  most  critics 
express  great  doubts  of  its  reliability.  Michaclis 
remarks  tliat  as  historian  it  was  not  the  writer's 
province  to  correct  the  information  he  received, 
but  to  eomuiunicate  it.  But  Grimm  well  answers: 
"  It  is  hardly  questionable  whether,  in  case  of  his 
ability  to  correct,  he  would  not  have  done  so,  in- 
asmuch as  Jewish  writers  are  accustomed  invol- 
untarily to  refer  what  is  preseut  to  tlie  )):ist. 
And  if  we  had  not  also,  in  verse  10,  the  clear 
proof  that  the  author  treats  of  somethiui;  which  he 
himself  had  learned  with  respect  to  the  Romans, 
as  thuu<zh  it  were  information  which  had  come 
to  Judas,  still  the  suspicion  would  be  likely  to 
arise  that  he  mixes  what  he  knows  himself  of 
the  Romans  "  itli  that  which  w;is  known  to  Judas, 
just  as  soon  as  it  is  considered  how'  much  of  the 
contents  of  the  speeches  reported  in  the  book  (ii. 
60)  and  the  original  documents  (see  es]iecially 
xii.  2.'J)  is  due  to  the  revision  of  the  writer." 
{Cf.  Grimm's  Coin.,  p.  119.)  Josephus  at  this 
point  in  the  hi.-'tory  reports  what  is  said  of  Al- 
cimus  at  1  Mace.  ix.  54-56,  and  says  that  Judas 
was  made  high-jiriest ;  and  in  his  Antiquities  (xii. 
II,  §  2),  tliat  after  Judas  had  been  three  years 
high-priest  (Alcimus  held  tlie  office  three  years) 
he  died.  The  present  book  seems  to  know  noth- 
ing of  this,  and  it  appears,  moreover,  to  have  no 
basis  in  fact.  And  Josephus  contradicts  him^elf 
in  this  statement,  since  he  elsewhere  {Arttiq.,  xx. 
10)  allirnis  that  the  office  of  high-priest  remained 
vacant  for  seven  years  after  the  death  of  Al- 
cinms,  and  tlMjii  was  given  to  Jonathan.  —  Heard 
of  the  fame,  rb  oyofia.  The  LXX.  translate  by 
this  Greek  word  the  Hebrew,  VZV^.  (Cf.  Numb. 
xiv.  15,  et  jiiissirn.} 

Ver.  2.  Galatians.  A  |ieople,  as  some  su])pose, 
that  settled  in  Asia  Minor  about  n.  c.  240,  and 
were  conquered  by  the  Romans  a.  d.  189.  They 
were   also    called    Celts.      Mommsen,    however, 


thinks  the  Gauls  of  Italy  are  meant,  for  the 
following  reasons :  It  was  only  the  latter  that 
owed  tribute  to  the  Romans.  They  are  men- 
tioned next  to  Spain.  The  war  of  Rome  with 
the  Gauls  of  Italy  was  the  event  which  would 
have  been  earliest  and  most  widely  reported  in 
the  East.  Keil  and  others,  also,  support  the 
latter  view.  Cf.  an  article  by  Grimm  in  Stud.  u. 
Krit.,  1876,  ii.,  p.  201  ff. :  "  C/eber  die  Nationalitat 
der  Meinasiatischen  Galater." 

Ver.  3.  Spain.  This  land  was  B.  c.  201  given 
up  to  the  Romans  by  the  Carthaginians,  but  not 
till  B.  c.  19  wholly  "subdued.  The  form  of  the 
word  supported  by"  III.  and  other  MSS.,  as  above, 
was  the  Grecian  ;  while  'Icrwavlas  was  the  Roman, 
earlier  'l$-ripia. 

Ver.  5.  'Philip.  The  third  of  this  name.  He 
was  son  of  Demetrius  II.,  and  was  defeated  B.  c. 
197  by  Flaminius.  —  Perseus.  An  illegitimate 
sou  of  the  former,  and  his  successor.  He  was 
defeated  by  ^milius  Faulus  B.  c.  167,  at  Pydna. 

Ver.  6.  Antiochus.  Antiochus  III.,  king  of 
Syria  from  u.  c.  22.3  (or  224)  to  187.  He  carried 
on  a  war  with  the  Romans  from  192  to  189,  when, 
after  the  battle  of  Magnesia,  he  was  compelled  to 
make  a  liumiliaiing  peace  with  them. 

Ver,  7.  And  that  they  took  him  aUve.  This 
statement  does  not  agree  with  those  of  tlie  Greek 
and  Roman  classics.  (Cf.  Livy,  xliv.  45.)  How 
it  originated  it  is  impossible  to  say.  —  Should 
pay  a  great  tribute.  This  seems  also  not  to  be 
literallv  true.  What  he  was  obliged  to  pay  wjis 
the  immense  costs  of  the  war.  Cf.  Polyb.,  xxi, 
14,  4-6;  Livy,  xxxviii.  .'58  f. 

Ver.  8.  India,  and  Media,  and  Lydia.  This 
statement,  also,  is  untrnstworthy.  He  had  never 
had  any  possessions  in  India,  nor  had  any  earlier 
king  o"f  Svria.  He  was  obliged  to  give  up  only 
the  countries  ou  the  side  of  tlie  Taurus  towards 
Rome.  Kumenes  (II.),  to  whom  the  lands  were 
given,  was  king  of  Pergamos  b.  c.  198-158. 

Vers.   9,  10.      Contemporaneous   history   doe« 


1   MACCABEES. 


515 


not  inform  us  of  any  such  resolution  of  the 
Greeks.  In  b.  c.  192  an  ^tolian  military  leader 
did  indeed  give  to  Flamiuius  the  answer,  when 
he  declined  to  sanction  a  treaty  of  theirs  with 
Antiochus  III.,  that  he  would  pursue  the  suhject 
in  Italy  (Uv.,  xxxv.  3.3  ;  xxxvi.  24).  This  fact, 
however,  could  hardly  have  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
Jews.  Moreover,  what  is  here  said  of  the  Romans 
spoiling  the  Greeks,  and  carrying  away  their  wives 
and  children  as  captives,  it  would  seem,  could  only 
be  properly  referred  to  the  war  of  the  Romans 
against  the  Greeks  b.  c.  147-146,  /.  e.,  fifteen 
years  after  the  death  of  Judas.  Keil  remarks 
(Com.,  p.  141)  :  "  In  order  that  a  too  unfriendly 
judgment  concerning  the  credibility  of  our  book 
may  not  be  drawn  from  this  an:ichronism,  it 
should  be  considered  :  ( 1 )  that  the  author  wrote 
from  twenty  to  twenty-five  years  after  the  de- 
struction of  Corinth  by  the  Romans;  (2)  that  the 
Jews  of  Palestine  were  not  accurately  informed 
concerning  the  wars  of  the  Romans  with  the 
Greeks;  and  (3)  that  hy  our  author  only  the  final 
event  of  the  war  of  the  Greeks  ngaiust  the  Ro- 
mans is  given  iu  the  way  of  a  summary. 

Ver.  12.  Kept  amity.  This  picture  of  the 
Romans  is  drawn  in  colors  quite  too  fair  to  corre- 
spond with  well-known  facts.  Grimm  remarks 
on  the  present  passage  :  "  That  did  they  only  so 
long  as  it  suited  their  political  views,  and  until 
the  time  came  to  make  these  provinces  with  which 
they  had  formed  a  treaty  a  constituent  part  of 
the  Roman  empire." 

Ver.  15.  Three  hundred  and  twenty.  It 
consisted,  on  the  contrary,  of  only  three  hundred 
men  at  first,  aud  after  the  year  b.  c.  123  of  600. 
Moreover,  it  is  not  true  that  they  held  daily  sit- 
tings. The  fact  that  the  same  nuiuber  is  given 
in  5  Mace,  xii.,  xiii.,  and  xlii.  can  have  little 
weight,  since  that  w^ork  is  based  so  largely  on  the 
First  and  Second  Books  of  Maccabees,  with  Jo- 
Bephus,  aud  cannot  be  regarded  as  having  any 
independent  authority.  —  Well  governed,  eu- 
Ko(T^itv.  This  word  is  found  only  here  ;  ^  eu- 
Kotr^ia,  and  rt)  et/Koa/iov,  in  a  similar  sense,  are 
used  by  Aristotle  {Polit.^  iv.  15)  and  Thucydi- 
dcs  (i.  84,  3),  respectively.  —  One  man.  There 
were,  on  the  contrary,  two  consuls,  as  is  well 
known. 

Ver.  16.  Neither  envy  nor  jealousy.  Again 
not  strictly  true,  as  the  contentions  between  the 
people  and  the  Patricians,  and  the  troubles  of  the 
Gracchi,  prove.  Stanley  (iii.  350)  thus  sums  up  the 
objections  which  might  be  urged  against  the  trust- 
worthiness of  this  supposed  letter:  "  (1.)  Spain 
was  not  wholly  reduced  till  the  reduction  of  Can- 
tabria,  B.C.  19.  (2.)  The  elephants  at  the  battle 
of  Magnesia  were  not  one  hundred  and  twenty,  but 
fifty-four  (Liv.,  xx.xviii.  39).  (3.)  Antiochus  was 
not  taken  prisoner.  (4.)  His  dominions  did  not 
include  India.  (5.)  The  conquest  of  .tEtolia  was 
fifteen  years  later.  (6.)  The  Senate  was  not 
three  hundred  and  twenty,  but  three  hundred. 
(7.)  One  consul  is  substituted  for  two.  (8.)  The 
Roman  factions  are  ignored.     The  total  omission 


of  the  conquest  of  Carthage  is  difficult  to  ex- 
plain." 

Ver.  18.  Kingdom  of  the  Grecians,  i.e.,  the 
Syrian  kingdom. 

Ver.  19.  Great  journey.  Paul's  required 
half  a  year.     Cf.  Acts  xxvii.  1,  9  ;  xxviii.  11-16. 

Ver.  22.  Tables  of  brass.  The  usual  method 
of  sending  such  documents.  Cf.  Polyb.,  iii.  26, 
1.  Jo.seplms  adds,  in  harmouy  with  this  citation 
from  Polybius,  that  the  origiual  was  deposited  in 
the  capitol  at  Rome,  and  only  a  copy  sent  to 
Jerusalem. 

Ver.  23.  Grimm  notices  that  our  author,  while 
using  both  terms,  "Israelites"  and  "  Jews,"  of 
his  people,  wheu  speaking  of  them  himself,  era- 
ploys  only  the  latter  term  in  these  public,  inter- 
national documents. 

Vers.  23,  26.  The  provisions  of  the  treaty  are 
somewhat  wanting  in  clearness,  a  fact  which  has 
been  explained  by  some  by  supposing  that  it 
comes  to  us  only  after  hein','  twice  translated, 
once  from  the  original  document  into  Hebrew, 
and  then  from  the  Hebrew  into  Greek. 

Ver.  28.  As  it  seemeth  good  to  the  Romans, 
as  (So^e  'PiuiUJ;.  Michaelis  explains  :  "  nt  Romanis 
visum  fiterit,  i.  e.,  the  Romans  will  perhaps  do  it, 
if  they  think  best.  They  will  not,  however,  bind 
themselves  so  to  act."  The  treaty  after  all  was 
not  as  advantageous  to  the  Jews  as  to  the  Romans. 
Properly  this  should  have  read  in  such  a  case,  and 
may  in  fact  have  stood  in  the  original  document, 
iii  65o|e  'louSafoii,  to  correspond  with  what  is 
said  iu  ver.se  26.  Still,  the  Romans  not  infre- 
quently made  treaties  in  which  they  took  the 
lion's  share  of  the  privileges.  Cf.  Polyb.,  iii.  25, 
3f. 

Vers.  31,  32.  These  verses  form  properly  no 
part  of  the  treaty.  They  are  simply  an  additional 
document  which  the  Senate  sent  to  Judas  and  his 
brethren  as  answer  to  their  letter.  In  fact„  it 
may  not  have  been  written  at  all,  but  have  been 
communicated  orally.  Demetrius  at  this  time 
had  not  been  really  recognized  as  king  by  the 
Romans,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  contents  of 
tlie  communication,  whether  written  or  oral,  are 
given  in  a  very  free  and  general  way.  The  ques- 
tion whether  Judas  ought  to  have  made  this  treaty 
with  the  Romans  is  one  which  we  cannot  enter 
upon  here.  It  doubtless  was  oue,  however,  which 
was  much  discussed  among  the  .lews  themselves. 
It  may,  in  fact,  as  Graetz  ( Gescliichte,  ii.  2,  p.  374, 
iii.  p.  8)  suggests,  have  been  one  of  the  reasons 
whv  at  a  later  period  the  Asidseaus  no  longer 
cooperated  with  him  so  cheerfully  as  they  had 
previously  done.  And  it  is  also  true,  as  remarked 
by  Micliaelis  {Com.,  ad  loc  )  :  "Had  Judas  re- 
ceived true  information  respecting  the  Romans 
instead  of  that  which  is  found  in  verses  1-12, 
namely,  that  they  craftily,  under  the  pretense  of 
friendship,  brought  their  allies  into  bondage  to 
themselves,  and  that  as  soon  as  a  people  entered 
into  treaty  with  the  Romans  it  lost  its  independ- 
ence, he  truly  would  never  have  desired  to  make 
a  treaty  with  them." 


516  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  IX. 

1  And  ^  when  Demetrius  heard  that  Nicanor  and  his  army  had  fallen  '  in  battle, 
he  sent  again  '  Bacchides  and  Alcimus  into  the  land  of  Juda  a^  second  time,  and 

2  with  them  the  right  wing.'  And  they  "  went  forth  by  the  way  that  leadelh  to  Gal- 
gala,  and  pitched  their  tents  against  Mfesaloth,'  which  is  in  Arbela,  and  they  won 

3  it  and  slew  many  *  people.     And  in  ^  the  first  month  of  the  hundred  and  fifty  sec- 

4  ond  "  year  they  encamped  against "  Jerusalem.     And  '-  they  removed,  and  went  to 

5  Berea,  with  twenty  thousand  footmen  "  and  two  thousand  horsemen.    And  '*  Judas 

6  had  pitched  his  tents  at  Elasa,'*  and  three  thousand  chosen  men  with  him.  And 
when  they  saw  ^'^  the  multitude  of  the  soldiers,  that  they  were  many,  they"  were 
sore  afraid  ;  and  '"  many  conveyed  themselves  "  out  of  the  army  ;  there  were  left  '^ 

7  of  them  not  more  tlian  ''■^  eight  hundred  men.  And  wlieu  Judas  -^  saw  that  his  army 
slipped  '-^  awa3',  and  that  the  battle  pressed  upon  him,  lie  was  much  cast  down,  be- 

8  cause  -■*  he  had  no  time  to  gather  them  together.  And  he  was  discouraged,  and  ^ 
unto  tliem  that  remained  he  said.  Let  us  arise  aud  go  up  against  our  adversaries,^ 

9  if  peradventure  we  may  be  able  to  fight  with  them.  Aud  they  would  not  listen  to  -' 
him,  saying.  We  shall  not  ^  be  able ;  let  us  for  the  present  '^  rather  save  our  own  ^ 
lives,  and  ^'  we  will  return  with  our  brethren,  and  fight  against  them ;  but  we  are 

10  too  few.'^  And*'  Judas  said,  Be  it  far  from  me  that  I  ^*  should  do  this  thing  and 
flee  atvay  from  them  ;  and  '^  if  our  time  be  come,'"  let  us  die  manfully  for  our 

11  brethren,  and  leave  behind  us  no  stain  upon  ^'  our  honor.  And  the  army  removed 
from  the  camp,'*  and  stood  over  against  them ;  and  '^  their  horsemen  were  *" 
divided  into  two  troops,  and  their  slingers  aud  archers  went  before  the  army,  aud 

12  all  the  valiant  men  marched  in  the  van.^^  But  Baccliides  was  on*"  the  right  wing  ; 
and  the  embattled  line  ^  drew  near  on  the  two  wings,"  and  sounded  their  trumpets. 

13  They  also  on^'  Judas' side,  they*"  sounded  their  trumpets  also,  and  "  the  earth 
shook  from  ""  the  noise  of  the  armies  ;  and  the  battle  raged  *^  from  morning  till 

14  evening.     And'"    when  Judas  perceived   that  Bacchides    and  the  strength  of  his 

15  army  were  on  the  right,^'  he  took  with  him  '-  all  the  brave-hearted  men,  and  they 

16  drove  before  them  ^'  the  right  wing,  and  pursued  them  unto  mount  '*  Azotus.  And'^ 
when  they  of  the  left  wing  saw  that  the '"  right  wing  was  *'  discomfited,  they  turned 
back  and  followed  after'"  Judas  and  those  that  were  witli  him  hard  at  the  heels  from 

1 7  behind.     And  '^  there  was  a  sore  battle.""  aud  "^  many  were  slain  on  both  sides. "^ 
18,  19  And   Judas  fell,"^  and  the  rest"*  fled.     And"'  Jonathan  and  Simon  bore  off"' 

Judas  their  brother,  and  buried  him  in  the  sepulchre  of  his "'  fathers  in  Modein. 

20  And "'  they   bewailed   him,  and  all   Israel   made  great  lamentation   for   him,   and 

21  mourned  many  days,  saying.  How  is  the  valiant  man  fallen,  that  delivered  Israel ! 

Vers.  1,2.  —  *  A.  V. :  Furthermore.        ^  j^oat  were  slain.        3  omits  again  (Trpoo-eflero,  followed  by  arroTrelKai.    Cf.  iii. 
15).         *  JuJea  the.         ^  chief  strength  of  his  host  (so  Grotius,  but  incorrectly      Gt.  Com.).  «  who.  'before 

{iiri]  Masaloth.        *  after  they  had  won  it,  they  slew  much. 

Vers.  3,  4.  — "  A.  V. :  Also.        '^  fifty  and  second.         i*  before.        '^  from  whence.         'syoofmen  (as  antithetic  to 
"horsemen,*'  unnecessarily  italicised). 

Vers.  5-7.  —  "  A.  V. :  Now.  "  Eleasa  (so  text  rec.    I  read  as  above  with  X.  23.  62.  64.  93. ;  III.  B6.  Syr.,  "AAao-o). 

1*  who  seeing.         ^''  oMfr  army  (plur.)  to  be  .-io  great.  w  whereupon.  ^^  {i^tppv'(\<Ta.v,Jlowefl  out,  disappeared.) 

20  host,  insomuclt  as  there  abode.         -i  no  more  but.         22  When  J.  therefore.  23  host  slipt  (an-eppvjj.     Cf.  ver.  6) 

2*  sore  troubled  in  mind  and  much  distressed  (I  begin,  with  Fritzsche,  a  new  sentence  with  KaX  k^ekvSi))  for  that. 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  '^A.  V.  :  Nevertheless  (cf.  preceding  note).  211  enemies.  -t  But  they  dehorted.  -8  never 

29  now  (to  vvv).         30  omits  own.  ^^  and  hereafter  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  koJ.  before  the  verb,  as  wanting  m  III 

X.  23.  55.  al.,  and  has  received  after  the  verb,  kox  oi  aSeAi^ol  riti.iav  for  jwera  tuv  a5e\(ftijiv  itix.y  from  the  same  authorities^ 
^2  for  we  are  but  few  (see  Corn.}. 

Vers.  10-12.  —  »"  A.  V. :  Then.  =4  Qod  forbid  that  I  (/i^  /ioi  yti-oiro.     The  pronoun  is  omitted  by  X.  23.  55.) 

^  omits  and.  •■"'  (Lit.,  halk  come  near.)  ^7  igt  us  not  stain  (/xt)  /caTaAtTrwjuei'  aiTia.v.     Marg.,  Gr.,  let  us  not  leavt 

(jnf  just  cause  behind  us  why  our  t^lory  should  be  spoken  against).  ^8  With  that  the  host  0/  Bacchides  (see  Com.) 

IMuoved  nut  of  their  tents.  «"  omits  and.  *"  being.  •"  going  before  the  host,  and  they  that  marched  in  the 

forward  were  all  mighty  men.        *2  xb  for  B.,  he  was  in.        *^  so  the  host.        **  parts. 

Vers.  13-15.  — *°  A.  V.  :  of.         *"  even  they.         *'  Bo  that.  *^  at.  *"  continued  (lit.,  became  engaged,  eyiverik 

with  the  perf.  pass,  part- of  (Tvi'ixTrTw).        tonight.    Now.        ^^  right  side,        ^^  {Lit,,  there  ivent  with  him.)       w  ijardy 
men  who  discomfited.        "  the  mount. 

Vers.  16-20.  —  '•'^  A.  V. :  But.        <*'*  they  of  the.        ^^  were.  ^  followed  upon  (lit.,  turned  about,  but  the  verb  was 

used  in  a  pregnant  sense  for  turned  and  followed).         ^  whereupon.         ^  (Lit.,  the  battle  was  heavy.)         "^  insomuch 
»f.  =2  parts.  «'  also  was  killed.  "'remnant.  »»  Then  «'>  took  (^pai^).  «("  their,"  X.  64.  aS. 

«  Moreover 


1    MACCABEES.  517 


22  And  as  for  the  rest  of  the '  things  concerning  Judas  and  his  wars,  and  the  valiant  °  acts 
which  he  did,  and  his  '  greatness,  they  are  not  written  ;  for  they  were  very  many. 

23  And  it  came  to  pass  after  *  the  death  of  Judas  the  transgressors  showed  them- 
selves ^   in  all  the  borders  ^  of   Israel,  and  there  rose  up '   all  such  as  WTOught  iniq- 

24  uity.     In  those  days  there  occurred  *   a  very  great  famine  ;  yea,  the   land  revolted  * 

25  with  them.     And  '"  Bacchides  chose  out  "  the  godless  ■'^  men,  and  made  them  lords 

26  of  the  country.  And  they  sought  out  and  made  search  -"^  for  Judas'  friends,  and 
brought  them  unto  Bacchides  ;  and  he  took  vengeance  on  them,  and  mocked  them." 

27  And  there  arose  ^^  a  great  affliction  in  Israel,  such  as  had  not  occurred  "^  since  the 

28  time  that  a  prophet  appeared  not  "  amongst  them.     And  "  all  Judas'  friends  came 

29  together,  and  said  unto  Jonathan,  Since  thy  brother  Judas  died,  there  is  '"  no  man 
like  him  to  go  forth  against  the  enemy,-"  and  Bacchides,  and  ^'  against  them  that 

30  are  adversaries  of  our  nation.^-     Now  therefore  we  have  chosen  thee  this  day  to  be 

31  our  ruler  and  leader  ^  in  his  stead,  that  t/iou  mayest  fight  our  battles."  And  Jon- 
athan assumed  the  rule  -'  at  that  time,  and  took  the  place  '-'  of  his  brother  Judas. 

32,  33  And  ^  when  Bacchides  learned  of  it,"'  he  sought  to  '•*  slay  him.  And '"  Jona- 
than, and  Simon  his  brother,  and  all  that  were  with  him,  learned  of  it  and  fled  ^ 
into  the  wilderness  of  Thecoe,  and  [litched   their  tents  by  the  cistern  *^  Asphar. 

34  And  ^  Bacchides  learned  of  it  on  the  sabbath  day,  and  he  and  all  his  army  crossed 

35  the  Jordan."*  And  ^  Jonathan  '^  liad  sent  his  brother  as  leader  ^  of  the  people,  to 
pray  his  friends  the  Nabatrei,*'  that  thet/  might  leave  with   them  their  baggage,^ 

36  which  teas  much.     And*"  the  sons  of  Ambri  *'  came  out  of  Medaba,  and  seized** 

37  John,  and  all  that  he  had,  and  departed  with  the  things  in  their  possession.*'  But 
after  these  events  **  came  word  to  Jonathan  and  Simon  his  brother,  that  tlie  sons  of 
Ambri  *^  made  a  great  marriage,  and  were  bringing  the  bride,  a  daughter  of  one  of 

38  the  great  princes  of  Chanaan,  from  Nadabath  with  a  great  escort.*'*  And  *'  they 
remembered  John  their  brother,  and  went  up,  and  hid  themselves  under  the  covert  ** 

39  of  the  mountain.  And  they  lifted  *'  up  their  eyes,  and  looked,  and  behold,  a  tumul- 
tuous noise  and  a  great  train  ;  ^°  and  the  bridegroom  came  forth,  and  his  friends 

40  and  brethren,  to  meet  them  with  timbrels,  and  music,*^  and  many  weapons.^^  And 
they  *'  rose  up  against  them  from  the  place  where  they  lay  in  ambush,  and  slew 
them  ;  and  many  were  killed,  and  the  rest  °*  fled  into  the  mountain  ;  and  they  took 

41  all  their  spoils.     And  the  marriage  was  ^^  turned  into  mourning,  and  their  strains  of 

Ver.  22.  —  ^  A.  V. :  As  for  the  other  2  noble  =*  Text,  rec,  "  their  "    Fritzsche  adopts  auroiJ  from  III.  X.  6ft 

64.  93.  106.  Old  Lat.  Syr. 

Vers.  23-26.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  Now  after  6  wicked  (oi  avofioi)  began  to  put  forth  their  heails  (lit.,  peep  out).  ^  coa£ts. 

•  (The  Greek  word  is  used  in  the  LXX.  to  render    H^'S,  especially  to  put  forth  bwis,  tojlourish.)         »  also  was  there. 

s  by  reason  whereof  the  country  revolted,  and  went  (cf.  Com.  lAt.^  the  land  became  a  deserter).  w  xhen.  ^^  omitt 
out.  '-  wicked.  ^  made  inquiry  and  search  {i^e^rfrovv  koX  i^ffpevvoiv).  "  who  took  ....  of  them,  and  used 

them  despitefully  (marg.,  "  Gr.,  mocked  them  "). 

Vers.  27-29.  —  ^°A.  V. :  So  was  there.  ^^  the  like  whereof  was  not.  1^  was  not  seen.  ^8  ^or  this  cause. 

'^  u-e  have.  -^  our  enemies.  21  (i.  e.,  and,  in  general.)  --  of  our  nation  that  are  adversaries  to  us  {ev  rots 

(\SpaLyovtri  ToO  e^i-ous  T}tjMv.    The  participle  is  used  substantivel.v,  and  so  limited  by  the  gen.). 

Vers.  30.  31.  —  23  ^_  y. :  our  {rifily)  prince  and  captain.  24  (Lit.,  war  our  war.)         25  Upon  this  J.  took  the  govern- 

ance upon  him.        26  rose  up  instead. 

Vers.  32-34. —2^  A.  v.:  But.  2a  gat  knowledge  Mwfo/.  28  for  to.  ™  Then  si  perceiving  J/iat  fled. 

E'J  water  of  the  pool  (OSup  Kokkov  'Atrifidp.  The  second  word  corresponds  to  the  Heb.  ~^S3  and  "^^Z.  an  artificial  col- 
lection of  water).  ^3  which  when.  M  understood,  he  came  near  to  Jordan  with  all  his  host  upon  the  sabbath  day 
(cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  35-37.  —»=  A.  V. :  Now.  s«  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  this  word  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  62.  al.  and  the  Old  Lat.  by 
Cod.  S.  Germ.)        3'  JoAti,  a  captain.        ss  jjabathites.        "9  carriage.  ■"'But.  4l  children  of  Jambri  (/ftrr.  r«.^ 

uioi  'lafiPpi  Fritzsche  receives  the  article  before  the  former  from  III.  X.  55.  al.,  and  'A/j^pi  from  44.  al.  .los.  Syr. 
Co.  ;  X.  64.,  'A^Ppei').  *2  took.  *3  went  their  way  with  it.  «  After  this  (ftero  Se  Toijs  koyovq  tol-tous.  Cf.  vii.  33). 
•^_  children  of  Jambri  (cf .  ver.  36).  *^  bride  from  Nadabatha  with  a  great  train,  as  being  ^he  daughter  .... 

Canaan. 

Vers.  38,  39.  — *"  A.  V. :  Therefore.        «  (o-Kemji'  =1  "^."ID),        *^  where  they  lift.        ^  there  was  much  ado  {Bpovtt 

and  great  carriage  (an-ouKev^  =  properly,  bt^gage.  I  render  by  train,  as  it  consisted  apparently  of  wagons  and  beastft 
of  burden  taken  aloog  to  receive  the  dower.     Cf.  Coms.  of  Grimm  and  Keil).  i*'  them  [i.  «.,  the  train  of  the  bride), 

with  drums  (cf .  1  Esd.  v.  2  :  Judith  iii.  7,  xvi.  2)  and  instruments  o/musick  (fiovaLKuiv}.  ^-  Not  only  weapons  but 

torches,  vessels  of  various  kinds,  etc.,  which  might  be  required  at  a  wedding. 

Vers.  40,  41.  — 53  A.  V.  :  Then  Jonathan  and  they  that  were  with  him  (Fritzsche strikes  out  ot  Trepl  70;*  'I.  after  ev4Spov, 
as  wanting  in  III.  X.  23.  52.  55.  al.  Old  Lat.    It  was  probably  first  written  as  a  gloss).  w  made  a  slaughter  of  them 

in  such  sort  as  many  fell  down  dead,  and  the  remnant.        ''3  Thus  was  the  marriage. 


518  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


42  music '  into  lamentation.     And  ^  when  they  had  avenged  fully  the  Wood  of  their 

43  bj'other,  they  returned  to  the  marsh  *  of  Jordan.  And  *  when  Bacchides  heard  of 
it,^  he  came  on  the  sabbath  day  as  far  as  ^  the   banks  of  the '  Jordan  with   a  great 

44  army.'      And  ^  Jonathan  s.aid  to  his  men,'"  Let  us  go  up  now  and  fight  for  our  lives, 

45  for  it  is  not  "  to-day,  as  in  time  past,-'-  for  behold,  the  battle  is  before  us  and  be- 
hind us,  and  the  water  of  the  Jordan  is  on  '^  this  side  and  that  side,  and  marsh  "  and 

46  wood  ;  there  is  no  place  ^*  to  turn  aside.    Wherefore  cry  ye  now  unto  heaven,  that 

47  ye  may  be  delivered  from  the  hand  of  your  enemies.  And  '^  they  joined  battle  ; 
and   Jonathan   stretched  forth  his  hand  to  smite  Bacchides,  and  he  turned  away 

48  from  him  backwards.''  And  "  Jonathan  and  they  that  were  with  him  leaped  into  the 
Jordan,'^  and  swam  over  unto  the  farther  bank  ;   and  they  "^  passed  not  over  the  ^' 

49  Jordan  unto  them.     And  there  fell  from  '^^  Bacchides'  side  that  day  about  a  thou- 

50  sand  men.  And  he  returned"^  to  Jerusalem,  and  built  fortified^*  cities  in  Judaea, 
the  fort  in  Jericho,  and  Emmaus,  and  Bethoron,  and  Bethel,  and  Thamnatha-Phar- 

51  athon,"^  and  Tephon,^^  with  high  walls,  and*'   with  gates,  and  with  bars.     And  in 

52  them  he  set  a  garrison,  that  ihei/  might  carry  on  hostilities  against "'  Israel.  He 
fortified  also  the  city  Bethsura,'"*^  and  Gazara,  and  the  fortress,™  and  put  forces  in 

53  them,  and  stores  of  provisions.  And  ^'  he  took  the  chief  men's  sons  in  the  country 
for  hostages,  and  put  them  into  the  fortress  ^^  at  Jerusalem  to  be  kept. 

54  And  ^^  in  the  hundred  fifty  and  third  year,  in  the  second  month,  Alcimus  com- 
manded that  the  wall  of  the  inner  court  of  the  sanctuary  should  be  pulled  down ;  he 

55  woidd  have  pulled  ^''  down  also  the  works  of  the  prophets  ;  and  he  ^  began  to  pull 
down.  At  that^^  time  was  Alcimus  smitten,^'  and  his  enterprises  hindered,  and  °' 
his  mouth  was  stopped,  and  he  was  paralyzed,*  so  that  he  could  no  more  speak  a 

66  word,*"  nor  give  orders'"  concerning  his  house.     And  *^  Alcimus  died  at  that  time 

57  with  great  torment.  And^'  when  Bacchides  saw  that  Alcimus  was  dead,  he  re- 
turned to  the  king  ;  and  *^  the  land  of  Juda  was  at  rest  two  years/' 

58  And  *^  all  the  transgressors  took  ^'  council,  saying.  Behold,  Jonathan  and  his  men 
live  "'*  at  ease,  and  ^^  without  care  ;  now  therefore  we  will  bring  Bacchides  hither, 

59  and  he  shall  seize™  them  all  in  one  night.     And^'  they  went  and  consulted  with 

60  him.  And  he  removed,  that  he  might  come  ^^  with  a  great  army,^^  and  sent  letters 
privily  to  all  "  his  adherents  in  Juda?a,  that  they  should  take  Jonathan  and  those 
tliat  were  with  him  ;  and^'  they  could  not,  because  their  plan  ^^  was  known  unto 

61  them."     And  they''   took  of  the   men   of  the  country,  who  were  authors  of  the 

62  wickedness,'"  about  fifty  men,'"  and  .slew  them.  And  '^  Jonathan,  and  Simon,  and 
they  that  were  with  him,  got'"  away  to  Bethbasi,  which  is  in  the  wilderness,  and 

€3  they  '^  repaired  the  ruined  portions  '■•  thereof,  and  made  it  strong.     And  when  Bac- 
chides learned  of  it,"  he  gathered  together  all  his  host,"  and  sent  word  to  them  that 
64  were  of  Judasa.     And  he  went "  and  laid  siege  against   Bethbasi,  and  fought  " 

Vers.  41, 42. —  ^  A.V.:  the  noise  of  their  melody  2  go.        a  turDed  again  to  the  marish  {I  have,  for  the  sake  of 

clearness,  changed  the  form  of  the  last  word,  although  it  is  still  in  use  in  the  sense  of  bog^  marsh). 

Vers.  4S-45. — *  A.  V. :  Now.  «  Acr£o/"(contained  in  the  context).  "  unto.  ^  omits  the.  i  power. 

•  Then.  i°  company.  "  standeth  not  with  us.  '^  (Lit.,  as  yesterday  and  the  third  day.)  is  of  J.  on. 

w  the  marish  likewise.        ir,  neither  is  there  place ybr  trs. 

Vers.  47-49.  —  '»  A.  V. :  With  that.  "  but  he  ...  .  turned  back  from  him.  ">  Then.  ■»  leapt  into  J. 

*•  ho\v1}eit  the  other.         2i  omits  the.  22  go  there  were  slain  (Ste'Treo-oc.    The  verb  means  usually,  in  the  classics,  to 

escape,  or,  10  cut  through,  as  .'spoken  of  an  army.     But  it  is  used  as  here  in  the  LXX.  at  Dent.  ii.  14.     Codd,  X.  19.  23. 
64.  93.  have  fneaov)  of. 

Vers.  50-53.  —  -3  A.  V. :  Afterward  returned -BaccAfrfes.        -*  repaired  tAe  strong  (the  idea  of  rebuilding  and  repairing 
is  not  excluded,  but  the  verb  is  (jjKoSo/xvjae).  ^^'  Thamnatha,  Pharathoui  {I  read  'PapaOaiv,  with  III.  23.  55.  62.  64. 

106.     See  Com.).  =«  Taphoa  (Tecficii' ;  T«i(>ii,  23.  B5.  56.  al.),  CiMe  rf"/ /le  s(reng-(/ie)i.  "  owifs  and.  '-»  work 

malice  upon.  2fl  (go  X.  56.  64.  93.  Old  Lat. ;  "  in  Bethsura,''  text.  rec).  30  cower.  3i  and  provision  of 

victuals.    Besides.        *2  tower. 

Vers.  54-57.  —  ^^  A.  V.  ;  Moreover.        ^*  he  pulled  (this  seems  to  refer  to  the  intention  of  Alcimus  ;  what  he  actually 
began  to  do  is  stated  just  after).         3*  as  he.         ^'^  even  at  that.         "'  plagued.        ^8  for.  39  taken  with  a  palsy 

*o  anything.        *^  order.        ^^  So.        *3  Now.        "whereupon.        *^  in  rest  two  years. 

Vers.  58-61.  —  *"  A.  V.  :  Then.        *''  ungodly  men  held  a.        ■'^  company  are.        *9  and  dwell.        ^^  who  shall  take 
Bi  So.        ^^  Then  removed  he,  and  came.         ^  host.         ^  om(/5  all.         ^  howbeit.  ^  counsel.  6'  (avrot9  if 

omitted  by  X.  Old  Lat.  by  Cod.  S.  Germ. ;   19.  64.  93.  have  for  it  'IwvaBav).  »  Wherefore  they  (the  party  of  Jona- 

than).       '■''  that  were  authors  of  that  mischief.        <»>  persons. 

Vers.  62-G.'i. —">  A.  V. :  Afterward.         «"  got  them.         »«  (Verb  is  sing.)         "decays  «  IVhich  thing  when  B 

Knew.        '■«  Here  TrArjeo?. 

Ver.  (»4  —  '*'  A   V  :  Then  went  he         "^  they  fought  (verb  in  sing.i 


1   MACCABEES. 


519 


65  against  it  a  long  season,  and  made  engines  of  war.  And  ^  Jonathan  left  his  brother 
Simon  in  the  city,  and  went  forth  -  into  the  country  ;  and  with  a   small   number' 

66  went  he.     And  he  smote  Ddomera  *  and   his   brethren,  and  the  sons  ^  of  Phasiron 

67  in  their  tent ;  and  ^   he   began  to  smite,'  and  to  come  up  in  stronger  force.     And 

68  Simon  ^  and  his  men '  went  out  of  the  city,  and  burnt  up  the  engines  of  war,  and 
fought  against  Bacchides  ;  and  he  was  '"  discomfited  by  them,  and  they  afflicted  him 

69  sore  ;  for  his  plan  and  expedition  were  "  in  vain.  And  he  was  very  wroth  ^'^  at 
the  transgressors  ■'^  that  gave  him  counsel  to  come  into  the  country  ;  and  '*  he  slew 

70  many  of  them,  and  |)urposed  to  return  to  his  land.'^  And  when  Jonathan  had 
knowledge  of  it,'"  he  sent  ambassadors  unto  him,  in  order  to  make  peace  with  him, 

71  and  that  he  should"  deliver"  tliem  the  prisoners.  And  he  accepted,"  and  did  ac- 
cording to  his  terms,-"  and  swore  -'  unto  him  that  he  would  not  seek  to  harm  him  *^ 

72  all  the  days  of  his  life.  And  he  -^  restored  unto  him  the  prisoners  that  he  had  taken 
previously  '^*  out  of  the  land  of  Juda,  and  '^^  returned  and  departed  to  his  land,  and 

73  came  not  again  ^*  any  more  into  their  borders.  And  -'  the  sword  ce.ased  from  Israel, 
and  ^'  Jonathan  dwelt  at  Machmas  ;  and  Jonathan  ^  began  to  judge '°  the  people, 
and  caused  the  ungodly  to  disappear  ''  out  of  Israel. 

Vers.  65,  66.  —  ^  A.  V. :  But.  =  forth  hmisdf.  3  certain  number  (ec  apidtiw,  i.  e.,  a  number  which  one  might 

«a.-ily  count).  *  he  forth  (Fritzsche  receives  ijKitv  from  III.  X.  33.  44.  55.  al.  in  place  of  i^nKStv  of  the  text,  rec.) 

....  Odonarkes  (marg.,  Odomarra.  I  read,  with  Fritzsche,  as  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  62.  71.  74.  106.  Co.  Aid. ;  text,  rec, 
*05oaapfiTiv  ;  Old  Lat.,  Odaren).        ^  children. 

Vers.  67-69. —  »  A.  v.:  And  when.  '  smite  (Afffl.  '  and  came  up  with  his  forces  (" against  Bethbaai  "  Is 

under.'itood),  Simon.  »  company.  ^^  who  was.  ^i  counsel  and  travel  was.  12  ivherefore  he  ...  .  wroth 

(verb  in  plur.  in  III.  X.  56.  al.).        "  wicked  men.        "  insomuch  as.        '6  into  his  own  country. 

Vers.  70,  71.  —  >=  A.  V. :  Whereof  ....  had  knowledge.  "  to  the  end  he  should.  '"  and  deliver.  '»  Which 

thing  he  accepted.        ^  demands  (Aoyovs).        21  sware.        22  never  do  him  harm  (cf .  vi.  18). 

Vers.  72,  73. —  ^  A.  v.:  When  therefore  he  had.  24  aforetime.  »  Judea  he.  28  went  his  way  into  his  own 
land,  neither  came  he.  2'  Thus.  28  but.  28  (^i/fs  J.  (as  44.  71.).  so  govern  (marg.,  jaiife).  si  he  destroyed 
{i^t^avtat)  the  ungodly  men. 


Chapter  IX. 


Ver.  1.  The  right  wing.  It  means  perhap,s 
that  part  of  the  Syrian  army  which  w.is  stationed 
to  tlie  right  of  the  Euphrates  towards  the  west, 
(Grimm),  or  that  to  the  south,  i.  e.,  nearest  to 
Judaea  (Hitzif;  and  others). 

Ver.  2.  Galgala.  Possible  Gilr/al,  between 
Jericho  .and  the  Jordan  ;  or,  a  Cauaaniti^li  city 
now  called  ./iV/iWeA,  situated  a  short  di.stauce  from 
Antip.atris,  or  Jilgilia,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the 
aucient  Gophna.  —  Msesaloth,  either  Jlesilloth, 
(/.  c,  stairs,  terraces),  referring  to  fortified  caves, 
or  a  place  between  Gilead  and  Arbela,  iu  Pella, 
east  of  the  Jordan. 

Ver.  3.  First  month.  At  the  middle  or  end 
of  the  month  Nisan  the  Syrian  army  could  have 
reached  Jerusalem  and  possibly  it  was  at  the  time 
of  the  celebration  of  the  Passover. 

Ver.  4.  Berea.  This  place  has  not  been  iden- 
tified. 

Ver.  5.  Slasa.  This  place  is  also  unknown. 
According  to  Josephus  the  camp  of  .Judas  was  at 
Bethzetho,  which  Ewald  would  identify  with  the 
present  Bir-el-zeit,  a  couple  of  miles  northwest  of 
Jifua.  In  "  Berea,"  on  the  other  hand,  be  finds 
B'  erofh,  the  modern  El-Btrek,  eight  or  nine  miles 
north  of  .Jerusalem  and  about  four  miles  south  of 
Jifna.  But  the  form  of  the  word  is  against  it.  — 
Three  thousand.  According  to  Josephus  he  had 
but  one  thousand  at  first. 

Ver.  8.  Fight  with  them.  The  meaning  is 
Jight  successfiilli/. 

Ver.  9.  Dehorted.  (A.  V.)  'AircVrpei^oi'  is 
better  translated  as  above,  Ihei/  turned  awaij  from, 
would  not  listen  to,  him,  since  the  aorist  is  not 
properly  used  of  an  endeavor.  Cf.  KUhner's 
Gram.,  p.  346      This  is  also  the  translation  of  the 


Cf. 


Syriac.  —  'O\(7oi   in   the  sense  of  too  few. 
Herod.,  vi.  109  ;  vii.  207;  Thucyd.,  i.  50. 

Ver.  11.  The  Israelitish  force  may  be  meant. 
—  And  stood,  i.  e.,  took  a  position.  This  refers 
to  the  Syrians,  as  the  context  shows. 

Ver.  1.5.  Mount  Azotus  (^tsArforfl).  Josephus 
has  'AfS  tipovs,  the  battle  mii/ht  have  taken  place 
only  three  or  four  miles  from  Ashdod,  so  that  it 
would  have  been  within  reach  of  tlie  flying  Syrians. 
But  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  word  is  a  mis- 
translation for  ^nn  ,~mtt"S,  declivities  of  the 
mountain.     So  Michaelis  and  Hitzig. 

Ver.  19.  Jo.sephushas  embellished  his  account 
of  the  matter  by  saying  that  it  was  by  special 
arrangement  with  the  enemy  that  the  brothers 
obtained  the  body  of  Judas.  Cf.  Antiq.,  xii.  11, 
§  2.  —  Modein.    'See.  ii.  1. 

Ver.  22.  Not  written.  They  were  neither 
recorded  by  the  author  of  the  present  book  nor 
iu  tlie  (supposed)  work  which  he  used  as  his  au- 
thority. The  same  expression  is  often  found  iu 
the  Books  of  the  Kings. 

Ver.  24.  'H  x<^P<^<  here,  is  referred  by  most  to 
the  inliabitants  of  the  land.  But  it  seems  better 
with  the  Syriac,  followed  by  Ewald,  Grimm,  and 
Keil,  to  refer  it  to  the  land  proper.  It  became 
false,  as  it  were,  along  with  its  apostate  inliabitants. 

Ver.  26.  Mocked  them.  This  probably  refers 
to  their  religious  customs.  He  ridiculed  them 
and  sought  to  bring  them  into  contempt. 

Ver.  27.  Since  the  time  that  a  prophet  aji- 
peared  not.  This  was  since  the  time  of  iVI.alachi. 
Grimm  remarks  :  "  His  choosing  this  terminus  a 
quo  rather  than  the  destruction  of  the  temple  or, 
as  .Josephus  does,  the  Babylonian  exile,  shows  that 
he  regarded  the  extinction  of  the  spirit  of  proph- 
ecy among  their  great  national  calamities,  at  leiist 


520 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


as  on  a  level  with  them.  The  assertion  of  the 
writer,  however,  seems  here  somewhat  exagger- 
ated, since  the  snfferings  of  Israel  in  the  time  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  must  have  been  quite  as 
great. 

Ver.  29.  The  Kal  before  apiip  at  the  beginning 
of  tlie  apodosis,  after  a  preceding  relative  clause, 
is  Heliraistic.  Cf.  Thiersch,  De  Pititattuchi  Vers. 
Ale.r.,  p.  181.      See,  also,  remarks  at  Juditli  v   20. 

Ver.  33.  Wilderness  of  Thecoe,  the  district  ly- 
ing aliout  Tckoa,  especially  to  the  east  of  it.  It 
is  called  Midbar  (Greek,  epTj/uos),  desert,  in  2 
Chron.  XX.  20.  —  Cistern  [or  uelf]  Asphar.  This 
spot  is  at  present  unknown. 

Ver.  34.  Bacchides  doubtless  marched  im- 
mediately on  the  reception  of  the  news.  But 
why  did'  he  cross  the  Jordan  7  It  would  seem 
that  verses  35-42  give  the  reason,  and  are  to  be 
regarded  as  parenthetical.  What  is  said  in  verse 
43  is  essentially  a  going  back  to  the  thought  of  the 
present  ver>e.  The  fact  that  verses  3.5-42  form 
a  parenthesis  is  properly  indicated  in  the  A.  V., 
the  aorist  being  rendered  in  certain  cases  as  plu- 
perfect. 

Ver.  35.     Nabatsei.     Cf.  remarks  at  v.  25. 

Ver.  36.  Medaba.  Originally  Med'ba,  a  city 
of  the  Moabites,  and  subsequently  a  possession  of 
the  Amorites.  It  was  taken  from  the  latter  by 
Israel,  and  assigned  to  the  tribe  of  Keuben. 
(Numb.  xxi.  21-30.)  Cf.  Kneucker  in  Schenkel's 
Bih.  Xer.,  A".  V. 

Ver.  37.  With  a  great  escort.  Ilopoiro/iir^s 
proljably  refers  here  to  an  armed  escort.  Cf. 
Polyb.,  XV.  5,  7. 

Ver.  42.  The  marsh  of  Jordan.  At  certain 
seasons  of  the  year  the  Jordan  overflowed  its 
banks  to  a  considerable  extent,  especially  at  a 
point  on  the  east  bank,  just  before  emptying  into 
the  Dead  Sea,  which  place  seems  to  be  hire  re- 
ferred to.  Hence  a  morass  (e'Aos)  was  formed, 
which,  as  tlie  article  sliows,  was  well  known  at 
that  time. 

Ver.  43.  With  this  verse  the  thought,  broken 
off  in  verse  34  for  the  |iurpose  of  making  an  ex- 
planation, is  again  resumed.  Bacchides  had 
crossed  over  to  the  west  side  of  the  river  and  taken 
possession  of  the  usual  ford  at  this  point :  also,  as  it 
would  appear  from  verse  45,  of  one  farther  up 
the  river,  in  order  to  attack  Jonathan  as  well  in 
the  rear  as  in  front. 

Ver.  47.  To  smite  Bacchides.  Grimm  thinks 
the  force  of  Baecliides  is  here  meant.  But  Keil 
justly  dissents.  The  contests  of  individuals  formed 
no  small  part  of  ancient  warfare. 

Ver.  48.  The  farther  bank,  /.  e.,  the  west 
bank,  rii  Tcpav.  being  understood  here  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  combatants.  Jonathan  took 
the  o|i]iortunity  to  cross  the  Jordan  while  the  mo- 
mentary withdrawal  of  Bacchides  made  it  pos- 
sible. 

Ver.  49.  About  a  thousand.  Josephus  says 
2,000,  and  some  MSS.  of  miuor  importance,  3,000. 


Ver.  50.  Thamnatha-Pharathon.  This  is 
probably  the  Hebrew,  n:r;n,  or  n~i^::ri,  Tim 
nath  (cf.  Josh.,  xv.  57;  xix.  43,  and  Judg.  xii. 
15),  and  the  Pharathon  seems  to  have  been  added 
to  distinguish  it  from  some  other  place  of  the 
same  name.  The  latter  word  is  joined  to  the  for- 
mer in  the  Vulgate,  Syriae  and  in  Josephus  by 
Kal,  but.  as  we  judge,  improperly.  —  Tephon. 
Teffiih  west  of  Hebron  (Josh.  xv.  53). 

Ver.  52.  Bethsura.  See  iv.  29.  —  Gazara. 
Sec  iv.  15,  "  Gazera." 

Ver.  54.  The  one  hundred  and  fifty-third  year 
of  the  Seleucian  era  would  be  E.  C.  160.  —  Wall 
of  the  inner  court  of  the  sanctuary.  This  was 
the  wall  that  separated  the  co\irt  of  the  priests 
from  that  of  the  people.  (Cf.  art.  "  Temple  "  in 
Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  and  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.) 
Bv  razing  this  wall  Alcimus  meant  to  destroy  the- 
special  theocratical  character  of  the  temple.  And 
it  is  called  "  the  works  of  the  prophets"  as  hav- 
ing been  planned  aud  built  under  the  direction  of 
prophetic  inspiration  (cf.  Ex.xxv.  9,  40;  1  Chron. 
xxviii.  19),  particularly  —  the  temple  of  Zerub- 
babel  —  through  the  enthusiasm  for  the  work  in- 
spired by  Haggai  and  Zechariah. 

Ver.  55.  Mfas  smitten.  Grimm  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  moderation  of  the  writer  here,  who 
does  not  say  that  it  was  God  who  brought  this 
atHiction  upon  Alcinnis,  but  leaves  it  to  the  mind 
of  the  reader  to  supply  that  thought. 

Ver.  57.  Bacchides  ....  returned.  It  was 
at  the  desire  of  Alcimus  that  he  had  gone  to 
Judffia  in  order  to  support  the  former  in  his  aspi- 
rations for  the  office  of  high  priest  (cf.  vii.  5  ff.), 
and  now  that  he  was  dead  he  apparently  did  not 
think  it  ueedful  to  remain  any  longer. 

Ver.  61.  And  they  took.  Josephus  would 
make  this  refer  to  the  party  of  Bacchides,  but 
Jonathan  and  his  friends  are  doubtless  meant. 

Ver.  62.  Bethbasi.  This  place  has  not  been 
identified.  Josephus  names  it  (Antii^.,  xiii.  1, 
§  5.),  Belhalarja. 

Ver.  63.  Sent  word  to,  /.  e.,  he  called  out  his 
adherents,  the  apostate  Jews  and  others. 

Ver.  66.  The  Odomera,  here  mentioned  aa 
having  been  smitten  by  Jonathan,  was,  appar- 
ently, a  Bedouin  chief,  as  was  the  Phasiron  spoken 
of. 

Ver.  67.  The  forces  of  Jonathan  had  become, 
perhaps,  stronger,  and  were,  at  least,  in  better 
courage,  through  their  recent  victories. 

Ver.  73.  This  interim  of  peace  lasted  until  b. 
c.  152,  /.  e.,  to  the  time  of  the  war  between  Deme- 
trius aud  Alexander  for  the  throne  of  Syria  (x. 
1,).  —  Machmas.  On  the  borders  of  Benjamin, 
nine  Kouian  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  now  Mukfi- 
mas.  Jonathan's  pi  ivileges  at  this  time  as  a  sub- 
ject of  the  Syrian  king,  seem  not  to  have  been 
verv  extensive,  as  we  learn  from  x.  6  ff.  in  what 
is  offered  to  him  by  Demetrius  in  case  he  will  es- 
pouse, with  his  adherents,  the  latter's  causB- 


Chapter  X. 


ochus,' 


the  hundred  and  sixtieth  year  Alexander  Epiphanes,  the  son  of  Anti 
t  up  and  took  Ptolemais ;  and  they  '  received  him,  and  ^  he  reigned 


Ver.  1.  — '  A.  V 
ihe  Bake  of  clearness). 


went  up 

omits  And 


-  A,  the  .<o;i  of  .\ntiocliii9,  siirnnmed  Epiphanes  (I  have  cbftQf;ed  the  order,  foe 
s  for  the  people  hat.  *  by  means  whereof. 


1   MACCABKES.  521 


2  there.    And  ^  when  king  Demetrius  heard  of  it,'  he  gathered  together  an  exceeding 

3  great  army,^  and  went  forth  against  him  to  fight.     And  *  Demetrius  sent  letters 

4  unto  Jonathan  with  conciliating  ^  words,  so  as  to  enhance  his  greatness.'  For  said 
he.  Let  us  be  beforehand  in  making  '  peace  with  him,  before  he  join  with  Alexander 

5  against  us  ;  for  *  he  will  remember  all  the  evils  that  we  have  brought  to  pass '  against 

6  him,  and  against  bis  brethren  and  his  nation.^"  And  "  he  gave  him  authority  to  gather 
together  an  army,'^  and  to  provide  weapons,  and  that  he  should  be  his  ally  ;  "  he 
commanded  also  that  the  hostages  that  were  in  the  fortress  '■*  should  be  delivered 

7  to  '^  him.    And  Jonathan  came  '^  to  Jerusalem,  and  read  the  letters  in  the  audience 

8  of  all  the  people,  and  of  them  that  were  in  the  fortress.  And  they  "  were  sore  afraid 
when  they  heard  that  the  king  bad  given  him  authority  to  gather  together  an  army. 

9  And  they  of  the  fortress  "  delivered  the  "  hostages  unto  Jonathan,  and  he  delivered 

10  them  unto  their  parents.     And  Jonathan  dwelt  -"  in  Jerusalem,  and  began  to  build 

11  and  restore'"'  the  city.  And  he  commanded  the  workmen  to  buUd  the  walls  and 
mount"-  Sion  round  about  with  square  stones  for  fortification  ;  and  they  did  so. 

12  And"'  the  strangers  that  were  in  the  fortresses  which  Bacchides  had  built,  fled; 
13,  14  and  ^  every  man  left  his  place,  and  returned  into  his  land.-*    Only  at  Bethsura  "' 

certain  of  those  that  had  forsaken  the  law  and  the  commandments  remained  be- 
1.5  hind  ;  -''  for  it  was  their  ^  place  of  refuge.    And  when  the  king  "'  Alexander  heard  ^ 
what  promises  Demetrius  had  sent  unto  Jonathan,  and  ''  it  was  told  him  of  the  bat- 
tles and  valiant'^  acts  which   he  and   his   brethren  had  done,  and  of  the  toils  and 

1 6  troubles  ^^  they  had  endured,  he  said.  Shall  we  find  another  such  **  man  ?     And 

17  now  ^  we  wUl  make  him  our  friend  and  ally.  And  '°  he  wrote  a  letter,"  and  sent '' 
unto  him  according  to  these  words,  saying, 

18,  19       King  Alexander  to  /n's  brother  .Jonathan  sendeth  greeting.     We  have  heard 

20  of  thee,  that  thou  art  a  man  of  great  valor,^'  and  meet  to  be  our  friend.  And  " 
now  tills  day  we  have  appointed  thee  as  ^'  high  priest  of  thy  nation,  and  to  be  called 
the  king's  friend ;  (and  ^  he  sent  him  a  purple  robe  and  a  crown  of  gold)  and  thou 
art  to  be  thoughtful  of  our  affairs,'"  and  keep  friendship  with  us. 

21  And  ^*  in  the  seventh  month  of  the  hundred  and  sixtieth  year,  at  the  feast  of  the 
tabernacles,  .Jonathan  put  on  the  holy  robe,  and  gathered  together  forces,  and  pro- 
vided many  arms.''* 

22,  23  And  when  Demetrius  heard  of  these  things,''*  he  was  sorry,*'  and  said.  Why 
have  we  done  this,*"  that  Alexander  hath  anticipated  "  us  in  making*"   amity  with 

24  the  Jews  to  strengthen  himself  ?    I  also  will  write  unto  them  words  of  enoourage- 

25  men  t,  and /)romjse  ^Aem  dignities  and  gifts,  that  I  may  have  their  aid.  And  he 
wrote  to  them  *'  to  this  effect : 

26  King  Demetrius  unto  the  nation  *"  of  the  Jews  sendeth  greeting.  Whereas  you 
have  kept  the  *'  covenants  with  us,  and  continued  in  our  friendship,  and  have  not 
joined  **  yourselves  with  our  enemies,  we  have  heard  of  it,  and   have  been  **  glad. 

27  And  *'^  now  continue  ye  still  to  keep  faith  toward  *'  us.  and  we  will  repay  you  with 

28  good  things  for  what  *'  you  do  in  our  behalf.     And  we  *'  will  grant  you  many  im- 

29  munities,  and  give  you  presents.""     And  now  I  do  free  you,  and "'  release  all  the 

Vers.  2-5.  —  1  A.  V. :  Now.  ^thereof.  »  host.  'Moreover.  ^  loving  (elpTirDcoi!).  «  Ae  magnified  him. 
'  first  make.        ^  else.        *  done.        lo  people. 

Vers.  6-9.  —  "  A.  V. :  Wherefore.  12  a  host  "  weapons,  that  he  might  aid  him  in  battle.  "  tower. 

•^  amils  to.        '«  Then  came  J.        "  tower  :  who.        '»  a  host.    Whereupon  ....  tower.        '»  tlteir. 

Vers.  10-14.  —  ™  A.  V. :  This  done,  J.  settled  himself  (cf.  ix.  73).  ^  repair.  »  the  (the  article  seems  out  of  place 
in  Eng.)  mount.  »  Then.  «  away  ;  insomuch  as.  -'■  went  ....  own  country.  ^  (The  form  is  Bai^irovpoi; 
in  III.  X.  23.  44.  65.  al.)        ^  stiU.        2'  X.  23.,  eis  for  ayro?!. 

Vers.  15-18.— -»  A.  V.  ;  Now  when  king.  »  had  heard.  »'  loAen  also.  3=  noble.  M  the  pains  that. 

"  such  another.  '=  now  therefore.  =»  confederate.    Upon  this.        "  a  letter  (the  word  is  plural  in  form,  but 

clearly  only  one  letter  is  meant.    Of.  XI.  29,  xii.  5,  7,  19,  xiv.  20,  xv.  1).        "  sent  it. 

Vers.  19-21.  —  3*  A.  V.  :  power  (Swaros  itrxui,  but  his  bravery  is  referred  to,  as  at  ii.  42,  H  passim).  *"  Wherefore 

*i  ordain  thee  (the  form  tcaeearojea  (eo-roita,  1  Mace.  xi.  34)  for  Kadiu-rriKa  is  found  in  the  LXX.  also  at  Jer.  vi.  17)  to  be 
tne         *2  and  thereivilhal.  ^  require  tfiee  to  take  our  part  {ippovetv  to.  r]tiSiv.    These  words  are  to  be  connected  by 

zeugma,  with  KadetrraKafjifv  (re).        "  So.        *5  much  armour. 

Vers.  22-2.5.  — "  A.  v.:  Whereof  ....  heard.  "  fcrv  sorry.  "  What  have  we  done.  "prevented.  «i  (for 
KaTotfeVdat,  III.  X.  19.  al.  offer  KaraXafieadai^  but  it  is  not  allowed  with  the  dative  following.)  01  He  sent  unto  them 
therefore. 

Vers.  26-31. — ^  A.  V. :  people-  ^  omits  the.  *•  friendship,  not  joining.  ^  hereof^  B.nA  axe.  "Wherefore. 
^  be  faithful  unto.        6^  well  recompense  you  for  the  thins:s.         ta  omits  we.         00  rewards.  "  and  for  your  sake 


522  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


30  Jews,  from  tributes,^  and  the  tax  on  ^  salt,  and  from  the  crown  taxes;'  and* 
that  which  falleth  to  '  me  to  receive  for  the  third  of  °  the  seed,  and  half '  the 
fruit  of  the  trees,  I  leave  off,*  from  this  day  forth,  to  take  it  from  the  land  of  Juda, 
and  from  ^   the  three  provinces  '"  which  are  added  thereunto  from  "  Samaria  and 

31  Galilee,  from '-  this  day  forth  and'*  for  evermore."     Let  Jerusalem  also  be  holy 

32  and  free,  with  the  borders  thereof  ;  so  the  tenths  and  the  gifts."  And  I  yield  up 
my  authority  over  the  fortress  which  is  at  .lerusalem,'^  and  give  it  to  the  high  priest, 

S3  that  he  may  place  in  it  men  whom  "  he  shall  choose  to  keep  it.  And  as  a  free  gift 
I  '^  set  at  liberty  every  one  of  the  Jews,  that  have  been  carried  '°  captives  out  of  the 
laud  of  Juda  -°  into  any  part  of  my  kingdom  ;  and  I  will  that  all  mi/  officers  remit  ^* 

34  the  tributes  also  -"■'  of  their  cattle.  And  -^  I  will  that  all  the  feasts,  and  the  ^*  sab- 
baths, and  new  moons,  and  solemn  "^  days,  and  three "'  days  before  the  feast,  and 
three  °^  days  after  the  feast,  shall  be  full  "  days  of  Immunity  "'  and  freedom  °'  for 

35  all  the  Jews  who  are  ^°  in  my  realm.     And  no  man  '^  shall  have  authority  to  bring 

36  action  against,'^  or  to  molest  any  of  them  in  any  matter.^  And  '^  I  will  '^  that 
there  be  enrolled  amongst  the  king's  forces  about  thirty  thousand  men  of  the  Jews, 

37  and  pay  shall  be  given  them,'^  as  is  suitable  for  "  all  the  king's  forces.  And  of  them 
some  shall  be  placed  in  the  king's  great  fortresses,^'  of  whom  also  some  shall  be  ap- 
pointed to  the  offices  *°  of  the  kingdom,  which  are  of  trust ;  and  I  will  that  their 
officials  and  rulers  be  from  *°  themselves,  and  that  they  live  after  their  laws,  as 

38  also  *'  the  king  hath  commanded  in  the  land  of  Juda.*^  And  concerning  the  three 
provinces  that  have  been  ■**  added  to  Judfea  from  the  country  of  Samaria,  let  them 
be  joined  to  Jud^a,  and  be  reckoned  with  it  so  that  they  ma}'  be  **  under  one,  and 

39  obey  no  other  ''^  authority  than  the  high  priest's.  Ptolemais,^^  and  the  land  per- 
taining thereto,  I  give  as  a  present  to  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem  for  the  proper 

40  expense "   of   the   sanctuary.     And  *^   I   myself  give   every  year  fifteen  thousand 

41  shekels  of  silver  out  of  the  king's  revenues  *°  from  the  places  fitting.^"  And  all  the 
additional,^'   which  the  officials  ^^  paid  not  in,   as   in   the  ^'  former  years,'*  from 

42  henceforth  they  shall  give  ^  towards  the  works  of  the  temple.  And  besides  this, 
five  '^  thousand  shekels  of  silver,  which  they  took  from  the  requirements  °'  of  the 
temple  out  of  the  income  ^*  year  by  year,  these  also  ^'  shall  be  released,  because  they 

43  belong"'  to  the  priests  that  minister.  And  as  many  as  may  flee^'  unto  the  temple 
at  Jerusalem,  or  to  any  of  its  precincts,*''  being  indebted  ^'  unto  the  king,  ov  for  any 

44  other  matter,  let  them  be  at  liberty,  and  all  that  they  have  in  my  realm.  For  the 
building  also  and  restoring"  of  the  works  of  the  sanctuarj- the  ^  expense  **  shall 

45  be  given  also  from  '''  the  king's  revenue.'*  And  '^  for  the  building  of  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  and  the  fortifying  thereof  xoxmi  about,  the  expense  shall  also  be  '°  given 
out  of  the  king's  revenue,  as  also  for  the  building  "  of  the  walls  in  Judaea. 

I  (62.  74.  Co.  Aid.  add  v^iXv  to  the  verb).  i  (f^ipuc,  apparently,  poll  taxes.)  -from  the  customs  of  (TtjxTjs  —  lit., 

pn'ce  —  ToO  oAo?).         s  from  crown /(i:Ee5  (rod' <rTe<^a;'wc.   See  Cotti.).        *  and  from.         ^  appertaineth  unto.  ^ part 

of.         '  the  half  of.  ^  release  it.  ^  so  that  tkey  shall  not  be  taken  of  ...  .  Judea,  nor  of.         ^^  goremmentfl 

(see  CoTTt.).        11  out  of  the  country  of.         *-  (The  Kat  found  before  this  word  in  the  text.  rec.  is  omitted  by  III.  X.  23. 

64.  93.  106.  Old  Lat.l  "  omits  and.  "  (For  alwva.,  III.  X.  19.  23.  al.  Old  Lat.  offer  airavra.  Cf.  xi.  36.  It  is 
better  Greek,  is  therefore  to  be  suspected.)  i"*  both /row  tenths  and  tributes  (these  words  look  back  to  a^eifit*^,  i.e., 
if^et^eVa  eimiiaav  are  to  be  supplied).  The  form  rirot  for  ctrrw,  here  used,  is  also  the  common  one  in  the  New  Testament. 
It  is  the  Doric  inflection.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  79. 

Vers.  32,  33.  —  i^  A.  V. :  as  for  the  tower  ....  I  yield  up  my  authority  over  it.  *"  set  in  it  such  men  as. 

18  Moreover  I  freely.        i^  were  carried.        ^^  judea.        2i  (Lit.,  let  all  remit.)        «  even. 

Vers.  34-36. —  =' A.  v.:  Furthermore.  ^  omi(s  the.  '^  {iiT(iScSei.yij,ivm,  appointed.  Cf.  Com.)  "  the  three. 
"  all  (here,  whole,  i.  e.,full).  28  (are^eias  =  freedom  from  tax  and  service.)  29  (i,^eVews  =  remission  of  tase* 

and  service.  Both  words  are  used  for  emphasis. )  so  ornits  who  are.  ^i  Also  no  man.  3^  meddle  with  them  (lor 
the  use  of  npaatreiv  tivol  in  this  sense,  cf.  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.^  s.  v.).  S3  (,\  g,^  suit.)  34  omits  And.  3j  ^-iu 
further.        ^  unto  whom  ....  be  given.        37  belongeth  to. 

Vers.  37,  38.  —  ^  A.  V. :  strong  holds.         39  get  over  the  affairs.        *o  overseers  and  governors  be  of.  *i  own  laws 

even  as.  *2  judea.  *3  governments  fsee  Com.)  that  are.  **  with  Judea,  that  they  may  be  ...  .  reckoned  to 

be  (lit.,  joined  to  J.  to  be  reckoned  {with  it),  to  the  end  that,  etc.).        *2  nor  bound  to  obey  other. 

Vera.  39-41.  — *^  A.  V.  ;  As  for  P.         *^  it  as  &/ree  gift  ....  necessary  (Fritzsche  receives  irpotTKaffriKovirav  from  52. 

65.  al.  including,  virtually,  III.  44.  106.  Aid. ;  text,  rec,  KaBiJKovaav)  expences.  *3  Moreover  I.  ***  accounts, 
w  appertaining  (atojicwi'  :=:  irpotr^Kutv.  Cf.  Eph.  v.  4).  "  the  overplus  {irKeoi'd^ov  =  not  a  balance  in  the  treasury 
which  would  be  a  very  unlikely  circumstance,  but  what  was  outstanding  in  dues  to  the  temple  service.  Cf.  Com.}. 
32  officers         ^  omits  the.        34  time.        36  ghall  be  given. 

Vers.  42,  43.  —  ce  4 .  y.  ;  the  five.  37  uges.  38  accounts.  39  even  those  (Ain^j.  3o  appertain 

31  whosoever  they  be  that  flee.  32  or  be  within  the  liberties  [ev  natrL  t.  op.,  but  probably  a  mistaken  translation  for  ci# 
wavra  Ta  opja  avTov,  as  dependent  on  ^vyairtv)  thereof.        33  o^fiXuv,  HI.  X.  62.  74. 106.  Old  Lat.  ;  text,  rec,  nom.  plur 

Vers.  44,  46  —  ^x   V.:  repairing.  35  ornits  the.  3*  expences.  37  of.  88  accounts.  8»  Yea,  and 

*A  expences  shall  be        '^  accounts,  aa  also  for  building. 


1   MACCABEES.  523 


46  But  *  when  Jonathan  and  the  people  heard  these  words,  they  credited  them  not " 
nor  received  them,  because  they  remembered  the  great  evil  that  he  had  done  in 

47  Israel,  and  how  he '  had  afflicted  them  very  sore.  And  *  with  Alexander  they 
were  well  pleased,  because  he  was  the  first  that  proposed  a  ^  peace  with  them,  and 

48  they  remained  allies  °  with  him  always.     And  the  king   Alexander  gathered  to- 

49  gether  '  great  forces,  and  camped  over  against  Demetrius.  And  '  the  two  kings 
joined'   battle,  and  Demetrius'  army  ^°  fled  ;  and  Alexander'^  followed  n/i'er  him, 

50  and  prevailed  against  them.  And  he  '-  continued  the  battle  very  sore  until  the  sun 
went  down  ;  and  that  day  Demetrius  fell.^' 

51  And  "  Alexander  sent  ambassadors  to  Ptolemy  '^  king  of  Egypt  with  a  message 
to  this  effect : 

52  Forsomuch  as  I  have  returned  "  to  my  realm,  and  have  seated  myself  on  "  the 
throne  of  my  fathers,^'  and  have  gotten  the  dominion,  and  overthrown  Demetrius, 

58  and  recovered  our  country  ;  yea,  I  "  joined  battle  with  him,  and '"'  he  and  his  host 
were  discomfited  -^  by  us,  and  we  have  seated  ourselves  on  ^'^  the  throne  of  his  king- 

54  dom  ;  so  now  ^  let  us  make  a  league  of  amity  together,  and  give  me  now  thy  daugh- 
ter to  wife ;  and  I  will  be  thy  son-in-law,  and  will  give  thee  ^*  and  her  gifts  worthy 
of  thee.^ 

55  And""  Ptolemy  the  king  gave  answer,  saying, 

Happy  be  the   day  wherein  thou  didst  return  into  the  land  of  thy  fathers,  and 

56  safest  on  '"  the  throne  of  their  kingdom.  And  now  will  I  do  to  thee,  as  thou  hast 
written  ;  but  meet  me  ^  at  Ptolemais,  that  we  may  see  one  another  ;  and  ^'  I  will 
marry  my  daughter'"  to  thee  as  thou  hast  said.'^ 

57  And'-  Ptolemy  went  out  of  Egypt,  he  and '^  his  daughter  Cleopatra,  and  they 

58  came  unto  Ptolemais  in  the  hundred  threescore  and  second  year.  And  the  king  '^ 
Alexander  met  him,  and  he  '^  gave  unto  him  his  daughter  Cleopatra,  and  celebrated 

59  her  marriage  at  Ptolemais  just  as  kings  do,"  with  great  glory.     And  the '"  king 

60  Alexander  wrote  ''  unto  Jonathan,  that  he  should  come  and  meet  him.  And  he 
went  in  state  ^'  to  Ptolemais,  and  *"  met  the  two  kings,  and  gave  them  and  their 

61  friends  silver  and  gold,  and  many  presents,  and  found  favor  in  their  sight.  And" 
pestilent  fellows  from  *-   Israel,  men  who  had  apostatized,^   assembled  themselves 

62  against"  him,  to  accuse  him;  and^  the  king  gave  them  no  attention.^''  And" 
the  king  commanded  to  take  off  Jonathan's  ■"  garments,  and  clothe  him  in  purple  ; 

63  and  they  did  so.  And  the  king  *^  made  him  sit  by  himself,  and  said  unto  his  chief 
oiRcers,^"  Go  with  him  into  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  make  proclamation,  that  no 
tnan  complain  against  him  concerning  any  suit,^^  and  let  no  man  trouble  him  con- 

64  cerning  any  matter.'^  And  it  came  to  pass  when  the  ^  accusers  saw  that  he  was 
honored  according  to  the  proclamation,^*  and  that  he  was  ^  clothed  in  purple,  they 

65  all  fled."     And "   the  king  honored  him,  and  enrolled  ^'  him  amongst  his  chief 

66  friends,  and  made  him  a  general  and  governor.  And  °'  Jonathan  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem with  peace  and  gladness. 

67  And  °°  in  the  hundred  threescore  and  fifth  year  came  Demetrius  son  of  Demetrius 

Vers.  46-50.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Now.  2  gave  no  credit  unto  them.  '  for  he.  *  But.  s  entreated  of /ti« 

6  were  confederate.  '  Then  gathered  king  A.         »  And  after.        ^  had  joined.         '"  battle,  Demetrius'  (Fritzache 

adopts  A.  here,  and  "A.  immediately  after,  with  III.  X.  44.  71.  74.  93.  106.  Co. ;  text.  Tec.  reverses  the  order.  Grimm 
and  Keil  do  not  favor  it)  host.  ii  but  A.  (see  preceding  note).  i-  (If  A.  is  subject,  as  seems  probable  from  what 

follows,  the  view  of  Fritzsche  appears  less  likely  to  be  correct.    Cf.  Com.)        '«  was  B.  slain. 

Vers.  51-54.  —  "  A.  V. :  Afterward.  '6  ptolemee  (1  shall  write  hereafter  as  in  the  text).  ^^  am  come  agato 

"  am  set  in.  18  progenitors.  '»  for  after  I  had.  '^^  both.  21  ,pas  discomfited.  ^^  go  that  we  sit  in.  23  now 
therefore.         ^*  both  thee.  ^'  according  to  thy  dignity. 

Vers.  65-57.  —^'  A.  V.  :  Then.  "  in.  "  meet  me  therefore.  ^  for.  "O  {iniyafiftiieiim  =  ImUmake  a  eon- 
nection  by  marriage.    Cf .  ver.  64.)        "  according  to  thy  desire.        ^^  go.        3.1  with. 

Vers.  58-60.  —  s*  A  V. ;  where  king.         »«  meeting  him,  he.  5°  (P.,  with  great  glory,  as  the  manner  o/kings  is.) 

"Now.        38  had  written.        ^b  who  thereupon  went  honourably  {^era  So^tj?).        *"  where  he. 

Vers.  61-63.  — *i  A.  V. :  At  that  time  rertain.  *^  of.  <3  men  of  a  wicked  life  (avSpf^  jrapdyofioi).  **  (irpo?,  but 
in.  44.  56.  62.  74.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  eip'.)         «  but.         «  would  not  hear  them.         "  Yea,  more  than  that.  "  his 

|lit.,  *'  And  the  king  commanded  and  they  took  off  from  J.  his,"  etc.).        *^  A.80  he.  ™  princes  ^apxovmv).        "  of 

any  matter  {cf.  ver.  86).  ^  and  that  (the  construction  la  changed  to  the  imperative)  no  man  trouble  (A.  V.  molest  at 
ver.  36)  him  for  any  mannCT-o/ cause. 

Vers.  64-67. —  ^  A.  V. :  Now  when  his.  m  (Lit.,  "  saw  hia  glory  aa  one  heralded  it,  and  him  clothed,'*  etc.) 

*6  omits  that  ho  waa.         ^  fled  all  away.         57  go,         a  wrote.  ^^  duke  and  partaker  of  his  dominion  (cf.  CSmi 

andEsd.  i.  6).    Afterward.  ^  Furthermore. 


524  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


€8  out  of  Crete  into  the  land  of  his   fathers.     And '  when  the  king  Alexander  heard 

69  of  it,  he  was  very  ^  sorry,  and  returned  unto  '  Antioch.  And  Demetrius  appointed 
Apollonius,  who  was  over  Coelesyria,  general;  and  he*  gathered  together  a  great 
army,^  and   camped  in  Jamnia,  and  sent  unto  Jonathan  the  high  priest,  saying, 

70  Thou  quite  °  alone  liftest  up  thyself  against -us,  and  I  have  become  a  laughin-g 
stock  and  reproach  '  for  thy  sake  ;  and  why  dost  thou  vaunt  thy  power'   against  us 

71  in  the  mountains  ?  Now  therefore,  if  thou  reliest  on  thy  forces,'  come  down  to  us 
into  the  plain, ^°  and  there  let  us  measure  our  strength  together  ;  for  with  me  is 

72  the  power  of  the  cities."  Ask  and  learn  who  I  am,  and  the  rest  that  take  our  part, 
and  they  will  say  that  your  ^-  foot  is  not  able  to  stand  before  us  ;  '^  for  thy  fathers 

73  were  "  twice  put  to  flight  in  their  '^  land.  And  ^^  now  thou  shalt  not  be  able  to 
withstand  ■"  the  horsemen  and  so  great  an  army  ^*  in  the  plain,  where  is  neither 
stone,  nor  pebble,"  nor  place  to  flee  u7ifo. 

74  But  -"  when  Jonathan  heard  tliese  words  of  Apollonius,  he  was  very  indignant ;  ** 
and  he  chose  out"  ten  thousand  men  and  went'-^  out  of  Jerusalem;  and  ^  Simon 

75  his  brother  met  him  to  "^  help  him.     And  he  pitched  his  tents  against  Joppe  ;  and 

76  they  of  the  city  shut  him  out.-^  because  Apollonius  had  a  garrison  in  Joppe ;  and 
they  foxight  against  -'  it.     And  -'  they  of  the  city  let  hini  in  for  fear ;  and  so  Jona- 

77  than  won  Joppe.  And  ™  when  Apollonius  heard  of  it,^"  he  ordered  '^  three  thou- 
sand horsemen,  with  a  great  force  of  footmen  under  arms,^^  and  went  to  Azotus  as 
though  he  would  pass  througli  it,^'  and  suddenly  he  advanced  ^*  into  the  plain,  because 

78  he  had  a  great  number  of  horsemen,  and  relied  on  them.'^    And  Jonathan  "  followed 

79  after  him  to  Azotus,  and  ''  the  armies  joined  battle.    And  ^'  Apollonius  had  left  be- 

80  hind  them^'  a  thousand  horsemen  in  ambush.'"'  And  Jonathan  learned'"  that  there 
was  an  ambushment  behind  him  ;  and  they  closed  in  around  his  army,  and  cast  *" 

81  darts  at  the  people,  from  morning  till  evening.''^    But  the  people  stood  still,  as  Jona- 

82  than  had  commanded  them  ;  and  their  horsemen  got "  tired.  And  Simon  advanced 
his  force,  and  engaged*^  the  footmen,  for  the  horsemen  were  spent;  and  they*' 

83  were  discomfited  by  him,  and  fled.  The  horsemen,  also,  were  *'  scattered  in  the 
plain  ;  **  and  they'"  fled  to  Azotus  ;  and  they  *'  went  into  Beth-dagon,  their  idol's 

84  temple,  for  safety.  And  ^  Jonathan  set  fire  to  ^^  Azotus,  and  the  cities  round  about 
it,  and  took  their  spoils  ;  and  the  temple  of  Dagon,  and  ^^  them  that  had   fled  to- 

85  gether '^  into  it,  he  burnt  with  fire.     And"  there  were  burnt  and  slain  with  the 

86  sword  about  ^^  eight  thousand  men.  And  from  thence  Jonathan  removed,^'  and 
camped  against  Ascalon,  and  they  "  of  the  city  came  forth,  and  met  him  with  great 

87  honors.^'     And  Jonathan   returned   to  Jerusalem  with  his  troops,''  having  many 

88  spoils.     And  it  came  to  pass  when  the  ^  king  Alexander  heard  these  things,  he 

Vers.  68,  69.  —  i  A.  V.:  whereof.         ^  heard  tell,  he  was  right.         '  into.  *  Then  D.  made  {itaTcfmjae.    Others, 

conJirt?ied)  A.  the  governor  of  Coelosyria  his  general  {Others  would  not  supply  this  thought,  but  it  seems  to  be  plainly 
Buggested  by  the  Greek.    So  the  Vulg.,  consthuit  ApoUonium  ducem),  who.        ^  host. 

Vers.  70-73.  — ^  A.  V. :  o?nits  quite  {superl.  of  jnofos.    Cf.  2  Mace.  x.  70  ;  3  Mace.  iii.  19).  ^  and  I  am  laughed 

to  scorn  for  thy  sake,  and  reproached.  ^  (Lit.,  liast  thou  authority,  i.  e.,  here,  exercise,  arrogate,  it.    Cf.  the  Ueb. 

tOvt"  atEccles.  ii.  19  :  viii.  9.)        "  trustest  in  thine  own  strength.       ^^  plain  field.        ii  try  the  matter  ....  (64.  Old 

-     T 

Lat.,  TToXtfiwv).  ^- shall  tell  thee  that  thy.  13  our  face.  '*  have  been  '^  their  own.  ^c  wiierefore.  "abide 
*s  a  power.        ^^  flint. 

Vers.  74-76.  —  20  a.  V. :  So.  21  moved  in  Ai.s  mind  (too  tame.    Sjt.,  iratus  et  contTnotus  est).  22  choosing. 

23  he  ^vent.        24  where.         25  for  to.  -'^'  but  they  (Fritzsche  receives  oi  from  III.  X.  55.  62.  64.  al.)  of  Joppe  .... 

out  of  the  city.        27  there.    Then  Jonathan  laid  siege  unto.        -^  whereupon. 

Vers.  77,  78.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Whereof.  ■">  omits  of  it.  3i  took  Cn-apece'/SoAe.    I  render  by  "  ordered  ....  under 

arms."'  This  verb,  with  the  accus.,  is  used  in  the  classics  to  signify  to  put  an  army  in  battle  array,  and  so  Wahl's  Clavis 
would  render  here.  But  cf.  the  following  jcal  ejiopevftrj.  There  is  no  intimation  that  he  went  with  only  a  part  of  hia 
army  to  Ashilod.  Hence  Grimm  render.'*  by  "  marsch/ertig  mach^n,''  "  made  ready  for  the  march  ;  "  Keil,  "  Schlagfertig 
ordnen,"  "put  them  in  readiness  for  battle  ").  ^'  host  of  footmen.  ^  one  that  journeyed  (I  adopt  the  marg.  read- 
ing). 34  therewithal  drew  him  forth  {marg.,  "  led  his  company."  The  meaning  is  rather  that  on  approaching  th« 
place  he  suddenly  diverged  info  the  plain  so  as  to  draw  the  .Jewish  army  in  that  direction).  ^^  jq  whom  he  put  nu 
trust.        M  Then  J.  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  the  proper  name,  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  al.).        «'  where. 

Vers.  79-S2.  — '"  A.  V. :  Now.        «»  omits  behind  them.         *»  (iv  icpvirTcu  ;  III.  X.  23.  44.  al.,  icpvin-is.)         *'  knew. 
»2  for  they  had  compassed  in  his  host  and  cast  {lit.,  shook  out).  *3  (Fritzsche  adopts  SciAtjs  from  III.  X.  19.  23.  44 

al. ;  text,  tec,  tawipa';).        «  so  the  enemies^  horses  were.         <■"■  Then  brought  (lit.,  drew)  S.  forth  his  host  ....  Bet 
them  against.        *"  who. 
■     Vers.  83-85.  — "  A.  V. :  being.  "field.  <•  offlitj  they.  »  But.  «  on.  »  with.  »  were  fled 

M  Thus.        «5  well  nigh. 

Vers.  S6-8S.  — '"  A.  V. :  removed  his  host.         "  where  the  m«».  "  pomp  '^  After  this  returned  J.  and  hit 

dwt,  nntn  .Jerusalem.         ^  Now  when. 


1   MACCABEES. 


525 


89  honored  Jonathan  yet  more.  And  he  ^  sent  him  a  buckle  of  gold,  such  as  it  is  ciis- 
tomery  to  give  to  the  relatives  of  kings ;  ^  he  gave  him  also  Accaron  with  all  '  the 
borders  thereof  in  possession. 

Ver.   89.  —  *  A.  V. :  omitshe.  ^  as  the  use  is  (I  render  freely,  according  to  the  sense)  to  be  given  to  such  ague 

•of  the  kings'  blood  (c£.  Coin.,  and  Ters.  31,  32,  chap.  xi).  3  omits  all. 


Chapter  X. 


Ver.  1.  In  the  hundred  and  sixtieth  year. 
This  was  b.  c.  1 53.  —  Son  of  Antiochus.  He  was 
aiot  really  a  son,  but  was  so  called  for  political  pur- 
poses. The  enemies  of  Demetrius  put  him  for- 
ward as  sou  of  Antiochus,  changed  his  name  to 
Alexander,  introduced  him  to  the  Roman  Senate 
;as  the  proper  heir  to  the  Syrian  throne,  and  there- 
by secured  for  him  an  army  by  which  his  preten- 
sions were  sustained.  Cf.  Polyb.,  xxxiii.  14,  15; 
Diod.  Sic.  in  Miiller's  Frarjin.  Hist.  Grrec,  ii. 
xii.  ff. ;  Liv.,  Epit.,  1.,  Hi. ;  Appian,  Sip-.,  Ixvii.  ; 
Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xiii.  2,  §  1.  It  is  hardly  likely  that 
prejudice  in  this  king's  favor  on  account  of  his 
friendliness  to  the  Jews  led  our  author,  as  Grimm 
suggests,  to  give  him  this  title,  "  Son  of  Anti- 
ochus." The  report  was  assiduously  circulated  in 
Syria  and  Asia  Minor  as  true,  and  he  seems  really 
to  have  believed  it.  Coins  have  been  discovered 
in  which  this  king  bears  the  title  "  Epiphanes  ;  " 
hence  the  supposition  of  Grotius  and  Michaelis, 
that  ToS  'Etritpavovs  should  be  read  is  of  no  account. 

Ver.  7.  And  of  them  that  were  in  the  for- 
tress. The  documents  may  not  have  been  read  at 
the  same  time  to  both,  but  to  the  latter  possibly 
'by  means  of  a  flag  of  truce 

Ver.  8.  Sore  afraid.  This  may  refer  both  to 
the  Greek,  and  the  believing,  party.  War  was 
4readed  alike  by  both.  By  the  one,  because  of 
fear  of  Jonathan's  revenge  ;  by  the  other,  on  ac- 
count of  the  cruelties  in  general  which  would  be 
likely  to  attend  it. 

Ver.  11.  With  square  stones  for  fortifica- 
tion. Michaelis  remarks;  "Jonathan  must  have 
had  a  very  good  idea  of  the  art  of  fortifying,  since 
Jerusalem  so  fortified  that  the  temple  was  at  the 
same  time  the  city's  citadel,  became  one  of  the 
largest  fortresses  of  the  old  world  whose  capture 
cost  the  Komaus,  in  their  three  sieges  {under 
Pompey,  Sosius,  and  Vespasian),  not  a  little  time 
and  trouble." 

Ver.  19.  'We  have  heard.  In  all  documents 
issued  by  kings  to  be  found  in  the  Books  of  Macca- 
bees, excepting  2  Mace.  ix.  20  ff.,  the  plural  form 
(plur.  of  majesty)  is  used  as  here.  This  is  not 
customary  in  the  canonical  books  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. 'Cf.  Ez.  iv.  18-22;  Dan.  iii.  29.  The 
plural,  however,  in  the  present  book  is  generallv 
used  onlvat  the  beginning  of  such  documents,  the 
singular  beiug  subsequently  employed. 

Ver.  20.  As  high  priest.  The  office  had  re- 
mained vacant  since  the  death  of  Alcimus,  seven 
years  before.  Strictly  speaking,  .Jonathan  had  no 
right  to  this  position  since  it  was  hereditary.  But 
it  had  already  for  a  long  time  been  subordinated 
to  the  local  secular  authority.  Moreover,  there 
was  no  legitimate  successor  "to  the  dignity  then 
living,  while  Jonathan  himself  was  of  priestly  de- 
scent. —  And  he  sent  him  a  purple  (robe), 
namely,  as  a  token  of  royalty  (viii.  14),  or  of  sjie- 
cial  favor  (Esth.  viii.  15).  This  sentence,  which 
the  writer  throws  in  parenthetically,  shows  that 
if  he  derived  the  contents  of  this  letter  from  orig- 
inal sources,  he  did  not  consider  it  essentia\  ihat 
.ihey  should  be  given  in  their  literal  form. 


Ver.  21.  Jonathan  officiated  for  the  first  time 
as  high  priest  at  the  Fea,st  of  Tabernacles,  on 
the_15th  of  the  mouth  Tisri  (October)  b.  c.  153. 
This  is  the  same  year  in  which  the  events  de- 
scribed X.  1  ff.  took  place.  Hence  Michaelis, 
Grimm,  Wieseler,  and  others  (cf.  remarks  .at  i.  10), 
think  that  the  author  of  the  present  book  must 
have  begun  the  computation  of  the  Seleucian  era 
from  the  beginning  of  Nisan  (April)  and  not  from 
Tisri,  since  these  events  could  not  have  all  taken 
place  within  the  shoit  space  of  fourteen  days.  But 
it  is  not  held  that  the  Seleucian  era  began  pre- 
cisely with  the  beginning  of  Tisri,  but  only  that  it 
began  in  the  fall  of  the  year.  Hence,  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  here  spoken  of  mai/  have  taken  place 
nearly  a  year  later  than  the  events  mentioned  in 
verse  1  ff.,  i.  e.,  at  the  close  of  the  year.  Cf.  Ex. 
xxiii.  16.  The  Jewish  civil  year  did  in  fact  be- 
gin with  Tisri.  Cf.  Keil,  Com.  in  loc,  and  Schii- 
rer,  Netitest,  Zeiigeschichle.  p.  17  f. 

Ver.  25.  Unto  the  nation  of  the  Jews.  Alex- 
ander had  written  directly  to  Jonathan.  Per- 
haps the  reason  for  this  "difference,  which  Jose- 
phus  notices  and  seeks  to  avoid,  by  asserting  that 
Alexander  wrote  to  Jonath.an  and  the  people, 
arises  from  the  really  different  relations  of  the 
rival  kings  to  the  Jewish  people.  Grimm  sees  in 
the  statement  proof  of  the  genuineness  of  our 
book  at  this  point. 

Ver.  29.  Tax  on  salt.  This  salt  was  taken 
from  the  Dead  Sea  (xi.  35),  and  hitherto  the  Syrian 
kings  had  demanded  a  tax  on  all  that  was  pro- 
duced.—  Crown  taxes.  This  tax  consisted,  at 
first,  of  golden  crowns,  for  which  gold  of  equal 
value  was  often  substituted.  Cf.  xiii.  37  ;  2  Mace, 
xiv.  4. 

Ver.  30.  The  oppressiveness  of  such  a  tax  may 
be  imagined.  But  that  the  amount  is  not  exag- 
gerated is  shown  by  Winer  (Reahcorterbuch,  under 
"Abgaben"),  who  cites  Pausanias  (iv.  14,  3),  re- 
specting a  tax  levied  by  the  Spartans  on  the 
Mcssenians,  amounting  in  times  of  need,  to  one 
half  of  what  was  harvested.  —  l^ofxav.  provinces. 
The  word  was  used  to  designate  the  departments 
into  which  ancient  Egypt  was  divided  and  the 
satrapies  of  the  old  Babylonian  empire.  Raw. 
linsou  translates  it  in  Herodotus  (ii.  165)  by  "  can- 
ton," and  in  the  notes  speaks  of  them  as  "  nomes." 
Cf.  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  s.  v.  These  three 
provinces  are  elsewhere  (xi.  34)  designated  as 
Aphserema,  Lydda,and  Ramathem,and  as  having 
been  added  to  Judasa  from  Samaria  (v.  39).  The 
words  and  Galilee,  in  the  present  verse,  are  gen- 
erally looked  upon  (so  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others) 
as  a  corruption,  or  a  blunder  of  the  writer.  Jo- 
sephus  thought  of  the  districts  of  Samaria,  Gali- 
lee, aud  Peraea.  Ewald  conjectures  that  the  words 
a:ro  rfls  are  to  be  repeated  before  ra\iA.ai'as,  and 
that  the  latter  was  meant  so  to  be  coordinatea 
with  Jud«a.  But  why  is  not  tlien  Galilee  in- 
cluded with  Judaea  in  the  .same  connection  below  ? 

Ver.  31.  Holy,  ;'.  e.,  sacred,  dedicated  to  God. 
—  The  tenths  and  the  gifts.  As  necessary  to 
the  support  of  the  temple  and  its  service,  these 


526 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


were  also  to  be  free  from  taxation.  Every  adult 
Israelite  was  expected  to  contribute,  every  year, 
half  a  shekel  in  silver  for  the  uses  of  the  tem- 
ple. 

Ver.  33.  Every  one  of  the  Jews,  Iloirai' 
^vxh^  'luvSa'taiv.  The  language  is  emphatic  and 
means  all,  whether  old  or  young,  men  or  women, 
evej\i/  fsfafilitish  person.  —  Tributes  also  of  their 
cattle.  The  seuse  is  not  clear.  The  reference 
may  be  to  a  road  tax  which  was  imposed  on  beasts 
of  burden.  Josephus,  however,  regarded  it  as 
giving  to  the  animals  of  the  Israelites  immunity 
from  a  forced  courier,  and  other  similar  service. 
Cf.  the  LXX.  at  1  Kings,  ix.  21 ;  2  Chron.  viii.  S, 
where  <p6pos  is  used  to  render  Dw,  as  also  in 
other  places. 

Ver.  34.  Solemn  days.  It  means  days  espe- 
cially set  apart  for  religious  ceremonies,  and  refers 
in  a  general  way  to  the  feasts  already  mentioned, 
and  others  of  a  like  character.  —  Three  days  be- 
fore the  feast  and  three  days  after  the  feast. 
This  time  was  ;illowed  in  order  to  give  those  liv- 
ing at  a  distance  from  Jerusalem  opportunity  to 
go  and  return. 

Ver.  36.  By  this  apparent  privilege  of  enter- 
ing his  army  which  Demetrius  grants  to  the  Jews, 
he  doubtless  means  to  put  a  check  upon  all  at- 
tempt at  revolution  on  their  part,  as  well  as  to 
provide  himself  with  a  potent  ally  against  Alex- 
ander. 

Ver.  39.  A  very  sagacious  stroke  on  the  part  of 
Demetrius,  since  this  city  was  now  in  the  possession 
of  Alexander,  although  properly  belouging  to  the 
former,  and  a  great  inducement  was  thereby  of- 
fered to  the  Jews  to  join  the  party  of  Demetrius 
and  dislodge  his  enemies  from  this  stronghold. 

Ver.  40.  Fifteen  thousand  shekels  of  silver. 
Cf.  on  the  different  v.qlues  of  the  shekel,  Keil, 
Archiiol.,  p.  599  ff.  ;  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  under 
"Shekel'*  and  "Money."  — From  the  places 
fitting,  i.  e.,  where  the  money  could  best  be  spared. 
This  offi'r  of  Demetrius  will  not  appear  strange, 
when  it  is  remembered  that  other  sovereigns,  as 
Darius  and  Artaxerxes  (Ez.  vi.  3,  7  ;  viii.  25)  had 
devoted  money  to  a  similar  purpose. 

Ver.  41.  All  the  additional,  ttSi'  t!i  Tr\eoyd(oy. 
Some  (Scholz.  Gaab)  make  this  refer  to  auj-  sur- 
plus found  iu  the  royal  treasury  after  the  ex- 
penses were  paid  !  Grimm,  with  Michaelis.  sup- 
poses that  it  relates  to  what  wa.s  behind  in  the 
amounts  pledged  to  the  support  of  the  temple  by 
previous  kings.  This  immense,  outstanding  sum 
was  now  to  he  gradually  (airi  Tot;  fm)  paid.  But 
this  seems  to  us  very  unlikeh'  on  the  face  of  it  and 
not  true  to  the  Greek.  The  word  wXeoi^d'^ot'  looks 
both  backwards  and  forwards,  but  is  especially 
limited  by  the  following  relative  sentence,  "  all  the 
additional,  which  the  officials  paid  not  in  as  in 
the  former  years,"  /.  e.,  since  the  time  of  the  Per- 
sians down  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  this  yearly 
sum  pledged  to  the  support  of  the  temple  was 
"  from  now  on,"  to  be  regularly  paid. 

Ver.  42.  This  five  thousand  shekels  was  the 
royal  tax  on  the  income  of  the  temple  from  tithes 
and  gifts  (see  ver.  31),  and  on  things  like  wood, 
salt,  and  cattle  that  wen-  required  in  its  service. 

Ver.  43.  The  right  of  asylum  iu  the  temple  for 
insolvent  debtors  is  sometliiiigof  which  the  .Mosaic 
law  has  nothing  to  say,  but  is  derived  from  Greek 
custom.  Cf.  "Wiuer.  Renhvoittrhnch,  under  "Frei- 
Btatt."  —  And  all  that  they  have.  Xone  of  their 
properly  in  the  king's  realm  could  iu  these  i  ir- 
cumstauces  be  seized  for  debt. 


Ver.  44.  King's  revenue  (K6yov).  This  word 
is  used  in  the  sense  of  "  reckoning,"  "  account," 
in  Matt.  xii.  36,  xviii.  23,  and  often  elsewhere. 
Here,  as  in  verse  40,  it  is  to  be  taken  for  that 
which  is  reckoned,  that  is,  the  income,  "  ratio,  i. 
e.,  itnpensorum  et  expensorttm  coUatio."  Wahl's 
Ctavis,  s.  V. 

Calovius  quoted  by  Grimm,  says  properly  that 
Alexander  was  not  spoken  of  as  first  to  make 
peace  in  the  sense  of  time  but  of  rank,  dignity : 
''  Priuceps  pads  iiicitur  non  ordine  iemporis,  sed 
diijnitatis."  He  had  named  Jonathan  at  once 
high  priest,  called  him  a  friend  of  tlie  king,  and 
sent  a  crown  and  purple  mantle  as  tokens  of  his 
real  intentions. 

Vers.  49,  50.  Grimm  and  Keil  contest  Fritz- 
sche's  reading  as  given  above,  the  latter  urging 
that  since  Demetrius  is  mentioned  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  50th  verse  the  unknown  subject  of 
^arepfwae  in  the  previous  clause  should  be  Alex- 
ander, which  would  favor  the  common  reading. 
What  has  caused  vacillation  among  authorities  is 
probably  the  fact  stated  by  Justin  (.xxxv.  1, 10), 
that  there  were  really  two  battles  between  these 
kings,  in  the  former  of  which  Demetrius  was  suc- 
cessful. Josephus,  like  the  writer  of  the  present 
book,  seems  to  speak  only  of  the  latter  and  de- 
cisive conflict. 

Ver.  51.  Ptolemy  ^  Ptolemseus  VI.  Philom- 
eter,  who  reigned  e.  c.  180-145. 

Ver.  54.  These  gifts  were  simply  the  usual 
presents  (in'jD)  made  on  such  occasions. 

Vers.  62,  63.  Cf.  the  treatment  of  Joseph 
by  Pharoah  (Gen.  xli.43),  and  of  Mordecai  by 
Xerxes  (Esth.  vi.  11). 

Ver.  65.  Previously  (ver.  6),  Demetrius  had 
promised  Jonathan  the  rank  of  trTpaTtjyis,  military 
leader,  general,  and  now  Alexander  gives  it  to 
him  in  fact.  —  MepiSctpxiSj  governor.  He  was  to 
have  coutrol,  under  the  king,  over  one  of  the 
provinces  into  which,  since  the  time  of  Seleucus  I., 
Ccele-Syria  had  beeu  divided. 

Ver.  67.  This  landing  of  Demetrius  II.  Nica- 
tor,  iu  Cilicia,  b.  c.  147,  took  place  three  years 
after  Alexander's  marriage. 

Ver.  68.  As  Keil  remarks,  the  choice  of  the 
word  4\uTrr]Bri,  to  describe  the  feelings  of  Alexan- 
der, is  quite  in  place,  since  in  his  luxury  and  de- 
bauchery it  was  more  a  feeling  of  sorrow  at  being 
disturbed  by  the  arrival  of  Demetrius  than  of  fear 
for  its  consequences  to  his  kingdom.  Others  sus- 
pect a  false  translation  (Michaelis),  or  give  the 
word  a  forced  meaning. 

A'er.  69.  This  ApoUonius  is  supposed  to  be 
the  trusted  friend  of  Demetrius  I.  mentioned  by 
Polybius  (xxxi.  19,  6,  xxi.  2),  which  would  ac 
count  for  his  going  over  so  soon  to  the  party  of 
the  son.  —  Jamnia.     Cf.  iv.  15. 

Ver.  71.  Power  of  the  cities.  The  rich  cities 
of  the  coast. 

Ver.  72.  The  allusion  to  victories  which  had 
been  won  over  the  Israelites  is  probably  to  be  re- 
ferred to  the  two  great  battles  which  occurred  in 
Eli's  time,  in  one  of  which  (1  Sam.  iv.  10)  the  ark 
was  taken  and  in  the  other  Saul  slain  (1  Sam. 
xxxi).  — In  their  land,  t.  e.,  where  they  had  their 
choice  of  position. 

Ver.  75.  Joppe,  the  present  Jaffa-  It  was  sit- 
uated about  three  geographical  miles  from  Jam- 
nia, where  the  force  of  ApoUonius  was  encamped. 

Ver.  81.  Covered  by  their  shields,  the  force  of 
Jonathan  received  little  injury  from  the  hostile 
arrows,  while  the  cavalry  of  ApoUonius  became  ex 


1   MACCABEES. 


527 


baasted  in  a  fruitless  endeavor  to  break  through 
the  close  ranks. 

Ver.  83.  It  was  clearly  not  the  cavalry  that 
fled  to  the  protection  of  the  idol  temjile,  but  the 
infantry.  The  former  could  at  least  keep  out  of 
the  way  of  the  Jewish  soldiers.  —  Beth-dagon 
=  house  (temple)  of  Jjagon.  Dagon  was  the 
well-known  divinity  of  the  Philistines,  whose 
image  was  a  horrible  monstrosity,  half  fish,  half 
man. 

Ver.  86.    Ascalon.    The  well-known  Philistine 


city  on  the  coast  between  Gaza  and  Ashdod,  now 
called  Askulan. 

Ver.  89.  A  buckle  of  gold.  Such  buckles 
were  used  for  fastening  the  mantle  or  outer  robe 
on  the  shoulder  or  chest.  It  would  seem  that  the 
right  to  wear  such  golden  buckles  w;is  granted 
only  to  persons  of  rank.  Cf.  xi.  58  ;  xiv.  44.  — 
Accaroru  One  of  the  live  great  Philistine  cities, 
now  known  as  Akir,  frotu  four  to  hve  miles  east 
of  Jamuia.  —  In  possession.  This  may  refer 
only  to  the  right  of  levying  taxes  upon  it. 


Chapter  XI. 


AjfD  the  king  of  Egypt  gathered  together  many  soldiers,  as  the  sand  which  is  * 
upon  the  sea  shore,  and  many  sliips,  and  sought  -  through  deceit  to  get  possession 
of  '  Alexander's  kingdom,  and  join  it  to  his  kingdom.^  And  he  went  forth  ^  into 
Syria  with  words  of  peace,  and  °  they  of  the  cities  opened  unto  him,  and  met  him  ; 
for  king  Alexander  had  commanded  that  they  should  meet  him,'  because  he  was  his 
father-in-law.  But  when  Ptolemy  *  entered  into  the  cities,  he  placed  °  in  every  one 
of  them  his  soldiers  as  a  garrison.^"  And  when  he  '^  came  near  to  Azotus,  they 
showed  him  the  burnt  temple  of  Dagon,  and  Azotus  and  the  destroyed  suburbs 
thereof,^-  and  the  bodies  '^  cast  abroad,  and  those  burnt  that  Jonathan  ^*  burnt  in  the 
battle  ;  for  they  made  ^^  heaps  of  them  on  his  route.  And  '^  they  told  the  king 
what  Jonathan  did,''  to  the  intent  A«  might  blame  him  ;  and  '*  the  king  held  his 
peace.  And  '^  Jonathan  met  the  king  with  great  honors  ™  at  Joppa,  and  -'  they 
saluted  one  another,  and  spent  the  night  there.  And  -■  Jonathan  went  '^^  with  the 
king  as  far  as  -^  the  river  called  Eleutherus.  and  '^  returned  ^^  to  Jerusalem.  But 
the  king  Ptolemy  became  master  "  of  the  cities  on  the  sea  coast  as  far  as  Seleiicia 
by  the  sea,  and  meditated  evil  plans  against  Alexander.  And  -*  he  sent  ambassa- 
dors unto  the  '-^  king  Demetrius,  sayiug.  Come,  let  us  make  a  league  betwixt  us, 
and  I  will  give  thee  my  daughter  whom  Alexander  hath,  and  thou  shalt  rule  ^^  thy 
father's  kingdom  ;  for  I  repent  that  I  gave  my  daughter  unto  him,  for  he  sought  to 

1 1  slay  me.     And  he  blamed  "  him,  because  he  was  desirous  of  his  kingdom.     And  ^^ 

12  he  took  his  daughter  from  him,  and  gave  her  to  Demetrius,  and  became  estranged 
from  Alexander,  and  ^  their  hatred  was  openly  known. 

1.3       And  '*  Ptolemy  entered  into  Antioch,  and  put  on  the  crown  of  Asia  ;  yea,  he 

14  put  two  crowns  upon  his  head,  that'^  of  Asia,  and  of  Egypt.     But  the  king  Alex- 
ander was  in  Cilicia  during  tfus  time,  because  the  inhabitants  of  those  parts  were  in 

15  revolt.''^     And''  when  Alexander  heard  of  it,'*  he  came  to  war  against  him.     And 

1 6  Ptolemy  ^  led  out  a  mighty  force  to  meet  him,^"  and  put  him  to  flight.     And  ■" 


10 


Vers.  1,2.  —  ^  A.  V. :  a  great  host,  like  ....  that  lieth.  *  went  about.  *  omits  possession  of.  *  own. 

5  Whereupon  he  took  his  journey.  ^  in  peaceable  manner  (Aiyoi?  etpTji'iKor?.    Dative  of  accompaniment),  bo  aa. 

^  them  so  to  do. 

Vera.  3-5.  —  ^  a.  y.  :  Now  as  Ptolemee  (Cod.  III.  23.  al.,  "  Ptolemais.-'  Kereafter  I  shall  write  this  proper  name  as 
above).  *  set.  '"*  them  a  garrison  of  soldiers  to  keep  it.  ^^  (X.  62.  74.  106.,  the  plur.)  ^-  the  temple  of  D,  chat 
UJ(M  burnt  ....  the  suburbs  thereof  that  were  destroyed.  ^^  bodies  that  were.  ^*  them  that  he  had.         ^^  had 

made.         ^^  by  the  way  where  he  should  pass.     Also.        ^^  whatsoet-fr  J.  had  done.        ^^  blame  him  (see  Com.) :  but. 

Vers.  6,  7.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Then.  so  pomp.  -^  where.  ^-  lodged  [eKotti-rjOricrav.     This  verb  corresponds  to  ]?|7 

in  Hebrew,  and  means  to  remain  over  night).     Afterward.  ^3  when  he  had  gone.  ^  to.  ^5  omits  and. 

w  returned  again. 

Vers.  8-10.  — "^  A.Y.:  King  Ptolemee  therefore,  having  gotten  the  dominion.  ^s  ^y  the  sea  unto  S.  upon  the  sea 

toast,  imagined  wicked  counsels.     Whereupon.         -^  omits  the.        ^o  reign  in. 

Vers.  U,  12.  — =11  A.  V. :  Thus  did  he  slander  (cf.  ver.  5.  Codd.  III.  23.  64.  74.  106.  employ  the  same  verb  here  as 
there).         "  Wherefore.  ^3  forsook  A.  (i^AAotco^Tj  tou  *A.    The  idea  of  separation  is  involved  in  the  verb,  hence  the 

Gen.    See  Buttmann,  p.  157  f.),  so  that. 

Vers.  13-16.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Then.  ^^  Antioch,  where  he  set  two  crowns  upon  his  head  (I  adopt  the  words  above  given, 
with  Fritzsche,  from  III.  X.  23.  52.  65.  62.  64.  106.,  text.  ret.  omits),  the  crown.  s«  Jq  the  mean  season  was  king  A. 

in  C,  because  those  that  dwelt  in  those  parts  had  revolted /mm  hijn.  37  gut.  sb  of  this.  ^o  whereupon  king  P. 
»  brought  forth  his  host  [t^v  h\>va}xiv.  Fritzsche  strikes  out,  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  23.  52.  55.  62.  al.),  and  Caet  him 
with  a  mighty  power  (lit,  *'  And  P.  led  out  and  met  b-jj  with  a  mighty  force  "').  *i  So. 


528  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Alexander  fled  into  Arabia,  in  order  to  find  protection  there  ;  ^  but  the  king  Ptolemy 

17  was  exalted.     And  ^  Zabdiel  the  Arabian  took  off  Alexander's  head,  and  sent  it 

18  unto  Ptolemy.     And  the  king  Ptolemy  '  died  the  third  day  ;  ^  and  they  that  were 

1 9  in  his  *  strongholds  were  slain  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  strongholds.'  And ' 
Demetrius  became  king  '  in  the  hundred  threescore  and  seventh  year. 

20  At  that '  time  Jonathan  gathered  together  them  that  were  of  '"  Judaea,  to  take 
the  fortress  ^^  that  was  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  he  made  many  engines  of  war  against  it. 

21  And  certain  apostates,'^  who  hated  their  nation,''  went  unto  the  king,  and  told  him 

22  that  Jonathan  besieged  the  fortress.  And  on  hearing  it,"  he  was  angry  ;  but  when 
he  had  heard  it  he  at  once  removed,  and'^  came  to  Ptolemais,  and  wrote  tmto  Jona- 
than, that  he  should  not  lay  siege  to  it,  and  that  he  should  meet  him  for  an  inter- 

23  view  at  Ptolemais  as  soon  as  possible.  But'*  Jonathan,  when  he  heard  /his.  com- 
manded to  carry  on  the  siege  ; "  and  he  chose  some  out  of  "    the  elders  of  Israel 

24  and  the  priests,  and  put  himself  in  peril.  Aid  he  '^  took  silver  and  gold,  and  rai- 
ment, and  other  presents  ■"  besides,  and  went  to  Ptolemais  unto  the  king,  and  *'  found 

25  favor  in  his  sight.    And  certain  apostates  from  the  nation  made ""  complaints  against 

26  him.    And  ^^  the  king  treated  ^*  him  as  his  predecessors  treated  him,^  and  promoted 

27  him  in  the  sight  of  all  his  friends.  And  he -'confirmed  him  in  the  high  priesthood,  " 
and  in  all  other  honors  ^'  that  he  had  before,  and  caused  him  to  be  reckoned  ™ 

28  among  his  chief  ^^  friends.  And  ^'  Jonathan  desired  of  ^^  the  king,  that  he  would 
make  Judjea  free  from  tribute,  as  also  the  three  toparchies  of  Samaria,''  and  he 

29  promised  him  three  hundred  talents.  And  '*  the  king  consented,  and  wrote  letters 
unto  Jonathan  concerning  "  all  these  things  after  this  manner  : 

30  King  Demetrius  unto  his  brother  Jonathan,  and  unto  the  nation  of  the  Jews, 

31  sende/h  greeting.    We  write  to  you  also  the  copy  of  the  letter  which  we  wrote  unto 

32  our  kinsman  ''  Lasthenes  concerning  you,  that  ye  may  know  of  it."     King  Deme- 

33  trius  unto  his  "  father  Lasthenes  sendeth  greeting.  We  have ''  determined  to  do 
good  to  the  nation  *°  of  the  Jews,  iclio  are  our  friends,  and  observe  their  obligations 

34  towards  ■"  us,  because  of  their  good  will  to  *'^  us.  Wherefore  we  have  ratified  unto 
them  both  ■"  the  borders  of  Jud»a,  and  ^*  the  three  provinces,*^  Aphsrema  and 
Lydda  and  Ramathem,  that  are  *^  added  unto  Judtea  from  Samaria,"  and  all  things 
appertaining  *'  unto  them.  To  *°  all  such  as  do  sacrifice  in  Jerusalem,  toe  remit 
what  was  to  be  paid  in  place  of  the  revenue  ^^  which  the  king  formerly  received 

35  from  ^'  them  yearly  out  of  the  products  ^^  of  the  earth  and  of  the  fruit  trees,''  and 
the^^  other  things  that  belong  unto  us  from  this  time  forth, ^°  of  the  tithes  and  cus- 
toms that  belong  ^°  unto  us,  also  "  the  salt  pits,  and  the  crown  taxes  that  belong '' 

36  unto  us,  we  remit  all  freely  to  them.''     And  nothing  hereof  shall  be  revoked  from 

37  this  time  forth  for  ever.  Now  therefore  see  that  thou  make  a  copy  of  these  things, 
and  let  it  be  delivered  unto  Jonathan,  and  let  it  be  jilaced '"  upon  the  holy  mount 
in  a  conspicuous  place. 

38  And  when  the ''  king  Demetrius  saw  that  the  land  was  quiet  before  him,  and 
that  no  resistance  was  made  against  him,  he  discharged  '^  all  his  soldiers,''  every 

Vers.  15-19.— '  A.  V. :  there  to  be  defended.  'for.  s  King  P.  also.  ^  ia.y  after.  «  th9 

(Fritzsche  receives  aurou  from  111.  X.  23.  52.  al. ;  text.  rec.  omits).  ^  one  of  another  (lit.,  by  those  in  the  strongholds). 
'  By  this  means.        ^  reigned. 

Vers.  20-23.  —  "  A.  V. :  the  same.  ^'^  in.        "  take  (^(cn-oAefxiio-ai)  the  tower,  "  Then  ....  ungodly  persons. 

t-^  own  people,  '*  tower  :  Whereof  vjheu  he  heard.  i"  and  immediately  removing,  he.         ^^  the  tower  {the  word 

KKpa  is  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche  as  wanting  in  III.  X.  23.  62.  al.),  but  come  and  speak  with  him  at  P.  in  great  baste 
Nevertheless.         ^^  besiege  ('(  .«////.        ^^  certain  of. 

Vers.  24-26.  —  ^o  A.  V.  :  oinit.-ihe.  20  divers  presents  (^erto,  i.  e.,  guest-gifts),  21  ^jjgre  he,  ^^  though  certAm 
ungodly  men  of  the  people  had  made,        ^  yet,        24  entreated,        -'•  had  done  before. 

Vers.  27-29.  —  2c  a.  V.  :  omits  he.  27  (Lit.,  "  the  high  priesthood  to  him.")  28  all  the  honors.  20  gave  him 
pre-eminence  (eTToiTjirec  ....  iryeiirdat).  *•*  Aw  {twi')  chief.  3i  Then.  °-  omits  ot.  33  governments  with  the 
country  of  S.  {see  Com.].        34  So.        ^b  of. 

Vers.  31-34,  —  36  i.  y, :  send  you  Afre  a  ,...  did  write  unto  our  cousin.  '"  might  see  i(.  ^  his  (tw).  3*  are, 
••  people.  *i  keep  covenants  with.  *'  towards.  *^  omits  both  It€).  «  with.  *^  governments  0/ 

•*  that  arc  (see  Cowi.).         *'  the  country  of  S.  *^  iavyKvpovvra.     One  of  the  derived  meanings  is  io  6if  conii^oiM  (o 

Elsewhere  in  the  LXX.  at  Numb.  xxxv.  4.     So,  too,  Polyb.  iii.  69,  7.)  "For,  ^  J.,  instead  of  (see  Oiffi.)ttw 

payments.        ci  king  received  of,        ^^  aforetime  out  of  the  fruits,        ^  of  trees  iaxpoSpviiiv). 

Vers.  36-37.  —  "  A,  V,  ;  And  as  for.  "•  omits  from  this  time  forth.        t<Q  pertaining.  ^t  as  also.  M  crown 

taxes,  which  are  due.  ^  discharge  them  of  titem  all  for  ttieir  relief  (^irapKws  jrapiettev.     Fritzsche  adopts  irrapKia^ 

uv  from  III,  23,  65,  al,  ;  X,  44,  71.,  cTrapweVw/iei').         '"'"  and  set, 

^\t.  3S  —"1  A.  V.  :  After  this,  when.         8=  sent  away.        »3  forces. 


1   MACCABEES.  529 


one  to  his  own  place,  except  the  foreign  mercenaries/   whom  he  had  enlisted  -  from 

39  the  isles  of  the  heathen  ;  and  '  all  the  forces  of  his  father  hated  him.  But  Tryphon 
was  earlier  an  adherent  of  Alexander  ;  and  wlien  he  saw  *  that  all  the  soldiers  * 
murmured  against   Demetrius,  he  "^   went  to   ImalcuK '  the  Arabian,  that  brought 

40  up  Aiitiochus  the  young  son  of  Alexander.  And  he  ^  lay  sore  upon  him  in  order 
that,  he  might '  deliver  him  to  him,^"  that  he  might  reign  in  his  father's  stead. 
And  '*  he  told  him  all '-  that  Demetrius  had  done,  and  of  the  enmity  which  his  soldiers 

41  felt  towards  "  him  ;  and  he  remained  there  "  a  long  season.  And  '°  Jonathan  sent 
unto  the  ^'^  king  Demetrius,  that  he  would  remove  those  of  the  fortress  from  "  Je- 

42  rusalem,  and  those  in  the  strongholds,  because  '*  they  fought  against  Israel.  And  ^' 
Demetrius  sent   unto   Jonathan,  saying,  I  will  not  only  do   this  for  thee  and  thy 

43  nation,*  but  I  will  greatly  honor  thee  and  thy  nation,  if  opportunity  serve.  Now 
therefore  thOu  wilt  -^  do  well,  if  thou  send  me  men  to  help  me ;  ^^  for  all  my  soldiers 

44  have  revolted.     And  -^  Jonathan  sent  him  three  thousand  valiant  -*  men  unto  Anti- 

45  och  ;  and  they  went  ^  to  the  king,  and  the  king  was  very  glad  of  their  coming.  And 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  •'^  gathered  themselves  together  into  the  midst  of  the  city, 
about '"  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  would  have  slain  the  king. 

46  And  ■'  the  king  fled  into  the  palace  ;  and  the  inhabitants  ^  of  the  city  took  possession 

47  of  the  streets  '"  of  the  city,  and  began  to  fight.  And  "  the  king  called  on  ^^  the  Jews 
for  help,  and  they  assembled  ^  unto  him  all  at  once  ;  and  they  dispersed  themselves 
all  at  once  in  '*  the  city ;  and  they  ^  slew  that  day  in  the  city  about  "^  an  hundred 

48  thousand.     And  *'  they  set  fire  to  ^'  the  city,  and  took  °'  many  spoils  that  day,  and 

49  saved  *"  the  king.  And  when  the  inhabitants  ''^  of  the  city  saw  that  the  Jews  had 
got  possession  of  the"  city  as  they  would,  their  courage  gave  out ;  ^^  and''*  they 

50  cried  as  suppliants  to  the  king,**  saying.  Grant  us  peace,  and  let  the  Jews  cease 

51  fighting  against*^  us  and  the  city.  And"  they  cast  away  their**  weapons,  and 
made  peace.  And  the  Jews  were  honored  in  the  sight  of  the  king,  and  in  the  sight 
of  all  that  were  in  his  realm ;  and  they  returned  to  Jerusalem,  having  great  spoils. 

52  And  tiie  *^  king  Demetritis  sat  on  the  throne  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  land  was  quiet 

53  before  him.  And  he  proved  false  respecting  ^°  all  that  he  promised,^'  and  estranged 
himself  from  Jonathan,  and  repaid  him  not  according  to  *^  the  benefits  which  he 
had  received  of  him,  and  oppressed  him  ^^  sore. 

54  But  after  this  Tryphon  returned,"*  and  with  him  the  young  child  Antiochus  ;  and 

55  he  became  king,  and  put  on  a  crown.^°  And  ^"^  there  gathered  unto  him  all  the  men 
of  war,  whom  Demetrius  had  discharged,"  and  they  fought  against  him,  and  he  fled 

56,  57  and  was  routed.  And  ^'  Tryphon  took  the  elephants,  and  won  Antioch.  And 
the  *^  young  Antiochus  wrote  unto  .Jonathan,  saying,  I  confirm  thee  in  the  high 
priest-hood,  and  appoint  thee  over  ^  the  four  provinces,*^  and  thou  shalt  be  one  ^^  of 

58  the  king's  friends.     And  °'  he  sent  him  a  service  of  gold,*^  and  gave  him  leave  to 

59  drink  in  gold,  and  to  be  clothed  in  purple,  and  to  wear  a  golden  buckle.    His  brother 

Ver.  39.  —  i  A.  V. :  certain  bands  of  strangers.        2  gathered.        3  wherefore  (see  Com.}.        *  Moreover  there  wag  one 
Tryphon,  that  had  been  of  Alexander's  part  afore,  who  seeing.        ^  host.         6  omits  he.  '  Simalcue  (I  read  with 

the  majority  of  the  best  MSS.    The  2.  probably  came  from  the  preceding  word). 

Vers.  40-42.  — '  A.  V. :  omi'fshe.         »  him  to.  ^o  him  this  young  Antiochus.        ^i  omits  And.        "  therefore  all. 

IS  how  his  men  of  war  were  at  enmity  with.  1*  there  he  remained.  "  In  the  mean  time.  ">  omits  the. 

"  cast  ....  tower  out  of.        w  also  in  the  fortresses  :  for.        i»  So.        '»  people. 

Vers.  43-45.  —21  A.  V. :  shalt.  ^  (Fritzsche  receiyes  fioi  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  al. ;  text.  rec.  omits.)  a  forces 

are  gone  from  me.     Upon  this.        ^  strong  men  {see  Com.).         =5  ^heu  they  came.  26  Howbeit  they  that  were  of 

the  city.        27  to  the  number  of. 

Vers.  46-48.  —  2«  A.  V. :  Wherefore.  »  court,  bat  they.         "•  kept  the  passages  (cf .  on  6io6os,  the  LXX.  at  Deut. 

xiii.  18;  Jcr.  Tii.  34;  Is.  3d.  16;  Juditit  Tii.  22).         si  jiien.         «  to.         ss  „ho  came.         m  and  [the  Antiocbians] 
dispersing  themselves,  through  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  wivrei  aiia.  with  HI.  X.  23.  44.  52.  al.).  as  omits  and  they 

(=  the  Jews).        36  to  the  number  of.        s'  Also.        sa  on.        sa  gat.        w  delivered. 

Vers.49-51.— *' A.  V.  :  So  when  they.        «  got  the.        «  was  abated.        "wherefore.        «'  made  supplication  to 
the  king  and  cried.  *'  from  assaulting.        «  With  that.        «  Only  the  article  in  the  Greek.    The  Antiochians  ars 

meant. 

Vers.  52,  B3.  —  «  A  V. :  So  king.     "»  Nevertheless  he  dissembled  in.        ai  ever  he  spake  (lit.,  "  he  falsified  all  things 
as  many  as  he  said  '').        a2  neither  rewarded  K.  him  according  to  {Kara).        as  i,ut  troubled  him  very. 

Vers.  54-57.  —  ^  A.V.:  After  this  returned  T.        ■^■a  who  reigned,  and  was  crowned.       aa  Then.        a'  put  away  (III 
23.  44.  62.  al.,  liireirnipucireK,  ca.^t  off  utterly,  i.  e.,  sent  off  in  disgrace).  a»  Demetrius  (auToi/),  who  turned  his  back 

and  fled.    Moreover.  a9  ^t  that  time.  aa  r«i«- over.  a^  governments.  ^*  to  he  one  i.\\t.,  and  that  tkou 

ieof). 

Vers.  5&-60. — ^  A.  V. :  Upon  this.  <<*  golden  vessels  to  be  served  in  (lit.,  "  golden  vessels,  namely  {«ai),  a  ser- 

34 


530  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Simon  also  he  appointed  military  governor  from  the  ^  ladder  of  Tyrus  unto  the  bor- 

60  ders  of  Egypt.  And  ^  Jonathan  went  forth,  and  passed  over  the  river,  andthi'ough 
the  cities,'  and  all  the  forces  of  Syria  gathered  themselves  unto  him  as  allies  in  war ;  * 

61  and  when  he  came  to  Ascalon,^  they  of  the  city  met  him  with  honors.'  And  he  de- 
parted from  thence  unto  Gaza;  and'   they  of  Gaza  shut  him  out.     And «  he   laid 

62  siege  unto  it,  and  burned  the  suburbs  thereof  with  fire,  and  spoiled  them.^  And  i" 
they  of  Gaza  made  supplication  unto  Jonathan,  and  "  lie  made  peace  with  them, 
and  took  the  sons  of  their  chief  men  for  hostages,  and  sent  them  to  Jerusalem,  and 

63  passed  through  the  country  unto  Damascus.  And  ^=  Jonathan  heard  that  Demetrius' 
generals  had  ^^  come  to  Cades,  which  is  in  Galilee,  with  a  great  force,"  purposing 

64  to  remove  him  from  his  oifice.     And  he  i'  went  to  meet  them,  but  ^^  left  Simon  his 

65  brother  in  the  country.      And "  Simon  encamped    against  Bethsura,   and  fought 

66  ao-ainst  it  a  long  season,  and  shut  it  up.  And  '*  they  desired  of  him  to  grant  them 
peace,  and  he  granted  it  to  them ;  '^  and  he  ™  put  them  out  fi'om  thence,  and  took  the 

67  city,  and  set  a  garrison  in  it.     And'-^  Jonathan  and  his  army  "  pitched  at  the  water 

68  of '  Gemiesar,  and  early  "^  in  the  morning  advanced  ^  to  the  plain  of  Asor.  And 
behold,  an  army  of  foreigners  *'  met  them  in  the  plain  ;  and  they  had  laid  an  am- 

69  bush  -'  for  him  in  the  mountains,  but'-'  came  themselves  to  meet  him.-™  And  ^  they 
that  lay  in  ambusli  rose  out  of  their  places,^!  and  joined  battle.     And  »-  all  that 

70  were  of  Jonathan's  side  fled,  not  even  ^^  one  of  them  was  "  left,  except  Mattathias  the 

71  40/1  of  Absalom,^"  and  Judas  the  son  of  Chalphi,*'  leaders  of  the  army.     And 

72  Jonathan  rent  his  clothes,  and  cast  earth  upon  his  head,  and  prayed.    And  he  turned 

73  around  against  them  ^^  to  battle,  and  »^  put  them  to  flight,  and  they  fled.*°     And 
when  his  own  mfii  that  fled"   saw  this,  they  turned  again  unto  him,  and  with  him 

74  pursued  them  to  Cades,  as  far  as  their  camp  ;  *^  and  there  they  camped.  And  there 
fell  of  the  foreigners  ^  that  day  about  three  thousand  men  ;  and  "  Jonathan  re- 
turned to  Jerusalem. 


nee 


..„.     Sio^ow-a...    This  word  was  often  so  used  by  Athcnseus,  and  is  so  rendered  here  by  the  best  cntics).  ""i*" 

Mptain  from  the  plac:  called  The.  '  Then.  3  p^sed  through  the  cities  beyond  the  water  (the  order  .8  different 

In  the  Greek.    The  river  Jordan  is  meant).        i  for  to  help  h,m.         <■  (Cf.  x.  86.)  »  honourably. 

Vers  61-64  — '  A.  V. :  From  whence  he  went  to  Qaza,  but.  »  wherefore.  "  (avra  ;  auras,  lU.  i.  M.  «.  aM 

10  Attenvard  when         "  omits  and.        '2  Now  when.        "  princes  (Fritzsche  receives  to.!-  ip.  from  HI.  X.  lA.  44.  66. 
ill  were        '"power.        is  out  of  the  country  (so  44.  71.  76.  93. 134.  Co.  Aid.).    He.        "and. 

Vers  65-71  —"A  V  •  Then  '»  but.  «■  desired  to  have  peace  with  him,  which granted  them. 

^ihtn  ^1  As  for.'      22  host,  they.  =3  f„m  whence  betimes.        2*  they  gat  them.        »  Nasor  (Fritzsche  adopts 

A,r^p  from  X.  44.  al.  Joseph.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  ;  tat.  re..,  Na,ra,p.    The  la.t  letter  of  the  previous  word  was  P'obaMy  the 
occasion  of  the  change).  »  ,be  (the  art.  is  found  in  X.  %l.  64.  93.)  host  of  strangers.        ^  '  -l'"  ""-S  '^^f  ™ '-^ 

ambush  (^f.-^oAo.  ^..6po.).  2»om,<sbut.  »  over  against /,.«..  3«  So  when  "(t  .  .x.  40.)      J'"™" 

And.        ■--  insomuch  a.  there  was  not.         3.  „„,■,,,  waa.  ==  (The  Greek  of  Fntzsche  s  text  ,8  AJ,aAa,^ov,  ^m.  23. 

kT  al. ;  text,  ret.,  ■  Afi.aaaX^^ov ,  which  is  the  usual  form  in  the  LXX.  of  the  Heb.  word  for     Absalom.")        »  Calphl 

which  is  another  form.for  'AAcJialos).        ='  the  captains  of  the  host.    Then. 
Vers.  72-74.  -  38  A.  V. :  Afterwards  turning  again.         =»  he.         «  JO  they  ran  away.         «  Now.  were  fled. 

B  even  unto  their  own  tents.        "  So  there  were  slain  of  the  heathen.        «  but 

Chapter  XL 


Ver.  1.  The  view  here  taken  of  Ptolemy  dif- 
fers from  that  of  Diodorus  Siculus  (cf.  Miiller, 
Fragm.Hist.  GrcEC,  ii.  p.  xvi.,  No.  1 9)  and  Josephus, 
xiii.  4,  §  5,  according  to  whom,  on  account  of  his 
relationship  to  Alexander  he  came  with  honor- 
able intentions  and  sought  to  help  him.  That 
may  indeed  have  been  his  ostensible  object ;  but 
be  "really  intended,  as  it  afterwards  appears,  to 
yaiu  the  kingdom  for  himself. 

Ver.  .5.  To  the  intent  (he)  might  blame,  eis 
TO  ij/o77i<roi.  This  verb  is  a  less  usual  form  for 
^eyu  and  means  literally  to  make  smaller,  but  is 
always  used  metaphorically,  and  means  to  lessen  hi/ 
evil  report,  to  dhparage.  Codd.  III.  23.  64.  74.  106. 
read  ;^07/iroi  from  ^^oyiim■ 

Ver.  7.  Bleutherus.  This  river  formed  a 
boundary  line  between  Syria  and  Phoenicia._  It 
now  bears  the  name  oi  Nahr-el-Keber.  Cf.  xii.  20. 
It  is  a  vcrv  small  stream  in  summer,  but  in  winter 
becomes  a  larjje  .-ind  swift  river. 


Ver.  8.     Seleuoia  by  the  sea.     So  named  to 

distinguish  it  from  other  cities  founded  by  Seleu- 
cus  Nicator  and  similarly  named.  It  was  situ- 
ated not  far  from  the  moiith  of  the  Orontes,  and 
from  twelve  to  fifteen  miles  from  Antioch. 

Ver.  10.  For  he  sought  to  slay  me.  _  Our 
author  seems  to  represent  that  this  was  a  simple 
pretense  on  the  part  of  Ptolemy.  But  Josephus 
(Antiq.,  xiii.  4,  §  6)  states  that  a  favorite  of  Alex- 
auder,  a  certain  Ammonius,  had  really  attempted 
to  assassinate  Ptolemy.     Cf.  Liv..  Epit.,  chap.  1. 

Ver.  12.  Openly  known.  It  was  a  matter  of 
fact,  he  meaus  to  say,  before,  at  the  very  outset  of 
his  campaign,  and  "now  became  openly  known. 
Neither  the  account  of  our  author  nor  that  of 
Josephus.  who  follows  in  the  main  Diodor-is  Sic- 
ulus at  this  |ioint,  can  be  considered  free  from 
preiudicc.  The  one  represents  Alexander  in  too 
f.avorable  a  light,  the  other,  Ptolemy,  (irinini  thu» 
characterizes  the  whole  matter  (Com.,  in  loc.) 


1    MACCABEES. 


531 


'  No  doulit  he  umlortook  the  campaign  spoken 
of  under  tlie  gnise  of  noting  as  ally  of  Alexander 
(1  Mace.  xi.  1 ),  but  with  the  real  intention  of  recov- 
ering Coele-Syria  (Diodorus),  and  assuring  tohim- 
Belf  the  actual  dominion  of  the  remainder  of  Syria. 
(His  promise  to  the  citizens  of  Antioch  with  refer- 
ence to  Demetrius,  mentioned  by  Josephus,  proves 
this.)  For  this  purpose  he  required  a  pliant  tool 
that  would  be  vassal  and  ward  of  the  Egyptian 
crown,  while  holding  the  title  of  king  of  Syria, 
wlu'ther  this  were  his  son-in-law  or  Demetrius  II. 
Alexander,  becoming  cognizant  of  this  plan, 
brought  about  the  attempted  assassination  (jose- 
phus), upon  which  Ptolemaus  threw  off  the  mask 
and  came  to  an  understanding  with  Demetrius  re- 
specting the  ceding  of  Ccele-Syria,  and  played  his 
r6le  at  Antioch,  of  which  Josephus  speaks." 

Ver.  16.  Was  exalted.  This  may  mean  :  "  He 
attained  to  the  highest  degree  of  power,"  or  "  he 
wns  liighly  esteemed."  Keil  prefers  the  former. 
Cf.  i.  3. 

Ver.  17.  Diodorus' account  is  (Miiller, /'ragm. 
Hist.  Grmc,  ii.,  p.  xvi..  No.  xxi.)  that  Alexander 
was  murdered  by  two  officers  who  accompanied 
him  in  his  flight,  as  recompense  for  a  pardon 
promised  by  Demetrius  II. 

Ver.  18.  Died  the  third  day.  Cf.  Josephus 
(Antiq.,  xii.  4.  §  8),  Polyb.  (xl.,  xii.  1),  and  Liv. 
(Epil.,  lii.)  Jose|)hus  states  that  Ptolemy's  hor.se 
became  frightened  during  a  battle,  by  the  roar  of 
an  eleph-.int,  that  he  was  thrown  from  it,  severely 
wounded  in  the  head  by  the  enemy,  and  only  with 
difficulty  was  rescued  by  his  body-guard;  and 
that  after  lying  unconscious  for  four  days  he  be- 
came conscious  on  the  fifth,  and  saw  with  ])leasure 
the  head  of  his  enemy,  which  wa.s  shown  him. 

Ver.  20.  The  garrison  of  Syrian  soldiers  in 
Jerusalem  was  not  therefore  included  in  the  state- 
ment of  the  18th  verse. 

Ver.  22.  'Ai/afeiijas.  Lit.  havijtg  yoked  up.  Cf. 
I  Esdras  ii.  30,  viii.  61  ;  Judith  xvi.  21.  The 
word  is  also  used  of  an  army  when  it  breaks  up 
its  encampment,  and  Josephus  has  so  understood 
its  use  here,  although  clearly  without  sufficient 
ground. 

Ver.  26.  As  his  predecessors.  Alexander 
Balas  and  Philometor. 

Ver.  27.  Confirmed,  eo-TTjirej'.  Cf.  vii.  9,  29, 
X.  69. 

Ver.  28.  And  the  three  toparohies  of  Sama- 
ria. According  to  the  Greek  the  three  toparchies, 
Kal  rrjv  ^afiap^7rtv.  It  is  not  easy  to  understand 
why  Jonathan  should  include  the  hated  Samaria 
in  his  request.  In  fact,  while  the  reading  above 
given  is  found  in  all  the  MSS.,  still  it  is  plain 
that  it  is  false,  and  to  be  corrected  from  x.  30 
and  ver.  34  below.  The  privilege  here  asked  for 
had  been  promised  by  Demetrius  I.,  but  rejected 
by  the  Jews.  It  is  not  possible  to  decide  from 
the  te.xt  whether  the  three  hundred  talents  here 
spoken  of  were  to  be  paid  every  year,  or  once  for 
»11.  But  in  view  of  what  is  said  in  ver.  35,  it  is 
likely  that  the  latter  was  the  case. 

Ver.  29.  And  the  king  consented.  Whether 
the  words  or  the  presents  of  Jonathan  had  the 
greater  influence  is  not  said. 

Ver.  31.  The  Lasthenes,  whom  Demetrius  here 
calls  "  kinsman  "  {avyyevel),  and  in  the  next 
rerse  irar^p,  was,  according  to  Josephus  ( Antiq.j 
siii.  4,  §  3),  the  Cretan  who  raised  an  army  for 
ihis  king,  when  he  made  his  first  descent  unon 
the  coast.  The  letter  was  directed  to  Lasthenes 
probablv  because  he  held  some  such  position  as 


first  minister  in  the  kingdom,  or  was  governor  of 
Coele-Syria.  It  depends,  as  Giimm  has  shown, 
upon  the  question  whether  the  first  title  men- 
tioned is  meant  to  be  taken  in  the  usual  sense,  or 
as  a  sort  of  court  title.  In  the  latter  case  Las- 
thenes was  probably  prime  minister,  or  grand 
vizier,  of  the  kingdom. 

Ver.  34.  Apheerema  and  Lydda  and  Kam- 
athem.  The  first  place  is  thought  to  be  Ephraim, 
where  our  Lord  found  refuge  just  before  his  cru- 
cifixion. Cf.  John  xi.  .54.  Lydda  is  the  Lud  of 
the  Old  Testament  (1  Chron.  viii.  12,  ''Lod"), 
and  still  bears  the  same  name,  lyiu.ff  between 
Joppa  and  Jerusalem.  It  was  at  one  time  called 
Diospolis.  Ramathem  is  thought  by  some  to  be 
the  "  Arimathea  "  of  Matt,  xxvii.  57  ;  Luke  xxiii. 
51 ;  John  xix.  38  ;  by  others,  the  Rama  which 
lay  north  of  Bethel  in  the  neighborhood  of  Shiloh  ; 
and  by  still  others,  Ramleh,  situated  southwest 
from  Lydda.  —  In  place  of  the  revenue.  The 
sense  is  not  quite  clear.  Something  is  ])robably 
wanting  in  the  Greek  before  aurl  tuv  SaaiMKav. 
Michaelis  would  supply  the  thought  that  Jona- 
than was  to  pay  300  talents  for  the  privilege  here 
granted.  Grimm,  however,  would  simply  insert 
ri  before  kvTl.  I  have  .adopted  the  latter  suppo- 
sition, rendering  it,  however,  freely  as  above,  sup- 
plying the  verb  which  is  found  at  the  end  of  ver. 
35,  and  repeating  it  again  there.  A  new  sen- 
tence seems  to  begin  with  ttSo-j  tois  6v<na.^ova-iv. 
Fritzsche,  on  the  contrary,  places  a  full  stop  after 
cLKpoSp^icv,  strikes  out  alrLv^s  before  irpoim^Qiffav 
as  wiinting  in  III.  X.  44.  62.  al.,  begins  a  new  sen- 
tence with  the  latter,  and  joins  iraat  tqIs  dva-id^ov- 
aiv  w'ith  TTavTa  to.  trvyKvpovvTo.  aurots.  Keil  re- 
marks, that  he  is  not  able  to  get  any  reasonable 
sense  out  of  the  passage  as  thus  constructed.  If 
the  construction  above  be  followed,  it  would  ap- 
pear that  the  Samaritans  and  the  Greek  party 
among  the  .Jews  would  be  excluded  from  the  pro- 
visions here  made  for  those  worshipping  at  Jeru- 
salem. 

Ver.  38.  Isles  of  the  heathen.  Rhodes,  Cy- 
prus, .and  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago. 

Ver.  39.  Tryphon.  His  real  name  was  Dio- 
dottis.  The  name  Tryphon  (debauchee)  was  given 
to  him  later.     Cf.  Liv.,  Epit.,  lii.  and  Iv. 

Ver.  40.  According  to  Livy  {Epit.,  lii.),  this 
son  of  Antiochus  was  at  this  time  but  two  years 
old.  —  Remained  there  a  long  season.  He  did 
not  leave  off  impoituning  the  guardian  of  the 
chUd  until  he  g,aiued  his  consent  to  his  own  plans. 
Cf.  below,  ver.  54. 

Ver.  43.  AU  my  soldiers  have  revolted.  In 
verse  38  we  read  that  the  king  himself  had  dis- 
missed these  soldiers.  Still,  he  had  done  it,  as  it 
would  seem,  because  he  was  afraid  of  them,  hav- 
ing got  their  hatred  through  cruelty  and  neg- 
lect. So  Livy  {Epit.,  lii.)  :  "Ob  crudelitatem ,  quam 
per  ttyrmenta  in  suos  exercebot."  Others  (Justin, 
XXXV.  1,  9)  allege  different  reasons. 

Ver.  44.  Avyarovs  1<tx"'-  This  expression  cor- 
responds to  the  Hebrew  7"'n  ''7:"'22  and  means 
"  brave  men,"  "  heroes,"  who  would  not  hesitate 
to  give  their  lives  for  any  cause  for  which  they 
fought.  Cf.  ii.  42,  X.  19,  and  the  LXX.,  at  ! 
Chron.  vii.  2,  7,  40. 

Ver.  47.  An  hundred  thousand.  This  cannot 
be  regarded  as  anything  more  than  an  estimate. 
The  present  account,  moreover,  is  properly  to  be 
emended  by  that  of  Josephus,  in  that  it  seems  te 
represent  that  the  3,000  Jews  were  the  only  sol 


532 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


diers  fightiDg  on  the  side  of  the  king.  Josephus, 
on  the  contrary,  speaks  of  the  king's  foreign  sol- 
diers as  being  also  engaged.     {Antig.,  xiii.  5,  §  3.) 

Ver.  53.  Oppressed  him  sore.  According  to 
Josephus,  it  was  by  threatening  him  with  war  if 
he  did  not  pay  the  taxes  which  the  Jews  had  been 
accustomed  to  pay  to  previous  Syrian  kings. 

Ver.  56.  The  elephants.  Of.  remarks  at  vi. 
35.  It  was  required  of  the  Syrian  kings,  on  the 
part  of  tlie  Romans,  tliat  they  should  not  use 
elephants  in  battle.  Keil  and  Grimm  think  that 
these  animals  may  have  come  into  the  possession 
of  Demetrius  from  the  Egyptian  army  after  the 
death  of  Ptolemy  Philometor. 

Ver.  57.  Four  provinces.  Judsea  (so  Gaab, 
Scholz,  Grimm)  is  supposed  to  be  meant  in  addi- 
tion to  the  three  mentioned  in  verse  34.  Micha- 
elis  and  Keil,  however,  think  it  must  have  been 
Ekron,  since  Judsea  would  hardly  have  been 
called  a  vofiis,  and  placed  on  a  level  with  the  others. 

Ver.  59.  The  ladder  of  Tyrus.  According 
to  Josephus  {Bel.  Jnd.,  ii.  10,  §  2)  this  was  a  high 
mountain  a  hundred  furlongs  north  of  Ptolemais, 
the  Ras  en-JVok-ilrah  of  the  present  day. 

Ver.  60.  Forces  of  Syria.  The  disaffected 
troops  of  Demetrius  are  meant. 

Ver.  61.  Shut  (him)  out.  They  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  Demetrius  II.  and  still  remained 
faithful  to  him.     Cf.  x.  75. 

Ver.  63.  Cades  (tT'li?.),  the  Levitical  city  on 
the  mountains  of  Naphtali.  Cf.  Josh.  xii.  22. 
There  is  stiU  a  village  here  bearing  this  name. 


Ver.  65.     Bethsura.     Cf.  iv.  29,  vi.  50,  ix.  52. 

It  was  the  key  to  Judasa  from  the  side  of  Ida 
niffia. 

Ver.  67.  Germesar.  This  is  the  weU-known 
lake  of  Gennesareth.  —  Asor,  Heb.  "l^l'P.  It 
was  a  city  belonging  to  the  tribe  Naphtali,  and 
lay  south  of  Cadesh. 

Ver.  68.  Army  of  foreigners.  This  refers  to 
the  mercenaries  in  the  service  of  Demetrius.  Cf. 
iv.  12,  where  the  word  is  used  for  Philistines. 

Ver.  71.  Jonathan  was  high  priest,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  Mosaic  law  was  only  permitted  to  rend 
his  clothes  on  occasions  of  great  national  calami- 
ties. Cf.  Lev.  X.  6;  Matt.  xxvi.  65.  — Earth,!. e., 
dust,  icr  .     Cf.  Ps.  xviii.  42. 

T   T 

Ver.  72.  If  this  statement  is  to  be  taken  liter- 
ally, it  could  have  been  nothing  less  than  a  mir- 
acle which  enabled  Jonathan  to  win  a  victory 
against  such  odds.  It  is  probable  that  his  forces 
joined  him  early  in  the  conflict.  Grimm  remarks 
that  the  present  partici]ilc  shows  that  the  soldiers 
of  Jonathan  were  in  the  act  of  flight,  hence  per- 
haps, did  not  simply  participate  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  enemy  as  the  historian  states  in  verse  73,  but 
contributed  also  toward  deciding  the  conflict  it- 
self. 

Ver.  73.  They  camped.  They  desisted  from 
further  battle,  apparently  finding  the  position  of 
the  enemy  too  strong  for  them. 

Ver.  74.  Three  thousand  men.  Josephus 
says  there  were  two  thousand  slain. 


Chapter  XII. 


1  And  *  when  Jonathan  saw  that  the  time  served  him,  he  selected  '  men,  and  sent 

2  the7n  to  Rome,  to  °  confirm  and  renew  the  mutual '  friendship  with  ^  them.     He 

3  sent  letters  also  to  the  Spartans,'  and  to  other  places,  of  the  same  import.'  And  * 
they  went  unto  Rome,  and  entered  into  the  senate,  and  said,  Jonathan  the  high 
priest,  and  the  nation  ^  of  the  Jews,  sent  us,'"  to  the  end  that  we  should  renew  for 

4  them  the  mutual  friendship  and  "  league,  as  in  former  time.  And  they  '-  gave  them 
letters  unto  the  people  from  place  to  ^'  place,  that  they  should  escort  "  them  into 

5  the  land  of  Judasa  in  peace.''^  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letter  ^^  which  Jonathan 
wrote  to  the  Spartans  :  " 

6  Jonathan,  high  '*  priest,  and  the  council  of  elders  "  of  the  nation,  and  the  priests, 
and  the  rest  of  the  people  ^^  of  the  Jews,  unto  the  Spartans  their  ^'  brethren  send 

7  greeting.  There  were  letters  sent  already  --  in  times  past  unto  Onias  the  high 
priest  from  Arius,^^  who  reigned  '■'^  among  you,  to  sigriify  that  you  are  our  brethren, 

8  according  to  the  inclosed  copy."^  And  Onias  gave  an  honorable  reception  to  the 
man  that  was  sent,'''  and  received  the  letters,  wherein  full  announcement  was  made 

9  concerning  ^  the  league  and  friendship.  And  we  therefore,^*  albeit  we  need  none 
10  of  these  things,  since  '^  we  have  the  holy  books  *•  in  our  hands  to  comfort  us,  have 

Vers.  1-3.  —  *  A.  V. :  Now.  *  chose  certain.         ^  for  to.  *  omits  mutu&l  (the  middle  voice  =  '*  to  renew  on 

both  Bides,  mutually  ").  ^  that  they  had  with.  "  Lacedemonians.  '  for  the  same  purpose  {kwto.  to.  avra.  The 
»rt.  is  omitted  by  III.  X.  62.  al.).  «  So.  »  people.  "  us  unto  you.  "  you  should  renew  the  friendship 

which  you  had  with  them  and. 

Vers.  4-6.  — ■>  A.  V. :  Upon  this  Me  RoffldM.  ^  the  governors  {airovt)  of  eyety.  "bring.  "peaceably 

'«  letters  (cf.  X.  17,  and  Winer,  p.  176).  "Lacedemonians.  >»  the  (so  23.  6S. )  high.  '»  the  elders.  *>  other 
people  (see  Com.).        ^^  Lacedemonians  their  (tois). 

Ver.  7.  —  "  A.  V. :  omits  already  (for  hi,  64.  Aid.  have  eirei).  "  Darius  (so  the  MSS.,  but  Fritzsche  receives 

Apeiov  from  Josephus  (xli.  4,  §10),  and  the  Old  Lat.  Cf.  ver.  20,  where  the  corrupt  form  "Oviopii!  suggests  the  original 
form  of  the  word).  "  reigned  then.  ^  as  the  copy  here  underwritten  doth  specify  (lit.,  "  as  the  copy  linder 

Ues'-). 

Vers.  8-10.  —  =«  A.  V. :  At  which  time  O.  entreated  the  ambassador  ....  honouisblj.  "  decUration  was  mads  o 
til*.       "  Therefor*  we  also.       »  for  that.       ">  hooks  of  scripture. 


1   MACCABEES.  53.5 


undertaken '  to  send  for  the  purpose  of  renewing,  mutually,  the  ^  brotherhood  and 
friendship  with  you,'  lest  we  should  become  stran£;ers  unto  you  ;  *  for  there  hath  ° 

11a  long  time  passed  since  you  sent  unto  us.  We  therefore  at  all  times  without 
ceasing,  both  at  the  ^  feasts,  and  the  remaining  suitable '  days,  do  remember  you 
in  the  sacrifices  which  we  offer,  and  in  our  *  prayers,  as  it  is  needful  and  fit  to  remem- 

12,  13  ber^  brethren  ;  and  we  rejoice  at  your  glory.  But  as''"  for  ourselves,  we  have 
had  many  afflictions  ^'  and  many  '-  wars  on  every  side,  and  ^'  the  kings  that  are 

14  round  about  us  have  fought  against  us.     We  did  not  wish  now  to  "  be  troublesome 

15  unto  you,  nor  to  the  rest  '^  of  our  allies  '^  and  friends,  in  these  wars  ;  for  we  have 
the  help  of  "  heaven  that  succoreth  us,  and  we  have  been  '*  delivered  from  our  ene- 

16  mies,  and  our  enemies  have  been  humiliated.''  So  we  have  selected  ^^  Numenius  the 
son  of  Antiochus,  and  Antipater  ike  son  of  Jason,  and  sent  them  unto  the  Romans, 

17  to  renew  the  mutual  *'  friendship  ^*  with  them,  and  the  former  league.  We  com- 
manded them  therefore  to  go  ^'  also  unto  you.  and  to  salute  you,  and  to  deliver  you 

18  our  letter^  concerning  the  renewing  °^  of  our  brotherhood.     And  now  ye  will  "*  da 

19  well  to  give  us  an  answer  thereto.  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letter^  which  they 
sent  to  Onias  :  ^ 

20,  21  Arius  ^  king  of  the  Spartans  '"  to  Onias,  high  '^  priest,  greeting.  It  hath 
been  '-  found  in  writing,  that  the  Spartans  '^  and  Jews  are  brethren,  and  that  they 

22  are  of  the  race  **  of  Abraham.  And  now,*^  since  this  hath  come  to  our  knowledge," 

23  you  will  "  do  well  to  write  unto  us  of  your  pi'osperity.  And  *'  we  will ''  write  back 
also  *"  to  you,  that  your  cattle  and  your  ^'  goods  are  ours,  and  oiu^s  are  yours.  We 
do  command  therefore  our  ambassadors  to  make  report  unto  you  on  this  wise. 

24  And  *-  when  Jonathan  heard  that  Demetrius'  generals  had  returned  *'  with  a  more 
numerous  force  than  before  **  to  fight  against  him,  he  removed  from  Jerusalem, 

25  and  went  to  meet  *^  them  in  the  laud  of  Amathitis  ;  *^  for  he  gave  them  no  respite  " 

26  to  invade  **  his  country.  He  sent  spies  also  into  *'  their  camp,  and  they  returned,^* 
and  told  him  that  they  were  arranging  for  this  purpose,  to  fall  ^'  upon  them  in  the 

27  night.^^  But  when  the  sun  went  down,^'  Jonathan  commanded  his  men  to  watch,  and 
to  be  in  arms,  that  all  the  night  long  they  might  be  ready  "  to  fight ;  and  ^^  he  sent 

28  forth  sentinels  round  about  the  camp.^°  And  ^^  when  the  adversaries  heard  that 
Jonathan  and  his  men  were  ready  for  battle,  they  feared,  and  trembled  in   their 

29  hearts,  and  they  kindled  fires  in  their  camp,  and  departed.^'     But''  Jonathan  and 

30  his  men '"  knew  it  not  tiU  the  morning,  for  they  saw  the  fires  ^'  burning.  And  ''' 
Jonathan  pursued  after  them,  and  ^'  overtook  them  not,  for  they  went  ^*  over  the 

31  river  Eleutherus.    And  °'  Jonathan  turned  against  °^  the  Arabians,  who  are  ^'  called 

32  Zabadsans,'*  and  smote  them,  and  took  their  spoils.    And  removing  thence,  he  came 

33  to  Damascus,  and  °'  passed  through  all  the  country.     Simon  also  went  forth,  and 

Vers.  10-12.  —  *  A.  V. :  nevertfuUss  attempted.  2  unto  you  for  the  renewing  of  (rqv).  ^  omits  with  you. 

'  you  altogether.  ^  is.         6  in  our,         '  other  conTenient.         *  our  (toTs).         ^  reason  la,  and  as  it  becometh  us 

to  think  upou  our. 

Vers.  12-15.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  and  we  are  right  glad  of  your  honour.    As.  •*  great  troubles.  ^  omits  many, 

"  forsomuch  as.  "  Howbeit  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  »ai',  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  62.  al.)  we  would  not.  ^  others. 

IS  confederates.        i'  have  help  from.        i^  so  as  we  are.        ^^  are  brought  under  foot. 

Vers.  16-13.  —">  A.  V. :  For  this  cause  we  chose.  =<  omits  mutual  (cf .  Ter.  8).  22  amity  that  we  had.  •«  also 
to  go.        21  letters  (of.  ver.  5).        26  (^01  =:  namely,)        26  Wherefore  ....  shall. 

Vers.  19-21.  —  "  a.  V. :  letters.  '»  Oniares  sent  ISiv  in-eorf lAar  'Ovla,  Fritzsche  receives  the  plur.  of  the  verb  from 
III.  X.  23.  62.  al.  The  reading  of  the  proper  name,  as  in  the  A.  V.,  seems  to  have  arisen  from  running  together  the 
two  words  "Ofitf  and 'Apeto?}.  2«  ^reus  (cf.  ver.  7.  and  Cojn.).  s^"  Lacedemonians.  si  the  high.  ^^  ia. 

■3  Lacedemonians.        ^  stock. 

Vers.  22,  23.  — ^°  A.  V. :  now  therefore.  se  is  come  ....  knowledge  (lit.,  "  since  we  learned  these  things  "). 

5^  shall.        38  omits  And.        89  ,jq,        40  again  [Be],        *^  omits  your. 

Vers.  24-26.  —  *2  A.  V. ;  Now.  «  princes  were  come.  **  with  a  greater  host  than  afore.  *8  and  met. 

•s  Amathis  (see  Com,),  *^  iavox^  ^  a  holding  bark,  especially  of  hostilities,  an  armistice,)  ♦^  enter  (I  adopt  marg. 
reading).  *•  unto.  w  their  (III.  X.  23.  44.  al.,  the  fling.)  tents,  who  came  again.  ^^  appointed  to  come  (ovrw? — • 
text,  Tee.,ovTiii — Tdtraovrai  entneaeZv),        ^2  night  ieoson. 

Vers.  27-29.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Wherefore  as  soon  as  ...  .  was  down  {eSv),  "  (the  Kot  before  ^TOtVa^eo^tu  is  wanting  in 
in.  X.  28.  56.  62.  74. 106.  Co.,  and  is  rejected  by  Fritzsche).  «  also.  «  host.  »'  But.  «  (Fritzsche  receives 
(cai  iwexdifniijav  from  19.  62.  64.  93.  Syr.  and  Josephus.     Cf.  Com,)  ^  Howbeit.         ^  company.  «i  lights  (cf. 

Com,), 

Vers.  80-82.  —  «"  A.  V. :  Then.        »  but.        «<  were  gone  «=  Wherefore.         •"  to.         "  were.        «'  (Fritzsche 

adopts  this  form  of  the  word  from  X.  III.  23.  64.  74.  106.  Co.  -,  text,  ree,,  Za^e5awv?.  Josephus  has  No^aratouc,  but  it 
is  clearly  a  mistake  )       ^  and  so. 


534  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


passed  through  the  country  unto  Ascalon.  and  the   neighboring  fortresses,  and  '  he 

34  turned  towards  -  Joppe,  and  won  it.  For  lie  had  heard  that  they  would  deliver  the 
fortress  ^   unto  them  that  took  Demetrius'  part ;  and  he  placed  *  a  garrison  there  to 

35  keep  it.     And  Jonathan  returned,  and  when  he  had  called  ^  the  elders  of  the  peo- 

36  pie  together,  he  consulted  with  them  about  building  strong  holds  in  Judsea,  and  mak- 
ing the  walls  of  Jerusalem  higher,  and  raising  a  great  monnt  between  the  fortress ' 
and  the  city,  to  '  separate  it  from  the  city,  that  *  it  might  be  alone,  so  that  they 

37  could  ^  neither  sell  nor  buy.''"  And  ^^  they  came  together  to  fortify  the  city,  and 
part  of  the  wall  toward  the  brook  on  the  east  side  fell ;  '^'^  and  they  repaired  that 

38  which  w  as  called  Chaphenatha.'^  Simon  also  fortified  Adida  in  the  lowland,"  and 
provided  it  with  strong  '*  gates  and  bars. 

39  And  ^*  Tryphon  sought "  to  get  the  kingdom  of  Asia,  and  to  put  on  the  crown, 

40  and  to  stretch  out  his  hand  against  Antiochus  the  king.  And  '"  he  was  cautious 
lest"  Jonathan  would  not  suffer  him,  and  lest  ^^  he  would  fight  against  him  ;  and^ 
he  sought  a  way  to  take  him,--  that  he  might  kill  him  ;  ^  and  -■*  he  removed,  and 

41  came  to  Bethsan.     And  ^  Jonathan  went  out  to  meet  him  with  forty  thousand  men 

42  chosen  for  the  battle,  and  came  to  Bethsan.     And  -"  when  Tryphon  saw  that  he '" 

43  came  with  a  great  -*  force,  he  durst  not  stretch  his  hands  ^^  against  him.  And  he  re- 
ceived him  with  honors,  and  introduced^"  him  unto  all  his  friends,  and  gave  him 
gifts,  and   commanded   his  men  of  war  to   be   obedient  ^'   unto  him,  as  to  himself. 

44  Unto  Jonathan  also  he  said,  Wliy  hast  thou  put  all  this  people  to  trouble,'^  seeing 

45  there  is  no  war  threatening  ^^  us  ?  And  now  send  them  to  their  homes  ;  but  choose 
for  thyself  ^*  a  few  men  who  shall  be  with  '^  thee,  and  come '"  with  me  to  Ptolemais, 
and  ^'  I  will  give  it  over  to  ^*  thee,  and  the  rest  of  the  strongholds  and  the  rest  of 
the  ^  forces,  and  all  that  are  over  the   offices,  and  *"  I  will   return   and  depart ;  for 

46  this   is  the  reason  why  I  am  here.     And  he  trusting  in  *^  him  did  as  he  bade  hiyii, 

47  and  sent  away  his  forces,  and  they  departed  ^-  into  the  land  of  Juda.^'  But "  with 
himself  he  retained  three  *^  thousand  men,  of  whom  he  sent  two  thousand  into  Gal- 

48  ilee,  while  ^^  one  thousand  went  with  him.  But  when  *''  Jonathan  entered  into 
Ptolemais,  they  of  Ptolemais  shut  the  gates,  and  took  him,  and  all  them  that  came 

49  with  him  they  slew  with  the  sword.     And  Tryphon  sent  a  force  of  footmen  ^*   and 

50  horsemen  into  Galilee,  and  *'  the  great  plain,  to  destroy  all  Jonathan's  men."  And  ^' 
when  they  learned  that  he  ^-  and  they  that  were  with  him  had  been  *'  taken  and 
slain,  they  encouraged  one  another,  and  marched  with  closed  ranks,^^  prepared  to 

H   fight.    And  when  the  pursuers  saw  that  it  was  to  be  a  life  and  death  struggle,  they  '' 

52  turned  back,^^  And^'  they  all  came  into  the  land  of  Juda  in  safety  ;  and  ^*  they 
bewailed  Jonathan,  and  them  that  were  with  him,  and  they  were  sore  afraid  ;  and  ^' 

53  all  Israel  made  great  lamentation.     And '"  all  the  heathen  that  were  round  about 

Vers.  33-36.  —1  A.  V. :  holds  there  adjoining,  from  whence.  =  aside  to.  '  hold.  •  wherefore  he  set. 

'  After  this  came  J.  home  again,  and  calling.  »  tower.         '  for  to.         '  that  bo.         •  that  men  might.         '»  buy 

in  U. 

Vers.  37,  38.  —  "  A.  V. :  Upon  this.  "  build  up  the  city  (ttj^  iriAii/,  omitt«d  by  III.  52.  62.  106.),  forasmuch  as 

pari  (marg.,  "  Or,  according  to  the  Roman  reading,  and  he  came  near  to  the  wall  of  the  brook  toxvard  the  east  ")....  was 
fallen  down  (iireirev.  III.  19.  55.  64.  93.  106.  Aid. ;  the  same,  with  eiri'  prefixed,  23.  62.  62. ;  X.,  latter  in  the  plur. ;  text. 
rec.,i]yyioe).  "  caphenatha  (see  Com.).         "  set  up  Adida  in  Sephela  (see  Com.).  i»  made  i<  strong  wifA,  etc. 

(w^fiipwae  0upa5). 

Vera.  39-41.  —  ^'^  A.  V. :  Now.  i"  went  about.  *■*  to  kill  Antiochus  the  king,  that  he  might  set  the  crown  upon 
his  own  head.  Ilowbeit.  ■»  afraid  that  (so  text.  rec. ;  III.  X.  23.  44.  55.  al.,  euKafiijeri).  ^  that.  !i  wherefore. 
K  how  to  take  J.  (so  the  text.  ree.    I  follow,  with  Fritzsche,  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  al.).  »  him  (Fritzsche  strikes  out 

ainiv  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  52.  al.).        "  So. 

Vers.  41-43.  —  -s  A.  V.  :  Then.  26  Now.         "  Jonathan  (so  text.  rec.    I  follow,  with  Fritzsche,  Til.  X.  23.  44.  55. 

al.).        28  so  great  a.        23  hand.        ^  but  ....  honourably,  and  commended.         ^^  as  obedient. 

Vers.  44-46.  —  "'  A.  V.  :  so  great  trouble  {licoi^/as).  =3  betwist  (tVeomiciros).  sj  Therefore  send  them  now  home 
again ,  and  choose.  »=  to  wait  on.  ^  come  thou.  "for.  »  omils  over  to.  »  o,«,(5  the  rest  of  the  (III. 
106.,  iroAAis).  *"  haTe  any  charge:  as  for  me.  "  cause  of  my  coming.    So  Jonathan  believing.  *'  his  host, 

who  went.        *5  Judea. 

Vers.  47-49. —M  A.  v.:   And.  "  dm  three.         "  and  (Se).  «'  Now  as  soon  as.  <«  Then  sent  T.  a  host  o^ 

footmen.       «  And  inio  (in.  52.  haTetit).        M  company. 

Vers.  60,  51.— "  A.  v.:  But.  b  toew  that  .Tonathan  (I  strike  out  J.  with  III.  X.  23.  56.  62.  71.  74.  106.  134.  Co.). 
«  were.  "  went  close  together.  "»  They  therefore  that  followed  upon  Ihem,  perceiving  that  they  were  ready  0 

fight  for  their  lives  (lit.,  that  it  was  to  them  concerning  their  lives,  i.  e.,  that  the  Jews  looked  upon  it  as  a  matter  0^ 
5ghting  to  the  end).        '^  back  again. 

Vers.  62,  53.  —^  A.  V. .  Whereupon.        «  Judea  peaceably,  and  there.        ™  wherefore.        ™  Then. 


1   MACCABEES. 


535 


them  sought  to  destroy  them  ;  for  said  they,  They  have  no  ruler,  nor  helper ; ' 
now  therefore  let  us  make  war  upon  them,  and  take  away  their  memorial  from 
amongst  men. 

Ver.  53.  — '  A.  V. :  captain,  nor  a«y  to  help  tkem  (see  Com.). 


Chapter  XII. 


Ver.  6.  The  council  of  elders.  What  the 
nature  and  exact  authority  of  the  Jewish  senate 
was  at  this  time  is  not  liuown.  In  2  Mace.  (iv. 
44,  xi.  27)  it  is  represented  as  existing  under  the 
eaine  name  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  IV.  and 
Antiochus  V.  —  People,  S9iij.os.  It  seems  to  be 
used  in  the  sense  of  the  hAt'in  populiis,  as  opposed 
to  /ilebs,  i.  e.,  the  privileged  order  of  citizens,  the 
Jews  being  thereby  characterized  in  this  public 
document,  as  a  free  and  independent  people. 

Ver.  7.  Arius.  There  were  two  Spartan 
kings  by  the  name  of  Ariiis  (or  Areus),  aud  three 
Jewish  "high  priests,  called  Ouias.  But  as  only 
Arius  I.,  who  reigned  from  B.  c.  309-265  and 
Onias  I.,  who  was  high  priest  at  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great  (Jos.,  Antiq.,  xi.  8,  §  7),  were  con- 
temporaneous, most  critics  fix  upon  them  as  the 
persons  referred  to  in  the  present  passage.  — 
Copy  inclosed, ;'.  e.,  what  follows,  verses  19-23. 

Ver.  8.  Josephus  names  this  ambassador,  De- 
uioteles. 

Ver.  9.  Holy  books.  The  value  of  these 
books  had  been  increased,  in  their  estimation,  by 
the  very  persecution  which  had  been  directed 
against  them.     Cf.  i.  56,  57  ;  iii.  48. 

Ver.  10.  Have  undertaken.  The  reference, 
according  to  Michaelis,  is  to  the  uncertainty  of  the 
success  of  their  undertaking  on  account  of  tlie 
great  distance.  Grimm,  however,  supposes  that 
they  mean  that  they  have  done  this  notwithstand- 
ing that  the  fact  just  mentioned  —  their  reliance  on 
the  God  of  the  Bible  —  might  be  urged  as  a  reason 
against  it.  While  Keil,  with  more  apparent  reason, 
holds  that  it  is  simply  a  fine  turn  given  to  the  mo- 
tive of  their  action  in  order  that  it  might  not  ap- 
pear as  though  they  were  too  anxious  to  secure 
this  alliance.  They  may,  in  fact,  have  been  influ- 
enced by  both  of  the  latter  reasons. 

Ver.  1 1 .  On  the  remaining  stiitable  days, 
t.  e.,  on  the  sabbaths  and  new  moons.  Cf.  vii. 
33. 

Ver.  12.  Aiijp.  Grimm  would  translate  either 
hy  fame,  or  make  the  word  analogous  to  the  He- 
brew ~ylD2,  i.  e.,  to  be  great  in  wealth,  or  num- 
bers. But  it  seems  better,  with  Keil,  to  give  the 
word  its  more  usual  sense  as  above. 

Ver.  16.  Numenius  ....  and  Antipater. 
These  persons  were  probably  selected,  among 
other  reasons,  because  of  their  acquaintance  with 
the  Greek  language.  They  have,  moreover,  as 
will  be  observed,  Greek  names,  although  these 
may  be  simply  translations  of  their  real  Hebrew 
names.     Nothing  further  is  known  of  them. 

Ver.  21.  What  particular  document  is  referred 
to  is  not  known. 

Ver.  23.  Do  write  (A.  V.),  rather  «-•('//  write, 
the  present  being  used  to  indicate  an  unchange- 
able resolutiou  to  write  again.  The  present  letter 
is  not  a  reply  to  Jonathan's,  which  precedes.  See 
verse  7.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  265,  who  says  that  the 
present  is  used  only  in  ap|iearauce  for  the  future, 
"  when  an  action  still  future  is  to  he  desiguatcd 
as  good  as  already  present,  either  because  it  is 
already  resolved   upon,  or  because  i:  follows  ac- 


cording to  some  unalterable  law."  —  That  your 
cattle  and  your  goods  are  ours,  ;'.  e.,  we  will 
stand  by  and  support  one  another  as  well  in  peace 
as  in  war.  —  To  make  report  unto  you.  A 
fuller,  oral  report  seems  to  be  meant.  Josephus 
(Antiq.,  xii.  4,  §  10)  has  misplaced  this  letter  of 
the  Spartan  king,  giving  it,  with  some  apparent 
additions  of  his  own,  in  connection  with  a  report 
concerning  the  high  priest  Onias.  On  the  entire 
.section,  verses  5-23,  there  are  several  points  that 
seem  to  require  further  inquiry.  (1.)  Were  the 
Spartans  and  Jews  really  of  the  same  liueage  %  It 
has  never  been  proved  (cf.  Winer,  RealwOrterb.,  un- 
der '■  Sparta  ").  Hitzig  (  Geschiclite,  p.  347)  conjec- 
tures that  some  other  Sparta  is  meant.  Michaelis 
holds  that  there  was  a  failure  in  translation  and 
that  for  "  Spartaner"  we  should  read  "  Sephara- 
dener,"  cf.  Amnerk.  zum  ersten  Buck  d.  Mace,  p. 
264  ff.  In  2  Mace.  (v.  9),  however,  the  name  of  the 
people  is  given  as  "  Lacedemonians."  Ewald  would 
ex|jlain  the  origin  of  the  belief  m  this  relationship 
on  the  supposition  that  in  Peleg.  son  of  Eber, 
an  ancestor  of  Abraham  (Gen.  x.  25;  xi.  16),  was 
found  the  ancestor  of  the  Pelasgians,  while  the 
Spartans  were  regarded  as  Pelasgians.  It  has 
been  well  objected,  however,  to  this  supposition 
(Keil),  that  even  if  the  above  points  concerning 
the  relationship  of  the  Spartans  to  the  Pelasgians 
and  of  the  latter  to  Peleg  were  granted,  the  for- 
mer would  still  not  have  been  e/c  yivovs  'A^paifi. 
Moreover,  it  is  remarked  that  the  Spartans  had 
made  this  discovery  in  some  document.  The 
most  that  can  be  said  then  on  this  point  is  that 
the  belief  in  a  relationship  between  the  Jews  and 
Spartans  seems  to  have  prevailed  at  the  time  our 
book  was  written.  But  (2.)  did  sueh  an  alliance, 
offensive  and  defensive,  actually  e.xist  between  the 
Jews  and  Spartans  1  It  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted. 
Whether  they  were  really  of  the  same  descent  or 
not,  does  not  seriously  affect  the  question.  B&- 
sides  there  is  no  apparent  reason  for  such  an  alli- 
ance being  feigned  if  it  did  not  actually  exist,  but 
quite  the  contrary.  And  as  Grimm  remarks : 
"  There  is  nothing  against  the  making  of  such  a 
treaty  in  the  fact  that  already  in  the  year  b.  c. 
146  the  independence  of  Greece  was  destroyed  by 
Rome.  Since,  according  to  Strabo  (viii.  p.  365), 
Sparta  also,  after  this  catastrophe,  rejoiced  in  a 
quite  independent  position  and  was  simply  obliged 
to  lend  assistance  to  Rome,  among  which,  indeed, 
that  rendered  the  Jews  may  have  belonged."  If 
now  (3.)  such  an  alliance  between  the  Spartans 
and  Jews  did  exist  there  must  have  been  doc- 
uments like  the  one  given  in  our  book  which 
passed  between  them ;  but  it  does  not  follow, 
therefore,  that  the  present  ones  are  genuine. 
Grimm  argues  against  their  genuineness  on  the 
following  grounds:  The  letter  of  Arius  contains 
no  traces  of  Doricisms,  or  diplomatic  formulas, 
and  is  signed  only  by  himself  instead  of  by  himself 
in  connection  with  his  royal  colleagues  and  the 
Ephors  •  while  that  of  Jonathan  is  unnecessary. 
Fur  the  present  he  needed  no  help  (ver.  15),  aud 
he  does  not  ask  for  it  for  the  future.  Much  less 
could  the  letter  be  an  indirect  appeal  for  assistance, 


536 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


or  a  mere  diplomatic  compliment.  Consequently, 
it  must  be  an  imlependeut  effort  of  the  writer  of 
the  book,  or  of  his  authority,  to  restore  tlie  oriji- 
inal  documents  which  had  been  lost.  Keil  replies 
to  the  objections  against  the  genuineness  of  the 
letter  of  Arins  that  ihey  are  only  sufficient  to 
prove  that  the  document  as  here  preserved  is  not 
literalli/  correct.  Wliile  respecting  that  of  .Jona- 
than he  says  :  "  If  Jonathan  would  by  his  letter 
simply  renew  the  e-Kisting  friendship  with  the 
Spartans,  without  expecting  aid  from  them  for 
the  present,  with  a  view  of  being  able  to  claim 
their  assistance  in  cases  that  might  arise  in  the 
future,  then  the  letter  both  in  form  and  contents 
corresponds  to  this  aim." 

Ver.  24.  The  narrative  of  the  further  conflicts 
of  Jonathan  and  Simon,  broken  off  at  xi.  67,  74, 
is  here  again  taken  up. 

Ver.  a.T.  Amathitis.  This  is  the  Greek  name 
for  the  Syrian  "  Hamath."  A  city  of  this  name 
(Hamah)  on  the  Orontes,  at  the  base  of  Lebanon, 
to  the  north,  still  exists.  Other  forms  of  the 
word  in  the  LXX.  are  Alfj.ci.6  (Numb,  xxiii.  21  ; 
xxxiv.  8,  etc.),  'H/iafl  (2  Sam.  viii.  9,  etc.),  and 
'E/xde  (Josh.  xiii.  5  ;  2  Kings  xxiii.  33). 

Ver.  28.  They  built  fires  in  their  camp,  to 
make  it  appear  as  though  they  were  still  there. 
The  addition  of  Ka)  avfx<^PV<"'-'',  which  we  have 
adopted  w'ith  Fritz.sche  and  others  from  some  cur- 
sive MSS.,  seems  indispensable  to  the  sense  of  the 
passage.  Otherwise  what  was  it  that  Jonathan 
and  his  troops  knew  not  until   morning  ? 

Ver.  29.  The  words  rd  (para  are  used  for 
watch-fires  in  camp  also  by  Xenophou.  Cyrop., 
vii.  5,  10.  Cf.  also  Mark  xiv.  54  ;  Luke  xxii. 
56. 

Ver.  30.  Eleutherus.  Cf.  xi.  7.  Jonathan  did 
not  wish  to  pursue  the  enemy  into  Syria  itself, 
and  hence  did  not  cross  the  river  which  was  its 
boundary. 

Ver.  31.  Zabadseans.  The  name  seems  to  be 
preserved  in  ZebedSny,  a  city  and  district  north- 
east of  Damascus,  on  the  way  to  Baalbec.  On  the 
general  subject  of  the  "  Arabs  in  Palestine,"  see 
Quarterly  Statement  of  the  Palestine  Exploration 
Fund,  for  October,  1875. 

Ver.  33.  Ascalon.  Cf.  x.  86  and  Riehm's 
Handivorterhuch,  s.  v.  — 'Won,  7rpoKaTe\i&€ro.  The 
idea  of  taking  it  by  a  sudden,  unexpected  onset,  is 
meant  to  be  indicated  by  the  preposition  prefixed. 
Cf.  v.  8. 

Ver.  36.  Neither  sell  nor  buy.  Apparently  a 
proverbial  expression  for  carrying  on  any  kind  of 
intercourse.  Some,  however  (Gaab),  think  it  re- 
fers to  the  selling,  by  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
to  the  citizens,  that  which  they  had  obtained  as 
spoiL 


Ver.  37.  Toward  the  brook.  It  is  the  brook 
Cedron.  The  wall  spoken  of  foil  either  at  ac 
earlier  period,  or  at  tlie  present  time,  while  men 
were  building  it,  or  building  upon  it.  —  Chaphe- 
natha.  Apparently  the  name  given  to  that  part 
of  the  wall  which  had  fallen  down  According 
to  Lightfoot  the  word  is  derived  from  Cuphnioth, 
the  Talmudic  expression  for  unripe  figs.  Gaab, 
on  the  other  hand,  makes  it  mean  something  like 
fovea,  and  thinks  that  it  was  so  called  from  the 
fact  that  the  Cedron  had  made  the  grouud  at 
that  point  marshy  and  so  caused  the  destruction 
of  the  wall. 

Ver.  38.  Adlda.  It  is  generally  identified 
with  the  Hadid  of  Ez.  ii.  33,  Neh.  vii.  37,  a  place 
situated  near  Lydda  and  the  present  Chaditheh. 
Vespasian  erected  at  this  point  a  fortified  camp  in 
order  to  control  the  road  to  Jerusalem  from  the 
west. —  "Ev  rfi 'S,i<pTiKa.  The  lowlands  stretching 
between  the  mountains  of  Judsea  and  the  llediter- 
ranean  are  meant.  The  northern  portion  of  it 
was  known  as  Sharon.  In  other  parts  of  the 
Bible  this  word  has  been  translated  by  "the  vale," 
"  the  valley,"  "  the  plain,"  thus  taking  from  it  its 
peculiar  character  as  a  proper  noun. 

Ver.  40.  A  way,  irSpov  ^  means  and  oppor- 
tunity. 

Ver.  41.  Bethsan.  Cf.  v.  32.  It  is  the  present 
Beisan  on  the  road  from  Damascus  to  Egypt,  a 
short  distance  from  the  Jordan. 

Ver.  45.  Choose  for  thyself,  eir/Aelat  5e  (re- 
auTip.  The  reflexive  force  of  the  middle  voice  is 
often  so  sUght  that  a  reflexive  pronoun  is  not  in- 
frequently used,  especially  in  case  of  an  antith- 
esis, to  emphasize  it.  Cf.  Kiihner,  p.  235.  — 
Ptolemais.  This  city  would  be  of  particular 
value  to  the  people  of  Galilee  on  account  of  its 
opening  to  tliem  a  way  to  the  sea.  Demetrius  I., 
moreover,  had  given  the  Jews  (x.  ."9)  the  promise 
of  it.  —  i?he  rest  of  the  strongholds  and  the 
rest  of  the  forces.  By  the  remaining  strong- 
holds, probably  those  of  the  seacoast  are  meant, 
stretching  from  Ptolemais  to  Joppa.  The  troops 
referred  to  seem  to  be  those  stationed  in  the 
country  in  addition  to  those  found  in  the  various 
citadels. 

Ver.  48.  How  far  so-called  criticism  some- 
times avails  itself  of  the  baldest  conjecture,  is 
seen  in  the  fact  that  Hitzig  imputes  the  composi- 
tion of  the  119th  Psalm  to  Jonathan  during  his 
imprisonment. 

Ver.  49.  Jonathan's  men.  The  two  thousand 
men  spoken  of  in  v.  47  are  meant. 

Ver.  53.  Nor  helper.  They  were  not  able, 
as  previously,  to  make  use  of  the  differences  ex- 
isting between  the  rival  kings  of  Syria  to  their 
own  advantage.    They  must  stand  alone. 


Chapter  XIII. 


And  *  when  Simon  heard  that  Tryphon  had  gathered  together  a  great  army  ^  to 
invade  the  land  of  Juda,'  and  destroy  it,  and  saw  that  the  people  were  *  trembling 
and  affrighted,'  he  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  gathered  the  people  together,  and 
gave  them  exhortation,  and  said  to  them,'  Ye  yourselves  know  what'  I,  and  my 
brethreu,  and  my  father's  house,  have  done  for  the  laws  and  the  sanctuary,  the  bat 


VerB.  1,  2.  —  "  A  V. :  Now.  »  host.  »  Judea. 

il<^3o«,  from  III.  X.  23.  62.  al.).        «  saying. 
Ver.  a.  —  '  A.  V.  :  what  great  Mngt  [avoX 


*  was  in  great. 


'  fear  ( Fritzsche  adopts  iK^ofiot,  tol 


1   MACCABEES.  537 


4  ties  also  and  troubles  which  we  have  seen,^  by  reason  whereof  all  my  brethren  per- 

5  ished  '^  for  Israel's  sake,  and  I  am   left  alone.     And  now  '  be  it  far   from  me,  that 
/  should  spare  my  *  life  in  any    time   of  affliction ;  *  for  I  am  no  better  than  my 

6  brethren.     But  '   I  will  avenge  my  nation,  and  the  sanctuaiy,  and  our  wives   and  ^ 
children  ;  for  all  the  heathen  are  gathered  to  destroy  us  on   account  of  enmity.* 

7,  8  And  ^  as   soon  as  the  people  heard  these  words,  their  spirit  revived,  and  they 

answered  with  a  loud  voice,  saying.  Thou  art  ^'^  our  leader  instead  of  Judas  and 

9  Jonathan  thy  brother.     Fight  thou  our  battles,"  and  whatsoever  thou  commandest 

10  us,  that  will  we  do.     And  '-  he  gathered  together  all  the  men  of  war,  and  made 

11  haste  to  finish  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  he  fortified  it  round  about.  And  '*  he 
sent  Jonathan  the  so?i  of  Absalom,^*  and  with  him  a  sufficient  force,'^  to  Joppe  ;  and 
he  cast  ^*  out  them  that  were  therein,  and  "  remained  there  in  it. 

12  And  ''  Tryphon  removed  from  Ptolemais  with  a  great  army  '^  to  invade  the  land 

13  of  Juda.^"  and  Jonathan  was  with  him  in  ward.     But  Simon  pitched  his  tents  at 

14  Adida,  over  against  the  plain.  And  -'  when  Tryphon  learned  -^  that  Simon  had'^ 
risen  up  instead  of  his  brother  Jonathan,  and  was  on  the  point  '^*  to  join  battle  with 

15  him,  he  sent  messengers  unto  him,  saying,  We  ^  have  Jonathan  thy  brother  in  hold 
because  of  ^^  money  that  he  owed"  unto  the  king's  treasury,  on    account  of  offices 

16  which  he  held.  And  -*  now  send  an  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  two  of  his  sons 
for  hostages,  that  being  set  ^  at  liberty  he  may  not  revolt  from  us,  and  we  will  let 

17  him  go.  And*"  Simon,  albeit  he  perceived  that  they  spake  deceitfully  unto  him, 
yet  sent  he  the  money  and  the  children,  lest  peradventure  he  should  procure  to  him- 

18  seZ/"  great  hatred  from  ^'  the  people  ;  who  might  have  said,'^  Because  I  sent  him  not 

19  the  money  and  the  children,  Jonaihan  perished.  And  ^^  he  sent  them  the  children 
and  the  hundred  talents  ;  and  ^^   Tryphon  dissembled,^^  and  did  not  ^^  let  Jonathan 

20  go.  And  after  this  came  Tryphon  to  invade  the  land,  and  destroy  it ;  and  he  went  *' 
round  about  by  the  way  that  leadeth  unto  Adora ;  and  '*  Simon  and  his  force  '' 
marched  side  by  side,  over '"'  against  him  in  every  place,  wheresoever  he   went. 

21  But  ^'  they  that  were  in  the  fortress  *'^  sent  messengers  unto  Tryphon,  to  the  end 
that  he  should  hasten  his  coming  unto  them  by  the  wilderness,  and  send  them  pro- 

22  visions.*^  And  "  Tryphon  made  ready  all  his  horsemen  to  come  ;  and  that  night 
there  was  ''^  a  very  great  snow,  and  ■"*  hy  reason  of  the  snow  he  ^'  came  not.     And  *^ 

23  he  departed,  and  came  into  Galaad.     But  ■"  when  he  came  near  to  Bascama,  he 

24  slew  .Jonathan,  and  he  ^  was  buried  there.  And  Tryphon  turned  about  and  de- 
parted °^  into  his  own  land. 

25  And  Simon  sent,^-  and  took  the  bones  of  Jonathan  his  brother,  and  buried  iiim  ^' 

26  in  Modein,  the  city  of  his  fathers.     And  all  Israel  made  great  Lamentation  for  him, 

27  and  bewailed  him  many  days.  And  Simon"  built  a  monument  upon  the  sepulchre 
of  his  father  and  his  brethren,  and  raised  it  aloft  to  the  view,^^  with  hewn  stone  be- 

28  hind  and  before.     And  ^^  he  set  upon  it  ^'  seven  pyramids,  one  over  ^*  against  an- 

29  other,  for  his  father,  and  his  mother,  and  his  four  brethren.  And  on™  these  he  en- 
graved artistic  ^  devices,  and  placed  about  them  °'  great  pillars,  and  upon  the  pillars 
he  engraved  weapons  of  all  sorts  for  an  eternal  memorial,  and  along  side  of  the 

Vers.  3-5.  —  ^  Or  experienced^  elSofiev.        ^  \.V.:  are  slain.        ^  Now  therefore.        *  mine  own.        ^  trouble. 

Vers.  6-11.  —  "  A.  V. :  Doubtless  (ttAiji/).  ^  our  wives,  and  our  s  of  verj/  malice.  ^  Now.  lo  Bhalt  be 

(e!,  which  71.  omits).  "(ToA.enoi'.)  >=  So  then.  "Also.  "  (III.  X.  23.  44.  al., 'Ai/zoAcunou,  which  is  adopted 
by  Fritzsche ;  texl.  rec.,  as  at  xi.  TO.)         i6  great  power.        '*  who  casting.        i^  omits  and. 

Vers.  12-16. —19  A.  V.I  So.  "power.  =»  Judea.  "Now.  !2  knew.  »  was.  2*  meant. 

25  WhfTeaswe.         ^^  it  is  for.         27  is  owing  -^  treasure  (see  Com.),  concerning  the  business  that  was  committei 

unto  him.    ^Vherefore.        -^  when  he  is. 

Vers.  17-19.  —'1  A.  V.  :  Hereupon.  'i  of.  ^2  (\eyoiT«,  as  III.  X.  23.  44.  al.  ;  text,  rec,  the  sing.)  ^  there- 

fore is  Jonathan  dead  (koI  airwAeTo).    So.        3*  howbeit  ^e  (Either  kad  lied,  or  denied  it,  namely,  that  he  had  made 

euch  a  promise.)        36  neither  would  he. 

Vers.  20,  21.  —  "  A.  V. :  going.  »«  but.  3»  host.  «°  omits  side  by  side  OTer  'cf.  Com.\.  "  Now 

*2  tower.        ^  victuals. 

Vers.  22-24,  — **  A.  V. :  Wherefore.  «  come  that  night :  but  (I  read  koi  before  kv  rfj  wktL,  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  al., 
Instead  of  after  it,  with  the  text,  rec.)  there  fell.  *^  omits  and.  *^  whereof  he.  *^  So.  ^®  the  country  of  G. 
Ann         *>"  who.        ^i  Afterward  T.  returned  and  went. 

Vers   25-28.  —=2  A.  V.  :  Then  sent  S.  ">  them  (so  (erf.  rec.     I  read  ouToi',  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  a!.).  "  Simon 

also.  ^  sight.  =6  Moreover.  ='  up  (III.  X.  19.  28.  5(i  62.  64.  al.  Syr.  Old  Lat.  omit  ctt'  avri).  ^  omiu 

over. 

Ver.    29.  —  ^  A.  V. :  in.         ^  made  (I  render  iiroofae  freely)  cunning.         ci  about  the  which  he  set. 


538  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


30  weapons  ships  in  carving,^  that  they  might  be  seen  by  ^  all  that  sail  the  '  sea.    Thi» 

31  sepulchre^  which  he  made   at   'Modem,  standeth^  unto  this   day.     But'  Tryphon 

32  dealt  deceitfully  '  with  the  young  king  Antiochus,  and  slew  him.  And  he  reigned 
in  his  stead,  and  put  on  the  crown  *   of  Asia,  and  brought  a  great  calamity  upon  the 

33  land.  And  ^  Simon  built '"  tne  strongholds  of  "  Juda;a,  and  walled  them  '-  about 
with  high  towers,  and  great  walls,  and  gates,  and  bars,  and  laid  up  provisions  in  the 

34  strongholds.^'  And  "  Simon  selected  ^°  men,  and  sent  to  the  "^  king  Demetrius,  to 
the  end  he  should  give  the  land  an  immunity,  because  all  that  Tryphon  did  was  to 

35  spoil."  And  the  king  Demetrius  sent  to  him  according  to  these  words,  and  an- 
swered him,  and  wrote  to  him  such  a  letter  as  followeth  :  '* 

36  King  Demetrius  unto  Simon  high  '^  priest,  and  friend  of  kings,  and  ™  unto  the 

37  elders  and  nation  of  the  Jews,  sendeth  greeting.  The  golden  crown,  and  the  palm 
branch,-'   which  ye  sent,''^  we  have  received ;  and  we  are  ready  to   make  a  full  ^ 

38  peace  with  you,  and  ^  to  write  unto  our  officials,  to  grant  you  immunities.-^  And 
whatsoever  covenants  ''■^  we  have  made  with  you  shall  stand ;  and  the  strongholds, 

39  which  ye  have  builded,  shall  be  yours.^  Oversights  on  the  other  hand,  and  the 
faults  -*  committed  unto  this  day,  we  pass  over,'*  also  the  crown  tax,^"  which  ye 
owe  ;  '^  and  if  there  were  any  other  tribute  paid  in  Jerusalem,  it  need  '^  no  more 

40  be  paid.'^     And  if  there  be  any  among  you   suitable   to   be   enrolled  in   our  body 

41  guard,'*  let  them  be  enrolled,  and  let  there  be  peace  betwixt  us.     The  '^  yoke  of 

42  the  heathen  was  taken  away  from  Israel  in  the  hundred  and  seventieth  year,  and  '* 
the  people  of  Israel "  began  to  write  in  their  documents ''  and  contracts.  In  the  first 
year  of  Simon,  high  priest,  and  general,'*  and  leader  of  the  Jews. 

43  In  those  days  he  *°  camped  against  Gazara,*^  and  besieged  it  round  about ;  *"  he 
made  also  an  engine  for  sieges,*'  and  brought  it  up  to  "  the  city,  and  battered  a 

44  certain  tower,  and  took  it.     And  they  that  were  in  the  engine  leaped  into  the  city  ; 

45  and  there  arose  a  great  commotion  in  the  city.  And  they  of  the  city  ''^  climbed  upon 
the  wall  with  *^  wives  and  children,  their  clothes  being  rent,*'  and  they  ■"  cried  with  a 

46  loud  voice,  beseeching  Simon  to  grant  them  peace.     And  they  said.  Deal  not  with 

47  us  according  to  our  wickedness,  but  according  to  thy  mercy.  And  *'  Simon  was 
appeased  towards  them,  and  fought  no  more  against  ^^  them  ;  and  he  *'  put  them  out 
of  the  city,  and  cleansed  the  houses  wherein  the   idols  were,  and  so  entered  into  it 

48  with  songs  and  thanksgivings.  And  he  put  every  '''  uncleanness  out  of  it,  and  col- 
onized ^'  such  men  there  ^^  as  would  keep  the  law,  and  made  it  stronger  than  it  was 
before  ;  and  he  *^  built  therein  a  dwelling  place  for  himself. 

49  They  also  of  the  fortress  ^'  in  Jerusalem  were  hindered  from  going  into  the  coun- 
try, back  and  forth,  as  well  as  from  buying  and  selling  ;  and  "  they  were  in  great 
distress  for  want  of  provisions,^'  and  a  great  number  of  them  perished  through  fam- 

Vers.  29,  30.  — '  A.  V. :  made  all  their  armour  for  a  perpetual  memory,  and  by  the  armour  ships  carred.  ^  of. 

5  on  the.  *  is  the  sepulchre.        ^  and  it  standeth  yet. 

Vers.  31,  32.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Now.  '  (Luther,  Michaelis,  De  Wette,  and  others  render  "  took  A.  deceitfully  around 

with  him,"  but  the  words  mean  rather  to  walh,  i.  e.,  deal,  deeeit/idly,  as  rendered  in  the  A.  V.  Cf.  PrOT.  xxTiii.  26, 
iropeu€a9aL  aotfiia).  ^  crowned  himself  king. 

Vers.  33  -34.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Then.  ^°  built  up  {see  Com.).  ii  in.  ^-  fenced  the7n,  i3  victuals  therein. 

»  Moreover.        ^''  chose.        ^^  omits  the.        ^^  Marg.,  "  Gr,,  all  Tryphon's  doings  were  robberies.'^ 

Vers.  35-37.  — ^^  A.\. :  Unto  whom  king  D.  answered  and  wrote  after  this  manner  (64.  93.  omit  aiirtZ  after  djre'ffTeiXef. 
Cod.  93.  omits  auTw  after  eypa^ev,  and  106.  omits  both  with  the  preceding  KaC).  ^'•'  the  high.  20  gg  also, 

n  scarlet  robe  (lex!,  rcc.-riii'^iiii'i/i'.     See  Cojn.).  ''-  sent  unto  us.  »  stedfast  ()ieyaAr|i>).  "  yea,  and. 

"  officoi-s,  to  confirm  the  immunities  (i^ieVai  ....  a^ep-ara.  Cf.  x.  28)  which  we  have  granted  (too  much  is  assumed 
in  saying  this). 

Vers.  38-40,  —  ==  A.  V. :  covenants  (contained  in  the  verb  eo-r^'Koifiei').  "  your  own.  28  xs  for  any  oversight  or 
fault.        2U  forgive  it.        so  and  the  crowa  fax  afeo.        3i  owe  i«.  32  gjjall,         ^^  IThe  verh  v>  reXaivtitv^  to  lake  toU, 

and  hero,  as  just  before,  is  used  in  the  sense  of  taxing,  or  collecting  taxes.)  ^  took  who  are  meet  ....  to  be  in  our 

court  {eU  Touv  wepi  Tj^os.    The  preceding  word  ypa^ifivat.  is  a  military  term,  and  so  used  by  Xen.,  Cyrop.,  iv.  3.  21). 

Vers.  41,  42.  —  '■"•  A.  V. :  T/ius  the.  "  Then.  ^t  (X.  23.  44.  64.  93.  omit.)  M  iheir  instruments.  »>  the  high 
priest,  tl»e  governor. 

Vers.  43,  44.—*"  A.  V. :  Simon  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  with  III.  X.  23.  44.  65.  al.).  "  Gaza  (cf.  Com.).  «=  (Lit., 
inclosed  it  with  camps.)  "  engine  (^AeVoAii',  X.  44.  55.  62.  al.  ;  text,  rec,  eV^iiVis)  of  war.  «  set  it  by.  *''  where- 
upon there  was  a  great  uproar  in  the  city  :  insomuch  as  the  people  of  the  city  rent  their  clothes,  and.  «  walls  with 
Ihtir.         "  omits  their  clothes  being  rent.        *•*  omits  they. 

Vers.  47  48.  — *"  A.  V.  t  So.  ■*  (i.  <  ,  did  not  treat  them  as  the  rights  of  war  permitted.)  "  but.  «  Yea,  ho 
put  all.        "■  placed  (KoTiuKKTei').        "'  (HI.  X.  23.  65.  62,  106.,  ei-  avrji.)        '=  omits  he. 

Vcr,  49. iw  A.  V. :  tower.  ""^  kept  so  strait,  tliat  they  could  neither  come  forth,  nor  go  into  the  country  nol 

buy,  nor  sell :  wherefore.        ^  victuals  (lit..  Hungered  exceedingly). 


1    MACCABEES. 


539 


50  ine.  And  tliey  cried*  to  Simon,  to  makepeace''  with  them  ;  and  he  granted  it 
to  ^  them ;  and  when  he  had  put  them  out  from  thence,  he  cleansed  the  fortress  * 

51  from  its  ^  pollutions.  And  he  ^  entered  into  it  the  three  and  twentieth  dai/  of  the 
second  month,  in  the  hundred  seventy  and  first '  year,  with  praise,  and  palm 
branches,'"  and   with   harps,  and  with  ^  cymbals,  and  with  viols,  and  with'  hymns, 

52  and  with  °  songs  ;  because  there  was  destroyed  a  great  enemy  out  of  Israel.  He 
ordained  also  that  that  day  should  be  kept  every  year  with  gladness.  And  '°  the 
hill  of  the  temple  that  was  by  the   fortress  ''  he  made  stronger  than  it  was,  and 

53  there  he  dwelt  himself  with  his  household.'-  And  when  Simon  saw  that  John  his 
son  was  a  valiant  man,"  he  made  him  leader  of  all  the  forces  ;  and  he  "  dwelt  in 
Gazara. 

Vers.  50,  51.  —  ^  A.  V  :  Then  cried  they  2  beseeching  him  to  be  at  one.        s  which  thing  he  granted.        *  .cwtr. 

6  omits  its  (the  art.).        <*  omits  he.         '  one  ^  thanksgiving,  and  branches  of  palm  trees  \cf.  ver.  37)  ^  omitt 

with  iiv.    See  Com.). 

Vera.  52,  63.  —  '•  A  V  .  Moreoyer.  "  tower  "  company  (here  not  as  at  xi.  72.  Cf.  Mark  iii.  21)  '>  (Of.  T. 
63.)       "  omits  he. 


Chapter   XIII. 


Ver.  4.  All  my  brethren.  It  seems  to  have 
been  generally  believed  that  Jonathan  had  been 
already  put  to  death. 

Ver.  8.  Simon  appears  also,  at  the  same  time, 
to  have  been  chosen  high  priest.  Cf.  xiii.  36  ; 
xiv.  35,  36. 

Ver.  10.  Made  haste  to  finish.  Taxifeiv  fol- 
lowed by  the  infinitive  in  the  genitive  case  is 
found  a  nuralierof  times  in  the  LXX. :  Gen.  xviii. 
7;  xli.  32  ;  Ex.  ii.  18  ;  2  Sam.  xv.  14. 

Ver.  11.  Absalom.  Cf.  xi.  70.  —  Since  Joppe 
was  already  garrisoned  by  Jewish  troops  (xii.  33), 
the  hostile  people  of  the  city  must  be  here  referred 
to. 

Ver.  13.     Adida.     Cf.  xii.  38. 

Ver.  15.  Th  $a<Ti\iK6v^  pcciinia  ad  reqem  per- 
tinens,  Walil's  Clavis,  s.  v.  —  Offices,  xp^^^s.  His 
official  position  as  high  priest  and  vassal  prince 
are  meant.  Tryphon  makes  this  statement  sim- 
ply as  a  pretext.  It  had  no  foundation  in  fact. 
Cf.  V.  17. 

Ver.  20.  Adora.  It  was  situated  in  Judasa  to 
the  south.  The  name  is  shortened  by  Josepbus 
(Anliq..  xiv.  5,  §  3)  and  the  MSS.  into  Dora.  It 
is  the  present  Dura,  one  of  the  largest  villages  in 
the  district  of  Hebron. 

Ver.  20.  Simon  managed  to  keep  bis  troops  in 
such  a  position  in  the  mountains  while  Tryphon 
was  marching  around  them,  as  continually  to  con- 
front the  latter,  being  himself,  by  virtue  of  his 
Bnrroundings,  safe  from  attack. 

Ver.  21.  By  the  wilderness,  i.  e.,  the  wilder- 
ness of  Judoea.  —  Send  them  provisions.  They 
were  beginning  to  experience  the  ill  effects  of  the 
wall  which  Jonathan  had  caused  to  be  built  be- 
tween the  city  and  the  fortress.     Cf.  xii.  36. 

Ver.   22.      A  very   great  snow.      Snow  falls 
often  in  the  mountainous  parts  of  Palestine    to 
the  depth  of  a  foot  or  more,  but  remains  only  a  j 
short   time.  —  Into   Galaad,   ;'.   e.,   he   marched 
around  the  south  point  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

Ver.  23.  Bascama.  This  place  has  not  been 
identified.  From  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
it  could  not  well  he  Bozkath,  in  Judah, as  Grotius 
and  some  others  have  supposed.  Josephus  (An- 
tiq.,  xiii.  6,  §  6)  names  it  Basca. 

Ver.  24.     Into  his  land,  ;'.  e.,  Syria. 

Ver.  27.  Hewn  stone,  \(9ci>  feo-r^.  Dative  of 
material.  Cf.  KUhner,  p.  418.  The  expression 
also  occurs  in  Homer,  //.,  vi.  243.  See  also.  1 
Esd.  vi.  9.  —  Behind  and   before.     This  refers 


not  to  the  hewing  of  the  stones,  but  to  the  monu- 
ment which  was  provided  on  two  sides  with  such 
stones,  wliile  the  other  two  may  have  been  built 
of  stones  in  a  rough  state. 

Ver.  28.  Seven  pyramids.  Consequently 
there  was  one  for  himself. 

Ver.  29.  Ships  in  carving.  A  probable  rea- 
son for  this  was  the  possession  on  the  part  of  the 
Jews  —  and  secured  to  them  through  the  heroic 
efforts  of  this  family  —  of  the  important  sea  port 
town  of  Joppe.      Cf.  x.  76  ;  .xii.  33  ;  .xiv.  5. 

Ver.  30.  (Standeth)  unto  this  day.  Eusebius 
in  his  Onomanllron  says  :  "  Modeim  ....  nnde.  fit- 
erunt  Maccabsei,  c/uorum  hodiei/iie  ibidem  sfpulchra 
monstrantur."  According  to  Fritzsche  (in  Schen- 
kcl's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.),  the  true  situation  of  this 
place  has  been  recently  discovered  in  El-Mediyeh, 
two  liours  and  a  half  east  of  Lydda.  Cf.  also, 
Palestine  Explm-alion  Fund  for  1873,  p.  93.  Stan- 
ley (  The  Jewish  Church,  iii.  361 )  says  of  this  tomb  : 
"  A  monument  at  once  so  Jewish  in  idea,  so  Gen- 
tile in  execution,  was  worthy  of  the  combination 
of  patriotic  fervor  and  philosophic  enlargement  of 
soul  which  raised  the  Maccabcean  heroes  so  high 
above  their  age." 

Ver.  31.  But  Tryphon.  The  fact  here  stated 
is  thus  given  by  Livy  (Epit.,  Iv.) :  "  Ale.randri 
Jiliiis,  rex  SyriiT',  decern  annos  admodum  habens,  a 
Diodoto,  qui  Tri/phou  cof/nominabatur,  tutore  sua, 
per  fraudem  occisus  est ;  corruptis  medicis,  qui  eum 
calculi  dolore  coiisumi  ad  populum  mentiti,  dum 
secant,  occiderunt."  Cf.  Joseph.  (Antiq.,  xiii.  7,  §1 ) 
and  Diod.  Sic.  in  Miiller's  Fragiii.  Hist.  Grcec,  ii. 
p.  xix.  n.  25. 

Ver.  33.  Built,  tjiKoS6fi-na-e.  This  Greek  word 
means  sometimes  to  build  and  sometimes  simply 
to  repair.  Since  oxvpanara  has  the  article,  it  is 
evident  that  it  is  to  be  taken  in  the  latter  sense 
here. 

Ver.  36.  Friend  of  kings.  The  plural  has 
given  some  difficulty  to  critics.  According  to  Mi- 
cbaelis  it  means  that  Simon  should  be  regarded 
not  only  as  friend  of  Demetrius,  but  also  of  his 
successors.  Winer  (Reahoorterbuch,  i.  266,  note) 
thinks  the  plural  arose  from  a  misunderstanding 
of  the  original  Aramaic  word  S -^'^  which  might 
be  either  singular  or  plural.  —  Elders  =  members 
of  the  principal  governing  body  among  the  Jews. 
Cf.  i.  26  ;  xii.  6  ;  2  Mace.  i.  10  ;  iv.  44  ;  xi.  27. 

Ver.  37.  Pahn  branch,  tV  3aiv.  Some 
(Trommius,    Ewald)    would  sup|ily  eVfl^To  witV 


540 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


fiattnfv  (of  the  (ex*,  if c),  and  understand  that  a  robe 
■embroidered  with  palm  branches  is  meant,  some- 
thing after  the  manner  of  the  Roman  palmata  (of. 
I  Kings  X.  25.)  Wahl  {Clavt's,  s.  v.)  and  others, 
in  harmony  with  2  Mace.  xiv.  4,  would  supply 
JiaSSoy,  supposing  that  a  staff  in  the  form  of  a 
palm  branch  is  referred  to.  Keil,  following 
Grimm,  inclines  to  accept  the  reading  $aiv  {as 
III.  52.  62.  on  the  ground  that  the  ending  tji/  may 
have  easily  become  attached,  that  being  the  fol- 
lowing word,  while  the  adjective  $aiv6s  only  occurs 
in  one  other  place  (Sym.  in  Gen.  xl.  16),  and  that 
in  a  sense  that  is  not  clear.  The  Old  Lat.  favors 
this  ■\'iew,  having  Bahem.  The  word  could  not  be 
v8aiT7/»/,  mantle  (Drusius,  ilichaelis),as  that  means 
a  shepherd's,  or  peasant's,  coat  ofsK-ins. 

Ver.  39.     Crown  tax.     See  at  x.  29. 

Ver.  41.  In  the  hundred  and  seventieth 
year,  /  e.,  B.  c.  143-142.  After  this  period  the 
high  [iriest  managed  the  affairs  of  the  Jewish 
people  with  the  title  "  Ethnareh,"  but  still  as  re- 
sponsible to  the  Syrian  king. 

Ver.  43.  Gazara.  This  reading,  which  Fritz- 
sche,  with  Pridcaus,  Wernsdorf,  Stark,  Ewald, 
Hitzig,  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others  adopt,  is  sup- 
ported by  Josephus  {Antig.,  xiii.  6,  §  7  ;  B/H.  Jmi., 
1.  2,  §  2)  and  other  passages  in  the  present  book, 
as :  xiv.  7  ;  XV.  28 ;  xvi.  1 .  —  An  engine  for  sieges. 
i\e-7ro\iv,  i.  e.,  "  city-destroying."  It  was  an 
enormous  machine,  used  in  sieges  and  invented  by 


Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  Cf.  Diod.  Sic,  xx.  48 
and  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  s.  v. 

Ver.  48.  Every  uncleanness.  Everything  that 
pertained  to  idol  worship. 

Ver.  49.  The  garrison  had  been  cut  off  from 
intercourse  with  the  city  by  the  wall  which  Jona- 
than had  had  built.     Cf.  xii.  36. 

Ver.  51.  In  the  year  b.  c.  142,  Simon  took 
possession  of  the  fortress.  —  And  with  (tV)  harps. 
The  proposition  is  repeated  before  each  of  the 
musical  instruments  named,  thus  giving  to  each  a 
separate  significance  and  importance.  Cf.  Winer, 
p.  419.  The  Syriac  has  the  following  clause  in 
addition  :  "  JEt  quievissent  alienifiente  a  belU(jerando 
cimi  Israele,"  which  Grimm  thinks  it  must  have 
found  in  its  Greek  copy,  since  some  of  the  codices 
(64.  93.)  have  something  similar. 

Ver.  52.  This  festival  seems  not  to  have  been 
kept  up  for  more  than  a  brief  period.  Josephus 
does  not  mention  it.  —  And  there.  It  is  not 
clear  whether  the  hill  on  which  the  temple  was 
situated  was  meant,  or  that  which  had  the  for- 
tress. Grimm  decides,  with  Scholz  and  Grotias, 
for  the  former,  Keil  for  the  latter. 

Ver.  53.  This  John  was  afterwards  known 
under  the  title,  John  Hyrcanus.  Simon  had  two 
other  sons.  Judas  and  Mattathias,  who  were  treach- 
erously killed  with  their  father,  by  the  son-in-law 
of  the  latter,  one  Ptolemy. 


Chapter  XIV. 


And  '  in  the  hundred  threescore  and  twelfth  year  the  '  king  Demetrius  gathered 
his  forces  together,  and  went  into  Media,  to  get  him  help  to  fight  against  Tryphon. 
And  ^  when  Arsaces,  the  king  of  Persia  and  Media,  heard  that  Demetrius  had  come 
into  ■•  his  borders,  he  sent  one  of  his  chief  officers  ^  to  take  him  alive.  And  he ' 
went  and  smote  the  army '  of  Demetrius,  and  took  him,  and  brought  him  to  Arsaces, 
and  he  put  him '  in  ward. 

And  ^  the  land  of  Juda  had  '"  quiet  all  the  days  of  Simon  ;  and  '^  he  sought  the 
good  of  his  nation,  and  ^-  his  authority  and  his'^  honor  pleased  them  always."  And 
along  with  all  his  other  honor  '^  he  took  Joppe  for  a  haven,  and  made  a  place  of 
entry  for  the  isles  ^^  of  the  sea.  And  he  "  enlarged  the  bounds  of  his  nation,  and 
recovered  ^*  the  country.  And  he  '^  gathered  together  a  great  number  of  captives, 
and  had  the  dominion  of  Gazara,  and  Bethsura,  and  the  fortress  ;  and  he  removed 

8  the   unclcannesses   from   it,  and  there  was   none  -"   that   resisted   him.     And   they 
tilled  '-'  their  ground  in  peace,  and  the  earth  gave  her  products,"  and  the  trees  of 

9  the  fields  -^  their  fruit.    Elders  sat  on  the  streets  ;  all  communed  -■*  together  of  good 

10  things ;  "^  and  the  young  men  put  on  honors  and  "^  warlike  apparel.     He  furnished 
provisions  "'  for  the  cities,  and  equipped  them  with  means  for  defense,-'  so  that  ^ 

11  his  honorable  name  was  renowned  unto  the  end  of  the  earth.'^"     He  made  peace  in 

12  the  land,  and  Israel  rejoiced  icith  great  joy.     And''  every  man  sat  under  his  vine 

13  and  his   fig  tree,  and  there  was  none  to  make  them  afraid.     And  no  one  was  left  in 


4 
5 

6 

7 


Vers.  1-3.—  '  A.  v.:  Now. 
*  by  whom  he  waa  put 

Vers.  4-6.  — "A.  V.  :  As  for 
•ucb  wise,  as  that  evermore. 
his  acts,  .so  in  this,  that. 
change  accordingly).        ''  omits  he. 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  •»  A.  V. :  omili  he. 
*'  Then  did  they  till.        22  increase 


'  omits  the.        '  But. 


*  WEB  entered  within. 


6  who 


'  host. 


>"  Judea  (it  is  omitted  by  III.  44.  62.  64.  al.  Oo.  Aid.),  that  w.i8.         "  for.         1:  in 
>3  omits  his.        "  well  (71.  omits  Tracjas  Tas  ijfie'pas).         '^  as  he  was  honourable  in  aU 
"5  an  entrance  to  the  isles  (19.  64.  93.  Syr.,  rai?  favo-t,  and  Michaelis  and  Grimm  would 
18  effpdrtycre,  better,  perhaps,  AeW,  kept. 

2"  tower,  out  of  the  which  he  took  all  uncleanness,  neither  was  there  any 
»  Oeld(lit.,ptein,i). 


Vers.  9-12  — -*  A.  V. :  The  ancient  men  sat  all  in  the  streets,  communing.  2c  (Or  perhaps,  of  the  common  weal 

Wahl,  de  salute  publira.)        '"  glorious  (Sofa?)  and  (or  even).  ='  provided  victuals.  ^  set  in  them  all  manner  of 

cnunitioQ.         ^  (cw?  OTOu  for  etus  toutou  otou  ^  ciu?  toi-'tou  oitrre,  to  the  degree  tliat).        ^^  world  3'  for 


I    MACCABEES.  541 


the  land  to  fight  ^  against  them  ;  and  °  the  kings  '  were  overthrown  in  those  days. 

14  And^  he  strengthened  all  those  of  his  people  that  were  brought  low  ;^  the  law  he 
searched  out ;  ^  and  every  contemner  of  the  law  and  wicked  person  he  took  away. 

15  He  glorified  ^  the  sanctuary,  and  multiplied  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary.' 

16  And  °   when  it  was  heard  at  Kome,  and  as  far  as  Sparta,  that  Jonathan  was  dead, 

17  they  were  very  sorry.    But  when  ^   they  heard  that  his  brother  Simon  had  become  ^^ 

18  high  priest  in  his  stead,  and  ruled  the  country,  and  the  cities  therein,  they  wrote 
unto  him  on  "  tables  of  brass,  to  renew  mutually  with  him  ^'^  the  friendship  and 

19  league  which  they  had  made  with  Judas  and  Jonathan  his  brethren.     And  they" 

20  were  read  before  the  congregation  at  Jerusalem.  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letter  " 
that  the  Spartans  sent : 

The  rulers  of  the  Spartans,  and  "  the  city,  unto  Simon  high  '*  priest,  and  the 
elders,  and  the  "  priests,  and  the  "  residue  of  the  people  of  the  Jews  our  brethren, 

21  send  greeting.     The  ambassadors  that  were  sent  unto  our  people  informed  ■"*  us  of 

22  your  glory  and  honor ;  and  '°  we  were  glad  of  their  coming.  And  we  recorded  '"' 
thetfiinffS  that  they  spake,  in  the  records  -'  of  the  people,"  in  this  manner  :  Numenius 
S071  of  Antiochus.  and  Antipater  son  of  Jason,  the  Jews'  ambassadors,  came  unto  us 

23  to  renew  '''  the  friendship  with  "  us.  And  it  pleased  the  people  to  receive  the  men 
with  honors,'-^  and  to  put  the  copy  of  their  words  in  the  public  records  of  the  peo- 
ple,-^ to  the  end  that  the  people  of  the  Spartans  -'  might  have  a  memorial  thereof; 
but "'  we  have  sent  the  '^  copy  thereof  unto  Simon  the  high  priest. 

24  After  this  Simon  sent  Numenius  to  Rome  with  a  great  shield  of  gold  of  a  thou- 

25  sand  minas**  weight,  to  confirm  the  league  with  them.  But  ^'  when  the  people'^ 
heard  of  these  things,'"   they  said.  What  thanks  shall  we  return  ^*  to  Simon  and  his 

26  sons  ?  For  he  and  his  brethren  and  the  house  of  his  father  stood  firm,"''  and  they "' 
chased  away  m  fight  the  enemies  of  Israel "'  from  them,  and  established  for  it"*  lib- 

27  erty.  And  ^  they  wrote  on  *"  tables  of  brass,  and  placed  them  *^  upon  pillars  on  *^ 
mount  Sion.     And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  writing : 

The  eighteenth  day  of  the  month  Elul,  in  the  hundred  threescore  and  twelfth  year, 

28  and  this'"  the  third  year  of  Simon  high**  priest,  at  Saramel,''^  in  the  great  congre- 
gation  of   priests,"   and   people,  and   rulers  of   the  nation,  and  the  "   elders  of  the 

29  country,  it  is  promulgated  by  us.**  Forsomuch  as  oftentimes  there  have  arisen  *' 
wars  in  the  country,  so  ^°  Simon  the  son  of  Mattathias,  of  the  posterity  of  Joarib," 
together  with  his  brethren,  put  themselves  in  jeopardy,  and  resisted  the  enemies  of 
their  nation  that  their  sanctuary  and  the  law  might  be  maintained,  and  covered  their 

30  nation  with  great  glory .^■-     When  Jonathan  had  gathered  their  ^"  nation  together, 

31  and  become^''  their  high  priest,  he  ^^  was  added  to  his  people;  and"  their  enemies 
purposed  to  invade  their  country,  that  they  might  destroy  their  country,  and  stretch 

Vers.  13-16.  — '  A .  V. ;  fray  them  :  oeither  was  there  any  left  (lit.,  "  And  there  disappeared."  The  art.  before  ttoXc 
nil/  if  omitted  by  in.  X.  23.  62.  74.  134.  Co.  Aid.)  ....  to  flght.  2  y^^_  3  kings  themstlvei.  «  More- 

over.       ^  (Cf.  Coin.)       «  beautified.        '  temple. 

Vers.  16-20.  — ^  \.y.:  Now.  ^  as  soon  as.  10  waa  made.         11  in.         ^  omits  mutually  with  him  (verb  In 

the  middle  voice,  and  followed  by  n-pbs  avTov).  '*  which  writing.  "  letters  (cf.  x.  17).  ^^  Lacedemonians, 

with.        '^  the  high.        "  omits  the. 

Vers.  21,  22. —■«  A.  v.;  certified.  "wherefore.  »  did  register.  21  council  (cf.  Com.).  ^'^  {^&rg.,publick 
records.)        23  (pres.  part.,  used  of  that  which  one  is  on  the  point  of  doing.)        24  ikey  had  with. 

Ver.  23.  — 25  A.  V. :  entertain  ....  honourably.  26  ambassage  (Aoywi'.     It  might  be  rendered  by  message  or 

report)  in  publick  records.  27  end  the  ....  Lacedemonians.  28  furthermore.  29  written  {lit.,  but  the  sense  iB 
as  given)  a. 

Vers.  24-27. —  ^  A.  V. :  pound  (see  Com.).  3>  Whereof.  ^2  (,-.  g_^  the  Jewish  people,  and  not  as  the  Vulg.  has 
it,  poputus  Romanus,  which  Luther  followed.)  sa  (^mits  of  these  things  (ran/  \6yfi}v  rovrmv,  namely,  what  is  fiaid, 

vers.  15-23).  34  give.  as  have  established  Israel  (cf.  third  note  following).  36  omits  they,  3^  their  enemies. 
M  confirmed  their.  s"*  So  then.  *"  it  in.  *»  which  they  set.  *-  in.  «  year,  being.  "  the  high.  *'■  at 
Sacamel  (Fritzsche  retains  the  reading  of  the  text.  r«r.,  kv  ^apait.e\.  Codd.  X.  19.  23.  64.  93.,  with  Old  Lat.,  ei/auapa- 
ftcA  ;  55.,  iv  SapafieV.    See  Com.). 

Vers.  28,  29.  —  *«  A.  V. ;  the  priests.  "  omits  the.  <*  were  these  things  notified  unto  us  {eyvupiaev  Tjjuir.  Codd. 
19.  64.  93.  Aid.  Syr.  read  eyvtopirrafiev  vfitc.  It  is  better,  however,  with  Qaab,  Fritzsche,  Keil,  and  others,  to  suppose 
that  there  has  been  a  failure  in  translating  into  Greek,  the  Eophal  of  j,"''!''  (cf.  Lev.  iv.  23,  28)  being  rendered  as 
Hipbil.    It  should  have  been  rendered  as  in  our  text.    Cf.  Gaab's  Com.  in  loc).  «  been.  ^  wherein  for  the 

maintenance  of  their  sanctuary  and  the  law  (cf.  close  of  verse).  ^i  jarib  (so  text.  rec.  I  read  with  III.  X.  23.  64.  93. 
See  Com.     Lit.,  it  would  be,  "  the  son  of  the  sons  of  Joarib  ").  "2  resisting  ....  nation,  did  their  nation  great 

honour  (see  second  preceding  note). 

Vers.  30, 31. — ^  A.  V. :  for  after  that  J.,  having  gathered  his  (so  23.).        B4  5«eQ.        fOorrtitshe.        ^  omits  and- 


542  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


32  out  their  hands  against  their  ^  sanctuary.  Then  °  Simon  rose  up,  and  fought  for 
his  nation,  and  spent  much  of  his  own  substance,  and  armed  the   soldiers '  of  his 

33  nation,  and  gave  them  wages,  and  fortified  the  cities  of  Judcea,  and  *  Bethsura,  that 
lieth  upon  tlie  borders  of  Judsa,  wliere  the  weapons  ^  of  the  enemy  ^  had  been  be- 

34  fore  ;  and  he  placed '  a  garrison  of  Jews  there.  And  *  he  fortified  Joppe,  which 
lieth  upon  the  sea,  and  Gazara,  that  lieth  upon  the  borders  of  Azotus,  where  the 
enemy  '"  dwelt  before ;  and  he  colonized  ''  Jews  there,  and  placed  in  them  whatever 

35  was  needful  for  their  maintenance.  And  the  people  saw  ^^  the  acts  of  Simon,  and 
unto  what  glory  he  thought  to  bring  his  nation,  and  they  ■"  made  him  their  prince" 
and  chief  priest,  because  he  had  done  all  these  things,  and  because  of  ■'^  the  justice 
and  the  fidelity  ^^  which  he  kept  with  "  his  nation,  and  sought  in  every  way  '*  to 

36  exalt  his  people.  And  ^^  in  his  time  things  prospered  in  his  hands,  so  that  the 
heathen  were  taken  out  of  their  country,  and  they  that  '^  were  in  the  city  of  David 
in  Jerusalem,  who  had  made  themselves  a  fortress,"'  out  of  which  they  issued,  and 

37  polluted  all  about  the  sanctuary,  and  did  much  harm  to  its  purity.  And'^  he 
settled  ^^  Jews  therein,  and  fortified  it  for  the  safety  of  the  country  and  the  city, 

38  and  raised  up  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.     And  the  king  Demetrius  '^  confirmed  him 

39  in  the"^  high  priesthood  according  to  those  things,  and  made  him  one  of  his  friends, 

40  and  honored  him  vpith  great  honor.  For  he  had  heard  -°  that  the  Romans  had 
called  the  Jews  "'  friends,  and  allies,"'  and  brethren  ;  and  that  they  had  met  ^  the 

41  ambassadors  of  Simon  with  honors.'"  And  it  hath  pleased  well ''  the  Jews  and 
the  ^°  priests  that  ^^  Simon  should  be  their  prince  °^  and  high  priest  for  ever,  until 

42  there  arise  a  trustworthy  '^  prophet ;  and  ^^  that  he  should  be  general  over  them,^' 
and  should  take  charge  of  '*  the  sanctuary,  to  set  men  over  its  services,^'  and  over 
the  country,  and  over  the  arms,^°  and  over  the  fortresses,  and  that  he  should  take 

43  charge  of*'  the  sanctuary  ;  and  "  that  he  should  be  obeyed  by  *^  every  man,  and  that 
all  documents  **  in  the  country  should  be  written  *^  in  his  name,  and  that  he  should 

44  be  clothed  in  purple,  and  wear  gold ;  *^  also  that  it  shoidd  be  lawful  for  none  of  the 
people  or  the  "  priests  to  set  aside  *'  any  of  these  things,  or  to  gainsay  his  words, 
or  to  gather  an  assembly  in  the  country  without  him,  or  to  be  clothed  in  purple,  or 

45  wear  a  buckle  of  gold ;  but  *'  whosoever  should  do  contrary  to  these  things,  and 
should  set  aside  ^^  any  of  these  things,  he  should  be   liable  to  punishment  for  it.^^ 

46  And  it  hath  pleased  well  all  the  people  to  determine  for  Simon,  that  he  should  ^^  do 

47  as  hath  been  said.  And  ^^  Simon  accepted  hereof,  and  was  well  pleased  to  be  high 
priest,  and  general  and  ethnarch  "  of  the  Jews,  and  priests,  and  to  stand  before  all. 

48  And  ^^  they  commanded  that  this  writing  should  be  put  on  ^''  tables  of  brass,  and 
that  they  should  be  set  up  within  the  compass  ''  of  the  sanctuary  in  a  conspicuous 

49  place  ;  but  ^*  that  the  copies  thereof  should  be  placed  '^  in  the  treasury,  to  the  end 
that  Simon  and  liis  sons  might  have  them. 

Vers.  82,  33. —  1  A.  V.  :  it  (80  62.  64.  93.),  and  lay  hands  on  the.  >  at  which  time  »  valiant  men.  'to- 

gether with.        0  armour.        6  enemies.        '  but  he  set. 

Vers.  34-36.  —  '  A.  V.  :  moreover.  "  bordereth  upon  (see  preceding  line).  w  enemies  had.  *i  but  he 

placed.  ^2  furnished  them  with  all  thxji^s  convenient  for  the  reparation  thereof  {irpitK  ttJ  toutwv  en-avop^tio-et.    Not 

Bimply  for  repairing  it,  but  for  keeping  it,  in  all  respects,  in  a  defensible  condition).  The  people,  therefore,  seeing. 
"  omits  and  they.  "  governor  (cf.  ver.  41).  "/or.  's  faith  (iricrni',  as  HI.  X.  19.  44.  52.  al. ;  text  rec,  irpifii- 
See  Com.).  "to.  " /or  «Aal  he  sought  by  all  means.  '=  For.  ^afeothat.  =' tower.  »  hurt  in  the  holy 
place  (marg.,  unio  re/igion) :  but.         ^  placed. 

Vers.  37^0.-2*  A.  V. :  King  D.  also.  '''  (Lit.,  "  confirmed  to  him  the."  But  Keil  would  give  the  verb  the  force 
of  "recognized.")  so  heard  say.  ^^  Jews  (AciV  (lit.,  that  the  Jews  were  called  by  the  B.).  >«  confederates 

2»  entertained.        3^  honourably. 

Vers.  41-43.  —"  A.  V.  :  also  tliat  (ore  is  wanting  only  in  71.,  but  cf.  Com.).        "  tmiits  the.        "  were  well  pleased 

that,  a*  their  (Fritzsche  adopts  avrav  (X.,  a.vTw)  from  III.  55.  62.  74.  106.  134.  Co. ;  text.  rec.  omits)  governor  (S*tt73). 
»  should  (cf.  first  note  in  ver.  41)  arise  a  faithful  (cf.  Com).  =8  moreover.  s'  their  captain.  ^s  take  charge  of 
vuc'Aoi,  for  which  Fritzsche  adopts  (jeXji,  here,  and  at  ver.  43,  from  III.  X.  al.,  the  subjunctive  being  the  customary 
mood  in  the  dependent  clause,  in  Hellenistic  Greek.  Cf.  Winer,  p.  287  f .  Lit.,  the  clause  would  be,  "  that  it  should 
be  a  care  to  him  concerning").  ^a  to  set  them  (airous.    It  is  used  indefinitely)  over  their  works.  *»  ar. 

mour.  *'  that,  I  say,  he  should  take  charge  (apparently  repeated  by  nustake,  either  here  or  above.    Cf .  Com.). 

•>  besides  this.  «  of.  "  the  writings.  «  made.  »»  It  refers,  doubtless,  to  the  golden  buckle.  Cf.  ver.  44, 
»nd  X.  20,  89. 

Vers.  44-46. —"  A.  V.  :  OOTi'l.s  the.  "break.  "and.  »  otheovise,  or  break.  ei  be  punished.  m  Thn« 
it  liked  ....  deal  with  Simon,  and  (Fritz.sche  strikes  out  the  (coi  before  n-otTJo-at,  with  III.  X.  44.  62.  al.)  to. 

Vera.  47-49. — f^  A.  V. ;  Then.         ^"4  captain  and  governor.  56  ,|pf,.nd  (n-po(rrarqaat)  lAem  all      So.  «  In. 

"  (See  Com.)       "  also.       "  laid  up. 


1   MACCABEES. 


543 


Chapter  XIV. 


Ver.  1.  Hundred  three  score  and  twelfth 
year,  {.  e.,  of  the  Seleucian  era,  or  E.  c.  141-140. 
Josephus  (Antiq., -iCA.  5,  §  11)  places  this  cam- 
paign of  Demetrius  II.  ag.iinst  Media  before  the 
time  of  the  murder  of  Jonathan,  that  is,  two  years 
earlier,  the  same  writer  agreeiug  with  the  present 
book  as  to  the  period  when  the  Jews  obtained 
their  freedom.  Cf.  Antig.,  xiii.  6,  §  7  and  1  Mace. 
xiii.  51.  Eusebius,  however,  agrees  essentiallv 
with  our  bouk  in  the  former  date,  while  Josephus 
has  the  support  of  other  Greek  authors  only  .is  it 
respects  the  time  of  the  murder  of  Antiochus  VI. 
On  the  chronology  of  the  four  kings,  Demetrius 
II.,  Antiochus  VI.,  Tryphon,  Antiochus  VII.,  and 
ou  the  authorities  in  general  used  by  Josephus  in 
his  Antiquities^  cf.  Nussbaum,  Ohservationes  in  Fla- 
vii  Josephi  Antiq.,  lib.  xii.  3  -  xiii.  14,  Gottingen, 
1876,  and  a  notice  of  the  same  by  Schiirer  in  the 
Tiieoloij.  Literaturzeitung  for  the  same  year,  No.  13, 
col.  3.31  ff.  —  To  get  him  help.  He  meant,  it 
would  appear,  first  to  conquer  the  couutry  and 
then  compel  it  to  furnish  him  auxiliaries  for  fur- 
ther wars.  According  to  Rawlinson  ( The  Sixth 
Great  Oriental  Monarchy,  p.  82) :  "  All  tlie  prov- 
inces which  Parthia  took  from  Syria  contained 
Greek  towns,  and  their  inhabitants  might  at  all 
times  be  depended  on  to  side  with  their  country- 
men against  the  Asiatics.  At  the  present  junc- 
ture, too,  the  number  of  malcontents  was  swelled 
by  the  addition  of  the  recently  subdued  Bactrians, 
who  hated  the  Parthian  yoke,  and  longed  ear- 
nestly for  a  chance  of  recovering  their  freedom." 

Ver.  2.  Arsaces.  This  was  a  common  name 
of  the  Partliian  kings,  but  the  one  here  meaut  was 
Mithridates  I.  He  is  called  king  of  Persia  and 
Media  because  these  were  the  most  important 
provinces  of  his  empire. 

Ver.  3.  For  the  details  of  this  campaign,  cf. 
Rawlinson,  /.  c.  Demetrius  was  at  first  success- 
ful but  was  put  off  his  guard  by  proposals  of 
peace  on  the  part  of  Arsaces,  who  then  attacked 
him  and  made  him  prisoner. 

Ver.  4.  AH  the  days  of  Simon.  This  was 
not  strictly  true.     Cf.  xv.  27,  40 ;  xvi.  3  ff. 

Ver.  5.  To  speak  of  a  harbor  for  the  "  isles  of 
the  sea  "  sounds  somewhat  peculiar.  Grimm  with 
Michaelis,  following  the  Syriac,  with  19.  64..  93. 
would  read  therefore,  vavat  for  cTjirois,  and  claims, 
that  if  the  former  were  not  the  original  reading 
of  the  Greek,  there  may  have  been  a  misunder- 
standing of  the  original  Hebrew  word  for  ship 
whicli  might  easily  have  been  taken  for  that 
meaning  island.  Keil,  however,  dissents  from 
his  view  and  adheres  to  the  common  reading,  un- 
erstanding  by  the  islands,  "  the  inhabitants  of 
the  islands  and  countries  on  the  coast  of  the  Med- 
iterranean." 

Ver.  7.  A  great  number  of  captives.  These 
were  probably  Jews  who  had  been  carried  away 
to  other  countries.  He  freed  them  and  brought 
them  back  to  their  native  land. 

Ver.  8.  The  trees  of  the  fields  their  fruit. 
See  an  interesting  article  on  the  fertility  of  an- 
cient Palestine  in  the  Quarterly  Statement  of  the 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund  for  July,  1876,  p.  120 
ff.  Cf.  also,  Repertorium  fiir  Biblische  und  Mor- 
yenldndisehe  Literatur,  Theil  xv.,  p.  176  ff. 

Ver.  9.  Honors  and  warlike  apparel.  The 
warlike  accoutrements  were  rather  for  ornament 
than  actual  use,  although  soldiers  were  still 
needed  for  garrison  duty. 


Ver.  12.  Por  a  like  figure,  see  1  Kings  iv.  25; 
Micah,  iv.  4  ;  Zech.  iii.  10. 

Ver.  16.  Sparta  is  thought  of  as  more  distant 
because  it  was  latest  visited  by  the  JewLsh  ambas- 
sadors. 

Ver.  18.  Grimm  doubts  whether  the  Romans 
would  have  taken  the  initiative  in  proceedings 
looking  to  a  renewal  of  the  treaty,  since  it  was 
customary  for  the  successors  of  allied  kings  and 
princes  themseb'es  first  to  ask  for  it.  Obviously, 
as  it  appears  from  the  verses  ne-\t  following  (vers. 
21,  22),  the  statement  here  made  is  chronolog- 
ically out  of  place. 

Ver.  20.  The  letter  of  the  Romans  is  not 
given  because  it  was  not  directed  to  the  Jewish 
people  (xv.  16-24).  but  to  the  various  kings  and 
governments  in  alliance  with  Rome. 

Ver.  20.     The  rulers.     These  were  the  Ephors. 

Ver.  22.  In  the  council  of  the  people.  (A. 
V.)  '' Nicht  in  conciliis  populi  (Vulg. ;  vgl.  Fritz- 
sche  zu  1  Esd.  v.  73),  sondern  in  plebiscitis." 
Grimm.  Cf.  v.  23.  The  ambassadors  are  the 
same  as  those  sent  by  Jonathan.     Cf.  xii.  16. 

Ver.  24.  The  Greek  miua  was  a  little  less 
than  the  English  pound  avoirdupois,  being  15J 
ounces. 

Ver.  27.  At  Saramel,  4i>  2opa^e'\.  Grimm, 
Fritzsche,  and  many  other  critics  following  X.  23. 
19.  64.  93.  and  the  Old  Latin  would  read  erao-apa- 
fjL(\  at  the  end  of  verse  27.  In  the  first  case  it  is 
supposed  by  Ewald,  Keil,  and  others  that  the 
word  is  au  effort  to  transfer  by  the  use  of  Greek 

letters,  the  Hebrew  7S  CJ  ~l?n,  in  the  fore  court 
of  the  people  of  God,  i.  e.,  "the  fore  court  of  the 
temple."  If  the  second  reading  is  adopted,  the 
words  are  to  be  taken  as  a  second  designation  of 
Simon,  ,  S  2  J  "W,  prince  of  the  people  of  God. 
Keil  objects  that  this  theory  does  not  account  for 
the  preposition  iv,  which  must  in  this  case  be  re- 
garded as  an  arbitrary  addition  of  the  copyist ; 
and  further,  that  there  is  uo  just  ground  why  the 
Hebrew  words  should  be  transferred  in  such  a  title 
of  Simon  anv  more  than  in  other  titles  given  him, 
like  ipx'^pfis'  Cf.  xiii.  42  ;  xiv.  35,  41  f.  ;  xv. 
2.  According  to  Graetz  ( Geschichte,  iii.,  447),  who 
refers  for  support  of  his  view  to  the  Syriac,  Sara- 
mel is  but  a  coriuption  of  the  word  Israel.  See, 
however,  Michaelis,  Com.,  in  loc. 

Ver.  29.  Joarib.  Cf.  ii.  1,  and  1  Chron.  iv 
24. 

Ver.  32.  Gave  them  wages.  This  does  not 
necessarily  mean  that  Simon  paid  them  oat  of 
his  own  pocket,  but  only  that  he  attended  to  the 
matter  of  their  being  paid. 

Ver.  34.  Gazara  that  (Ueth)  on  the  borders 
of  Azotus.  This  properly  describes  the  situation 
of  Gazara  (see  iv.  15),  "if  this  city  was  situated 
on  tlie  site  of  the  village  El-Kubab  or  near  Umm- 
el-Amdan,  not  far  from  Selbit  (see  iv.  15  and  Josh. 
X.  33),  since  the  district  of  Ashdod  might  well 
have  stretched  in  a  northwesterly  direction  as  far 
as  the  beginning  of  the  mountainous  couutry,  so 
that  there  is  no  reason  for  regarding  this  expres- 
sion, with  Grimm,  as  an  erroneous  addition." 
Keil. 

Ver.  35.  The  common  reading  irpa^iv  seems 
to  be  preferable  since  the  other_mi!,'ht  easily  have 
arisen  from  the  abbreviation  nN,  or  thruuirh  the 
occurrenae  of  -rlurtv  in  the  same  ver.se,  ju-t  be. 
low.     So  Michaelis,  Grimm,  Iveii,  and  o:liers. 


&44 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Ver.  41.  According  to  the  usual  reading  we 
have  here  a  second  reason  given  why  Demetrius 
confirmed  Simon  in  the  high  priest's  office.  But 
Michaelis,  Ewald,  Grimm,  Hitzig,  Keil,  and  others 
regard  '6ti  as  a  corruption  for  the  following  rea- 
sons :  (1.)  that  on  the  supposition  of  its  genuine- 
ness a  most  awlcward  construction  would  result, 
all  that  follows  as  far  as  ver.  47,  being  made  de- 
pendent on  3ti  eiiSoK-na-ai' ;  and  (2.)  the  principal 
thought  concerning  the  merits  and  services  of 
Simon  would  thus  lie  consigned  to  a  subordinate 
clause.  The  |)article  may  have  easily  been  re- 
peated throngh  mistake  from  the  preceding  verse. 
—  For  ever.  The  idea  that  the  ofhee  should  be 
hereditary  seems  to  be  here  plainly  intimated. 
Vi.  also,  vers.  25, 49.  —  Faithful  (A.  V.)  prophet. 
The  meaning  of  TnrrrSi',  in  this  case,  seems  rather 
to  be  trusheorthy .  Michaelis  translates  by  beglau- 
biqier  and  Grimm  by  zuverldsstyer.  Most  of  the 
old  commentators,  and  even  Luther,  supposed 
that  the  passage  referred  to  the  Messiah.  But 
there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  this  thought 
was  in  the  mind  of  the  people  of  that  time,  and 
the  omission  of  the  article  is  sufficient  proof  to 
the  contrary. 

Ver.  42.  And  should  take  charge  of  the 
sanctuary.  The  repetition  of  this  clause  seems 
out  of  place,  and  some  critics,  as  Gaab,  Grimm, 
Ewald,  conjecture  that  it  is  to  be  omitted  in  the 
first  instance.  Keil  argues  justly,  however,  that 
if  it  is  omitted  in  either  case  it  should  be  in  ver. 


43  rather  than  in  ver.  42,  since  it  is  needed  in  the 
first  instance  as  justification  for  the  airav  after 
eirl  tS>v  epyciiy,  which  otherwise  would  have  no 
sense.  —  The  variation.  Si'  outoB.  for  outous,  ac- 
cepted by  Fritzsche  and  others  (cf.  7^ext.  Notes)  ia 
characterized  by  Grimm  and  Keil  as  an  unauthor- 
ized correction. 

Ver.  44.  Gather  an  assembly  ( (ru(7T()0(f)ijy)  • 
A  meeting  of  the  people  for  political  or  other 
purposes.  The  word  is  used  for  an  assembly  of 
conspirators   by  the  LXX.   at  Ps.  Ixiii.   3,  as  a 

translation  of  Tl3' 

Ver.  48.  Within  the  compass  {iv  Trfpi$6\cii) 
of  the  sanctuary.  It  is  not  clear  what  special 
jjart  of  the  temple  is  referred  to.  Probably, 
however,  it  was  the  outer  court  where  the  people 
were  wont  to  assemble  themselves.  Cf.  Eeclus. 
1.  11. 

Ver.  49.  In  the  treasury.  This  probably 
means  the  treasury  proper  and  not,  as  some  have 
supposed,  a  special  place  where  important  docu- 
ments were  kept.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iii.  6,  28,  40 ;  iv. 
22 ;  V.  18  ;  4  Mace.  iv.  6.  Whether  the  foregoing 
document  is  to  be  regarded  as  genuine,  has  been 
much  discussed,  among  others,  by  Michaelis  and 
Gaab  who  are  against,  and  Ewald  and  Hitzig 
who  are  for  its  genuineness,  Grimm  holds  it  to 
be  simply  a  free  reproduction  by  our  author  of 
the  original.  And  this  view  seems  to  have  the 
most  in  its  favor. 


Chapter  XV. 


1  And  '  Antiochus,  son  of  Demetrius  the  king,  sent  a  letter  '  from  the  isles  of  the 

2  sea  unto  Simon,  priest '  and  ethnarch  *  of  the  Jews,  and  to  all  the  nation ; '  and  °  the 
contents  thereof'  were  these:  King  Antiochus  to  Simon,  high  *  priest  and  ethnarch,' 

3  and  to  the  nation  ^°  of  the  Jews,  greeting.  Forasmuch  as  pestilent  men  "  have 
gotten  possession  of  ^  the  kingdom  of  our  fathers,  but  ^^  my  purpose  is  to  contend 
for  the  kingdom,"  that  I  may  restore  it  as  it  was  before,'^  and  to  that  end  have  en- 

4  listed  ^"^  a  multitude  of  foreign  soldiers,"  and  prepared  ships  of  war,  and  "  my  pur- 
pose is  to  disembark  and  pass  ^^  through  the  country,  that  I  may  punish  '^  them  that 

5  have  destroyed  our  country,'-^^  and  made  many  cities  in  the  kingdom  desolate  ;  now 
therefore  I  confirm  unto  thee  all  the  immunities'^  which  the  kings   before  me 

6  granted  thee,  and  as  many  other  gifts  as  ^  they  granted.    And  ^  I  give  thee  leave  '^ 

7  to  coin  money  for  thy  country  with  thine  own  stamp,  and  ''  Jerusalem  and  the 
sanctuary  shall  be  ''  free  ;  and  all  the  arms"^*  that  thou  hast  made,  and  the  ^'  for- 

8  tresses  that  thou  hast  built,  and  boldest  in  possession,  shall  ^  remain  unto  thee.  And 
if  any  thing  be,  or  shall  be,  owing  to  the  king,  it  shall  be  given  up  to ''  thee  from 

9  this  time  forth  and  for  all  time.^-  Furthermore,  when  we  have  gotten  possession 
of  '*  our  kingdom,  we  will  honor  thee,  and  thy  nation,  and  the  "^  temple,  with  great 
honor,  so  that  your  honor  shall  become  manifest  in  all  the  earth.^^ 


Vers.  1-4.  —  •  A.  V. :  Moreover.  '  sent  letters.  »  the  priest.  »  prince  6  people.  «  omits  and 

'  whereof.  *  the  high.  ^  prince  of  hie  nation  (52.  62.  71.  omit  koX  I0i/ei,  and  the  two  former,  Kal  e^vapxT?) 

>■■  people.  "  certain  pestilent  men  (III.  X.  19.  23.  B2.  62.  106.  read  rii'et  for  ai-Spes).  i"  usurped.  "  and. 

"  challenge  it  again.  "  to  the  old  estate.  '»  gathered.  "  soldiers  together.  "  omits  and.  "  meaning 
also  being  to  go  (eK^Jji-ac.  Both  ideas  of  disembarking  and  passi7ig  through  are  included  in  the  verb,  and  the  aorist  de- 
notes that  it  is  to  be  done  at  once).        =°  be  avenged  of.        ='  it. 

Vera.  S-7.  — =2  A.  V. :  oblations  (see  Com.).  23  whatKoever  gifts  besides.  =*  omits  And.  -'•  leave  also  (noi 

iTrirpe^lfi  Ml)-  "  And  as  concerjiing.  27  let  tliem  be.  2»  armour.  »  omits  the.  =°  keepest  in  thy  handi 
let  them  (the  construction  changes  to  the  imper.,  but  I  render  according  to  the  sense). 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  "  A.  V. ;  let  it  be  forgiven.  ''  forth  for  evermore.         ^^  obtained  (III.  19.  52.  62.  al.  Sjr.,  «aT(«mi 

<no/iei'  with  the  ace. ;  Vulg.,  obtinuerimus  regnmn.     Cf.  ver.  3.).        3«  tky.        3''  be  known  throughout  the  world. 


I   MACCABEES.  545 


10  In  the  hundred  threescore  and  fourteenth  year  went  forth'  Antiochus  into  the 
land  of  his  fathers  ;  and  ^  all  the  forces  came  together  unto  him,  so  that  there  were 

11  few'    with  Tryphon.     And  the  king  Antiochus  pursued  him  and*  he  fled  unto 

12  Dora,  which  lieth   upon  the  sea.*     For  he  saw  that  these  misfortunes  ^  came  upon 

13  him  all  at  once,'  and  </io< /«'s  forces  had  forsaken  him.  And'  Antiochus  besieged 
Dora,  and  there  were '  with  him  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men  of  war,  and 

14  eight  thousand  horsemen.  And  he  *"  compassed  the  city  round  about,  and  the  ships 
attacked  from  '^  the  sea  side,  and '"  he  pressed  upon  '^  the  city  by  land  and  by  sea, 
and  suffered  none  "  to  go  out  or  in. 

15  And '*  Numenius  and  those  with  him  came '^  from  Rome,  having  letters  to  the 

16  kings  and  the''  countries,  wherein  were  written  these  things:  Lucius,  consul  of  the 

17  Romans  unto  king  Ptolemy,  greeting.  The  Jews'  ambassadors,  our  friends  and 
allies,''  came  unto  us  to  renew  the  old  '^   friendship   and   league,  being  sent  from 

18  Simon  the  high  priest,  and  the  ^^  people  of  the  Jews  ;  and  they  brought  a  shield  of 

1 9  gold  of  a  thousand  minas.*'  We  thought  it  good  therefore  to  write  unto  the  kings 
and  the  '""  countries,  that  they  should  do  them  no  harm,-^  nor  fight  against  them, 
nor  '■'*   their  cities,  nor   their   country,^  and   that   they  should  not  "*   aid  their  ene- 

20,  21  mies.^  It  seemed  also  good  to  us  to  receive  the  shield  from-'  them.  If  there- 
fore any  ^  pestilent  fellows  have  *"  fled  from  their  country  unto  you,  deliver  them 
unto  Simon  the  high  priest,  that  he  may  punish  them ''  according  id  their  ''^  law. 

22  And  he  wrote  the  same  things  °^  unto  Demetrius  the  king,  and  Attains,  and  Ariara- 

23  thes,'*  and  Arsaces,  and  to  all  the  countries,  and  to  Sampsames,'*  and  Spartans,^" 
and  to  Delus,  and  Myndus,  and  Sicyon,  and  Caria,''  and  Samos,  and  Pamphylia,  and 
Lycia,  and  Halicarnassus,  and  Rhodus,  and  Phaselis,"*  and  Cos,  and  Side,  and  Ara- 

24  dus,  and  Gortyna,  and  Cnidus,  and  Cyprus,  and  Cyrene.  And  the  copy  hereof 
they  sent*^  to  Simon  the  high  priest. 

25  But'"  Antiochus  the  king  camped  against  Dora  the  second  day,  assaulting  it" 
continually,  and  making  engines.    And  *'  he  shut  up  Tryphon,  that  he  could  neither 

26  go  out  nor  in.     And  ■*'  Simon  sent  him  two  thousand  chosen  men  to  aid  him  ;  sil- 

27  ver  also,  and  gold,  and  many  weapons.'*''  And  ^  he  would  not  receive  them,  but  set 
aside*'  all  the  covenants  which  he  had  made  with  him  before,"  and  was  alienated 

28  from  *'  him.  And  ■"  he  sent  unto  him  Athenobius,  one  of  his  friends,  to  negotiate  *" 
with  him,  and  say,  You  are  in  possession  of  *'  Joppe  and  Gazara,  and  the  fortress  *^ 

29  that  is  in  Jerusalem,  cities  *^  of  my  realm.  The  borders  thereof  ye  have  wasted, 
and  done  great  hurt  in  the  land,  and  got  the  dominion  *''  of  many  places  within 

30  my  kingdom.  Now  therefore  deliver  the  cities  which  ye  have  taken,  and  the  trib- 
utes of  the  places,  whereof  ye  have  gotten  dominion,  excepting  *^  the   borders   of 

31  Judiea.  But  if  not,^^  give  me  for  them  five  hundred  talents  of  silver  ;  and  for  the 
desolation  that  you  have  wrought,"  and  the  tributes  of  the  cities,  other  five  hun- 

32  dred  talents  ;  but  *'  if  not,  we  will  come  and  fight  against  you.  And  *'  Athenobius 
the  king's  friend  came  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  when  he  saw  the  glory  of  Simon,  and  the 

Vers.  10-12.  —  *  A.  V. :  went  {e^riKQiv).  2  at  which  tim«.  3  that  few  were  left  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  tou? 

KaToXei^OfVTati  after  elfat.     It  is  wanting  in  III.  X.23.  44.  52.  62.  al.).        *  Wherefore  being  pursued  by  king  A.        ^  by 
the  seaside.         «  troubles  (ra  koko.).         ^  Fritzsche  adopts  eTnavtniKTai,  from  III.  X.  19.  62.  71.  al. ;  iext.  rec,  ovfijKTat. 

Vers.  13,  14.  —  8  x.  V. :  Then  camped.  ^  against  D.,  having.  ^^  when  he  had.         ^i  joined  {CTVioji/zor,  often 

used  in  our  book  for  armies  joining  in  battle.    Cf.  iv.  14)  ships  close  to  the  town  on.  i-  omits  and.  ^  vexed. 

1*  neither  suffered  he  any. 

Vers.  15, 16.  —  '^  A.  V. :  In  the  mean  season.        ^^  came  N.  and  his  company.        ^"  omits  the. 

Vers.  17-19.  —  '^  A.  V. :  confederates,        "  (ef  apx^5,  i.  e.,  from  the  beginning  of  their  intercourse.)         20  jr07n  the 
fnot  needed,  or  if  needed,  is  provided  for  in  the  previous  aTro).  21  thousand  (TrerrcuctaxtAtajf,  III.  44.  65.  62.  al.    Cf. 

Jo8.,.inri'i7.,  xiv.  8,  5)pound.       ^  omits  the.        ^  {=  TIV^  II^^^.)       ^  omits  uot  {KaC).      =5  or  countries.      26  noj 
et.        27  enemies  against  them. 

Vers.  20-24.  —  2«  A.  V. :  of.  "  there  be  any.  so  that  have.  "  (ei-  airrois  ;  III.  X.  44.  65.  62.  al.,  auTou's.) 

•2  their  own.        »  The  same  thi7igs  wrote  he  likewise.        "  to  (Fritzsche  receives  xai  from  III.  X.  23.  55.  al.  Old  Lat.) 
Ariarathes  (marg.,  Arathes  ('ApaS;),  III.  23.  65.  al.  Co.  Aid.)).  36  (Marg.,  Sampsaces,  as  III.  106.  Aid.  ;  Old  Lat., 

Lajnpsaco.)  a«  the  Lacedemonians.  »'  (HI.  62.  71.  al.  Co.,  KopiSo.)  s«  (Marg.,  Basilis,  as  III.  106.) 

89  wrote  (lit.,  but  in  the  sense  of  "  sent  "). 

Vers.  25-27.  — "  A.  V. :  So.        "  (Marg.,  '  Or    bringing  hiS  forces  to  it.")        «  by  which  means.        "  At  that  time. 
M  much  armour         *5  Nevertheless.        *«  brake         *^  afore.        *s  became  strange  unto. 

Vers.  28,  29,  —  *»  A.  V. ;  Furthermore.  ^  commune  (for  Kotvo\oyr)iTdfj.evov,  KotvoKoyrjcrotievov  is  to  be  read,  with 

Brimm,  Fritzsche,  and  others,  from  III.  X.  44.  71   al.  Co.).  »'  withhold.  '=  ivith  the  tower.  »  uhirk  art 

^ties.         **  ^«upteuc7aTC. 

Vers.  30-32. —5s  A.  V.:  without.        c"  or  else.        ^7  harm  ....  done.         ^s  omits  hat.         ^^  So. 
35 


546 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


sideboard  with  '  gold  and  silver  plate,  and  Ms  great  attendance,  he  was  astonished, 

33  and  told  him  the  king's  message.  And  Simon  ^  answered,  and  said  unto  him,  We 
have  neither  taken  other  men's  land,  nor  gotten  possession  of  '  that  which  belong- 
eth  '  to  others,   but  the  inheritance  of  our  fathers,  which  our  enemies  had  wrong- 

34  fully  in  possession  a  certain  time.     But  ^  we,  having  opportunity,  hold  on  to   ^  the 

35  inheritance  of  our  fathers.  But  concerning  Joppe  and  Gazara,  which  thou  de- 
mandest,'  they  did  great  harm  among  *  the  people  throughout '  our  country,  yet 
will  we  give  an   hundred  talents  for  these.^"    And  he  "  answered  him  not  a  word  ; 

36  but  retui'ned  in  a  rage  to  the  king,  and  made  report  unto  him  of  these  words,^-  and 
of  the  glory  of  Simon,  and  of  all  that  he  had  seen  ;  and  ^^  the   king  was  exceeding 

37,  38  TNTOth.  But  Tryphon  embarked  on  a  ship  and  fled  "  unto  Orthosias.  And 
the  king  appointed  ^°   Cendebreus  as  chief  commander  ^^  of  the  sea  coast,  and  gave 

39  him  a  force  •"  of  footmen  and  horsemen.  And  he  ^'  commanded  him  to  encamp 
against  '^  Juda>a  ;  he  also  commanded  him  to  fortify  Cedron,^  and  to  make  sure  ^ 

40  the  gates  and  to  ^'-  war  agaihst  the  people  ;  but  the  king  ^'  pursued  Tryphon.  And  -* 
Cendebsus  came  to  Jamnia,  and  began  to  provoke  the  people,  and  to  invade  Judaja, 

41  and  to  take  the  people  prisoners,  and  slay  them.  And  when  he  had  fortified  ^  Ce- 
dron,  he  stationed  "^  horsemen  there,  and  a  force  of  infantry,^  to  the  end  that  sally- 
ing forth  '■"'  they  might  make  forays  ^  upon  the  roads  ^  of  Judaea,  as  the  king  had 
commanded  him. 

Ver.  32.  —  i  A.  V.:  cupboard  of.  ^  Then  ....  Simon.        '  holden.        *  appertaineth. 

Vers.  34-36.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Wherefore.  ^  omits  on  to.  '  And  whereas  thou  demandest  J.  and  G.,  albeit. 

•  unto.  ^  in.  *o  them.  ii  Hereunto  Athenobius  (the  latter  is  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche,  as  wanting  in  in.  X. 
44.55. — not  "  54."' as  improperly  printed  in  Fritzsche's  notes  —  74.  106.  Co.).        ^-  speeches.        ^3  whereupon. 

Vers.  37-39.  —  i*  A.  V.  :  In  the  meantime  fled  T.  by  ship.        ^  Then  ....  made.  ^^  captain  (Fritzsche  adoptg 

iiritypdTtjyov  from  ni.  X.  19.  23.  44.  62.  al.  Aid.;  text,  jec.^  arpa-njyov).  ^^  host.  ^^  omits  he  ^^  remove  his  host 
toward.        20  build  up  (marg.,  Gedor,  as  Vulg.).         21  fortify.  «  (,(ai  oirwf.    The  former  is  omitted  by  X.  64.  Aid. 

The  latter  here,  instead  of  the  iniin.,  but  with  weakened  force.)        23  but  as  for  the  king  himself  he. 

Vers.  40,  41. — 24  a,  y. :  So  25  built  up.  28  get.  -^  host  o/footmen.  28  igguing  out.  29  outroads. 

w  ways. 

Chapter  XV. 


Ver.  1 .  This  Antiochus,  called  also  Sidetes  from 
the  city  Sida,  in  Pamphylia,  where  he  was  edu- 
cated, was  a  son  of  Demetrius  I.  Soter,  and  so 
brother  of  Demetrius  II.  Nicator,  at  this  time  a 
prisoner  in  Parthia.  He  is  the  seventh  of  the 
name.  He  took  up  the  war  against  Trypho,  in 
the  absence  of  hi.s  brother,  and  finally,  at  Apamea, 
a  strongly  fortified  place  on  the  Orontes  (see  ver. 
10)  overcame  him.  Trypho  being  killed. 

Ver.  5.  'A0oipe/i6Ta,  (III.  X.  23.,  atpe^xara  and 
for  S6ixaTa  below,  44.  52.  al.,  the  .same  ;  III.,  a(pf- 
pffxaTa).  Here  used"  as  a  softened  expression  for 
tributes,  or,  according  to  the  sense,  freedom  from 
tributes.  It  means  literally  that  which  is  taken 
away ,  and  in  the  LXX.  refers  generally  to  tlie  peace 
offerings.  Hence  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.,  fol- 
lowing tlie  Vulgate  and  Syriac,  which,  however,  in 
this  ]>assage  would  make  no  sense.  —  As  many 
other  gifts,  namidy,  the  golden  crowns  and  other 
things  not  especially  determined  by  law. 

Ver.  6.  And  I  give  thee  leave.  The  aorist 
en(Tep\fia  denotes  that  it  will  be  an  accomplished 
fact,  when  the  notice  shall  have  reached  Simon. 
In  letters  eypa^a  is  often  used  in  this  sense  for 
ypa(po>.  V{.  Winer,  p.  278.  There  are  at  the 
present  time  no  coins  extant,  which  were  coined 
by  Simon.  See  a  contrary  statement  in  Cotton, 
p.  1.38.  The  royal  cabinet  at  Berlin  has,  how- 
ever, coins  of  this  period,  among  others  some  that 
bear  the  "  image  and  superscription  "  of  Aniiochus 
VII.  Hasmon-Tan  coins  are  also  extant.  They 
ure  inscribed  with  the  names  of  the  ])ersons  issu- 
ing them  and  their  rank,  in  the  old  Hebrew  lan- 
guage and  character,  which,  liowever,  at  a  later 
period,  give  place  to  the  Greek.  The  value  of  the 
coin    is   given   as  shekels,   half   shekels,  (jnarter 


shekels,  and  some  of  them  designate  the  year  of 
their  coining,  or  of  the  "  Redemption  of  Zion." 
They  have  also  various  emblems :  a  cup,  a  grape 
leaf,  a  cluster  of  grapes,  an  entrance  to  the  tem- 
ple, etc.  Cf.  Roskoff  in  Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex., 
art.  "  Geld,"  and  Schiirer,  Neiitest.  Zeitgeschichte, 
p.  63,  note  4,  and  p.  101,  note  3. 

Ver.  10.  In  the  year  b.  c.  139-138,  Antiochns 
made  a  landing  in  "  the  laud  of  his  fathers,"  go- 
mz  from  Seleucia,  whose  queen,  Cleopatra,  had 
given  him  her  hand  and  throne.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  VI.  and  Cleopatra,  and  was 
first  married  to  Alexander  Balas  (x.  58),  then  to 
Demetrius  Nicator  (xi.  12),  and  now,  to  the  latter'a 
brother,  although  her  husband  was  still  alive  in 
Parthia.  She  was  a  woman  of  great  ambition, 
and  finally  died  from  the  effects  of  poison  which 
she  had  ))repared  for  her  own  son. 

Ver.  11.  Dora.  This  place  now  bears  the 
name  of  Tantura,  or  Tortura,  near  which  are  ruins 
of  considerable  extent.  It  lies  a  short  distance 
north  of  Caesarea. 

Ver.  15.  The  kings  and  the  countries.  The 
latter  word  refers,  it  would  seem,  to  lands,  cities, 
and  islands  which  had  no  kings,  but  which  stood 
in  some  dependent  relation  to  Rome. 

Ver.  16.  Lucius.  It  is  not  certainly  known 
whether  Lucius  CaBcilius  Metellus,  or  Lucius  Cal- 
purnius  Piso,  is  meant.  The  weight  of  probability, 
however,  is  in  favor  of  the  latter,  who  was  consul 
with  M.  Pojiillins  La'nas,  B.  c.  139.  To  the  objec- 
tion tliat  liis  name  w;us  not  Lucius,  but  Cneius,  it  ia 
to  be  answereil.  (1 )  that  the  Fasti  Capitolini  are  de- 
fective for  this  year,  giving  but  a  fragment  of  the 
name  of  Popillius,  the  associate  consul  of  Lucius 
(2)  The  reading  C'li.  Calpurnius  by  Cassiodorus,  ii 


1   MACCABEES. 


547 


probably  an  error  of  trauscription  caused  by 
names  in  the  lists  just  previous.  (3.)  Valerius 
JIaximus  (i.  3,  2)  is  improperly  cited  in  support  of 
the  reading  Cueius,  Pighius,  in  his  edition  (1567) 
of  the  same,  having  himself  introduced  the  change 
in  deference  to  the  above  false  reading  of  Cassio- 
dorus.  Previously,  for  sixty  years,  his  text  had 
this  form,  without  variation,  "  L.  Calpurnio." 
Cf.  in  addition  to  the  commentaries  Westcott  in 
Smitli's  Bill.  Did.,  art.  "  Lucius."  The  fact  that 
only  one  consul  is  here  mentioned,  the  manner  in 
which  he  is  designated  by  his  first  name  only,  the 
omission  of  all  mention  of  the  Senate  from  whom 
such  documents  were  wont  to  emanate,  the  want 
of  any  date,  and  other  circumstances  of  form  and 
matter,  liave  led  many  to  hold  that  our  book  gives 
only  a  free  reproduction  of  the  original  document. 
These  reasons  are  too  numerous  and  weighty  to  be 
much  weakened  by  any  efforts  to  prove  that  at 
that  time  the  associate  consul  of  Lucius  was  in 
Spain.  Cf.  Keil,  Com.,  in  he.  Still  to  admit 
that  we  have  not  before  us  an  accurate  copy  of 
the  original,  does  not  hinder  us  from  regarding  it 
as  essentially  correct  and  quite  trustworthy.  — 
Unto  king  Ptolemy.  This  was  Ptolemy  Euer- 
getes  II.  or  Physcon  (xi.  18.) 

Ver.  17.  The  old  friendship.  It  had  now 
lasted  about  twenty-three  years. 

Ver.  20.  To  receive  the  shield  from  them. 
He  speaks  as  though  it  were  a  favor  the  Romans 
were  conferring  on  the  Jews  to  accept  the  valu- 
able present  they  had  made. 

Ver.  22.  Demetrius.  It  was  probably  not 
known  in  Rome,  at  this  time,  that  he  was  a  pris- 
oner in  Parthia.  Moreover,  the  fact  that  Deme- 
trius and  not  Antiochus  was  written  to  is  strong 
incidental  evidence  of  the  virtual  truthfulness  of 
tlie  history.  —  Attalus.  He  was  king  of  Perga- 
mos,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  Attalus  Philadel- 
phus,  or  Attahis  Philometor  is  meant.  —  Aria- 
rathes.  Ariarathes  VI.  Philopator,  king  of  Cap- 
padocia.  —  Arsaces.  He  was  king  of  Parthia. 
He  was  not  a  vassal  of  the  Romans,  and  their 
letter  to  him  must  have  been  of  a  somewhat  dif- 
ferent character  from  the  others.  Cf.  Rawlinson, 
The  Sixth  Oritntal  Man.,  pp.  42-45. 

Ver.  23.  Sampsames.  It  seems  probable 
from  the  connection  that  a  country  and  not  a 
king  is  meant,  and  critics  find  it  in  the  present 
Samsun  situated  on  the  coast  of  the  Bhick  Sea. — 
Delus,  ('.  e.,  Delos,  the  smallest  of  the  Cyclades, 
at  present  Dili.  It  reached  its  highest  commercial 
prosperity  in  the  second  century  before  Christ. 
The  Romans  made  a  present  of  it  to  Atliens,  b.  c. 
160,  and  raised  it  to  the  dignity  of  a  free  port.  — 
Myndus,  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Caiia.    Its  ships 


were  known  in  very  early  times.  Herodotus  (t, 
33)  says:  "As  Megabates  went  his  rounds  to 
visit  the  watches  on  board  the  ships,  he  found  a 
Myndian  vessel  on  which  there  were  none  set." 
It  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  the  ruins  of 
(jumishlu,  nearly  at  the  extreme  west  of  the 
Halicarnassian  peninsula.  —  Sicyon.  The  deriva- 
tion of  the  word  shows  that  it  was  the  place  of  a 
periodical  market.  It  was  situated  on  the  north 
coast  of  the  Peloponnesus,  west  from  Corinth. 
Cf.  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  s.  v.  —  Caria,  at  the  south- 
west point  of  Asia  Minor.  —  Samos,  a  well-known 
island  on  the  coast  of  Ionia.  —  Pamphylia.  In 
Asia  Minor  between  Lycia  and  Clicia,  the  latter 
place  lying  southeast  of  Caria.  —  Halicarnassus, 
the  chief  city  of  Caria  and  at  an  earlier  )>eriod  the 
place  where  its  kings  resided.  —  Phaselis  was  a 
city  of  Lycia.  —  Cos.  A  small  island  lying  oi>po- 
site  to  Cnidus  and  Halicarnassus.  —  Side.  A 
harbor  of  Pamphylia.  —  Aradus.  The  name  of 
an  island  and  a  city  at  the  mouth  of  the  Eleuthe- 
rus,  on  the  coast  of  Phoenicia.  —  Gortyna.  An 
important  city  on  the  island  of  Crete.  —  Cnidus 
was  a  citv  of  Caria.  —  Cyrene  wiis  the  principal 
city  of  Upper  Libya.  In  the  enumeration  of  these 
several  places  no  proper  order  is  observed,  and  it 
is  ap]>arcnt  that  the  writer  of  the  present  book 
was  quite  unfamiliar  with  the  geography  of  ad- 
jacent countries. 

Ver.  25.  The  narrative  interrupted  at  verse  15 
is  here  resumed.  —  The  second  day.  On  the 
firet  day  the  city  had  been  thoroughly  invested. 
See  ver.  14. — Tas  x^'P"'-  Used  like  the  Latin 
manus  and  vis  for  a  body  of  men,  especially  sol- 
diers.    Cf.  Herod.,  i.  174;  v.  72. 

Ver.  27.  The  reason  why  Antiochus  conducted 
in  this  way  is  obvious.  He  expected  to  be  able  to 
conquer  Try  phon  without  the  Jews'  aid,  of  which  he 
bad  previously  sought  so  earnestly  to  avail  himself. 

Ver.  28.  Athenobius.  He  is  not  elsewhere 
mentioned.  Antiochus  calls  the  places  mentioned 
his,  because  they  had  been  built  by  Antiochus  IV. 
Epiphanes,  his  great  uncle.     Cf.  i.  33,  xiii.  49. 

Ver.  32.  (His)  great  attendance,  i.  c,  the 
great  number  of  servants. 

\^er.  33.  The  inheritance  of  our  fathers. 
Cf.  Ex.  xxiii.  31  ;  Dent.  xi.  24  ;  Josh.  xi.  23.  It 
surprised  him  to  see  this  in  one  who  was  simply 
a  vassal  of  the  Syiiau  king. 

Ver.  37.  Orthosias.  It  lay  southward  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Eleutherus  on  the  coast  of  Phoe- 
nicia and  north  of  Tripoli,  a  few  miles  distant 
from  the  latter  place. 

Ver.  39.  Cedron.  Probably  the  modern  Katra, 
or  Kitrah,  lying  three  miles  southwest  of  Akir 
(Ekron). 


Chapter  XVI. 


1  And  John  came  up  '  from  Gazara,  and  told  Simon  his  father  what  Cendebaeus 

2  brought  to  pass.^  And  ^  Simon  called  his  two  eldest  sons,  Judas  and  Jolm,  and 
said  unto  them,  I,  and  my  brethren,  and  my  father's  house,  have  ■*  from  our  youth 
unto  this  day  fought  against  the  enemies  ^  of  Israel ;  and  things  have  prospered  in  * 

3  our  hands,  so  '  that  we  have  delivered  Israel  oftentimes.     But  now  I  have  become  ' 

Vers.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V.  :  Then  came  up  J.        =  had  done.        '  Wherefore.        '  have  ever.  =  (iro\e>oi;s.  III.  X.,  by  • 

•rrector,  23.  55.  74.  Syr.    Cf.  ii.  54.)        '^  so  well  in.        ^  omits  so.        ^  am 


548  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


old,  and  ye,  by  God's  mercy,  are  of  a  sufficient  age  ;  be  ye  instead  of  me  and  my 
brother,  and  go  forth  ^   and  fight  for  our  nation ;  but  ^  the  help  from  heaven  be  ' 

4  with  you.     And  *  he  chose  out  of  the  countr_v  twenty  thousand  men  of   war  with 
horsemen,  and  they  went  ^  against  Cendebjeus,  and  they  spent  the  ^  night  at  Modein. 

5  And  they '  rose  in  the  morning,  and  went  into  the  plain,  and  "  behold,  a  mighty 
force  ^  of  footmen  and  horsemen  came  against  them ;  and  ^°  there  was  a  water  brook 

6  betwixt  them.     And"  he  and  his  men  ''^  pitched  over  against  them.     And  when  he 
saw  that  the  men  ^^  were  afraid  to  go  over  the  water   brook,  he  went  first  over,^^ 

7  and  when  the  men  saw  ^^  him,  they  went  over  "  after  him.    And  "  he  divided  the  " 
men,  and  set  ■"•  the  horsemen  in  the  midst  of  the  footmen ;  for  '^  the  enemies'  horse- 

8  men  were  very  many.    And  they  sounded  "'  with  the  trumpets  ;  '^  and  '^  Cendebreus 
and  his  army  "^  were  put  to  flight,  and  there  fell  many  ^  of  them  slain  ;  but  those 

9  left  fled -^  to  the  stronghold.     Then"  was  Judas,  John's  brother,  wounded ;  but 
John  -'  followed   after   them,  until   he  came  to  Cedron,  which  CendehtEus  had  built. 

10  And  '^  they  fled  as  far  as  '°  the  towers  in  the  fields  of  Azotus  ;  and  ^'  he  burnt  it 
with  fire  ;  and  there  fell  of  '*  them  about  two  ''  thousand  men.  And  he  returned 
into  the  land  of  Juda  in  peace, 

1 1  And  ^*'  in  the  plain  of  Jericho  was  Ptolemy  the  sou  ^  of  Abubus  made  general," 

12  and  he  had  abundance  of  silver  and  gold ;  for  he  was  the  high  priest's  son-in-law. 

13  And^'  his  heart  was  '°  lifted  up,  and  ^  he  wished  to  get  possession  of  the  country  ; 

14  and  he  *"  consulted  deceitfully  against  Simon  and  his  sons  to  remove  *'  them.  And  " 
Simon  was  visiting  the  cities  that  were  in  the  country,  and  taking  care  for  their 
needs  ;  *^  and  *'  he  came  down  to  Jericho,  he  and  *^  his  sons.  Mattathias  and  Judas,  in 
the  hundred  threescore  and  seventeenth  year,  in   the  eleventh  month,  that  is  the 

15  month'"  Sabat.  And''  the  son  of  Abubus  received  '*  them  deceitfully  into  the  little 
fortress,''  called  Doc,^"  which  he  had  buUt ;  and   he   made   them   a  great  banquet, 

16  and  "  hid  men  there.  And  ^-  when  Simon  and  his  sons  were  drunk,^'  Ptolemy  and 
his  men  rose  up,  and  took  their  weapons,  and  came  in  ^'  upon  Simon  into  the  ban- 

17  quet,^°  and  slew  him,  and  his  two  sons,  and  some^^  of  his  servants.     And  he"  com- 

18  mitted  a  great  treachery,^*  and  recompensed  evil  for  good.  And^'  Ptolemy  wrote 
these  things,  and  sent  to  the  king,  that  he  should  send  him  forces  ^  to  aid  him,  and 

19  deliver  him  their  ^'  country  and  cities.  And*'''  he  sent  others  to  Gazara,  to  remove  ^ 
John  ;  and  unto  the  chiliarchs  ^^   he   sent   letters  to  come  unto  him,  that  he  might 

20  give  them  silver,  and  gold,  and  presents.^^     And  others  he  sent  to  take  Jerusalem, 

21  and  the  mountain  of  the  temple.     And  one  ran  ahead  ""  and  told  John  at  Gazara,^^ 

22  that  his  father  and  brethren  were  slain,  and  he  *"  hath  sent  to  slay  thee  also.  And 
on  hearing  it,*^  he  was  sore  astonished  ;  and  he  seized  the  men  that  came  to  kill  '* 
him,  and  slew  them ;  for  he  had  learned  "  that  they  sought  to  kill  him." 

Vcr.  3.  — »  A.  v. :  omtfj  forth.         2  and.         '  terra  ;  ^™,  III.  44.  62.  al.    Cf .  x.  31. 

Vers.  4-7.  —  *  A.  V. :  So.  ^  who  went  out.  ^  rested  that  (eKoifAij&Tjcroi'.    Cf .  xi.  6).  '  when  as  they. 

•  omits  and.  »  great  host  both.  »°  howbeit.  "  So.  '^  people  (cf .  ver.  7).  >'  people.  »  over  himself 
1^  Men  the  men  (here  afSpe?)  seeing.  ^^  passed  through.  *'  That  done.  i^  ^j,,  la  (xhe  koC  may  be  regarded 
as  explicative,  a«rf  771^/pfrf,  SteiAe  being  understood.)        ^^  for  (Se.    As  a  gloss,  correct). 

Vers.  8-10.  — =1  A.  V.:  Then  sounded  they.  ^  holy  (it  is  wanting  in  III.  X.  19.  44.  62.  62.  al.    Cf.  ili.  54)  trum- 

pets. 23  whereupon.  24  ijost.  25  go  that  many .  2a  ^ygre  slain,  and  the  remnant  gat  them.  27  At  tha* 

time.         M  John  stili.  29  built  (cf .  xv.  39.    Codd  19.  64.  93.,  with  Syr.,  the  plur.,  which  Grimm  would  adopt,  but 

not  Fritzsche,  or  Keil).    So.  3»  even  (eois,  omitted  by  III.  X.  23.  106.)  unto.  si  wherefore.  =' so  that  thert 

were  slain  of.        »  III.  44.  65. 106.,  "  1000  ;  '■  19.  64.  93.  Syr.,  "  3000." 

Vers.  11-13  — M  A.  V. :  Moreover.  3»  (No  word  for  "  son  "  in  the  Greek.)  3«  captain.  "  Wherefore 

M  being.        ^'^  omits  and.        ^'^  thought  to  get  the  country  to  himself ,  and  thereupon.        *^  destroy. 

Vers.  14, 16.  — *2  \.  v. :  Now.  ^  the  good  ordering  of  them  (I  take  eVi/xcAeias  as  referring  to  the  object  of  care. 

"  SoUieitus  de  cura  eonim."  Wahl).  «  at  which  time.  «  himself  to  J.  with.  «  month,  called.  "where. 
"  receiving.  *^  a  little  hold.  00  Docus  (Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  s.  v.,  in  a  foot-note,  says  it  would  be  interesting  to 

know  whence  the  form  found  in  the  A.  V.  is  derived.     It  seems  to  have  come  from  Aid.,  which  haa  to  KaXovfievop 
Adito?).         ^'  had  built,  made  ....  howbeit  he  had. 
Vera.  16-18.  —  f-^  A.  V. :  "W  So.        ^  had  drunk  l.irgely  (so  many  of  the  older  commentators,  but  it  is  not  the  meaning 
f  iiM€9ia9Ti}.        ^  omits  in.        ^  banqueting  place  ((TviJiiToaiov).        ta  certain.        ^^  In  which  doing  he.        ^  III.  52. 
i06.,  iOetav,  t^odlessness. 

Vers.  18-20.  —  ™  .\.  V. :  Then.  ™  a  host.  »'  he  would  deliver  him  (III.  62.  71. 106.  Co.  omit)  the  {aSmiy  i» 

omitted  by  19.  64.  74.  93.).        «  omits  And.        «  others  also  ....  to  kill.        «  tribunes.        «=  rewards. 

Vers.  21,  22.  —  ""  A.  V.  :  Now  one  had  run  nfore  to  Gazara.  "'  omits  at  Gazara  (see  preceding  note).  "  an! 

guoth  he,  Ptoiemee.  C9  Hereof  vihev  he  beard.  ""  so  he  laid  his  hands  on  them  that  wer«  come  to  destroy 

•*  knew.         "2  make  him  away. 


1   MACCABEES. 


549 


23  And  '  as  concerning  the  rest  of  the  acts  of  John,  and  his  wars,  and  his  valiant  *i 
deeds  which  he  did,  and  the  building  of   the  walls  which  he  built,"  and  his  doings, 

24  behold,  these  are  written  in  the  chronicles  *  of  his  high  ^   priesthood,  from  the  time 
he  became  °  high  priest  after  his  father. 


Vers.  23,  24. 
»  was  made. 


-1  A.  V. :  omits  And- 


'  worthy. 


*  (nrl  fiipxitf  riiLepaty,) 


s  omits  higb. 


Chapter  XVI. 


Ver.  3.  And  my  brother.  We  might  have 
expected  the  plural  here,  so  as  to  include  Judas. 
Some  suppose  the  translator  read  *nS  instead  of 
^nt?.  But  Keil  thinks  the  singular  is  properly 
used,  Simon  having  onlv  the  period  in  mind  in 
which  he  had  been  associated  with  Jonathan. 

Ver.  4.  With  horsemen.  The  Jews  had  not 
in  previous  wars  been  accustomed  to  use  cavalry. 

Ver.  6.  And  he.  It  is  not  clear  which  of  the 
two  brothers  is  meant,  but  probably  John.  Cf. 
xiii.  53. 

Ver.  7.  Horsemen  in  the  midst.  This  was 
contrary  to  the  usual  custom,  and  it  was  probably 
done  because  he  had  not  yet  sufficient  confidence 
in  them  to  assign  to  them  the  protection  of  the 
flanks. 

Ver.  8.  The  corruption  lepais,  "  holy,"  before 
trumpets,  probably  arose  from  the  well-known  fact 
that  the  trumpets  belonged  to  the  temple  and 
were  used  by  the  priests.  Cf.  Numb.  x.  8  f.  — 
The  stronghold,  namely,  Cedrou.    See  xv.39,  41. 

Ver.  10.  And  they  &ed,  i.  e.,  such  as  did  not 
find  refuge  at  Cedron.  —  Burnt  it,  namely,  Azo- 
tus,  or  Ashdod.  Cf.  x.  84,  where  it  is  stated  that 
Jonathan  also  once  burnt  this  place.  This  took 
place  ten  years  earlier. 

Ver.  11.  This  Ptolemy  was  son-inlaw  of 
Simon,  and  owed  to  him  both  his  position  and 


j  wealth.  The  position  he  occupied  at  Jericho  was 
;  a  prominent  one,  the  ford  of  the  Jordan  at  this 
point  making  it  of  considerable  military  impor- 
tance. 

Ver.  14.  Mattathias.  Not  before  mentioned. 
The  date  is  B.  c.  136.  —  Sabat.  The  eleventh 
month  of  the  ecclesiastical,  and  the  fourth  of  the 
Jewish  civil,  year.  The  Hebrew  form  was  liStl', 
Shebat. 

Ver.  15.  The  (son)  of  Abubua.  He  seems  to 
be  so  named  out  of  disrespect.  So  Saul  was  wont 
to  call  David  simply  "  the  son  of  Kish."  —  D5c. 
Josephus  has  falsely,  Aayiv,  the  Syriac,  Doak, 
and  Luther,  with  the  Vulgate,  Dock.  The  name 
is  still  preserved  in  Ain-Dflk,  certain  springs 
about  four  miles  northwest  of  Jericho.  Cf.  Text. 
Notes  for  origin  of  the  form  of  the  word  found  in 
the  A.  V. 

Ver.  24.  In  the  chronicles.  lAt.  on  the  book-roll 
of  days.  Sixtus  Senensi?  affirms  (Bib.  Sancta, 
i.  39)  that  he  saw  in  the  library  of  Pagninus,  at 
Lyons,  the  manuscript  of  a  very  Hebraistic  Greek 
book  of  the  Maccabees,  which  included  the  his- 
tory of  thirty-one  years,  and  began  with  the  words : 
"  After  the  murder  of  Siniou,  John  his  son  became 
high  priest  in  his  stead."  It  is  not  impossible 
that  this  may  have  been,  in  some  form,  the  work 
here  referred  to.  This  library  of  Pagninus  was 
shortly  after  destroyed  by  fire. 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  book  opens  with  two  brief  compositions  in  epistolary  form.  Tlie  first  (i.  1-9)  pur- 
ports to  be  a  letter  from  the  Palestinian  Jews  to  their  brethren  in  Egypt,  and  is  dated  in  the 
year  188  of  the  Seleucian  era  (b.  c.  125).  They  had  already  written  in  the  year  169  (b.  C. 
144),  during  the  reign  of  Demetrius,  concerning  tlieir  oppressed  condition  since  the  treachery 
of  Jason,  and  the  burning  of  the  gate  of  the  temple.  Now,  however,  the  temple  service  had 
been  again  restored,  and  they  desired  that  their  Egyptian  brethren  might  participate  in  the 
festival  of  reconsecration.  The  second  letter  (i.  10-ii.  18)  is  not  dated,  but  must  have  been 
written,  if  genuine,  immediately  after  the  report  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  reached 
Jerusalem.  It  emanates  ostensibly  from  the  people  of  Jerusalem  and  Judaea,  the  Sanhedrin 
and  Judas  Maccabeus,  and  is  directed  to  the  priest  Aristobulus,  teacher  of  King  Ptolemy, 
and  the  Egyptian  Jews.  It  first  relates  how  their  oppressor,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  had  per- 
ished in  an  attempt  to  plunder  a  temple  in  Persia,  and  that  they  are  on  the  point  of  celebrat- 
ing the  festival  of  the  dedication  and  of  the  rediscovery  —  at  the  time  of  Nehemiah  —  of  the 
holy  fire,  to  a  participation  in  which  services  the  Egyptian  Jews  are  invited.  Then  follows 
an  account  of  the  wonderful  manner  in  which  this  fire  and  various  articles  of  the  furniture  of 
the  temple  had  been  hidden  away  and  subsequently  found,  together  with  other  statements 
concerning  Solomon's  feast  of  dedication,  the  commentaries  of  Nehemiah,  his  collection  of 
national  writings,  and  the  one  made  by  Judas.  The  letter  closes  with  a  repetition  of  the  in- 
vitation to  the  dedicatory  feast. 

Next  after  these  letters  comes  the  preface  of  the  epitomizer,  in  which  he  gives  the  sources 
and  aims  of  his  work  (ii.  19-32).  He  then  proceeds  to  narrate  in  two  principal  sections 
(others  say  five,  corresponding  to  the  five  books  of  Jason  and  ending,  respectively,  with  iii. 
40,  vii.  42,  X.  9,  xiii.  26,  xv.  37),  the  course  of  events  in  Jewish  history  from  the  reign  of  Se- 
leucus  IV.  Philopator  (b.  c.  175),  to  the  death  of  Nicanor  (b.  c.  161).  The  principal  events 
noticed  in  the  first  section  are  the  fruitless  attempt  of  Heliodorus  to  rob  the  temple  (iii.) ;  the 
purchase  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes  of  the  high  priest's  office  by  Jason  and  the  latter's 
promise  to  introduce  Greek  customs  among  the  Jews  (iv.  1-22);  the  succession  of  Menelaus 
to  the  high  priesthood,  who  outdoes  Jason  in  his  sutiserviency  to  the  heathenish  tendencies 
of  the  time  (iv.  23-50);  portents  in  the  skies;  an  attack  of  Jason  on  Jerusalem;  the  bloody 
retribution  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes  exacts  for  the  same  ;  and  the  coming  of  Apollonius 
with  a  hostile  army  still  further  to  oppress  the  people  (v.  1-vi.  17).  Then  follows  (vi.  18- 
vii.  42)  an  extended  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  Eleazer,  and  a  mother  with  her  seven  sons. 
At  this  point  Judas  Maccabaeus  appears  in  the  foreground,  assembles  about  him  an  army  of 
patriots,  and  makes  war  upon  the  oppressors  of  his  people,  as  well  during  the  reign  of  Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes  as  during  that  of  his  successor,  Antiochus  V.  Eupator,  until  the  final  defeat 
»nd  death  of  the  great  Syrian  general,  Nicanor.  There  is  first  noticed  (viii.)  a  defeat  of  the 
Syrian  army  led  by  Nicanor,  Timotheus,  and  Baccliides;  then,  the  miserable  death  of  Anti- 
ichus  Epiphanes  (iic.),  and  finally,  closing  the  section,  the  cleansing  of  the  temple  (x.  1-f )  and 
the  establishment  of  a  yearly  festival  in  commemoration  of  the  same.  The  new  section  opens 
with  an  account  of  a  campaign  undertaken  against  the  Idumajans;  a  victory  over  Timotheus; 


THE   SECOND   BOOK   OF  MACCABEES.  551 

the  capture  of  Gazara  (x.  10-38);  the  defeat  of  an  army  under  Lysias,  and  the  securing  of  a 
treaty  of  peace  through  him  (xi.).  The  Syrian  governors,  however,  manifesting  their  hostil- 
ity soon  after,  Judas  punislies  them  severely,  and  conquers  not  only  Timotheus  and  Gorgias 
(xii.),  but  an  immense  force  led  by  Lysias  and  the  king  in  person,  the  latter  being  compelled 
to  make  peace  (xiii.)  on  terms  most  favorable  to  the  Jews.  Three  years  later,  on  the  acces- 
sion of  Demetrius  I.  to  the  throne,  Nic^nor  was  sent  again  against  Judaea,  but  his  array  was 
utterly  routed  and  he  himseK  killed.  The  day  of  this  victory,  the  13th  of  Adar,  was  set 
apart  to  be  observed  as  a  yearly  festival  (xiv.  1-xv.  36).  The  epitomizer  closes  with  certain 
characteristic  remarks  concerning  the  nature  of  his  work  (xv.  37-39). 

The  Two  Introductory  Letters. 

Even  from  this  bare  summary  of  the  contents  of  our  book  it  will  be  seen  that  the  two  letters 
with  which  it  opens  have  no  historical  connection  with  it.  Whether  they  were  placed  in  their 
present  position  by  the  original  compiler  of  Jason's  work,  as  some  suppose  (Eichhorn,  Vai- 
hinger,  Keil,  Ewald,  Fritzsche),  or  by  a  later  hand  (Bertholdt,  Grimm,  Paulus),  it  is  evi- 
dent that  they  could  not  have  been  composed  by  either.  In  that  case,  we  should  have  ex- 
pected to  find  them  in  a  different  part  of  the  history,  namely,  after  x.  1-9,  where  they  chron- 
ologically belong.  The  language  and  style,  too,  are  quite  different  from  those  of  the  principal 
work.  Besides,  they  show  in  some  particulars  the  baldest  contradictions  to  it,  such  as  could 
not  well  have  escaped  the  attention  of  our  compiler  had  the  letters  passed  throuo-h  his  hands 
(cf.  i.  11-16  with  ix.).  The  particle  Si  which  connects  them  with  the  body  of  the  work 
might,  after  the  analogy  of  the  Hebrew,  have  properly  stood  where  it  now  does,  without  refer- 
ence to  anything  going  before.  The  obvious  aim  of  the  book,  as  in  the  main  coincident  with 
that  of  the  epistles,  would  have  furnished  a  sufficient  occasion  for  their  being  prefixed  by  a 
later  hand.  Bertholdt  (^Einleit.,  p.  1075)  suggests  that  it  may  have  been  he  who  first  con- 
nected them  with  the  version  of  the  LXX.     But  this  is  mere  conjecture. 

The  two  letters  had  different  authors  as  is  evident  from  strongly  marked  differences  in  lan- 
guage and  style.  Whether  one  or  both  were  originally  composed  in  Hebrew  it  is  not  now 
possible  to  decide  with  certainty.  There  is  more  reason,  however,  for  suspecting  this  of  the 
first  than  of  the  second,  while  the  latter,  in  its  form,  bears  more  than  the  former  the  stamp 
of  an  official  document.  They  are  without  any  real  connection  with  one  another,  external  or 
internal,  except  in  the  one  matter  of  an  invitation  to  the  Egyptian  Jews  on  the  part  of  their 
brethren  at  Jerusalem  to  observe  the  feast  of  dedication.  Where  they  were  expected  to  ob- 
serve it,  whether  at  Jerusalem  or  in  their  own  temple  at  Leontopolis,  is,  indeed,  not  directly 
stated,  but  it  seems  to  be  implied  throughout,  that  it  would  be  celebrated  with  more  propriety 
at  Jerusalem.  This  appears,  at  least,  to  be  one  motive  for  the  narrative  contained  in  the 
second  letter  concerning  the  miraculous  manner  in  which  Jehovah  had  protected  and  honored 
the  temple  on  Mount  Zion. 

Tlie  second  of  the  letters  is  very  generally  considered  by  critics  to  lack  genuineness.  Some 
of  the  reasons  adduced  for  this  opinion,  however,  have  no  great  force.  It  is  not  absolutely 
necessary,  for  instance,  to  suppose,  with  Grimm  and  most  others,  that  the  observance  of  the 
festival  referred  to  in  i.  18  was  the,^?-,s-(  dedication  which  occurred  after  the  cleansing  of  the 
temple  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Ei)iphanes.  It  might  have  been  some  other  of  the  later 
yarty  observances  of  the  same.  If  so,  the  letter  would  not,  in  this  particular,  come  in  con- 
flict with  the  acknowledged  historical  fact  that  the  first  celebration  of  this  kind  took  place  be- 
fore the  death  of  Antiochus  Epijihanes,  while  our  letter  was  not  written,  according  to  data 
furnished  by  itself,  until  after  his  death  (cf.  Keil,  Com.,  in  he).  Again,  the  fact  that  the  let- 
ter contains  such  legends  as  that  concerning  the  rediscovery  of  the  holy  fire,  would  not  cer- 
tainly, in  itself,  prove  it  spurious,  though  it  is  not  so  easy  to  understand  how  the  Sanhedrin  at 
Jerusalem  could  have  given  countenance  to  fabulous  stories  of  this  sort.  So  too.  it  is  possible 
to  regard  the  acknowledged  contradictions  to  veritable  history  which  the  composition  contains 
(cf.  i.  13  ff.  with  1  Mace.  vi.  and  2  Mace,  ix.),  as  being  actual  reports  in  circulation  at  that 
time,  to  which  the  Jews,  high  and  low,  gave  a  willing  and  too  credulous  hearing.  Further, 
it  is  by  no  means  certain,  as  Grimm  (Einleit.,  p.  23),  Movers  {Loci  Quidam,  p.  13),  and 
others  seem  to  suppose,  that  our  letter  (ii.  1,  4,  13),  sentout  under  the  direction  of  the  San- 
hedrin, cites  certain  apocryphal  works  as  Scripture  (ypa(pri).     Still,  all  these  suspicious  cir- 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


^■umstances  taken  together  must  be  regarded  as  having  no  little  weight,  even  if  there  were 
nothing  of  a  more  positive  character  to  throw  light  upon  them.  But  at  one  point  (i.  18),  we 
find  the  ol)viously  false  statement  that  Neheniiah  rebuilt  the  temple  and  the  altar,  that  is,  that 
is  ascribed  to  him  which  was  done  by  Zerubhabel.  Such  a  distortion  of  fact  wonld  not  have 
been  possible  in  a  composition  really  emanating  from  Judas  Maccabasus  and  the  learned  and 
intlnential  men  who  made  up  the  Jewish  Sanhedrin  at  that  time. 

It  has  been  urged  against  the  genuineness  of  the  first  letter,  that  it  contains  an  invitation  to 
the  Egyptian  Jews  to  participate  in  the  celebration  of  the  feast  of  dedication  in  the  year  188 
of  the  Seleucian  era  (is.  c.  125),  or  forty  years  after  tliis  festival  was  first  established.  To  this 
objection  it  is  replied  (so  Schltinkes),  that  the  letter  itself  refers  also  to  another  communi- 
cation of  the  same  purport,  sent  nineteen  years  earlier,  when  under  the  government  of  Ptolemy 
Philometor  there  was  danger  that  the  newly-built  temple  at  Leontopolis  might  attract  more  at- 
tention to  itself  than  that  at  Jerusalem.  And  the  fact  that  one  such  letter  was  written  a  score 
of  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  feast  of  dedication,  would  favor  the  view  that  another 
might  have  been  written  another  score  of  years  later  with  the  same  general  purpose.  It  is 
by  no  means  certain,  however,  that  the  building  of  the  temple  at  Leontopolis  took  place,  as 
SchlUnkes,  relying  on  Josephus  (Antlq.,  xii.  9.  §  7;  xiii.  3,  §§  1-3),  supposes,  between  the  years 
160  and  165  of  the  Seleucian  era.  (Cf.  Ewald,  Geschichle  d.  Volk.  Is.,  iv.  462  £f.)  Josephus 
in  these  passages  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  logical,  rather  than  the  chronological  con- 
nection of  events.  Still,  the  bare  fact  of  an  allusion  to  a  former  letter  might  be  considered, 
if  taken  alone,  a  strong,  incidental  proof  of  genuineness.  But  Grimm,  following  Wernsdorf, 
Eichhorn,  and  others,  finds  an  anachronism  in  verse  7,  where  "  the  extremity  of  trouble  " 
(eV  Tji  B?i.i<pei  Kol  4v  rp  aKfi.fi)  is  spoken  of  as  existing  in  the  year  169  of  the  Seleucian  era  (b.  c. 
144),  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  were  at  that  time  becoming  divided 
amongst  themselves,  and  the  acme  of  distress  for  them  had  consequently  passed.  The  Jews, 
at  this  time,  had  already  united  themselves  with  the  party  of  Antiochus  VI.  against  Deme- 
trius II.  (Cf.  1  Mace.  xi.  54  ff.)  Hence  the  author  probably  meant  by  "  Demetrius,"  Deme- 
trius I.  Soter.  In  that  case,  however,  he  gave  the  wrong  date,  and  so  lietraved  his  hand  as 
that  of  a  forger.  The  effort  of  Schliinkes  (cf.  also  Paulus  in  Eichhorn"s  All.  Bibliuthek  d. 
Bib.  Lit,,  i.  240)  to  turn  the  edge  of  this  argument  by  translating  the  prejjosition  eV  by  Uber, 
concerning,  on  the  supposition  that  it  is  a  Hebraism  and  stands  for  5,  cannot  be  regarded  as 
successful.  This  Hebrew  preposition  could  not  have  that  meaning  in  such  a  connection. 
Again,  to  the  chronological  objection  it  is  replied  (cf.  Bertheau,  Diss,  de  Seciindo  Maaabce- 
orum  Libro,  p.  15),  that  the  representation  of  the  letter  may  have  been  true  in  the^rsf  part  of 
the  year  169  of  the  Syrian  chronology,  the  letter  of  Antiochus  VI.  to  Jonathan  proposing  an 
alliance  not  being  sent  until  later  in  the  same  year.  (Cf.  1  Mace.  xi.  57  ff.)  But  even  were 
this  view  of  the  chronology  probable,  which  is  not  the  case,  the  wisbed-for  conclusion  would 
not  follow.  It  is  assumed  that  the  crisis  of  difficulties  did  not  pass  for  the  Jews  until  An- 
tiochus VI.  proposed  a  Jewish  alliance.  But  it  had  passed  several  years  earlier.  In  fact, 
the  experiences  of  the  Jews  during  the  entire  reign  of  Demetrius  II.  were  of  a  far  milder 
character  than  they  had  been  for  a  long  time  previous.  It  was  he  who  sent  letters  with  "  lov- 
ing words  "  to  Jonathan,  in  order  to  secure  his  aid  against  Alexander  Balas.  And  the  hit- 
ter's conduct  was  quite  as  conciliatory  as  that  of  his  rival  (cf.  1  Mace.  xi.  66).  AVe  must 
therefore  hold  that  the  exception  to  this  statement  in  the  first  letter  is  well  taken,  and  that 
in  all  probability  there  is  a  chronological  error,  Demetrius  I.  and  not  Demetrius  II.  being  re- 
ferred to. 

Aim  of  the  Entire  Work. 

The  object  of  the  compilation,  as  such,  was  clearly  not  to  prepare  a  consecutive  and  trust- 
worthy history  of  the  period  of  which  it  treats,  but  rather  to  furnish  instruction  and  admoni- 
tion to  the  scattered  and  oppressed  Jewish  people.  A  more  special  object  seems  to  have 
been  to  do  honor  to  the  temjile  at  Jerusalem,  ]iarticularly  in  connection  wiih  the  celebration 
of  the  two  great  national  festivals:  that  of  the  jiurification  of  the  temple  and  that  of  the  de- 
feat and  death  of  Nicanor.  The  various  historical  events  which  might  be  considered  as  fur- 
nishing illustration  for  such  a  leading  purpose,  and  as  giving  point  to  it,  are  brought  into  the 
foreground  with  but  little  effort  to  preserve  a  chronological  sequence.  From  the  first  (ii. 
19)  the  attention  is  directed  to  the  "great  temple,"  and  the  honors  which  even   heathen 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES. 


553 


kings  btstowed  upon  it,  "magnifying"  it  witli  "their  best  gifts"  (iii.  2;  ix.  16;  viii. 
23).  It  is  carefully  explained  why  Jehovah  permitted,  for  a  time,  his  house  to  be  pol- 
luted (v.  17-20),  and  how,  subsequently,  he  raised  it  out  of  its  fallen  condition  (x.  1).  It  is 
shown  that  He  protected  it  by  marvelous  interpositions  on  various  occasions,  and  visited  with 
the  severest  punishment  those  who  sought  to  dishonor  it  (iii.  24;  xiii.  6-8;  xiv.  32;  xv.  32). 
And  finally,  how  the  Jewish  people  recognized  these  divine  favoi"s  by  the  establishment  of 
the  two  great  festivals  already  mentioned. 

Around  these  two  festivals,  in  fact,  the  whole  material  of  the  book,  in  a  sense,  is  made  to 
crystallize.  For  this  reason,  probably,  the  account  of  the  establishment  of  the  first  is  not 
civen  in  its  historical  order,  before  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (see  viii.  33,  and  cf.  x. 
1,  and  1  Mace.  iv.  36),  but  for  rhetorical  effect,  after  that  event.  For  the  same  reason 
the  important  facts  connected  with  the  death  of  Judas  Maocabasus  are  wholly  omitted,  in 
order,  as  it  would  seem,  to  concentrate  the  interest  of  the  reader  on  the  contest  which  pre- 
ceded it,  and  which  terminated  witli  the  death  of  Nicanor  and  its  commemorative  festival. 
Moreover  the  two  introductory  letters  already  considered,  by  whomsoever  composed  and 
placed  in  their  present  position,  must  be  regarded  as  witnesses  of  the  strongest  character, 
in  confirmation  of  the  view  that  the  emphasizing  of  these  two  festivals,  particularly  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Jews  living  in  Egypt,  was  the  principal  aim  of  our  work  in  its  present 
form. 

Historical   Worth. 

The  First  and  Second  Books  of  the  Maccabees  show  no  dependence  on  one  another  (so 
most  critics  against  Hitzig,  Geschichte,  ii.  415),  and  although  for  a  part  of  the  period  which 
they  cover  traversing  the  same  path  and  handling,  in  general,  the  same  events,  their  dif- 
ferences both  in  the  order  and  form  of  their  statements,  are  very  marked.  From  chap.  iii. 
—  where  the  present  book  properly  begins  —  to  iv.  6,  it  is,  for  the  most  part,  the  only  source 
of  information  concerning  the  events  of  which  it  treats.  This  includes,  however,  a  period  of 
only  a  year  or  two.  From  iv.  7  to  vii.  42,  the  narrative  corresponds  in  its  main  outlines  with 
that  of  1  Mace.  i.  10-64,  and,  witli  some  exceptions,  nught  be  received  as  but  another  en- 
larged and,  on  the  whole,  tolerably  trustworthy  history  of  ihe  same  events.  The  representa- 
tion, for  instance,  that  Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes  %vas  present  at  the  martyrdoms  mentioned 
in  chaj).  vii.,  must  be  regarded  as  false  and  incredible  (cf.  Com.,  in  loc).  But  other  state- 
ments concerning  this  ruler  which  the  present  work  contains  ami  which  are  not  to  be  found  in 
the  First  Book,  are  confirmed  by  conlem]ioraneous  profane  history  (cf.  iv.  21;  v.  1).  The  re- 
m.aiuder  of  the  work  (viii.-xv.)  is,  in  its  principal  features,  parallel  with  the  history  of  i 
Mace,  iii.— vii.  But  this  can  onh'  be  said  in  the  most  general  sense.  In  details,  the  accounts 
differ  not  only  as  it  respects  order  and  form,  but  in  essential  contents  and  statements  of  fact 
to  such  a  degree  that  all  attempts  to  harmonize  the  two  have  been  hitlierto  without  success. 
As  an  illustration  of  the  sequence  in  which  different  events  are  narratde  in  the  two  books 
relatively  to  each  other,  the  following  table  may  be  helpful:  — 


IMmc. 

2  Mace. 

iii.-iv.  27. 

viii.  1-35. 

First  battle  of  Judas  against  the  Syrians  and  his  victory  over  Nicaaor 
and  Gorgias. 

iv.  28-35. 

xi.  1-12. 

War  with  Lysias. 

)d.  13-38. 

His  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Jews. 

iv.  36-61. 

X.  1-8. 

Cleansing  of  the  Temple. 

V. 

X.  10-38  &  xii. 

War  of  Judas  against  the  Iduma&ans. 

vi.  1-16. 

ix.  1-29. 

Death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

vi.  17-69. 

xm. 

Campaign  of  Eupator  and  Lysias  against  Judsea  and  the  treaty  of 
peace. 

Vll. 

xiv.-xv. 

War  under  Demetrius  until  the  death  of  Nicanor. 

There  can  be  but  one  answer  given  to  the  question  which  of  the  two  books,  in  the  case  of 
irreconcilable  iliscrepancies,  is  to  be  followed.  It  has  virtually  been  already  given  in  our  pre- 
vious characterization  of  the  First  Book  and  in  the  statement  made  above  of  the  obvious  spirit 


5u4  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


and  aim  of  the  present  one.  Some  examples  of  such  discrepancies  may  be  noticed.  Accord- 
ing to  1  Mace.  iv.  28-35,  the  Syrian  general,  Lysias,  invaded  Judsea  by  way  of  Idumaea,  and 
was  defeated  by  Judas  Maccabteus  at  Bethsura.  Lysias,  thereupon,  retired  to  Antioch  to 
prepare  for  a  second  campaign.  This  was  before  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The 
Second  Book  of  Maccabees  also  speaks  of  a  defeat  of  Lysias  at  Bethsura  (.\i.),  but  puts  it 
under  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Eupator  and  makes  no  mention  of  this  general  at  all,  until  the 
accession  of  Eupator  to  the  throne  (x.  11).  Both  books  speak  of  another  invasion  of  Judsea 
by  Lysias,  under  the  same  ruler  (1  Mace.  vi.  17-50;  2  Mace.  xiii.  2  ff.),  in  which  he  was  suc- 
cessful, having  possessed  himself  of  the  stronghold,  Bethsura.  Hence,  one  of  two  theories 
seems  to  be  necessary :  either  there  were  tliree  campaigns  of  Lysias,  one  of  which,  and  a  dif- 
ferent one,  was  omitted  by  each  of  the  books,  or  the  Second  Book  has  misplaced  the  one 
spoken  of  in  the  First  as  having  occurred  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  And  between  these 
two  alternatives  no  candid  mind  can  well  hesitate  when,  in  connection  with  the  highly  trust- 
worthy character  of  the  First  Book,  the  circumstances  of  the  case  are  considered  in  detail. 

Again,  according  to  1  Mace,  v.,  between  the  cleansing  of  the  temple  and  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  there  were  campaigns  undertaken  by  Judas  Maocabseus  against  the 
neighboring  heathen  peoples,  and  also  against  the  Syrian  general  Timotheus.  In  the  Second 
Book,  on  the  contrary,  these  events  are  separated  by  the  first  campaign  of  Lysias  (2  Mace, 
viii.  30,  X.  14-39,  and  xii.  2-45),  and  are  described  so  differently  that  they  can  scarcely  be 
identified  as  the  same.  In  fact,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Look,  the  war  is  said  to  have  been 
carried  on  against  a  Syrian  leader,  who,  as  it  would  appear,  had  been  previously  killed  (x. 
37,  xii.  10,  18,  21).  Again,  at  ix.  29,  Philip  is  falsely  and  absurdly  represented  as  leaving 
his  own  friendly  army,  immediately  after  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  taking  ref- 
uge with  Ptolemy  Philometor  in  Egypt.  Here  and  there,  too  (x.  11,  xi.  14,  18  f.),  Antiochus 
Eupator  is  spoken  of  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  the  impression  that  the  author  was  quite  igno- 
rant of  the  fact  that  he  was  simply  a  boy  of  nine  years  on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  Most 
improbable,  also,  is  the  statement,  found  at  xii.  3-7,  concerning  the  drowning  of  the  Jews  by 
the  inhabitants  of  Joppa,  and  almost  equally  so,  the  relations  described  as  existing  between  Ni- 
canor  and  Judas  (xiv.  24  ff.).  And  finally,  the  fortress  at  Jerusalem  was  not  in  possession  of 
the  Jews  at  the  time  of  Nicanor's  death  (cf.  xv.  31,  35,  with  1  Mace.  xiii.  49-51),  although  our 
author  evidently  supposes  that  it  was.  Now,  for  these  various  anachronisms  and  historical 
blunders,  and  others  which  unght  be  mentioned,  it  is  impossible  to  find  the  same  ground  as 
we  have  already  given  above  for  the  misplacing  of  the  date  of  the  consecration  of  the  temple, 
after  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  that  is,  rhetorical  considerations.  Other  peculiar- 
ities of  the  book,  however,  might  be  thus  explained,  though,  of  course,  not  justified.  For 
instance:  the  obviously  exaggerated  account  of  the  martyrdoms  recorded  in  vi.  18  to  vii.  42; 
the  false  statement  concerning  the  place  and  manner  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
(ix.)  ;  the  incredible  circumstances  connected  with  the  suicide  of  Razis  (xiv.  37  ff);  and  the 
fact  that  the  writer  ascribes  in  almost  every  instance  such  immense  numbers  to  the  hostile 
armies  and  allows  but  an  inconsiderable  size  to  that  of  the  Jews  (viii.  24,  30;  x.  23,  31  ;  xi. 
11;  xii.  19;  xv.  27).  It  is,  indeed,  not  a  history  which  is  attempted  in  our  work,  but  a  warn- 
intr  and  an  appeal  to  the  force  of  which  the  chronicles  of  the  Maccabjean  era  are  made  to 
contribute  as  far  as  possible,  and  even  beyond  this,  submitted  to  an  extraordinary  amount  of 
enlargement,  tawdrv  ornamentation  and  distortion,  as  well  as,  now  and  then,  to  actual  falsi- 
fication. Just  where  the  responsiliility  for  error  in  particular  statements  lies,  it  is  not  always 
so  easy  to  decide.  One  might  be  pardoned,  however,  for  assuming  that  some  part  of  it,  at 
least,  is  chargeable  to  the  epitonvizer,  who  sets  out  with  the  positive  declaration  that  he 
shall  make  the  entertainment  of  his  readers  his  principal  aim  (ii.  24-32).  It  may  be  true  in 
the  main,  that  his  faults  are  those  of  one  "  who  interprets  history  to  support  his  cause  rather 
than  one  who  falsifies  its  substance."  (Westcott,  in  Smith's  Bi6.  Diet.,  s.  v.)  Still,  that 
here  are  some  instances  of  a  substantial  falsification,  could  hardly  be  denied. 

To  make  a  work  true  in  substance,  though  highly  embellished  in  form,  is  an  ideal  whict. 
many  writers  have  set  before  them,  but  few,  probably,  under  circumstances  less  favorable  to 
success  than  the  present  one.  The  strength  of  the  political  and  moral  current  on  which  he 
19  borne  and  against  which  he  makes,  it  should  seem,  no  struggle,  is  everywhere  apparent. 
That  for  the  most  part  it  set  in  the  right  direction  may  be  admitted,  without  denying  its 
power  to  shape  all  that  came  in  contact  with  it.  Now  it  shows  itself  in  the  contemptuous 
epithets  which  are  heaped  on  the  oppressors  of  Israel  (iv.  1,  19;  v.  9 ;  viii.  34,  36;  ix.  8,  \^\ 


THE   SECOND  BOOK   OF  MACCABEES.  555 

xii.  35;  xiii.  4;  xiv.  27;  xv.  32);  and  now,  in  the  pathetic,  almost  passionate  outbursts  of 
liimentation  over  the  miseries  that  have  come  upon  them  (iii.  15-52).  But  God  would  never 
suffer  the  insolence  of  the  enemy  to  go  unpunished  (vii.  37).  He  that  had  compelled  many 
to  flee  from  their  native  land  for  conscience'  sake  should  become  at  last  himself  a  wretched 
exile  (v.  9).  He  that  had  put  others  to  torture  on  account  of  iheir  religion,  must  be  made 
himself  to  experience  the  pangs  of  insufferable  agony  (ix.  5).  The  trifler  with  the  coals  of 
the  holy  altar  justly  finds  at  last,  amidst  glowing  coals,  his  own  dreadful  death  (xiii.  8).  The 
hand  that  was  stretched  out  in  challenge  ag.ainst  the  temple  of  God,  was  ere  long  smitten 
from  the  body,  and  the  tongue  that  uttered  blasphemies  against  the  same,  cut  out  (xv.  32  f.). 
The  enemies  of  God  and  his  people  are  compelled  by  the  bitterest  experience  to  confess  the 
power  of  Him  whom  they  had  despised,  and  to  make  good  that  which  they  had  attempted  to 
destroy  (iii.  38;  viii.  36;  ix.  17;  xi.  13).  There  is  nothing,  in  fact,  too  great  or  too  strange 
for  God  to  do,  in  order,  in  the  end,  to  deliver  "  his  portion  "  (.xiv.  15),  whom,  for  a  little 
whUe,  on  account  of  their  sins,  he  would  chastise  and  correct.  In  the  midst  of  hotly  con- 
tested battles,  troops  of  angels  appear  and  discomfit  with  lightnings  the  confident  foe  (x.  29  f. ; 
cf.  xi.  18).  Horses  with  "terrible  riders"  charge  upon  those  who  enter  with  sacrilegious 
purpose  into  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple  (iii.  23-40).  Dreadful  portents  in  the  skies, 
"  troops  of  horsemen  in  array,"  the  "  shaking  of  shields,"  "  drawing  of  swords,"  and  "  glit- 
ter of  golden  ornaments,"  are  made  precursors  of  a  coming  evil  (v.  2  f.),  and  other  equally 
marvelous  portents  signalize  its  end.  Judas  Maccabseus,  on  one  occasion,  sees  in  vision  the 
hoary  Jeremiah,  who  reaches  him  a  sword  of  gold,  with  promise  of  certain  victory  (xv.  12-16). 
There  are  no  miracles  in  the  book,  but  only  wonders.  The  coloring  of  supernaturalism  which 
it  receives  is  as  far  removed  from  that  peculiar  to  the  Old  Testament  as  is  its  history  in 
other  respects.  Providence  appears  no  longer  as  God's  providence,  but  man's,  shaped  by  his 
wishes  and  governed  by  his  caprices.  In  short,  we  are  here  no  longer  in  the  realm  of  actual 
history,  but  have  come  to  that  border-land  where  the  actual  and  the  ideal  mingle  in  an  almost 
indistinguishable  confusion. 

But  the  present  book  is  not,  on  this  account,  to  be  regarded  as  entirely  without  historical 
worth.  The  chaff  is,  in  general,  easily  recognizable  as  such.  It  is  often  possible  to  ascribe 
a  basis  of  truth  to  the  legends  which,  in  their  details,  are  the  most  fancifully  wrought  up. 
In  not  a  few  important  points  it  agrees  with  the  First  Book,  which  is  much  to  its  credit,  since 
the  two,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  must  have  been  of  wholly  independent  origin.  (Cf.  iv.- 
vi.  10,  with  1  Mace.  i.  10-64.)  It  agrees,  also,  in  several  clear  instances,  with  Josephus,  who 
seems  never  to  have  shown  acquaintance  with  it,  and  that,  in  particulars  of  which  the  First 
Book  makes  no  mention,  (iv.,  vi.  2  ;  xiii.  3-8  ;  xiv.  1.  Cf.  Josephus,  Anliq.,  xii.,  xiii.) 
Moreover,  in  some  instances  of  minor  difference  from  this  Jewish  historian,  the  present  work 
seems  to  have  the  better  claim  to  trustworthiness. 


Religious  Character. 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  decided  religious  cast  of  the  present  work,  when  compared 
with  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees,  and  to  the  fact  that  this  is  something  more  than  a  matter 
of  simple  coloring,  —  that  it  shows,  indeed,  a  positive  polemic  and  dogmatic  tendency  and 
aim  throughout.  Nothing  is  here  left,  as  in  the  First  Book,  to  make  its  own  impression; 
everything  is  interpreted,  and  Jehovah  himself  seems  sometimes  to  be  used  simply  to  set  off 
and  enforce  prevailing  theological  conceptions.  In  1  Maccabees  the  very  name  of  God  is 
left  unspoken,  here  it  is  freely  used.  Rewards  and  punishments  are  apportioned  according 
to  a  fixed  order  of  providence,  which  as  little  overlooks  the  covenant  people  as  it  spares 
those  who  are  hostile  to  them.  The  view,  however,  is  everywhere  an  external  and  superficial 
one.  It  never  rises  to  the  level  of  the  higher  spiritual  uses  of  trouble,  such  as  characterizes, 
for  example,  the  Book  of  Job.  Indeed,  there  is  comparatively  little  appeal  to  the  Scriptures 
for  the  support  of  doctrine.  (Cf.  1  Mace.  xii.  9.)  Tradition,  on  the  contrary,  seems  to  have 
already  begun  to  tithe  its  mint,  anise,  and  cummin,  while  the  voice  of  prophecy  is  heard  ever 
more  faintly.  There  is  no  evidence  of  a  Messianic  hope  among  the  people.  A  gathering  to- 
gether rn  Palestine  of  all  the  scattered  Israelites  of  the  earth  is  the  acme  of  expectation. 
Even  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  which  appears  in  such  surprising  definite- 
»ess  and  fullness  (vii.  36),  seems  not  to  have  been  developed  as  wr  might  have  expected,  from 


556  THE  APOCBYPHA. 


the  later  prophetic  intimations,  but  to  be  based  rather  on  some  vague  theory  of  the  divine 
covenant. 

If  Geiger  was  able  in  tlie  First  Book  to  find  evidences  of  a  Sadducsean  tendency  (see  Ur- 
schri/l,  p.  206  3.),  he  has  still  more  solid  ground  under  his  feet  in  arguing  that  here  we  have 
the  work  of  a  Pharisee  of  the  Pharisees.  That  the  two  books  are  widely  diverse  in  .<:pirit 
and  drift  is  evident  enough  ;  that  they  were  written,  however,  with  positive  antagonistic  ref- 
erence to  each  other,  as  this  critic  supposes,  it  is  not  so  easy  to  show.  The  attitude  of  the 
Second  Book  toward  the  priestly  Maceabjean  family  is  quite  another  one  from  that  of  the 
First.  Judas  figures  prominently,  it  is  true,  but  even  his  lieroic  end  is  passed  over  in  silence, 
and  we  hear  nothing  of  the  family  lineage,  the  family  tomb,  and  the  glory  of  the  family  name 
in  the  later  time.  As  little  honor  as  possible,  in  fact,  is  conceded  anywhere  to  the  priestly 
order,  the  Zadokites.  Their  weaknesses  and  sins,  on  the  other  hand,  are  painted  in  the 
deepest  colors  (iv.  13,  17).  It  is  Jason  and  Menelaus  who  form  the  central  point  of  the  apos- 
tasy to  heathenism.  Not  a  single  priest  is  mentioned  among  the  number  of  those  who  suffered 
torture  unto  death  for  their  religion,  but  it  was  one  of  "  the  principal  scribes"  (vi.  18  S. 
Cf.  1  Mace.  vii.  12),  who  was  the  first  to  show  a  faith  and  courage  superior  to  all  that  kingly 
malice  could  invent  to  overcome  them.  This  is  the  more  remarkable,  since  it  is  quite  other- 
wise in  the  Fourth  Book  of  Maccabees,  where  similar  scenes  are  described. 

But  particularly  in  his  doctrinal  position  and  teachings  does  our  author  betray  his  partisan 
leanings.  Here  we  find  no  encouragement,  as  in  the  First  Book,  to  even  the  slightest  relax- 
ation in  the  outward  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  be  the  circumstances  what  they  may  (v.  25; 
vi.  11;  viii.  26;  xii.  38;  xv.  1).  Scattered  thick,  however,  are  angel  appearances,  startling 
wonders,  prophetic  visions,  and  other  similar  things  which  stamp  the  work  as  thoroughly 
Pharisaic.  And  in  nothing  does  this  more  clearly  appear  than  in  its  teaching  concerning  the 
doctrine  of  the  resurrection.  The  abruptness  with  which  we  are  here  suddenly,  without  pre- 
vious preparation,  brought  face  to  face  with  it  in  a  certain  dogmatic  completeness  is,  in  fact, 
almost  startling.  It  has  the  appearance,  it  cannot  be  denied,  of  polemic  design.  Again  and 
again,  as  to  a  favorite  theme,  he  comes  back  to  it  and  puts  in  the  mouth  of  nearly  all  his 
heroes  (vii.  9,  11,  14,  23,  29,  36)  allusions  to  it  of  greater  or  less  distinctness.  He  seeks 
even  to  bring  the  weight  of  Judas'  influence  to  tell  in  its  favor  (xii.  43),  declaring  that  his 
conduct  on  a  certain  occasion  admits  of  no  other  interpretation  than  that  he  was  "  mindful 
of  the  resurrection." 

The  Chronology  Followed. 

It  has  been  held  by  some  critics  that  a  part  of  the  apparent  discrepancies  between  the  First 
and  Second  Books  of  Maccabees  may  have  arisen  from  the  use  of  a  different  chronology,  and 
not  be  real  discrepancies.  We  have  noticed  in  the  Commentary  below  the  various  instances 
of  this  kind  as  they  appear.  But  a  few  words  here  on  the  general  subject  may  not  be  out  of 
place.  The  following  are  some  of  the  theories  of  critics  touching  this  matter.  Scaliger, 
Usher,  Prideaux,  and  others,  hold  that  while  the  First  Book  begins  the  Seleueian  era  with 
Nisan  (April),  thci  Second  begins  it  with  Tisri  (October)  of  the  year  B.  c.  312.  Wernsdorf, 
again,  thinks  the  First  Book  begins  with  Tisri,  312,  and  the  Second,  Tisri,  311.  Further, 
Jdeler,  whom  Grimm  follows,  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  First  Book  reckons  from  Nisan,  312, 
the  Second,  from  Tisri,  311.  And,  finally,  Wieseler,  who  has  written  a  great  deal  on  the 
subject  (cf.  Com.  at  1  Mace.  i.  10),  argues  that  the  First  Book  begins  with  Tebeth,  the  tenth 
Hebrew  month,  or  January  of  the  Roman  year,  B.  c.  312,  while  the  Second  begins  with  Tisri 
of  the  same  year.  In  this  Covimenlnry  we  have  adopted  the  view  more  recently  advocated 
by  Keil  (Coin.,  passim)  and  by  Schiirer  {Neutest.  Zeitgesckichle.  p.  16  ff.),  that  both  books 
receive  the  same  chronology,  that  of  the  Seleueian  year,  which  begins  in  the  autumn  of  B.  c. 
312. 

There  is  good  evidence,  indeed,  that  the  months  in  both  codes  were  reckoned  according  to 
the  Jewish  method  beginning  with  Nisan,  corresponding  with  our  April  (cf.  1  Mace.  iv.  52; 
X.  21 ;  2  Mace.  xv.  36),  but  it  does  not  therefore  follow  that  the  era  itself  was  made  to  begin 
at  this  point.  The  "unanswerable"  proof  which  Grimm  finds  at  1  Mace.  x.  21,  that  the 
author  of  that  book  dated  the  era  from  Nisan  rests  on  the  assumption  that  the  Seleueian  year 
isually  began  with  the  beginning  of  Tisri  (October),  which  is,  however,  not  to  be  insisted  on. 
but  only  that  it  began  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  B.  c.  312.     And  the  feast  of  tabernacles 


THE  SECOND  BOOK   OF  MACCABEES.  557 

■which  is  there  spoken  of,  iiii'^ht  have  taken  place  at  the  end  of  the  year,  as  in  the  case  men- 
tioned, Ex.  xxiii.  16.  The  theory  of  Wieseler  rests,  principally,  on  the  statement  of  Josephus 
(Anllg.,  xiv.  16.  §  2),  that  the  year  of  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Herod  (b.  c.  38-37)  was  a 
Sabbatic  year,  since  the  assumption  which  he  makes,  that  Jewish  tradition  favors  the  view 
that  the  year  before  the  destruction  of  the  same  (a.  d.  68-69)  was  a  Sabbatic  year,  is  not 
correct.  But  this  unsupported  statement  of  Josephus  must,  for  a  number  of  reasons,  be  re- 
garded as  false.  Cf.,  in  addition  to  Schiirer,  as  above,  Caspari,  in  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1877,  i.,  p. 
181  if. 

The  various  displacements  of  the  Second  Book  are  those  of  matter,  rather  than  of  dates. 
There  is,  in  fact,  but  one  real  instance  where  a  difference  of  dates  can  be  certainly  predi- 
cated of  the  two  works  (of.  1  Mace.  vii.  20  with  2  Mace.  xiii.  1).  On  this  Grimm  (Com.,  in 
loc.)  well  remarks:  "  One  does  the  author  of  the  Second  Book  quite  too  much  honor,  against 
whom  so  many  historical  and  chronolo<rical  offenses  have  been  proved,  in  seeking  to  harmo- 
nize, at  the  expense  of  difficult  combinations,  the  differences  between  it  and  the  First  Book, 
or  in  explaining  them  through  the  supposition  of  a  different  beginning  for  the  Seleuciar. 
era."  It  is,  indeed,  quite  possible  that  our  author  in  the  present  case  was  led  into  error  by  a 
previous  misstatement  at  x.  3,  where  the  desolation  of  the  temple  is  said  to  have  lasted  but 
two  years,  instead  of  three.     (Cf.  1  Mace.  iv.  52.) 

Sources  of  the  Work. 

The  work  of  Jason  of  Gyrene,  from  which  the  compiler  of  2  Mace,  professes  to  have  de- 
rived his  material  (ii.  19  ff.),  is  nowhere  else  mentioned.  It  consisted  of  five  books,  and 
treated,  according  to  this  witness,  of  the  deeds  of  Judas  Maccabseus  and  his  brethren,  of  the 
purification  of  the  temple  and  dedication  of  the  altar,  of  the  wars  against  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes  and  his  son  Eupator,  of  the  heavenly  portents,  of  the  recovery  of  the  temple,  the  secur- 
ing of  freedom  to  the  city,  and  the  vindication  of  Jewish  rights.  As  the  compiler  mentions 
no  other  literary  sources  which  he  used  than  this  one  work  of  Jason,  so  is  it  also  probable 
that  he  had  no  other.  The  reasons  given  by  Bertholdt  (Ehileit.,  pp.  1065,  1070)  for  supposing 
that  he  made  use  of  the  last-named  authority  only  in  what  is  included  between  chapters  iv.- 
xi.  (Grotius,  also,  held  that  other  sources  were  used  for  xii.-xv.),  are  not  of  sufficient  weight 
to  carry  conviction  to  many  minds.  They  come  mostly  from  ascribing  too  much  originality 
to  the  mere  compiler,  more,  indeed,  than  in  his  prefatory  remarks  he  claims  for  himself,  or 
is  even  willing  to  have  imputed  to  himself.  The  fact  that  in  his  general  resume  of  the  con- 
tents of  Jason's  work  he  does  not  mention  the  circumstance  that  it  included  events  which 
took  place  under  Seleucus  IV.  and  under  Demetrius  I.,  furnishes  no  ground  for  suppos- 
ing that  it  did  not.  The  most  of  what  he  narrates  took  place,  as  he  says,  under  Antiochus 
Epijihanes  and  Eupator.  There  is  every  reason  to  suppose,  indeed,  from  the  position  that 
the  epitomizer  assumes  at  the  outset,  that  if  he  had  used  other  historical  material  he  would 
have  felt  bound  to  mention  it,  since  he  naively  refuses  to  be  responsible  for  his  statements, 
■on  the  ground  that  he  has  merely  collected,  colored,  and  arranged  what  another,  whom  he 
cites  by  name,  has  said.  With  this  view,  too,  the  structure  and  the  style  of  the  work  suffi- 
ciently well  correspond.  The  discrepancies  existing  between  different  parts  (cf.  x.  37,  with 
X.  11,  10,  8,  21,  and  ix.  29  with  xiii.  23)  are  generally,  without  doubt,  faults  wliich  are 
chargeable  to  the  original  composition,  and  not  to  the  abridgment.  The  exaggeration  and 
highly  wrought  embellishments  scattered  here  and  there  are  another  matter. 

There  is  no  a  priori  ground  for  holding  that  Jason  of  Cyrene  would  have  written  in  any 
other  language  than  Greek,  and  the  internal  evidences  of  a  Greek  original  for  the  present 
book  are  next  to  indisputable,  even  it  we  had  not  the  positive  testimony  of  Jerome  (ProL  Gal.) 
to  the  same  effect.  Whether  he  had  written  sources  of  information  before  him  in  the  compo- 
sition of  his  history  it  is  now  impossible  to  say.  The  citation  of  ostensibly  original  letters  in 
chaps,  ix.  and  xi.  can  be  allowed  to  have  hut  little  weight  in  settling  the  point,  since  in  all 
probability  they  are  not  genuine.  If  Jason  did  have  access  to  documentary  authorities,  it 
would  be  unsafe  to  ascribe  to  them  any  great  importance,  as  it  respects  either  amount  or  trust- 
worthiness. The  section  extending  from  chap.  iii.  to  vi.  11,  is  by  far  the  most  likely  of  any  to 
have  been  based  on  some  fixed  historical  data  as  ground-work,  but  the  confusion  and  uncer- 
Jainty  of  oral  tradition  are  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  everywhere  appLueut.     The  work,  ia 


558  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


fact,  is  decidedly  anecdotal  in  style,  and  but  little  pains  have  been  taken  to  make  smooth 
transitions  from  one  subject  to  another.     Cf.  viii.  30;  x.  19,  37;  xii.  35;  xiii.  24;  xiv.  19. 

Concerning   Jason. 

The  question  who  Jason  was  and  where  he  wrote,  cannot  be  answered  with  any  threat  degree 
of  certainty.  That  he  was  identical  with  the  Jason  sent  by  Judas  Maccabaeus  (1  Mace.  viii.  1 7) 
as  ambassador  to  Rome,  as  Herzfeld  argues  (Geschichle,  i.  455),  cannot  be  accepted  on  the  basis 
of  the  single  circimistance  that  the  names  are  the  same,  for  this  critic  has  little  else  of  import- 
ance to  offer  in  the  way  of  proof  for  his  conjecture.  Further,  the  theory  that  Jason  gathered 
his  historical  material  in  Palestine,  as  Scholz  (^Einleit.,  p.  661)  maintains,  is  quite  as  destitute 
of  real  support,  besides  having  against  it  the  consideration  that,  if  such  had  been  the  case,  he 
could  hardly  have  failed  to  discover  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees,  or,  if  that  was  not  yet  writ- 
ten, or  was  not  in  general  circulation,  some  of  the  documents  on  which  it  is  based.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  fact  that  Jason  is  mentioned  as  being  "  of  Cyrene,"  does  not  force  us  to  conclude 
that  he  usually  resided  there,  or  that  this  was  his  home  at  the  time  that  his  book  was  composed. 
There  is  not  a  little  evidence,  indeed,  that  it  had  its  origin  in  Syria  rather  than  in  Africa,  or 
in  the  neiahborhood  of  Alexandria  (cf.  Graetz,  Geschichle,  ii.,  note  xvi.).  In  all  that  relates 
to  the  Syrian  kingdom  and  the  cities  of  the  coast,  his  information  is  relatively  full  and  minute, 
while  in  that  which  concerns  Egypt  and  even  Palestine,  it  is  both  inconsiderable  and  remark- 
ably imperfect.  He  knows,  for  instance,  not  only  Heliodorus,  but  the  less  important  Sostra- 
tus  (iv.  27).  He  can  give  the  name  of  a  mistress  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (iv.  30).  The 
different  rank  and  various  antecedents  of  Syrian  officers  are  stated  with  surprising  detail: 
ApoUonius  was  /iva-dpxv',  that  is,  governing  Mysia  (v.  24).  Nicanor  had  been  Kuwpiipxvt 
(xii.  2);  still  another  of  the  same  name,  an  4\f(pavra.pxni  (xiv.  12),  and  from  these  two  he 
distinguishes  a  third,  a  "  son  of  Patroclus  "  (viii.  9).  He  knows  the  names  of  the  persons 
who  set  fire  to  the  gates  of  the  temple  (viii.  33),  and  that  Timotheus  had  a  brother  called 
Chareas  (x.  32). 

Respecting  Palestine  on  the  other  hand,  he  shows  acquaintance,  indeed,  with  leading  per- 
sonages and  events,  but  in  details,  a  remarkable  ignorance.  Especially  is  this  true  in  the 
matter  of  geography,  as  will  appear,  for  instance,  from  an  examination  of  his  descrijition  of 
the  campaigns  of  Judas  Maccabseus  in  Persa.  The  same  is  true  of  Egypt.  It  is  not  easy 
to  understand  if  the  writer  lived  in  Alexandria,  or  even  in  Cyrene,  why  he  has  omitted  many 
events  occurring  in  this  country  which  had  the  most  direct  connection  with  his  history,  or 
why  those  which  are  mentioned  appear  in  their  present  form.  The  evidences  of  inclination 
towards  the  Alexandrian  philosophy  which  Gfrorer  and  Diihne  profess  to  find  (iii.  24,  29  f., 
38  f. ;  xiv.  15),  are  far  from  clear,  particularly  when  taken  in  connection  with  other  passages 
in  which  the  principles  of  that  philosophy  are,  in  effect,  combated  (cf.  vii. ;  xiv.  46  ;  xii.  44). 
The  author  seems,  indeed,  wherever  he  lived,  to  have  belonged  to  the  right  wing  of  the  or- 
thodox party  of  the  Jews,  and  to  have  remained  thoroughly  loyal  to  the  theocratic  spirit  and 
traditions  of  his  fatherland. 

Concerning   the   Epitomisi. 

If  it  would  appear  too  venturesome  to  attempt  to  decide  with  certainty  from  present  data 
on  the  place  of  residence  of  the  author  of  the  woi-k  before  us,  it  might  be  thought  more  so 
to  seek  to  determine  that  of  the  epitomist.  It  is  impossible  to  say  just  what  relation  the  lat- 
ter sustains  to  the  composition  as  it  now  exists,  whether  he  has  simply  controlled  its  form,  as 
he  seems  to  intimate  (ii.  28,  31;  xv.  38),  or  has  also  modified,  to  a  considerable  extent,  its 
substance.  Which  it  was,  Jason  or  the  epitomist,  who  first  took  as  his  aim  that  which,  as 
we  have  before  noticed,  is  the  evident  object  of  the  composition,  it  is  impossible  with  abso- 
lute positiveness  now  to  decide,  and  on  that  decision  dejjcnds  for  its  solution  the  second  ques- 
tion relating  to  the  manner  in  which  the  final  editor  has  carried  out  his  professed  purpose,  as 
well  as  others  that  concern  his  jirobable  place  of  residence,  his  party  connections,  religious 
views,  and  the  like.  Without  plain  jiroof  to  the  contrary,  however,  it  would  seem  to  be  most 
proper  to  take  our  compiler  for  what  he  claims  to  be,  that  is,  for  one  who  has  sought  to  put 
in  a  more  i)leasing  and  readable  form  the  voluminous  work  of  Jason  while  heaving  its  sub- 
etance  essential'v  unchanged. 


THE   SECOND   BOOK  OF   MACCABEES.  559 

To  ascribe  to  the  epitomist  all  tliat  has  a  bearing  on  what  is  obviously  the  final  object  of 
the  work  would  be  clearly  unjust.  He  distinctly  disavows,  for  instance,  his  responsibility  for 
the  staple  of  his  narrative  concerning  the  supernatural  appearances,  etc.,  which  he  describes 
(ii.  21).  But  if  the  original  work  of  Jason  bore  at  all  the  stamp  of  an  appeal  to  the  Egyp- 
tian Jews  to  do  honor  to  the  temple  in  Jerusalem,  especially  in  connection  with  the  two  great 
festivals  commemorating  respectively  the  dedication  and  Nicanor's  death,  then  it  is  probable 
that  it  bore  it  throughout  and  decidedly,  and  some  part  at  least  of  the  blame  relating  to  the 
confusion  into  which  the  history  has  been  brought  may  be  chargeable  to  him  alone.  It  is  also 
favorable  to  the  view  that  the  epitomist  had  very  little  to  do  with  the  fundamental  matter  of 
the  work,  that  his  style  and  his  thought,  where  he  is  acknowledged  to  speak  for  himself,  as 
in  the  prefatory  and  concluding  words,  are  quite  different  from  the  rest  of  the  book,  and  betray 
an  order  of  intelligence  and  literary  taste  considerably  below  that  which  prevails  in  other 
parts.  The  work  of  Jason,  it  is  certainly  safe  to  say,  found  a  warm  admirer  in  the  person 
of  our  epitomist  and  in  the  circle  to  which  he  belonged.  It  does  not  at  all  follow,  however, 
as  Grimm  appears  to  suppose  (Einteit.,  p.  21),  that  because  it  seems  to  have  been  written  for 
Egyptian  Jews,  that  therefore  it  must  have  been  composed  in  Egypt,  or  at  least  put  into  its 
present  shape  there.  One  might  better,  it  should  seem,  draw  just  the  contrary  conclusion 
from  that  circumstance.  The  additional  fact  that  the  compiler  speaks  of  Jason  as  having  been 
from  Gyrene  might,  indeed,  be  taken  as  evidence  that  he  himself  was  not  from  Gyrene,  but 
not  th.at  he  was  not  a  resident  of  some  part  of  the  Syrian  empire.  But  to  attempt  to  fix  upon 
anything  more  definite  respecting  either  his  person  or  liis  social  surroundings  would  lead  us 
into  the  realm  of  pure  conjecture. 

Language  and   Style. 

As  we  have  before  said,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  2  Maccabees  was  originally  written  in 
Greek.  Naturally  Hebraisms  occur,  but  they  are  much  fewer  and  less  marked  than  was  to 
have  been  expected  and  than  was  common  with  works  having  such  an  origin,  liandling  such 
material,  and  written  for  such  an  object  as  the  present  book.  They  are  mostly  confined  to 
single  expressions  and  do  not  extend  to  any  great  degree  to  grammatical  forms.  It  is  an  in- 
teresting circumstance  bearing  on  this  point,  that  the  word  for  Jerusalem  is  nowhere  rendered 
by  the  Hebraistic  form  'lEpoutraA-^fi,  Init  always  by  the  Greek  'lepovaiAvfia.  The  Greek  used  is, 
in  general,  that  employed  by  profane  writers  of  the  first  or  second  centuries  before  Christ, 
particularly  by  Polybius.  The  style  is  highly  rhetorical.  The  author  seems  to  delight  in  allit- 
eration. We  find,  for  instance,  Syei;'  ayuiva  (iv.  18),  &\\os  aWaxv  (xii.  22),  airht  airidi  (xv. 
37),  and  numerous  other  instances  of  the  same  sort.  In  fact,  critics  have  availed  themselves 
of  this  marked  characteristic  of  the  writer,  in  order  to  determine  the  proper  reading  in  some 
cases  of  special  doubt.  He  shows  himself,  also,  to  be  master  of  an  exceedingly  rich  vocabu- 
lary of  Greek  words  and  expressions,  in  the  different  dress  which  he  gives  to  the  same  thought, 
and  in  the  variety  and  splendor  of  his  ornamentation  (iii.  30;  iv.  15;  v.  13,  20;  viii.  18.  Cf. 
iii.  28;  vi.  25  f . ;  vii.  21).  Sometimes,  however,  his  rhetoric  degenerates  into  a  mere  striving 
for  effect,  with  little  or  no  reference  to  the  subject  in  hand.  At  xiii.  19,  22,  26,  for  example, 
one  might  almost  suppose  he  was  trying  to  ring  as  many  changes  as  possible  on  Caesar's 
"  veni,  villi,  vici." 

Unusual  words  and  expressions,  moreover,  or  words  used  in  an  uncommon  sense,  are  some- 
what frequent.  But  as  we  have  generally  called  attention  to  them  when  they  occur,  they  need 
not  be  here  noticed  except  by  reference  (cf.  ii.  25,  (pi\o(p(iov(~iv  eXs  ti;  iv.  21,  34,  37;  v.  20;  vi. 
5,  8,  i((7)<()i(7fia;  viii.  19,  27;  x.  13,  14,  (To\i^t.oTp6<f>(i;  xi.  4,  irei})pe;'to^eVos ;  xiii.  22;  xiv.  11,  24, 
<^vxtKms).  The  writer  shows  a  special  liking  for  a  certain  circumlocution,  that  is,  for  the  use 
of  the  word  TToie7(xeai  with  the  verbal  idea  expressed  by  a  substantive  in  the  accusative.  He 
speaks  of  making  a  report,  for  instance  (ii.  30),  as  noie7(rBai  \6yov,  just  as  we  often  say,  "  he 
made  a  report  "  instead  of  "he  reported."  This  is  common,  too,  in  3  Maccabees.  The  ob- 
ject was  not  simply  to  give  variety  but  emphasis  as  well.  See  other  similar  instances  at  9 
Mace.  iii.  33;  iv.  27,  44;  viii.  29;  ix.  2  ;  xii.  23,  30  et  passim. 

Time  of  Composition. 

The  book  itself  offers  but  few  data  for  determining  with  exactness  either  the  time  when  it 
was  compiled  or  originally  composed.     At  xv.  37,  the  epitomist  says  that  from  the  year  B.  c. 


560  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


161  the  Israelites  had  held  Jerusalem.  But  this,  it  is  clear,  cannot  be  interpreted  strictly. 
The  first  of  the  two  letters  which  precedes  the  composition  and  bears  the  date  B.  c.  125,  proves 
that  the  book  could  not  have  been  written  before  that  time.  On  the  other  hand,  its  scope 
and  aim  throughout,  as  we  have  seen,  presuppose  the  existence  of  the  temple  and  its  service, 
and  hence  it  must  have  had  its  origin  previous  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  A.  D.  70. 
This  follows  also,  from  the  generally  admitted  fact  that  4  Maccabees,  which  is  based  upon 
our  work,  was  written  before  the  final  overthrow  of  the  holy  city.  The  estimation  in  which 
the  Romans  were  held,  too,  had  changed  not  a  little  from  that  which  appears  to  prevail  in  the 
former  work  (viii.  10,  36).  And  the  whole  style  of  representation,  in  the  Second  Book, 
shows  that  a  considerable  period  must  have  elapsed  since  the  events  described  occurred,  dur- 
ing which  a  fluctuating  oral  tradition  combined  with  strongly  developed  doctrinal  tendencies 
had  given  them  a  different  cast  from  that  which  they  originally  bore.  The  supposed  remin- 
iscence or  citation  of  2  Maec.  in  Hebrews  xi.  35,  which  also  was  written  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  is  too  uncertain  to  have  much  weight  iu  the  matter  before  us.  The  first 
undisputed  reference  to  it  is  found  in  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom.,  v.  sec.  98),  who  speaks 
of  it  as  the  "  epitome." 

Ecclesiastical  Standing. 

Josephus  seems  not  to  have  been  acquainted  with  our  book.  At  least,  where  his  history 
runs  parallel  with  it  (cf.  iv.  7  ff.  with  Aniiq.,  xii.  5,  §  1;  vi.  2  with  Antiq.,  xii.  5,  §  2;  xiii. 
8-8  with  Antiq.,  xii.  9,  §  7  ;  and  xiv.  1  with  Antiq.,  xiii.  5,  §  1),  the  differences  are,  in  detail, 
too  great  to  justify  the  theory  of  such  an  acquaintance.  Jewish  writers  of  a  later  day,  while 
making  great  use  of  certain  parts  of  it  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  and  embellishing  rab- 
binical doctrine,  never  held  it  to  be  canonical  (Zunz,  p.  123).  The  history  of  the  martyrs 
which  is  found  in  it,  was  also  a  favorite  subject  of  reference  in  the  early  church,  subsequent 
to  the  time  of  Origen,  and  by  this  means,  as  it  would  appear,  it  attained  at  the  time  of  Jerome 
and  Augustine  to  a  standing  approaching  that  of  the  acknowledged  books  of  Scripture.  These 
martyrs  were  praised  in  the  highest  degree  by  Chrysostom,  and  held  up  as  examples  worthy 
of  imitation.  Although  living  under  the  old  economy,  they  were  reckoned  among  the  "  holy 
choir  of  martyrs  for  Christ."  (Cf.  Grimm,  Com.,  p.  133.)  A  festival  in  honor  of  the  "  Mac- 
cabees," under  which  name  all  that  suffered  for  the  truth  in  their  times  were  inchided  ,  was 
early  instituted  in  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  churclies,  and  a  commemorative  basilica  erected 
in  Antioch.  The  latest  traces  of  the  festival  are  found  in  the  third  century.  The  more  definite 
views  of  Origen  and  Jerome  touching  the  canonical  authority  of  the  First  and  Second  Books 
of  the  Maccabees  have  already  been  given  in  connection  with  the  former.  The  distinction 
which  they  theoretically,  at  least,  recognized  as  existing  between  books  canonical  and  eccle- 
siastical was  far  less  emphasized  by  Augustine,  who  says  (Ch'.  Dei,  xviii.  36)  :  "  Horum 
supputatio  temporum  non  in  scrijAuris  Sanctis,  quce  canonicce  appellantur,  sed  in  aliis  invenitur  ; 
in  quibus  sunt  et  Maccabceorum  libri,  quos  non  Judcsi,  sed  ecclesia  pro  canonicis  habet  propter 
quorundam  martyrum  passiones."  In  the  canon  of  the  Abyssinian  church  both  Books  of  the 
Maccabees  were  adopted,  but  less  with  reference  to  their  contents  and  history  than  to  the 
wish  to  have  as  large  a  number  of  Biblical  books  as  possible  (cf.  Dillmann  in  Herzog's  Encyk., 
i. ,  p.  1 68).  The  later  history  of  2  Maccabees  is  in  general  coincident  with  that  of  the  remain- 
ing Old  Testament  apocryphal  literature.  Protestants  have  ordinarily  placed  it  consider- 
ably lower  in  the  scale  than  the  First  Book.  Luther  even  wished  that  it  had  never  had 
existence,  and  found  a  specially  hard  knot  in  the  account  of  Razis  (xiv.  37  ff.).  The  Roman 
Catholic  view,  on  the  other  hand,  may  be  judged  from  the  decision  given  at  the  Council  of 
Trent,  taken  in  connection  with  the  fact  that  the  so-called  "relics  of  the  Maccabees  "  con- 
tinue to  this  day  to  be  among  their  objects  of  superstitious  regard. 

Text  and  Versions. 

The  text  of  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  is  derived  from  the  same  codices  as  the  First,  ex- 
cept that  the  former  is  wanting  in  the  Sinaitic  Codex  and  in  134.,  and  the  same  remarks  apply 
Here  that  were  made  above  in  the  characterization  of  these  several  MSS.  Two  old  versions 
exist  of  the  work,  a  Latin  and  a  Syriac.  The  former  was  made  before  the  time  of  Jerome  nwi 
corresponds  closely  with  the  Greek.     The  Syriai-  is  more  of  the  nature  of  a  paraphrase  and 


THE   SECOND  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES.  561 

shows  also  great  ignorance  and  carelessness  in  the  translation.  Both  versions  are  of  consid- 
erable critical  importance,  chiefly,  however,  as  helping  to  establish  in  doubtful  cases  the 
readings  of  the  MSS.  There  is  no  evidence  in  either  of  the  versions  that  a  different  recen- 
sion of  the  original  text  was  followed.  The  Latin  text  of  the  Second  Book  exists  but  in  one 
form,  and  not,  as  in  the  case  of  the  First,  in  two.  The  so-called  "  Second  Book  of  Macca- 
bees," which  appears  in  Arabic  in  Walton's  Polyglot,  is,  as  we  have  already  observed,  ao 
entirely  different  work  from  the  present  one. 


THE  SECOND  BOOK 


OF  THE 


MACCABEES. 


Chapteb  L 

1  To  our  brethren,  the  Jews  throughout  Egypt,  greeting:  Your  brethren,  the 
Jews  in  Jerusalem  and  in  the  land  of  Judasa  wish  you  the  highest  prosperity.' 

2  And  may  ^  God  be  gracious  '  unto  you,  and  remember  his  covenant  with  *  Abra- 

3  ham,  and  ^  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  his  faithful  ^  servants  ;  and  give  you  all  a  heart  to 

4  honor '  him,  and  to  do  his  will '  with  a  good  courage  and  a  willing  mind  ;  ^  and  open 

5  your  heart  with  respect  to '"  his  law  and  commandments,"  and  give  ^^  peace,  and 
hear  your  prayers,  and  be  at  one ''  with  you,  and  not "  forsake  you  in  time  of 

6,7  trouble.'^  And  now  we  are '°  here  praying  for  you.  During  "  the  reign  of  Deme- 
trius,-'^ in  the  hundred  threescore  and  ninth  year,'"  we  the  Jews  wrote  ^  unto  you  in 
the  extremity  of  affliction  "*  that  came  upon  us  in  those  years,  from  the  time  that 
Jason  and  his  adherents  ^^  revolted  from  the  holy  land  and  kingdom,^  and  men  ^ 

8  burnt  the  gate,^  and  shed  innocent  blood  ;  and  ^^  we  prayed  unto  the  Lord,  and 
were  heard  ;  we  offered  also  a  sacrifice  '^  and  fine  flour,  and  lighted  the  lamps,  and 

9  set  forth  the  loaves.  And  now  keep  '■^  the  feast  of  tabernacles  in  the  month  Chase- 
leu  '-'"  in  the  hundred  fourscore  and  eighth  *"  year. 

10  The  people  in''  Jerusalem  and  in  Judaea,  and  the  councU,  and  Judas,  send '^ 
greeting  and  health  unto  Aristobulus,  king  Ptolemy's  teacher,  who  is,  moreover,  of 

1 1  the  race  ^'  of  the  anointed  priests,  and  to  the  Jews  that  are  **  in  Egypt.    Inasmuch  ^ 
as  God  hath  delivered  us  from  great  perils,  we  thank  him  highly  as  those  who  would, 

12  4y?je«f/ 6e,  fight  against  the  *°  king.     For  he  himself  °' cast  them  out  *°  that   fought 

13  within  the  holy  city.    For  when  the  leader  came*^  into  Persia,  and  the  army  with 
him  that  seemed  to  be  *"  invincible,  they  were  slain  in  the  temple  of  Nanaea  through  *' 

Vers.  1,2.  —  1  A.  V. ;  The  brethren,  the  Jews  that  be  at  Jerusalem  and  in  the  land  of  Judea,  wish  unto  the  brethren, 
the  Jews  that  are  throughout  Egypt,  health  and  peace  (see  Com.).  2  omits  And  may.  3  (aya^on-oi^o-oi,  as  a 

compound  peculiar  to  eccleBiastical  Greek.    Cf.  Tob.  lii.  14.)  «  that  Ac  rnarfe  with.  ^  omits  &TLi.  «  Cf. 

1  Mace.  ii.  52. 

Vers.  3-5.  — '  A.  V. :  serve  ((je'jSecrfiai).  ^  (Plur.,  SeX-fttiaTa,  i.  «.,  the  various  expressions  of  his  will.)  »  ("/^xn 
Cf.  1  Chron.  xxviil.  9,  Heb.  and  Gr.l        10  hearts  (so  19.  62.  64.  93.)  in  (see  Ca?n.).      11  (ec  rots  Trpotrrayjuacri.)      12  gene 

(iroi^o-at:  see  Com.)  yim  (19.  62.  64.  93.,  v/»rv).  "  (See  Com.)  "never.  "o  HI?")  nj?3.     Cf.  Ps 

xxxvii.  19. 

Vers.  6-9. — 10  A.  V. :  be.  »'  What  time  as.  '8  Demetrius  reigned.  ^"  (See  0)m.)  =0  wrote  {perf.,  yrypo^^- 
Kaixtv\  III.  23.  44.  62.  64.  al.,  yeyp6.^aiJ.ev^  which  is  the  earlier  form  of  the  same.     See  Com.).  21  extremity  of 

trouble  (lit.,  in  the  affliction^  and  in  the  extremity,  but  by  hendiadys  as  rendered).  22  company.  23  (i.  ^,^  of  God. 
The  idea  Is  peculiar  to  this  place  in  the  Old  Testament,  unless  we  have  it  in  Tob.  liii.  1 ;  Wisd.  vi.  4.)  24  omits  men. 
"  porch.  »'  then.  "  also  s.icrifices  (so  44.  65.  62.  64.  74.  93.  243.  Co.  Aid.).  2«  see  that  ye  keep  (lim.  oyip-e. 

There  is  an  ellipsis,  and  ypanttoiiev  might  be  supplied).        29  Casleu.        *'0  eight. 

Vers.  10-12.  — 3i  a.  V. :  that  were  at.  sz  nent.  ^^  Ptolemeus"  master  who  (Se.    "  The  particle  6e  after  ovrt  as 

introducing  a  somewhat  new,  differing  from  what  went  before,  yet  not  exactly  antithetic  predicate  is  in  accordance 
with  classical  usage.''     Keil.     Cf.  Com.)  was  of  the  stock.        ^*  were  (not  in  Greek).        35  Insomuch.  ^'  a;*  havinj 

been  in  battle  (for  TTapaTala^xefous,  Grimm  and  Keil  prefer  TrapaTaacro/xeVovs,  with  III.  19.  55.  62.  Qi.  93.  106.)  agaij  c- 
see  Com.).        *"  omits  himself  (aurds,  emphatic).        ^s  ggg  Cojn. 

Ver-  13.  — 3"  A.  V. :  was  come.        •*"  omits  to  be.        **  by. 


2  MACCABEES.  563 


14  the  deceit  of  Naniea's  pnests.'  For  ^  as  though  he  would  marry  her,  came  both  An- 
tiochus  ^   into  the  place,  and  his  friends  that  were  with  him,  to  talie   the  treasures 

15  as  ■*  a  dowry.  And  ^  when  the  priests  of  Nanrea  had  set  them  out,^  and  he  had  '  en- 
tered with  a  small  company  within  the  inclosure  *   of  the  temple,  they  shut  the  tem- 

16  pie  when  Antiochus  had  entered,  opened  the  concealed^  door  of  the  roof,  hurled 
stones,  and  struck  down  the  leader  as  with  a  thunderbolt,  and  hewing '"  them  in  pieces, 

17  and  smiting '•'  off  their  heads,  they  cast'^  them  to  those  that  were  without.    Blessed 

18  he  our  God  in  all  things,  who  liath  delivered  up  '^  the  ungodly.  Since  now  we  pur- 
pose "  to  Iseep  the  purification  of  the  temple  upon  the  five  and  twentieth  day  of 
Chaseleu,'^  we  thought  it  necessary  to  inform  you  of  it,'^  that  ye  also  might  lieep 
it,  after  the  manner  of  the  feast  of  ''  tabernacles,  and  in  commemoration  '*  of  the 
fire  given  ^^  when  Neemias  offered  sacrifice,  having  built  both  '■"'  the  temple  and  the 

19  altar.  For  when  our  fathers  were  led  into  Persia,  the  priests  that  were  then  de- 
vout took  some  of  ^'  the  fire  of  the  altar  privily,  and  hid  it  in  an  excavation  of  a 
cistern  having  a  dry  place, ^  where  they  preserved  it  so  sure  ^^  that  the  place  was 

20  unknown  to  all  men.  But  ^*  after  many  years  had  elapsed,-^  when  it  pleased  God, 
Neemias,  having  been  sent  by  ^'  the  king  of  Persia,  dispatched  the  descendants  of 
the  '"  priests  that  had  hid  it,  for  ^  the  fire  ;  but  ^  when  they  told  us  ^  they  found  no 

21  fire,  but  thick  water  ;  he  commanded  *'  them  to  descend  and  "'■'  bring  it  ;  and  when 
that  wiiich  pertained  to  "  the  sacrifices  had  been  brought  together,'''  Neemias  com- 
manded the  priests  to  sprinkle  both  ^*  the  wood  and  the  things  laid  thereupon  with 

22  the  water.  But  when  this  had  taken  place,  and  some  time  had  elapsed,  and  the  sun 
shone  out,  which  before  was  beclouded,^'  there  was  a  great  fire  "  kindled,  so  that 

23  all '"  marveled.  And  the  priests  made  a  prayer  whilst  the  sacrifice  was  consuming, 
both  ''  the  priests,  and  all  the  rest,  Jonathan   beginning,  and  the  rest  responding 

24  aloud,'"'  as  Neemias  did.     And  the  prayer  was  after  this  manner : 

O  Lord,  Lord  God,  Creator  of  all  things,  who  art  fearful,  and  strong,  and  right- 

25  eous,  and  merciful,  the^'  only  and  gracious  King,  the  only  giver,^"  the  only  right- 
eous,''^ and  '*''  almighty,  and  everlasting,  thou  that  deliverest  Israel  from  everj'  evil, 

26  thou  that  ''^  didst  choose  the  fathers,*^  and  sanctify  them,  receive  the  sacrifice  for  thy 

27  whole  people  Israel,  and  preserve  thy  ■"  portion,  and  sanctify  it.^'  Gather  those  to- 
gether that  are  scattered  *^  from  us,  set  free  ^°  them  that  serve  among  the  heathen, 
look  upon  them  that  are  despised  and  abhorred,  and  let  the  heathen  know  that  thou 

28  art  our  God.     Punish  ^'  them  that  oppress  us  and  treat  us  insolently  in  pride.'^ 

29  Plant  thy  people  in  ^'  thy  holy  place  as  Moses  hath  spoken. 

30,  31  And  the  priests  sang  besides  the  songs  of  praise.^''  But^^  when  the  sacrifice 
was    consumed  Neemias  commanded  the  water  that  was  left  over,  also  ^°  to  be 

Vers.  13,  14.  — '  Lit.,  the  priests  ofNansea  making  use  of  deceit.  *  A.  V. :  For  Antiochus.  8  omits  both  Aati- 

ochue  (see  previous  note).  <  receive  money  (Ta  xsij]iunii  to  which  FiitzBche  would  add  itKtiova.  from  III.  19.  23.  52. 

al.  Old  Lat.)  in  name  of  (ets  ....  Aoyof,  i.  e.,  on  account  of,  as). 

Vers.  15-17.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  Which.  "  set  fortrh.  7  ^aB.  8  into  the  compass  (Trept'jSoAoi').  ^  aA  soon  as  A. 

was  come  in  :  and  opening  a  privy.  lo  they  threw  stones  like  thunderbolts,  and  stroke  down  the  captain,  hewed  (see 
Com.).  "smote.  12  and  cast.  "  jor  irapeSiu«e,  111.  28.  44.  55.  62.  71.  74. 106.  243.  Co.  Aid.  read  ««(o«e,  which  is 
received  by  Fritzschc,  Grimm,  and  Keil.  But  it  is  in  the  sense  of  Iradidit,  as  the  Vulg.  Cf.  John  iii.  16  and  1  Mace, 
vi.  44. 

Ver.  18.  —  '*  A.  V. :  Therefore  (Fritzsche  rejects  ohv  as  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.)  whereas  we  are  now 
purposed.  IE  the  month  Casleu.  '«  certify  you  thereof.  it  it^  as  the  feast  of  the  (see  Com.).  18  omits  in  com- 
memoration of  (see  Coot.).  >»  which  was  given  us  (I  supply  SoSei'Tos,  with  Fritzsche.  See  Com.).  20  after  that  he 
had  buikled. 

Vers,  19-21.  —  =■  A.  V. :  omits  some  of.  =2  ,■(  in  a  hollow  place  of  a  pit  without  water  {imJSpov  ;  III.  23.  56.  62.  71. 
74.  243.  Co.  Aid.,  aFwfipoi'.    See  rom.).  28  f;  gure,  so.         2*  Now.  25  oTni'r?  had  elapsed.  =0  being  sent  from 

(uiro  ;  oir6,  III.  106.).  2'  did  send  of  the  posterity  of  lAose.         ^  it  to.  »  but  (6e  is  omitted  by  UI.  44.  74.  106. 

Co.  Aid.).        ™  (^(x'"  is  omitted  by  64.  93.  Syr.    Cf.  Com.)  '  (A«n  commanded  he.         22  draw  ft  up  (cf.  Com.)  and 

to.        33  omits  that  which  pertained  to  (ri).        »•  were  laid  on  (ii/iji'.x^ll'        ''  omits  both  (as  19.  93.). 

Vers.  22-25. —3"  A.  V.  :  When  this  (omitted  by  III.  44.  71.  al.)  was  done,  and  the  time  came  that  the  sun  (no  article, 
but  cf.  Winer,  p.  119  f.)  shone,  which  afore  was  hid  in  the  cloud.  s;  (,njpi  =  the  place  of  a  fire  :  (I)  a  funeral  pyre, 

(2)  an  altar,  also  its  fire,  (3)  fire  in  masses.)  38  every  man.  33  I  say  both.  *''  answering  thereiinto  (the  word 

imifmvovvTiuv  implies  an  audible  response.     Cf.  Judith  xvi.  1).  *i  and  the  (as  64.  Aid.).  *2  giver  of  all  things. 

*3  just.        "  omjrs  and  (as  71.).        ^3  all  trouble,  and  ^^^  (See  Com.) 

Vers.  26-29.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  thine  own.  **  sanctify  (a  strengthened  form,  Ko^ayiairov,  and  infrequent)  it  (added  by  64. 
93.,  but  also  contained  in  the  context).  *»  (Lit.,  "  the  Diaspora.")  w  deliver.  ^^  (,^(jivi.aoi/.)  <^'  with  prid« 
lo  us  wrong.        33  again  in. 

Vers.  30, 31.  — '^  A.  V. :  sung  psalms  {Tov<i  li/Avovs)  0/ thanksgiving.        w  Now.        "  omiu  over,  aUo 


564 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


32  poured  ou  great '  stones.     And  when  ^  this  was  clone,  there  was  kindled  a  flame  ; 

33  but  it  was  consumed  by  the  light  that  shone  ^  from  the  altar.  And  ■*  when  the  " 
matter  became^  known,  and'  it  was  told  the  king  of  Persia,  that  in  the  place 
where  the  priests   that  were  led   away  had  hid  the  fire,  there  appeared  water,  and 

34  that  Neemias  and  his  people'   had  purified  the  sacrifices'   therewith,  the '°  king, 

35  inclosing  the  place  "  made  it  holy,  after  he  had  tested '-  the  matter.     And  the  king 

36  took  many  gifts,'^  and  bestowed  thereof  on  those  whom  he  would  gratify.  And 
Neemias  and  his  people  '*  called  this  thing  Nephthar,'^  which  is  as  much  as  to  say, 
a  cleansing ;  but  by  many  it  is  called  Nephthai.^' 

Ver.  32.  — ^  A.  V. :  poured  on  {text,  rec,  KaTotrxetc,  and  19.  64.  93.  add  to  this  tou  t^Sttou.  Fritzsche  adopts  Karaxcir 
from  III.  —  KaTf^etv,  23.  62.  106. — and  it  is  favored  by  Grimm  and  Keil.  The  common  text  makes  no  acceptable 
sense.  Vulg.,  Ex  residua  aqua  Nehenuas  jussit  lapides  mnjores  perfundi.  The  Terb  Ka-ra-xifiv  may  be  construed  with  a 
double  accus.  after  it,  see  Winer,  p.  226,  or  i-nC  has  fallen  out  before  XiBovs)  the  great.  2  When.  *  shined 

Vers.  33-36.  —  *  A.  V. :  So.  ^  this.  ^  was.  '  omits  and.  ^  oviits  and  his  people  {marg.,  Neemias  his  eom~ 
pany).  "  (Gr.,  as  at  ver.  21.  Usually,  they  were  purified  in  other  ways.)  '»  Then  the.  "  (19.  62  64.  93.  Aid. 
prefix  Toi*  ToTToj- to  tepdc.  The  former,  being  understood,  is  object  of  the  verb.)  ^2  tried.  "(gee  Cow?.)  ^^  omitt 
and  his  people  (cf.  ver.  33).  i'  Naphthar  (see  Com.     Text,  rec.,  tit^iati ;  Nei(i#ai,  19.  23.  j  Ht^ei,  62. 106  (  Ne^Sof), 

in.  71.  74.  243.  Co.  Aid. ;  Old  Lat.,  Nephi).        "  but  many  men  call  it  Nephi. 


Chapter  I. 


Ver.  I .    For  remarks  on  the  authenticity  and 

fenuineness  of  this  and  the  following  letter,  see 
ntroduction.  —  Eipiivnii  ayaBiii/.  This  formula  of 
greeting  is  Hebraistic,  the  former,  x'«'p«"'.  Greek. 
'AyaSii  is  used  to  emphasize  and  enhance  the  idea 
of  the  word  with  which  it  is  here  associated.  — 
The  land  of  Judsea,  i.  e.,  as  distinguished  from 
Jerusalem. 

Ver.  3.  Good  courage,  xapSla  /ifydKi).  Cf. 
the  LXX.  at  2  Chron.  xvii.  6,  infidOri  fi  napSla. 

Ver.  4.  'El'  indicates  here  not  the  instrument 
through  which,  but  the  place  where,  the  heart  should 
be  opened,  i.  e.,  be  given  insight,  discernment,  in, 
with  respect  to  the  law.  —  Give  peace,  namely,  in- 
ward peace.  It  does  not  seem  to  relate  at  all,  as 
some  have  supposed,  to  a  restoration  of  peaceful 
relations  between  the  Egyptian  and  Palestinian 
Jews. 

Ver.  5.  Be  at  one,  KaraWayetri.  It  means 
first  to  exchange,  then  like  SiaWaaaftv,  to  recon- 
cile, both  in  one-sided  and  mutual  enmity.  Cf. 
Cremer,  Lex.,  .s.  v. 

Ver.  6.  And  now.  It  refers  to  what  had  been 
previously  said.  There  is  no  evidence  in  what  is 
here  recorded  that  a  subtile  condemnation  of  the 
worship  of  the  Jews  in  the  temple  of  Onias  at 
Leontopolis,  in  Egypt,  is  meant  to  be  conveyed  in 
vers.  1-5.  It  is  only  what  one  Jew  might  say  to 
another  in  any  circumstances.  Cf.  Geiger,  Ur- 
schri/l,  p.  227. —  Here,  namely,  in  Judsea  and  Je- 
rusalem. 

Ver.  7.  Demetrius.  It  is  Demetrius  II.  Nica- 
tor.  Cf.  1  Mace.  x.  67;  xi.  I.'i-19.  The  date 
given  is  that  of  a  previous,  not  of  the  present  let- 
ter. This  is  ))ro\ed  by  the  use  of  the  perfect 
(y(ypatlyfiKaf.ify),  and  by  the  fact  that  the  date  of 
such  letters  is  uniformly  placed  at  the  close.  So 
Grimm  and  Kcil  against  (Jutmann,  Ewald,  and 
others.  —  Jason.  He  was  high  priest,  second  son 
of  Simon  II.  and  brother  of  Onias  III.  He  ob- 
tained the  high  priesthood  from  Antiochus  Ejiiph- 
anes  (c.  b.  c.  175)  to  the  exclusion  of  his  elder 
brother.  Cf.,  further,  2  Mace.  iv.  7-27.  The 
name  is  equivalent  to  Je.sus  or  Joshua,  and  was 
frequently  adu))ted  by  the  llellenizing  Jews. 

Ver.  8.  And  men  burnt.  According  to  the 
A.  v.,  the  words  might  refer  directly  to  Jasou 
•nd  lua  adherents,  which  would  convey  an  un- 


truth. —  Gate.  What  particular  gate  is  referred 
to  is  not  known,  possibly,  the  west  gate  of  the  tem- 
ple. The  woi'd,  however,  might  be  used  by  meton- 
ymy for  the  city  itself.  But  Keil  supposes  that 
the  word  is  used  collectively  for  all  the  gates  of 
the  temple. 

Ver.  9.  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  rij  rffitpat 
T^s  CKTivornqylas-  The  word  for  feast  Is  to  be 
supplied.  It  was  not  really  the  Feast  of  Taberna- 
cles that  was  to  be  observed,  but  of  the  Dedication 
of  the  Temple,  which  was  celebrated  in  a  similar 
manner  to  the  former.  This  is  clear  from  the 
date  given.  The  former  took  place  in  the  month 
Tisri  and  not  in  Chaseleu  (Chisleu).  Cf.  also 
2  Mace.  X.  5.  It  is,  moreover,  evident,  as  Keil 
remarks,  that  the  wiiter  of  the  letter  does  not 
refer  here  to  tlie  first  Feast  of  Dedication,  but  only 
to  a  general  yearly  observance  of  the  same.  —  In 
the  hundred  fourscore  and  eighth  year.  These 
words  properly  belong  to  the  ninth  verse  and  are 
to  be  regai-ded  as  the  date  of  the  foregoing  letter. 
See  the  letter  in  chap,  xi.,  where  the  date  is  at  the 
end.  So  most  modern  critics.  The  words  in  the 
month  Chaseleu  are  not,  however,  a  part  of  this 
date,  since  accordfng  to  usage  they  should,  in  that 
case,  follow  theyear. 

Ver.  10.  With  the  present  verse  begins  a 
second  letter.  It  has  no  date,  but  seems  to  have 
been  written  somewhere  about  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  —  And  Judas. 
This  must  be  Judas  Maccabteus,  as  is  indicated  by 
the  date  and  by  the  position  in  which  this  person 
stands  relative  to  the  people  and  the  Sanhedrin. 
He  lived  not  quite  four  years  longer  than  An- 
tiochus Epiphanes.  —  Aristobulus.  The  well- 
known  peripatetic  of  this  name,  who  flouiished  at 
the  time  of  Ptolemi/  VI.  Philometor,  who  reigned 
B.  c.  180-145.  Cf.  Stanley,  iii.  277  ff.  The  word 
teacher,  SiSatTKaKos,  does  not,  it  is  likely,  express 
the  true  relation  of  this  person  to  the  king.  He 
dedicated  to  the  latter  his  allegorical  explanation 
of  the  Pentateuch,  and  it  is  probably  to  this  fact, 
in  some  measure,  that  allusion  is  here  made.  He 
was  doubtless  one  of  the  principal,  and  perhaps 
the  chief  representative  of  the  Egyptian  Jews, 
and  for  this  reason  the  present  letter  wa«  ad. 
dressed  to  him.  —  Of  the  family  of  the  anointed 
priests.     It  was  only  high  priests  that  were  an 


2  MACCABEES. 


565 


ointed.  Cf.  Lev.  iv.  3,  5,  16. -■'Oi'ti  Se.  The 
particle  S4,  here,  according  to  Grimm  may  be 
used  to  introduce  a  sort  of  comparison,  ('.  e.,  to 
indicate  that  belonging  to  the  family  of  the  high 
priest  was  of  more  importance  than  the  office  of 
teacher  to  the  king  of  Egypt.     Cf.  Text.  Nolis. 

Ver.  11.  As  those  who  would  (if  need  be) 
fight  against  the  king.  The  article  before  the 
last  word  is  sim|:ily  dropped,  as  is  customary  in 
the  classics  with  the  Persian  l;ings  and  Roman 
emperors.  The  idea  of  the  passage  is  that  they, 
the  Jews,  would  he  willing  (&v  with  the  participle 
wapaTa(T(r6ii.fyoi},  if  war  should  arise  against  the 
friends  of  the  king,  who  was  now  dead,  to  engage 
heartily  in  it.  The  Vulgate  renders  :  "  Utpute 
qui  arlversus  talein  |?]  regem  dimicavimus."  I>e 
Wette  falsely  :  "  Since  we  have  victoriously 
fought  against  the  king." 

Ver.  12.  'EJe'/8pa(r€,  cast  them  out,  (.  e.,  as 
the  sea  c:ists  objects  upon  the  shore. 

Ver.  1.3.  The  leader.  This  was  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  Cf.  ver.  11.  —  Temple  of  Naneea 
(NoWoi;  in  19.  .55.  64.  93.  found  as  '\vavalat).  The 
Syriac  has  Nani,  the  Latin,  Naneae.  This  goddess 
is  generally  held  to  be  identical  with  the  Numen 
patrium  of  the  Persians,  mentioned  by  Strabo 
(xi.  532),  and  the  same  as  the  Artemis  and  Tanats 
of  the  ancients.  Other  forms  of  the  word  are 
Anaitis  and  Anltis.  It  is,  however,  matter  of  dis- 
pute whether  she  is  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  god- 
dess of  the  moon,  or  as  the  '"2'2  of  Is.  Ixv.  11,  and 
associated  with  the  planet  Venus.  Rawlinson 
(Herod,  i.  658  ff.)  says:  "During  all  the  best 
known  periods  of  Babylonian  history,  the  name  of 
Nana,  phonetically  written,  is  everywhere  used  to 
denote  the  goddess  in  question,"  ;.  e.,  the  'AffrdpTri 
of  the  Greeks,  and  Ashtoreth  of  Scripture.  "  As 
far  as  our  jircsent  experience  goes,  the  local  name 
of  Nana  seems  to  have  been  unknown  in  Assyria, 
and  the  local  name  of  Ishtar  to  have  been  un- 
known in  Babylonia,  until  very  recent  times,  and 
we  should,  therefore,  be  almost  justified  in  believ- 
ing Ishtar  and  Nana  to  be  absolute  synonyms  — 
and  the  more  especially  as  the  two  names  are  actu- 
ally in  use  at  the  present  time,  Ashtar  in  Mendoean, 
and  Nani  in  Syrian,  to  denote  the  planet  Venus, 
—  were  it  not  that  in  some  of  the  lists  of  idols  be- 
longing to  the  different  temples,  Ishtar  and  Nana 
are  given  as  independent  deities."  —  Nanaea's 
priests.  According  to  Plutarch  {Artaxerx.,  27), 
she  was  served  only  by  unmarried  females. 

Ver.  15.  ■Within  the  inclosure  of  the  temple, 
fis  rhy  Trept$Q\oy  toD  Tf^ueVouj.  The  last  word 
refers  to  the  temple  grounds,  often  adorned  with 
altars  and  statues,  the  former  to  the  wall  sur- 
rounding it.  nep(/3oAos  is  .sometimes  used,  how- 
»ver,  in  the  sense  here  given  to  Tifnevos.  —  Shut 
the  temple  (t1i  iepiv),  not  the  particular  building 
In  which  the  goddess  was,  which  would  have  been 
called  wais,  but  the  entrance,  the  propylisum,  to 
the  temple  regarded  as  a  whole,  so  as  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  Antiochus.  The  king  himself  and 
a  few  attendants,  as  it  would  appear  from  what 
follows,  penetrated  even  to  the  place  where  the 
statue  of  the  goddess  was  situated  and  where  the 
treasures  of  the  temple  had  probably  been  col- 
lected. 

Ver.  16.  The  concealed  door  of  the  roof 
This  may  have  served  as  the  roof  itself  on  ordi- 
nary occasions,  being  removed  only  when  special 
festivals  were  held,  or  in  other  cases  of  need, 
like  th«  present  one.  But  the  epithet  "  con- 
cealed "  would  seem  to  carry  the  idea  of  its  being 


a  special  opening  in  the  ordinary  roof.  —  And 
hewing  (them)  in  pieces  and  smiting  off  (their) 
heads.  The  Old  Lat.  has  iJucem  et  cos  qui  cum  eo 
erant,  wliicli  seems  to  be  a  correct  interpretation, 
if  Ke!pa\ds  is  read  with  the  majority  of  MSS. 
That  is,  both  Antiochus  .and  his  attendants  pressed 
on  into  the  inner  temple  and  were  treated  alike 
by  the  enraged  priests.  This,  on  the  f.ace  of  it,  is 
most  probable.  But  the  Syr.  with  55.  has  Ki<pa\Tiv, 
understanding  that  Antiochus  alone  is  referred  to, 
.and  Keil  prefers  this  view,  while  Grimm  seems 
unable  to  decide  between  them.  This  account  of 
the  death  of  Antiochus  is  undoubtedly  fabulous. 
Hoffmann  (Antiochus  IV.  Epiphanes,  Leip.  1873,- 
p.  77)  says  :  "  We  h.ave  different  reports  of  the 
manner  in  which  his  life  closed.  The  most  trust- 
worthy is  that  of  Polybius  (xxxi.  11),  the  First 
Book  of  M.accabees  (vi.  1-16),  and  that  of  Jose- 
phus  (Antiq.,  xii.  9,  §  1).  The  Second  Book  of 
Maccabees  contains  two  reports  :  one  (i.  13-17)  ia 
the  unauthentic  letter  of  the  congregation  in 
Judaea  to  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  the  other  ia 
chap.  ix.  The  two,  moreover,  contradict  each 
other,  and  neither  has  any  historical  worth.  If  the 
former  has  in  itself  nothing  improbable,  and  must 
be  given  up,  simply  on  account  of  its  disagreeing 
with  the  other  authorities  mentioned,  the  latter 
shows  itself  at  once  to  be  a  fable,  and  similar  to- 
what  is  described  in  chaps,  vi.  and  vii.  as  the  product 
of  the  later  Jewish  fancy,  which  could  not  repre- 
sent Antiochus  as  wicked  enough  and  hence  could 
not  picture  the  close  of  his  life  with  colors  suffi- 
ciently dreadful.  As  simple  matter  of  fact,  foiled 
in  his  attempt  to  spoil  a  temple  of  Artemis,  in  Ely- 
mais,  he  turned  about,  fell  sick  in  the  Persian  city 
Tabffi,  and  there  died  in  the  year  149  of  the  Selen- 
cian  era,  B.  c.  164."  The  representation  of  our 
book  is  thus  explained  by  Keil  (Com.,  in  loc).  It 
was  written  soon  after  the  news  of  Antiochus'* 
death,  and  contains  the  first  reports  of  it  which 
reached  Jerusalem,  and  hence  its  contradiction  of 
accepted  history  is  not  to  be  taken  as  ground  for 
discrediting  the  genuineness  of  the  entire  letter. 
But  this  is  mere  conjecture,  and  does  not  explain 
the  discrepancies  in  the  hook  itself  above  referred 
to.  Othei-s  (Grimm,  Holtzmann)  think  that  the 
present  account  confounds  certain  facts  relating 
to  Antiochus  III.  the  Great,  with  the  history  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes.  The  former  did  attempt 
to  rob  a  temple  of  Belus,  in  Elymais,  but  was  de- 
feated and  driven  back. 

Ver.  IS.  The  words  in  the  common  text,  SyijTs 
TT}s  ffKTjvoirriytas,  taken  alone,  make  no  sense. 
Something  must  have  fallen  out,  or  the  sentence 
is  to  be  regarded  as  elliptical  and  some  such  words 
supplied  as  rds  r^fiepas,  or  ws  tos  T\iifpas  before  t^j 
aKTivoirrtyias,  with  avT6v  after  iyjjre,  i.  e.,  "cele- 
brate the  days  (or  '  it  as  the  days ')  of  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles."  Cf.  ver.  9  and  the  Vulg.  agatis  diem 
scenopegicE.  Fritzsche  would  insert  after  aKrivoir^ 
7iay,  the  words  Tp6Trov  koX  els  ixvi)ij.6uvvov,  and  after 
Trvp6s,  Toi;  ho9ivTos,  and  in  the  uncertainty,  I  have 
followed  his  te.xt  in  the  above  translation.  Keil 
thinks  that,  as  in  verse  9,  emphasis  is  to  be  laid  on 
the  date  given,  the  25th  of  Chaseleu,  by  which  this 
feast  is  really  distinguished  from  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  which  was  held  in  Tisri,  and  that  t^s 
ffKTtfonriyiat  is  used  in  the  same  sense  here  as 
above,  t^j  lopr^s  being  understood  with  it.  It  was 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  on  the  25th  nf  Chaseleu. 
—  In  commemoration  of  the  fire.  The  fire  is 
meant  which,  at  the  dedication  of  the  tabernacle 
and  of  Solomon's  temple,  fell  from  heaven  and  con- 
sumed the  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  (cf.  Lev.  ix.  24; 


566 


THE  APOCRYPHA, 


2  Chron.  vii.  1.)  This  fire  was  looked  upon  by 
the  later  Jews  as  one  that  had  never  gone  out. 
But  at  the  dedication  of  Zerubbahel's  temple 
nothini;  is  said  of  such  a  fire  as  coming  down 
from  lieaven  upon  the  altar,  and  a  legend  was 
therefore  invented  that  the  previous  fire  had  heen 
somewhere  preserved  and  that  it  had  heen  found 
and  ret-tored  by  Neheniiah.  Our  author  does  not, 
indeed,  invent  tlie  legend,  since  it  must  have  had 
an  earlier  origin,  but  seems  quite  ready  to  adopt 
it  as  trne.  —  Having  built.  Nehoniiah  did  not 
rebuild  the  temple  but  >imply  restored  it. 

Vei-.  19.  Into  Persia.  The  country  beyond 
the  Ku))hrates  was  thus  called  liy  the  later  Jews 
(cf.  1  Mace.  iii.  31),  from  the  fact  that  the  Biiby- 
lonian  exiles  finally  came  under  the  dominion  of 
Cyrus  nnd  by  him  were  set  free.  — In  an  excava- 
tion of  a  cistern  having  a  dry  place,  4v  KoiXti- 
(jLart  (ppearos  ra^iu  exovros  ai^vSpov.  Substituting 
&vvSpov  fur  fifuSpou,  as  the  aliove  mentioned  MSS., 
with  Fritzsclie  and  others,  the  rendering  would  he 
as  given.  This,  however,  requires  an  unusual 
meaning  for  Ta|ij».  (But  cf.  Wahl's  Clavis,  s.  v.) 
Bwald  gives  it  the  sense  of  Erdschicht,\.  e.,  layer 
of  earth.  Grotius  suggests  the  reading  0curiv, 
and  Schleusuer,  ir^^iv.  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others 
take  To|is  in  the  sense  of  a  kind  of,  which  the 
)ater  Greek  allows  and  would  translate  :  in  an  ex- 
cavation of  a  cistern,  of  a  kind  that  was  without  water. 
This  seems  to  us  somewhat  too  labored.  The 
choice  of  the  word  rd^is  may  have  been  influenced 
by  the  fact  that  the  place  in  which  the  fire  was 
kept  was  first  jjut  iu  order,  arranged  to  receive  it. 
At  least,  the  idea  of  hiding  fire  in  a  cistern,  partly 
filled  with  water,  would  not  he  a  had  one.  In  ii.  I, 
it  is  .said  that  tliis  was  done  at  the  command  of 
Jeremiah  and  that  it  was  matter  of  record  ! 

Ver.  20.  When  they  told  us.  According  to 
Gaab,  the  Jewi^ll  people  then  living,  with  whom 
the  author  associates  himself.  Grimm  and  Holtz- 
manu,  on  the  other  hand,  think  that  ri/uy  is  inad- 
vertently introduced,  by  the  author,  from  his  au- 
thorities. Keil  understands  by  it,  "  our  people," 
"  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem." 

Ver.  21.  To  descend,  an-o^aij/WTei.  This  word 
means  "to  dip  entirely."  It  is  used  by  Herod- 
otus {ii.  47)  of  those  among  the  Egyptians  who 
washed  themselves  in  a  river,  when  defiled  by 
touching  a  pig :  "  He  instantly  humes  to  the 
river,  and  plunges  in  with  all  his  clothes  on."  It 
may  refer  here  to  the  descent  into  the  well  to 
procure  this  mysterious  substance. 

Ver.  22.  Fire,  irvpa..  This  word  is  used  for  the 
fire  on  an  altar,  also  by  Herodotus,  ii.  .39- 

A'er.  23.  Jonathan.  Regaided  by  Ewald  and 
Grimm  as  the  jterson  of  the  same  name  mentioned 
in  Neb.  xii.  U.  Holtzmann  holds  the  latter  for  a 
later  Jonathan.  But  the  name  "  Jonathan  "  in 
Neb.  xii.  11.  should  be  "  Jochanan,"  i.  e.  'Iwdvves, 
as  Josephus  names  him  (A)ili(/,,  xi.  7,  §  1),  and 
Keil  thinks  that  the  mistake  may  have  been  intro- 
duced into  Nehemiah  from  the  present  book.  Cf. 
also,  Sclinltz,  Die  Biicher  Esra,  Nehemia,  etc. 
(Leip.  1876),  in  lor.  The  statement  of  this  verse 
is  specially  interesting,  from  the  fact  that  it  is 
the  only  instance  known  where  public  prayer  is 
represented  as  being  made  at  the  same  time  with 
the  offering  of  sacrifice. 

Ver.  24.  The  hea|iing  up  and  repetition  of 
epithets  for  the  divine  Being,  as  iu  this  verse,  is 


characteristic  of  the  later  periods  of  Judaism 
Cf.  Add.  to  Esth.  iii.  2  ;  3  Mace.  vi.  2  ;  Prayer  of 
Manas,  ver.  1  ;  Matt.  vii.  21  ;  xxv.  11,  and  Wilke, 
Neutest.  Rhetorik,  p.  403  f. 

Ver.  25.  The  only  giver,  xop'!7'is.  I't.  chorus- 
leader.  It  was  used  at  Athens  to  designate  one 
who  paid  the  expen.ses  for  bringing  out  a  chorus. 
It  was  also  employed  as  referring  to  any  one,  in 
general,  who  paid  the  costs  of  anything.  —  Didst 
choose  the  fathers.  The  words  •7Toif7v  4K\€Krovj 
seem  to  mean  somewhat  more  than  that.  It 
might  refer  also  to  his  work  upon  them  in  conrec 
tion  with  this  election. 

Ver.  29.  As  Moses  hath  spoken.  See  Ex. 
XV.  17.     Cf.  2  Sam.  vii.  10  ;  Jer.  xxiv.  6. 

Ver.  30.  Toi/s  Sfiyovs.  The  word  lias  the  arti- 
cle as  indicating  that  they  were  those  usually  sung 
on  such  occasions. 

Ver.  32.  Was  consumed  by  the  light.  Thia 
story  was  doubtless  invented  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  men  proof  for  the  fact,  that  the  material 
discovered  was  the  real  altar-fire  which  had  been 
lost.  Otherwise  it  might  have  been  held  to  be 
nothing  more  than  naphtha  or  petroleum. 

Ver.  34.  It  was  customary  among  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  also,  to  inclose  and  regard  as  holy 
the  places  where  supposed  miracles  had  been  per- 
formed. The  present  statement  concerning  the 
Persian  king,  probably  has  its  basis  in  this  well- 
known  custom.  That  he  really  took  the  view  of 
the  matter  here  represented  is  scarcely  probable. 
According  to  Holtzm.anu  (Bunsen's  Bibelwerk), 
he  could  only  have  recognized  therein,  at  most, 
a  sacred  najihtha  spring.  Since  the  beginning  of 
the  17th  century  a  well  lying  south  of  the  vallev 
of  Jehoshaphat  has  been  named  by  European 
travelers,  with  reference  to  our  legend,  the  "  well 
of  Nehemiah,"  but  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  cotm- 
try,  the  "  well  of  Job." 

Ver.  35.  Gifts,  hiik(popa..  This  word  means 
first,  different ;  then  distinguished,  excellent ;  and 
thirdly,  anything  making  a  difference  to  another, 
that  is  to  his  advantage,  and  so,  gifts,  and  some- 
times money.  Polybius  uses  it  in  the  last  sense, 
and  it  might  he  so  rendered  here. 

Ver.  36.  This  verse  has  given  great  difiiculty 
to  critics.  The  various  readings  are  given  above. 
It  is  probable  that  the  word  }^4(p6ap,  in  all  its  dif- 
ferent forms,  refers  to  nothing  more  or  less  than 
naphtha.  The  writer's  assertion  that  the  word 
meant  "cleansing."  is  probably  an  invention  of 
his  own,  or  was  adopted  by  him  from  some  source 
without  investigation.  The  fact  that  naphtha 
might  ignite  under  the  sun's  rays,  besides  having 
iu  other  respects  the  qualities  ascribed  to  this 
pectiliar  "  water,"  would  have  furnished  a  sutfi- 
cient  basis  for  the  present  legend.  Strabo  (xvi. 
1,  15  ;  i.,  p.  43  of  the  edition  used  by  us)  speaks  of 
a  naphtha  spring  in  connection  with  a  temple  of 
Anaea.  The  belief,  in  fact,  seems  to  have  been  to  a 
considerable  extent  prevalent  that  there  was  some 
subtile  connection  between  the  sacrificial  fire  and 
that  made  from  naphtha.  Grimm  has  noticed 
that  while  our  author  takes  so  much  pains  to  de- 
scribe how  the  sacred  fire  was  preserved  in  the 
time  of  Nehemiah,  he  has  nothing  to  say  of  its 
preservation  <luring  the  cessation  of  the  temple 
worship  under  Antiochus  IV.  to  the  time  of  its 
reestablishment  by  Judas  Maccabseus.  (Cf.  x, 
3.) 


2  MACCABEES.  567 


Chapter  II. 

1  It  is  also  found  in  the  records,  that  Jeremias  ^  the  prophet  ^  commanded  them  that 

2  were  carried  away  '  to  take  some  *  of  the  fire,  as  it  hath  been  signified  ;  and  that  ° 
the  prophet,  on  giving  °  them  the  law,  charged  them  that  were  carried  away '  not  to 
forget   the   commandments   of  the  Lord,  and  that  they  should  not  be  led  astray  in 

3  their  minds,  on  seeing  ^  images  of  silver  and  gold,  with  their  ornaments.^  And  with 
other  such  admonitions  ^^  exhorted   he  them,  that   the  law  should   not  depart  from 

4  their  heart."  It  was  also  contained  in  the  writing,  that '"  the  prophet,  being  warned 
of  God,-'*  commanded  that  '*  the  tabernacle  and  the  ark  should  be  brought  along 
after  him ;  and  that  '^  he  went  forth  hito  the  mountain,  where  Moses  climbed  up, 

5  and  saw  the  heritage  of  God.  And  Jeremias,  on  coming  thither,  found  a  kind  of 
cave-dweUing,  and  he  carried  in  there '°  the  tabernacle,  and  the  ark,  and  the  altar 

6  of  incense,  and  closed  up  "  the  door.     And  certain  '*  of  those  that  followed  him 

7  came  up  ^'  to  mark  the  way,  and  ■"  they  could  not  find  it.  But  when  Jeremias 
learned  of  it,-'  he  blamed  them,  and  said.  The  place  ^  shall  be   unknown   until "' 

8  God  gather  his  people  again  together,  and  become  propitious.^  And  -^  then  shall 
the  Lord  show  '■"'  these  things,  and  the  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  appear,  even  the 
cloud,-'  as  it  was  also  manifested  under-*  Moses  ;  as  also  when  Solomon  asked ^ 

9  that  the  place  might  be  specially  ^°  sanctified.  And  *'  it  was  also  made  known,  that  ^^ 
he  being  wise  offered  a  *'  sacrifice  of  dedication,  and  of  the  finishing  of  the  temple. 

10  And  just^^  as  when  Moses  prayed  unto  the  Lord,  the  fire  came  down  from  heaven, 
and  consumed  the  sacrifices,  so  '^  prayed  Solomon  also,  aud  the  fire  came  down,^' 

11  and  consumed  the  burnt  offerings.    And  Moses  said.  Because  the  sin  offering''  was 

12  not  eaten,''  it  was  consumed.    In  the  same  manner,  also,'^  Solomon  kept  the  ''°  eight 

13  days.  And"  the  same  things  also  were  reported  in  the  records,  namely,  the  me- 
moirs of  ^'^  Neemias ;  and  how  he  founding  a  library  gathered  together  the  books  con- 
cerning ^'  the  kings,  and  prophets,'*''  and  those  of  ■'"  David,  and  epistles  ''^  of  kings  ''" 

14  concerning  holy^*  gifts.^^  And^°  in  like  manner  also  Judas  gathered  together  all 
those  books  ^'  that  had  been  scattered  °-  by  reason  of  the  war  we  had,  and  they 

15  are^'  with  us.     If  now,  possibly,^^  ye  have  need  thereof,  send  such  as  will  bring  "^ 

1 6  them  unto  you.     Since,  now,  we  '°  are  about  to  celebrate  the   purification,  we  have 

17  written  unto  you;  ye  wUl  therefore^'  do  well  if  ye  keep  the  same  days.  But  ive 
hope  ^*  that  the  God,  that  delivered  all  his  people,  and  gave  all  the  ^^  heritage,  and 

Vers.  1,2.  —  i  A.  V. ;  Jeremie  (I  shall  hereafter  write  as  above).  -  ( We  have  eupiVfcerat  ....  'I on  for 

fypto-KcTat  .  .  .  .  oTt  'I.  The  former  construction  probably  led  the  Old  lAt.  and  S.vr.  to  put  the  proper  name  in  the  gen.) 
<-  {Codd.  III.  44.  55.  106.  243.  read  ixerayevotiivov^  for  the  dat.,  and  23.  62.  62.  71.  74.,  tiejayotiivov^.  Cf.  Coyji.) 
*  owiiw  some.  ^  how  that.  «  having  given.  '  07ni/j  that  were  carried  away.  8  err  in  MeiV  (art.)  minds  when 
they  see.        ^  Lit.,  "  and  the  ornamentation  about  them."' 

Vers.  3,  4.  — ^°  A.  V. :  speeches.  ^i  hearts.  '-  same  writing,  that.  ^  (Lit.,  an  answer  having  appeared. 

See  CoTH.)        •*  omits  that.        "»  to  go  with  (see  Com.)  him,  as. 

Vers.  5-7.  —  ^^  A.  V.  :  when  J.  came  thitlier  he  ....  a  hollow  cave  (see  Com.),  wherein  he  laid.  ^^  so  stopped. 

38  some.  3^  omits  up  (n-pos  in  composition  with  the  verb).  ^^  but.  21  which  when  J.  perceived.  "  saying. 
As  for  tkat  place,  it  (the  Kai  before  ay;'o>o-Tos  is  omitted  by  44.  Old  Lat.  Syr.,  and  rejected  by  Grimm  and  Keil  as  "  sense- 
less.") ^  until  the  time  that.  24  receive  tliem  unto  mercy  ('iXecus  yimyrat..  The  former  word  is  the  Attic  for'tAaos, 
and  is  found  also  at  ver.  22,  vii.  37,  x.  26.    Codd.  III.  23.  55.  al.  read  for  it  here,  lAeoe). 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  -^  A.  V.  ;  omits  And.  -"  shew  them.  27  and  (the  Kai  seems  to  be  epexegetical)  the  cloud  also. 

"  was  shewed  under  (en-t,  i.  e.,  at  the  time  of).  '  29  and  as  when  S.  (the  form  of  the  word  in  Greek  is  SoAw^iic) 

desired  (^^iwaei'.  It  is  frequently  found  in  the  present  book  in  the  sense  of  to  ask  for.  Of.  also  1  Mace.  xi.  2S). 
so  honourably  (jaeyoAws  =  in  a  7narked  manner).        ^1  omits  And.        ^^  declared,  that.        ^^  the. 

Vers.  10-12.  — ^  .\.  V. ;  omits  just.  35  even  so.  20  downyroj7i  heaven.  27  (^5  rrefiX  ttjs  oftapTia?.  This  is  the 
usual  designation  of  the  sin  offering  in.  the  LXX. ;  but  the  article  is  sometimes  omitted.    Cf.  Lev.  x.  16,  17.)  ^3  to 

be  eaten.        39  go.        «  those. 

Vers.  13, 14.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  omits  And.  *t  writings  and  commentaries  of  ((cara,  as  in  the  superscription  of  the  Gos- 

pels. It  is  implied  that  the  same  subject  had  been  treated  by  others).  *3  acts  (rd.  Codd.  19.  23.  52.  55.  93. 106.  add 
Si^Aia  after  ptwrtAe'wi',  III.  the  same  after  7rpo(|)T]Tdii'.  It  is  naturally  to  be  understood  with  the  article.  Cf .  Cdtti.)  of. 
•*  the  prophets.  ^^  07717(5  those  (Ta)  of  (the  gen.).  *s  the  epistles.  *^  the  kings.  *3  the  holy.  *^  {.avaJdij^ 
\La.Tiiiv.)  ^  omits  And.  ^^  things  (ra  refers  to  books,  as  in  the  preceding  verse).         ^2  were  lost  (laaxg., /ell  out 

during  the  war.     Better,  had/alien  asunder  and  so,  been  scattered).        ^  remain. 

Vers.  15-17.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Wherefore  if.  ^5  some  to  fetch.  ^  Whereas  we  then  s^  and  ye  shall.  ^  We  hopo 
also  (the  A.  V.  has  brought  forward  eATrt'^o/iei'  fi'om  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  verse.  Lit.,  the  construction 
would  be  :  *'  The  God  who  delivered  .-ill  his  people  and  g.ive  all  the  heritage  ....  the  law  —  we  hope  truly  in  Glod 
tJiat  be  —  will  shortly,"  etc.).         **'  t/tem  all  an. 


568 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


18  the  kingdom,  and  the  priesthood,  and  the  simctification,'  as  he  promised  through '' 
the  law,  we  hope  truly  in  God,  that  he  '  will  shortly  have  mercy  upon  us,  and 
gather  us  together  out  of  every  land  *  under  heaven  into  the  holy  place ;  for  he  hath 
delivered  us  out  of  great  troubles,  and  hath  purified  the  place. 

19  But    the    things^  concerning  Judas  the  Maccabee,'  and  his  brethren,  and    the 

20  purification  of  the  great '  temple,  and  the  dedication  of  the  altar,  and  further,*  the 

21  wars  against  Antiochus  E|)iphanes,  and  Eupator  his  son,  and  the  manifestations' 
from  heaven  unto  those  who  did  valiant  things  for  Judaism,  to  their  honor,"  so 
that,  being  but  a  few,  they  got  as  spoil  ^^  the  whole  countr}',  and  chased  the  '"  bar- 

22  barous  multitudes,  and  recovered  again  the  temple  renowned  all  the  world  over, 
and  freed  the  city,  and  restored  '^  the  laws  which  were  about  to  be  abrogated,'^  the 

23  Lord  being  propitious  ^^  unto   them  with   all  mildness  :  '*  these  things,  related  -' 

24  by  Jason  of  Cyrene  in  five  books,  we  will  essay  ^*  to  abridge  in  one  volume.  For 
considering  the  mass  of  the  numbers,''  and  the  difficulty  which  they  find  that  desire 
to  make  themselves  familiar  with  ^^  the  narrations  of  the  history,  on  account  of  the 

25  abundance  '^'  of  the  matter,  we  have  taken  care,^-  that  while  ^  they  that  would  ^ 
read  may  have  entertainment,^  they  that  are  desirous  to  commit  to  memory  may  ^'' 
have  ease,  and  that  all  into  whose  hands  it  falls  may  ^  have  profit.  And  while  ^ 
to  us,  who  -'  have  taken  upon  us  the '"  painful  labor  of  abridging,  it  was  not  easy, 
but  a  '^  matter  of  sweat  and  sleepless  care,°'^  even  as  it  is  no  easy  matter  for  ^'  him 
that  prepareth  a  banquet,  and  seeketh  the  benefit  of  others,  yet  for  the  sake  of  the 
gratitude  of  the  °*  many  we  will  undertake  gladly  the  painful  labor,^^  leaving  to  the 
author  the  accurate  examination  of  all  details,  while  we  labor  °'  to  follow  the  rules 
of  an  ''  abridgment.  For  just  ^*  as  the  master  builder  of  a  new  house  must  care  for 
the  carrying  out  of  the  whole  plan,^'  but  he  that  undertaketh  to  set  it  out,  and 
paint  it,^"  must  seek  out  fit  things  for  the  adorning  thereof,  so  ^'  I  think  it  is  also  " 
with  us.  To  stand  upon  everi/  point,  and  to  make  the  round  of  matters,^'  and  to 
bestow  much  labor  on  **  particulars,  belougeth  to  the  first  author  of  the  history  ;  *^ 

31  but  to  strive  after"  brevity  of  expression,"  and  to  ^'  avoid  much  laboring  of  the 

32  work,  ought  ^°  to  be  granted  to  him  who  maketh  an  ^°  abridgment.  Here  then 
will  we  begin  the  history,  having  added  so  much  to  the  preface ;  for  it  is  a  foolish 
thing  to  prolong  the  introduction,  and  cut  short  the  history.^' 


26 


27 


28 


29 


30 


Ver.  18.  — '  A.  v.:  sanctuary  (cf.  LXX.  at  Ezek.  xlv.  4,  with  the  rendering  o£  the  A.  V.).  '  in  (Jta). 

8  omitx  we  hope  truly  in  God  that  he.  *  every  (no  word  for  it  in  the  Greek)  land. 

Vers.  19-21.  — ■■' A.  V:  Now  as.  «  J.  Maccaheus.  '  (Codd.  III.  19.  23.  62.  65.  62  64.  have  (leyiWov  lor  neyo- 

Aov.)  *  own'rs  further  (In).  ^  inanifeBt  eigns  that  came  (yeco/ieras  ejri^ai'ei'o?).  ^^^  that  behayed  themselves 

manfully  to  their  honour  for  Judaism.        ^^  overcame  (19.  has  iroXefiely,  Old  Lat.,  vindicarent^  for  AeijAaTeic). 

Vers.  22-24.  —  12  _4.  V.  :  omits  ttie.  »8  upheld  (lit.,  5e/ wp).  i*  going  down.  ^^  gracious.  ^8  favour. 

"  all  these  (ra  is  omitted  by  III.  19.  44.  62.  71.  74.  al.  Co.)  things,  I  say,  being  declared.  »8  assay  (obs.  in  this  form). 
ifi  infinite  number.  20  look  into  (eltricvKAeicrflai  means  here  to  work  oneself  into,  i.  e.,  become  familiar  with). 

*i  story,  for  the  variety. 

Vers.  25-28.  — 2»  A.  V. :  been  careful.  ^  omits  while  (jiev).  "  will.  «  delight,  and  that.  20  might. 

2T  It  comes  might.  2b  Therefore.  29  that.  ^o  i^^s,  31  (Xhe  def.  art.  in  Greek  is  here  better  expressed  by 

the  indef.  in  English.)         32  hatching.         83  ease  unto.  a*  pleasuring  of  (most  authorities  have  the  article  before 

iroAAwi').  85  ikis  great  pains  (cf.  ver.  26).  86  exact  handling  of  every  particular,  and  labouring  (for  fiian-oj-oOn-ey, 

111.  44.  56.  al.  Co.  have  ajovovine^).        87  cf.  note  2  on  ver.  26. 

Vers.  29,  30.  —  88  A.  V. :  omits  just.  80  whole  building  (rather,  the  building  of  the  whole.    The  Old  Lat.  renders 

(caTo^oAT)?  by  slruclnra).  *»  (See  Com,)  <>  even  so.  *2  omits  also.  *>  go  over  things  at  large  (Fritzsche 

adopts  irepiiraTOV  Tioielirdat  KoyUiV  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  71.  74.  al.  Co.,  for  wept  rjoVTtuv  jroieliT6ai  \6yov  of  the  text,  rec.) 
**  to  be  curious  in.        *^  story. 

Vers.  31.  82.  —  <«  A.  V.  :  use.  *'  omits  of  expression,  *8  omits  to.  *"  is.  ^  that  will  make  an  (see  note 
vers.  26,  28.).  ^  story,  only  addiug  thus  much  to  that  which  hath  been  said,  That  i(  is  .  .  .  .  make  a  long  prologue 
End  to  be  short  in  the  story  itself. 

Crafteb  II. 


Ver.  1.  In  the  records,  4v  toTs  hiroy parous. 
See  verse  13  below,  iv  TaXs  itvaypatpais,  which  is 
B)'noiiymous.  Cf.  Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  s.  v. 
The  reference  is  to  certain  apocryphal  writinjis  of 
which  we  know  nothing.  They  were  not  writings 
of  .Jeremiah,  as  the  Old  Lat.  and  Syr.  falsely  ren- 
der.—  Toil!  /JLtTayiyofifvovs.  This  word  in  the  sense 
of  deported  docs  not  elsewhere  occur.  Hence, 
probably,  the  change  in  sorte  MSS.  and  in  verse 
2,  to  fivT ay Ofiffov^ 


"Ver.  4.  XprilJtaTi(rfi6s  =  an  oracle,  a  divine  re- 
sponse. Cf.  Rom.  xi.  4.  "  But  what  saith  th« 
answer  of  God  unto  him  ?  "  Some  have  sup- 
posed that  our  book  means  to  say  that  the  taber- 
nacle and  ark  followed  Jeremiah  in  a  miraculous 
way,  and  this  might  be  understood  from  the  ren- 
dering of  the  A.  V.  Bnt  it  does  not  lie  in  the 
word  avvaKoXovBitv  (of.  i.Ko\ov6eiv  at  1  Cor.  x.  4) 
and  is  not  required  by  the  context.  Cf.  ver.  i 
where  attendants  <i  Jeremiah  are  spoken  of. 


2  MACCABEES. 


569 


Ver.  5.  'ApTpui^ris  =  avTpoei5Tis.  Cf.  Xen.,  ^/ia6., 
iv.3,11.  —  Grimm  would  strikeiuitall  that  is  saici 
of  the  "  altar  of  incense,"  >ince  it  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  preceding;  verse,  as  having  been  taken  along, 
and  did  not  really  form  a  part,  originallii,  of  the 
furniture  of  the  labernaele.  But  the  passage  has 
thr  unanimous  support  of  the  MSS.,  and  we  need 
not  suppose  that  the  Jews  at  this  time  would  lay 
special  emphasis  simply  on  what  belonged  to  the 
«ri!;iual  tabernacle. 

V'er.  6.  To  mark  the  way.  They  came  sub- 
sequently to  place  landmarks,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
tind  the  place  at  a  later  day. 

Ver.  7.  This  verse  seems  to  point  forward  to  the 
times  of  the  Messiah.  At  least,  the  hope  here  held 
out  doubtless  rests  on  the  prophetic  utterances 
respecting  him.  —  With  respect  to  the  contents  of 
the  previous  verses,  in  general,  they  cannot  be 
made  to  harmouize  with  what  we  know  of  Jere- 
nuah  from  the  canonical  books.  He  was  in  prison 
from  the  beginning  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  to 
its  end  (Jer.  xxxvi.  16,  18;  xxxviii.  28).  After- 
wards he  was  carried  to  Rama  (xxxix.  14  ;  xl.  1 ), 
and  from  thence,  he  went  to  Mizpah  (xl.  4-6).  In 
the  meantime  the  temple  was  destroyed.  It  i> 
not  to  be  supposed  that  the  events  narrated  in 
our  book  occurred  before  the  imprisonment  of 
Jeremiah,  for  in  that  case  there  would  not  have 
been  any  sufficient  occasion  for  the  priests  deliver- 
ing over  these  sacred  objects  into  his  hands. 
Further,  if  such  an  event  as  is  here  described 
had  actually  occurred,  the  canonical  Scriptures 
would  not  ha\e  passed  it  over  in  silence.  Noth- 
ing is  heard  of  the  tabernacle,  after  the  dedication 
of  Solounin's  temple,  while  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant seems  not  to  have  been  in  e-xisience  at  the 
time  of  Josiah.  Moreover,  Jeremiah  himself  (.Jer. 
iii.  16  f.)  laid  far  less  weight  on  the  matter  of 
preserving  these  sacred  objects,  than  our  book 
would  lead  us  to  suppose.  There  was  to  l>e  an- 
other and  a  higher  revelation  of  God  in  which  it 
•would  no  longer  serve. 

Ver.  11.  What  is  here  said  of  Moses  finds  no 
direct  support  in  the  canonical  books.  Cf.  Lev. 
X.  16  ff. 

Ver.  12.  The  eight  days.  It  lasted  but  seven 
days  according  to  2  Chrou.  vii.  S  f.  The  author  of 
the  present  book  obviously  misunderstood  that 
passage,  adding  the  eighth  day  mentioned  in  verse 
q. 

Ver.  1.3.  The  same  (things),  /.  e.,  wh;it  had 
just  been  rel.ated,  vers.  1-12.  —  Records,  namely, 
the  memoirs.  Some  lost,  uncauouieal  work  is 
undoubtedly  referred  to.  Movers  (Loci  Qnidam, 
etc.,  p.  1.3),  referring  to  1  Esd.  ix.  37,  Neh^vii. 
73,  viii.  18,  and  citing  the  present  passage,  says 
that  the  writer  of  the  Second  Book  of  Maccabees 
quotes  the  so-called  Greek  Ezra  plainly  enough  as 
among  the  Sacred  Books,  and  accords  to  it  the 
same  respect  as  to  the  canonical  Hook  of  Nehe- 
miah!  —  Books  (rci)  concerning  the  kings,  and 
(art.  omitted,  aud  probably  by  mistake.  So  Grimm 
and  Keil),  prophets,  and  those  (ra)  of  David, 
and  epistles  of  kings  couoerning  holy  gifts. 
The  writer  seem^  to  h;ive  had  here  the  canonical 
books  of  the  Bilile  in  view,  and  it  is  natural,  with 
Grimm,  Keil,  and  others,  to  suppose  that  he  re- 
fers, in  the  first  named,  to  the  Books  of  Samuel  and 
Kings,  and  possibly,  also,  to  Judges,  Ruth,  and  the 
Chronicles.  By  thosf  of  David  the  Psalms  must  be 
meant,  but  not  necessarily  the  entire  Hagiographa 
as  at  Luke  xxiv.  44.  That  the  entire  Hagio- 
grapha might  be  so  designated,  however,  is  not  to 


be  disputed.  By  the  epistles  of  Kings,  etc.,  the 
Ijroclamations  of  the  Persian  kings,  from  Cyrus 
to  Artaxerxes,  respecting  gifts  to  the  temple,  are 
clearly  to  be  understood,  and  it  is  most  natural 
to  suppose  that  the  Books  of  Ezra  aud  Nehemiah 
are  thereby  indicated,  as  such  proclamations  are 
scattered  throughout  these  books  and  the  books  are 
thus  characterized,  because  precisely  this  fact  was 
a  matter  of  preeminent  interest  to  the  Jews  of 
that  time.  Grimm,  however,  thinks  tliat  at  the 
most,  only  Ez.  vii.  12  ff.  could  be  referred  to  as 
among  these  letters,  and  says  that  the  whole  pas- 
sage is  of  very  doubtful  value  for  the  history  of  the 
Old  Testament  cauou.  Still,  it  is  of  considerable 
value,  making  every  exception  fur  the  obscurity 
that  rests  upon  the  sources  from  which  our  author 
professes  to  derive  his  information,  and  for  the  fac: 
that  he  ascribes  much  to  Nehemiah  that  more  prop- 
erly belongs  to  Ezra,  or  others,  as  in  the  previous 
chapter  (ver.  18),  svhere  he  ascribes  to  the  fornK.r 
what  was  done  by  Zerulibabel  and  Joshua.  Tne 
failure  to  mention  here  the  Pentateuch  among  the 
canonical  books  might  justly  be  imputed  simply 
to  the  fact  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  it  in 
this  place  The  writer  refers  only  to  such  works 
as,  in  nddilion  to  the  law,  which  had  been  pre- 
viously cared  for  (see  ver.  2),  were  in  danger  of 
being  lost,  and  must  therefore  be  sought  out  aud 
collected  together.  The  word  4in(rvvT]yay€  might 
here,  perhaps  (so  Keil,  p.  300),  indicate  that  the 
other  works  were  added  to  some  present  collec- 
tion. 

Ver.  15.  If  now,  possibly,  ye  have  need. 
Grimm  and  Bunscn's  Bibelwerk  see  in  this  ex- 
pres.sion  the  wish  of  the  writer  to  recommend 
certain  apocri/phal  works  to  the  Egyptian  Jews  ; 
but  this  is  not  contained  in  the  text.  Neither  can 
it  be  properly  deduced  from  this  passage  that 
Judas  Maccabteus  was  the  last  great  collector  of 
the  Hebrew  Canon.  (Cf.  Stanley,  iii.  339  f.)  The 
books  spoken  of  as  having  been  gathered  by 
him  were  such  as  had  been  scattered  during  the 
Syrian  war  (ra  SiaireTTTajfcrfra  Sih  rhv  TrtJ^e^ocl. 

Ver.  17.  The  heritage  and  the  kingdom. 
Keil  supposes  the  writer  refers  to  the  deliverance 
of  the  people  from  Egypt.  Grimm,  with  most  oth- 
ers, to  the  deliverance  from  the  Syriau  oppression 
aud  the  restoration  of  former  priviletres  enjoyed 
by  them  as  the  people  of  God.  The  latter  seems 
more  in  harmony  with  the  context.  The  heritage 
was  the  land  itself:  the  kingdom,  the  people  in 
their  right  of  self-government ;  the  priesthood,  the 
privileges  of  temple  worship,  and  all  that  wa3  im- 
plied in  the  peculiar  sacerdotal  character  of  the 
Jewish  peojde  ;  the  sanctijiration,  the  prerogative 
of  being  a  dedicated  and  holy  people. 

Ver.  18.  The  law  was  the  basis  of  the  divine 
relationship  to  the  .Jews  so  far  as  they  were  pe- 
culiar to  them,  and  Sti  may  be  rendered  as  above, 
or  through  "  by  means  of."  —  The  holy  place  = 
thu  place  where  the  temple  was. 

Ver.  19.  The  great  temple.  It  was  great  as 
the  temple  of  the  only  true  God. 

Ver.  21.  'E7ri<^aj/€m  is  the  word  used  by  Greek 
writers  in  referring  to  the  visible  appearing  (the- 
ophany)  of  a  god  for  any  purpose. — For  Juda- 
ism, i.  e.,  in  distinction  from  Hillenism.  —  The 
word  AeTjAareif  {=  \eiav  €\a.vv€iv)  means  to  drive 
away,  get  as  spoil.  The  thought  is  that  the  op- 
pressors were  despoiled  of  the  land.  —  Barbarous. 
This  was  the  very  epithet  applied  to  the  -Jews  by 
the  Greeks. 

Ver.  22.     Renowned,  irfpi$6riTov.     This  Greek 


10 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


word  is  generally  used  in  a  bad  sense,  notorious, 
infamous,  but  the  meaniug  is  here  determined  by 
the  context. 

Ver.  23.  Jason  of  Cyreue.  Nothing  is  known 
of  this  person  except  what  is  said  of  him  in  the 
present  book.  Jason,  equivalent  to  Jesus  or 
Joshin,  was  a  very  common  Greek  name. 

Ver.  24.  Mass  of  the  numbers,  /.  e.,  of  the 
years,  the  months,  the  troops,  etc. 

Ver.  27.  The  figure  employed,  as  well  as  that 
in  verse  29,  is  not  the  most  appropriate,  except  in 


.so  far  as  the  object  of  an  epitomize!  is  to  enter- 
tain. Moreover,  the  purpose  which  our  compiler 
professes  to  h;ive  is  certainly  not  very  encourag- 
ing, as  it  regards  the  real  historical  value  of  his 
labors. 

Ver.  29.  Set  (it)  out  and  paint  (it),  iyKaUiv 
KoX  Qoi-ypatpiiv.  The  first  word  means  to  hum  in, 
anil  refers  to  the  use  of  wax,  by  means  of  which 
figures  of  various  kinds  were  placed  upon  walls, 
statues,  tables,  etc.  The  last  word  means,  to  paint 
from  life,  then,  in  general,  to  paint. 


Chapter  IIL 


1  Now  ^  when  the  holy  city  was  inhabited  with  all  ^  peace,  and  the  laws  were  still  ' 
kept  in  the  best  manner,*  because  of  the  godliness  of  Onias  the  high  priest,  and  his 

2  hatred  of  wickedness,  it  came  to  pass  that  even  the  kings  themselves  honored  '  the 

3  place,  and  glorified  °  the  temple  with  the '  best  gifts ;  *  so  that  also  Seleucus  the 
king  of  Asia  out  °  of  his  own  revenues  bore  all  ■'°  the  costs  belonging  to  the  ser- 

4  vice  of  the  sacrifices.  But  one  Simon  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  being  appointed 
chief  "  of  the  temple,  fell  out  with  the  high  priest  about  the  ofiice  of  market  mas- 

5  ter  ^^  in  the  city.     And  since  ''  he  could  not  overcome  Onias,  he  went  "  to  Apollo- 

6  nius  the  son  of  Thras<eus,"  who  was  then  general  in  Coelesyria  and  Phoenice,'*  and 
told  him  that  the  treasury  in  Jerusalem  was  full  of  unspeakable  "  sums  of  money, 
to  the  extent  '*  that  the  abundance  of  its  wealth  could  not  be  counted,  and  that  it 
held  no  relation  to  the  outlay  for  sacrifices,  but  that  it  was  possible  that  this  should 

7  fall  ^^  into  the  king's  power.^"  And  ApoUonius  on  meeting  the  king,  gave  informa- 
tion concerning  -'  the  money  which  had  been  brought  to  light ;  and  he  '^'^  chose  out 
Heliodorus  his  prime  minister,-^  and  having  given  him  orders  sent  him  to  look  after 

8  the  removal  of  the  aforesaid  "  money.  So  forthwith  Heliodorus  took  his  journey, 
under  the  color  indeed  "^  of  visiting  the  cities  of  ^^  Coelesyria  and  Phcenice,  but 

9  really  ^  to  fulfill  the  king's  purpose.  And  having  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  been 
kindly  "*'  received  by  -^  the  high  priest  of  '"  the  city,  he  told  him  concerning  the  in- 
telligence that  had  been  given,  and  made  it  clear  ^'  wherefore  he  was  present,*'^  and 

10  asked  if  these   things  were  so  indeed.     Atid  ^^  the  high  priest  told  him  that  they 

11  were  deposits  belonging  to  '*  widows  and  orphans  ;  '^  and  that  some  of  it  belonged 
also  ^''  to  Hyrcanus  ^'  the  ^'  son  of  Tobias,  a  man  of  very  high  position, ^°  and  that  it 
was  *"  not  as  the  ■"  wicked  Simon  had  falsely  stated,  but  the  sum  *'-  in  all  was  four 

12  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  two  hundred  of  gold;  and  that  it  was  altogether 
impos.sible  that  they  *"  should  be  unjustly  treated, '*''  that  had  trusted  *°  to  the 
holiness  of  the  place,  and  to  the  majesty  tiiid  inviolability  *''  of  the  temple,  honored 

Vers.  1,  2.  —  >  A.  V. :  Now  {.ralwv  is  omitted  by  III.  23.  ii.  55.  71.  al.  Co.  AW.).  »  (Omitted  by  19.  62.  64.  93  See 
CoTn.)  3  offiii.?  gtill  (for  €Tt  64. 106.,  en-t ;  III.  44.  71.,  on,  whicli  would  serve  to  strengthen  the  superlative). 

'  very  well.        ^  did  honour.        ^  magnify.        ^  tkeir.        s  cf,  \  Mace.  ii.  18. 

Vers.  3,  4.  — ^  A.  V. :  insomuch  that  Seleucus  king  of  Asia.  i"*  bare  all  (see  Com.).  "  who  was  made  governor 
see  Com.}.  ^-  disorder  {Grimm,  Fritzsche,  Keil,  and  others,  receive  ayopaco/xi'as  from  m.  23.  44.  52.  55.  71.  106.  243. 
Jo.  Aid.  ;    text,  rtc,  Tzapavo^Cas.     See  Com.). 

Vers.  5,  6.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  wheu.  ^*  gat  him.  '^  Thra^eas.  ^^  then  was  governor  of  Coelosyria  and  Phenice 

(without  further  remark,  I  shall  write  these  two  proper  names  in  the  present  book  as  above).  "  infiuife  (anu^jJTtui'J. 
*s  BO.  '"  multitude  of  their  riches,  which  did  not  pertain  to  the  account  of  the  sacrifices,  was  iunumerai>le  (Fritzsche 
and  other  critics  properly  adopt  acapt'e^^jToi/  from  III. -19.  44.  62.  55.  62.  al.  Co.,  instead  of  kvaplBfj-rirov  of  the  text,  rec., 
which  makes  no  sense),  and  that  it  was  possible  to  bring  all  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  awavTa  as  wanting  in  III.  19.  44.  55. 
62.  64.  al.  Co.  Aid.).         ="  hand. 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  21  _4.  V. :  Now  when  A.  came  to  (truju^t^as)  the  king,  and  had  sliewed  him  of.  --  whereof  he  wac 

told,  the  king.  ^  treasurer  (I  render  with  Grimm,  Keil,  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  and  others.    Cf.  the  Greek  with  x.  11, 

xiii.  2,  23).         24  gent  hiin  with  a  commandment  to  bring  him  the  foresaid.  ^  a  colour.  2(i  (Lit.,  "  as  going  the 

rounds  of  the  cities  throughout.*')        27  indeed. 

Vers.  9-11.  —2s  A.  V.  :  when  he  was  come  ....  had  been  courteously.  «>  of.  »»  (Some  Codd.,  23.  55.  62.  64.  93. 
with  Syr.,  have  Kai,  which  tTrimm  prefers  ;  Old  Lat.,  in  civitate.)  3*  what  intelligence  {6^<^ai'ta-^oO)  was  given  0/  titt 
money,  and  declared.        ^2  came.  ^^  Then.  ^  there  was  such  money  laid  up  for  the  relief  of.  ^•'  fatheriesi 

children.        ^o  omit.^  a.\»o.        3^  llircanus.  ^s  omits  ihn.  so  great  dignity.  ■*"  omits  Ma/  it  was.  *'  that 

*2  misinformed,  the  sum  whereof. 

Ver.  12. — ^\.\.:  that  juc/l  wrong.  **  done  unto  them.  *''  committed //.  *''  inviolable  sancti6» 

l«<rvA;'«) 


2  MACCABEES.  571 


13  over  all  the  world.  But  Heliodorus,  because  of  the  king's  commandments  which 
he  had,'  said,  that  by  all   means  '  it  must  be  brought  into  the  king's  treasury.' 

14  And  he  appointed  a  day  and  *  entered,  in  order  to  look  after  the  inspection  of  these 

15  treasures  :  and  ^  there  was  no  small  agony  throughout  the  whole  city.  But  the 
priests,  casting  ^  themselves  before  the  altar  in  the '  priests'  vestments,  appealed 
to  *  heaven   that  had  made  *  a  law  concerning  things  given  to  be  kept,  that  these 

16  treasures  might  be  safely  '"  preserved  for  those  who  had  deposited  them.  And  it 
came  to  pass  that  he  who  looked  at  the  appearance  of  the  high  priest  was  wounded 
in  spirit ;  "  for  /lis  countenance  and  the  changing  of  his  color  made  manifest  the 

17  agony  of  his  soul.''^  For  a  certain  fear  and  shuddering  of  body  took  possession  of  '* 
the  man,  by  which  there  became  ^*  manifest  to  them  that  looked  upon  him,  the  dis- 

18  tress  that  was  '^  in  his  heart.     But  the  people  ^^  ran  flocking  out  of  their  houses  to 

19  general  "  supplication,  because  the  place  was  about '*  to  come  into  contempt.  And 
the  women,  girt  with  sackcloth  under  their  breasts,  gathered  in  multitudes  '^  in  the 
streets,  and  the  virgins  that  were  kept  in  -"  ran,  some  to  the  gates,-'  and  some  upon  ^ 

20  the  walls,  while  some^  looked  out  through"  the  windows.    And  all,  stretching  out^ 

21  their  hands  towards  heaven,  made  supplication.  It  was  pitiable,^'  the  falling  down 
of  the  multitude  of  all  sorts,  and  the  expectation  '■"  of  the  high  priest,  whose  distress 

22  was  exceeding  great.''^^  They  then  called  upon  the  Almighty  God  to  preserve  safely 
with  all  security  "^  the  things  committed  in  trust  ^^  for  those  that  had  committed  them. 

23  But"  Heliodorus  started  to  execute '^  that  which  had  been  determined  on.'^    And'* 

24  as  he  was  already  ^^  there  present  himself  with  his  guard  about  the  treasury,  the 
Lord  of  spirits,^'  and  the  Ruler''  of  all  power,  caused  a  great  manifestation,'*  so 
that  all  that  presumed  to  come  in  with  /lim  were  terror-stricken  ^  at  the  power  of 

25  God,  and  became  faint  and  without  courage."  For  there  appeared  unto  them  a 
horse  having  "  a  terrible  rider,"  and  adorned  with  most  beautiful  trappings,''^  and 
it  **  ran  fiercely,  and  smote  at  Heliodorus  with  its  ''^  forefeet ;  and  he  that  sat  upon  it 

26  appeared  in  full  armor  *''  of  gold.  Moreover  two  other  young  men  appeared  before  *' 
him,  notable  in  strength,  very  beautiful  in  their  splendor,**  and  gloriously  appareled ; 
and  they  *^  stood  by  him  on  either  side,  and  scourged  him  unceasingly,""  and  gave 

27  him  many  stripes.*'     And  he  *'"  fell  suddenly  to  *'  the  ground,  and  was  compassed 

28  with  great  darkness  ;  and  they  caught  him  up,  and  put  him  on  ^*  a  litter.  Him,*' 
that  just  now  *^  came  with  a  great  train  and  with  all  his  guard  into  the  aforesaid  " 
treasury,  they  carried  as  one  **  unable  to  help  himself,*^  manifestly  recognizing  ^ 

29  the  power  of  God.    And  he  through  the  divine  efficiency '"'  was  cast  down,  ami  Iny^'^ 

30  speechless  and  bereft  of  hope  and  salvation.*'  But  they  blessed"  the  Lord,  that  had 
made  wonderful  ""^  his  own  place  ;  and  ^^  the  temple,  which  a  little  before  "'  was  full 
of  fear  and  consternation,  by  the  manifestation  of  *'  the  Almighty  Lord,*^  was  filled 

Ver.  13.  —  'A.  v. :  commandment  given  him.  2  jn  any  wise.  3  treasury  (it  is  contained  in  the  word 

Vers.  14-17.  — *  A.  V. :  So  at  the  day  which  he  appointed  he.  ^  in  to  order  this  matter  :  wherefore.  ^  pros- 

trating (pti^aKTes).  '  tlieir.  8  called  unto.  ^  upon  him  that  made.  ^^  they  should  .«afely  be-  '^  such  as  had 
committed  them  to  be  kept.  Then  (eTi'ai,  with  the  ace.  and  infin.)  icltoso  had  looked  the  high  priest  in  the  face  (tfie'ac. 
Cf.  Matt,  .xxviii.  3)  it  would  have  wounded  his  heart.  12  declared  the  inward  ....  kis  mind.  ^^  the  man  was  so 

compassed  (cf .  Judith  xiii.  2)  with.        "  hoiTor  of  the  body,  that  it  was.        ^  what  sorrow  he  had  now  (ei/eo-ros). 

Vers.  18,  19.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Others.  1^  the  general  supplication  (marg.,  io  make  ^enera^  5«pp/(cafioK).  18  like. 

"*  abounded.  20  (KaraicAeiCTTot  =z  secluded.)  ^i  (j_  g_^  (ijg  open  places  near.)  22  to.  23  and  others. 

2*  of  {SLeieKVTrrov  ;  III.  55.  al.  Co.  omit  the  second  prep.). 

Vers.  2U-23.  —  ^  A.  V. :  holding.  28  Then  it  would  have  pitied  a  man  to  see.  27  fear  (marg  ,  expectation.    He 

expected  evil).  28  being  in  iucA  an  agony  (III.  55.  al.  leave  off  Smin  Siayuji'uivTos).  29  Lord  (so  III.  23.  44.  74.  106. 
243.  Aid.)  to  keep  (cf.  ver.  15).  20  of  trust  safe  and  sure.  ^^  Nevertheless.  22  executed  (imperf.,  and  1  render 
fts  above  as  best  giving  the  sense.    See  Winer,  p.  269).        23  was  decreed. 

Vers.  24,  25.  —2*  A.  V.  :  Now.  36  omits  already.  2«  (Marg.,  Lord  of  onr fathers.     For  iraiepui',  III.  19.  55.  71. 

iB.  106.  243.  Co.  have  in-eviaiiTiuF.  Of.  Com.  The  Codd.  III.  23.  52.  71.  74.  106.  243.  Co.  Syr.  omit  iciipios.)  27  pnnce. 
8B  apparition  (cf.  ii.  21).  39  astonished.  4o  fainted,  and  were  sore  afraid.  *i  with.         *2  rj^er  upon  him. 

K  with  a  very  fair  covering.  «  he.  «  his.  «  and  it  seemed  that  he  that  sat  upon  the  horse  had  complete 

harness. 

Vers.  26,  27.  —"  I  read  irpoe<(io>T|iTa>' ;  in.  65.  106.,  i^ivr]aa.v  ;  19.  23.  62.  93.,  Trpixre^aiTKrai'.  «  A.  V. :  exceUent 

in  beauty.  «  comely  in  apparel,  who.  so  continually  (i.  e.,  continuously).  61  5ore  stripes.  ^Heliodorus, 
K  unto.        ^  but  they  that  were  with  him  took  him  up  (see  Com.)  and  put  him  into. 

Vers.  28,  29.  —  ==  A.  v.:  rni/shim.  «  lately.  "said.  ^  okJ,  being.  ra  himself  with  Ws  weapons  (so  52.  55. 
74.  al.  (III.,  xo^O's),  which  also  for  the  following  ejreyj-wicATes  read  eireyi-uiKOTa,  thus  referring  it  to  Heliodorus.  But  the 
former  word  would  refer  to  the  preceding  €<^epof,  i.  e.,  those  who  bore  out  H.).  '>*>  they  acknowledged  (see  previous 
note).        «■  for  he  by  the  hand  of  God.        "2  and  toy.        «3  without  all  hope  of  life. 

Ver.  30.  —  "*  A.  V. ;  praised.  c^  miraculously  honoured.  «»  for.  67  afore.  ^^  trouble,  when 

29  Lord  appeared 


572 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


31  with  joy  and  gladness.  But  straightway^  certain  of  Heliodorus'  friends  prayed 
Onias,  that  he  would  call  upon  the  Most  High  to  grant  him  his  life,  who  lay  just^ 

32  ready  to  give  up  the  ghost.*  And  *  the  high  priest,  fearing^  lest  the  king  should 
have  the  opinion  ^  that  some  villainy  '  had  been  practiced  on  '  Heliodorus  by  the 

33  Jews,  offered  a  sacrifice  for  the  restoration  ^  of  the  man.  And '°  as  the  high  priest 
was  making  an  atonement,  the  same  young  men  in  the  same  clothing  appeared  and 
standing  beside  Heliodorus,  said,^'  Give  Onias  the  high  priest  great  thanks,  inso- 

34  much  as  for  his  sake  the  Lord  hath  granted  thee  life.  And  thou,^''  seeing  that  thou 
hast  been  scourged  from  lieaven,''  proclaim  '*  unto  all  men  the  mighty  power  of 

35  God.  And  having  '^  spoken  these  words,  they  disappeared.  But  '*  Heliodorus, 
after  he  had  offered  sacrifice  unto  the  Lord,  and  made  great  vows  unto  him  that 
had  saved  "  his  life,  and  taken  friendly  leave  of  ^*  Onias,  returned  with  his  force  " 

36  to  the  king.   And  he  bore  witness  before  all  to  ^  the  works  of  the  great  God,  which 

37  he  had  seen  with  his  eyes.     And  when  the  king  asked  Heliodorus,  who  possibly  ^' 

38  might  be  a  fit  man  to  be  sent  yet  once  ^'^  to  Jerusalem,  he  said,  If  thou  hast  any 
enemy  or  traitor,  send  him  thither,  and  thou  shall  receive  ^  him  scourged,^*  if  he 
also  -^  escape  with  his  life  ;  for  about  the  -^  place,  no  doubt,  there  is  a  certain " 

39  power  of  God.     For  he  that  dwelleth  in  heaven  is  guardian  and  protector  of  that 

40  place  ;  ^  and  he  beateth  and  destroyeth  ^  them  that  come  with  evil  intent.'"  And 
the  things  concerning  Heliodorus,  and  the  keeping  of  the  treasury,  fell  out  in  this 
manner.'' 

Vers.  31-33.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Then  straightways.  "  omits  just.         *  (Lit-,  altogether  lyin^  in  t/u  last  breath,)         *  So. 

*  Buppecting.         8  misconceive.  ^  treachery.         8  done  to.  *  health  (lit.,  salvation).         lo  Now.         "  stood 

....  saying. 

Vers.  34,  35.  —  ^2  A.  V.  :  omits  thou.  "  ( Apel  and  Fritz.sche  adopt  ef  ovpavou  from  III.  44.  52.  55.  al.  Co.  Aid.,  for 
«Tr'  avTou  of  the  text.  rec. ;  Syr.  Old  Lat.,  a  deo.  But  Grimm  and  Keil  are  inclined  to  look  upon  it  as  a  glosg.)  i*  de- 
clare (III.  23.  74-  106.,  Sii-j^eAAe,  for  SiayyeAe,  and  it  is  approved  by  Grimm  and  Keil,  since  it  refers  to  a  continued 
proclamation).  i^  when  they  had.  ^^  appeared  no  more.     So.  ^t  {lAt.,  make  remain  over.)  '^  saluted. 

"  host  (lit.,  took  another  camp.    It  refers  to  his  military  escort). 

Vers.  36-38.  —  20  a.  V. :  Then  testified  he  to  all  men.  -^  omits  possibly  (n's  after  Trotoy  to  make  it  less  definite.  Cf 
Liddell  and  Scott's  Lex.,  s.  v.).  22  once  again.  23  (Qrimm  and  Keil :  thau  wiit  have  to  expect.)  ^  well  scourged 
56  omits  also.        ^a  in  that.        -t  an  especial. 

Vers.  39,  40.  —  23  A.  V. :  hath  his  eye  on  that  place  and  defendeth  it.  29  (Fritzsche  adopts  airoAAvei  from  III.  19 

44. 65.  62.  al. ;  text,  rec,  in-oAAuirii'.)       »  to  hurt  it.       si  on  this  sort. 


Chapter  HI. 


Ver.  1.  With  all  peace,  iterit  wdcrns  tlpiiyris, 
i.e.,  with  .1  full,  complete,  uninterrupted  peace. — 
Onias.  He  was  the  son  of  Simon  and  the  third  of 
this  name  succeeding  his  father  in  the  hi^h  priest- 
hood c.  B.  c.  198.  See  Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xii.  4,  §  10 
and  Schiirer,  Neiitest.  Zeitgeschichte,  p.  74. 

Ver.  2.  For  the  use  of  (rofiSaiyetv  followed  hy 
the  infinitive  with  the  accusative  for  the  purpose 
oi  S]iecially  emphasizing  a  statement,  cf.  Winer, 
■p.  323,  who  cites  amonc^  other  instances  of  its  oc- 
currence in  Greek  authors,  Diodorus  Sic.  (i.  50) : 
<rvvf^ri  r^v  noXtv  ....  sivat  Kvpievoutrav.  See,  also, 
Acts  xxi.  35,  and  the  present  liook  at  iv.  30 ;  v.  2  ; 
vii.  1  ;  ix.  2,  7  ;  X.  5  ;  xil.  24,  34  ■,  xiii.  7.  The 
imperfect  trm^^aiye  expresses  tlie  idea  of  fre- 
<juency. —  Kings.  Antiochus  II.,  Seleucus  IV., 
and,  perhaps,  others.  —  The  place  =  the  temple 
(cf.  ii.  IS)  which  is  then  more  definitely  named. 
Since  the  days  of  Alexander  such  presents  were 
not  uncommon,  as  for  instance,  from  the  Egyp- 
tian rulers  Ptolemy  II.  Philadelphus  and  Ptol- 
emy III.  Euergetes,  and  the  Emperor  Augustus, 
his  wife,  and  his  son-in-law  Agrippa.  So  Jose- 
phus  and  Philo  cited  by  Grimm,  Com.,  ad  he. 

Ver.  3.  Seleucus  =  Seleucus  IV.  Philopator. 
—  All  the  coats.  Rhetorically  sjioken.  Cf.  ver. 
6. 

Ver.  4.  Simon.  Otherwise  unknown.  He  is 
represented  as  npoirrdrTis  tov  Upov.  It  is  difBcult 
to  maka  out  just  what  is  meant  by  this  title.    But 


probably  the  reference  is  to  a  kind  of  overseer, 
particularly  an  overseer  of  the  treasures  of  the 
temple.  The  German  Vorsteher  ^  director,  ad- 
ministrator, well  represents  the  Greek.  It  is  need- 
less to  give  the  many  views  of  the  critics.  Ewald, 
with  whom  Keil  is  inclined  to  agree,  thinks  of  a 
man  who  had  the  hom.iniry  title  of  oversper,  and 
who  looked  after  the  various  things  which  were 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple 
sei'vice  and  hence  had  great  influence  in  the  city. 
According  to  Herzfeld,  Geiger,  and  Hitzig,  the 
word  0(viafx.iy  is  a  corruption  for  Meia/xh,  Min- 
jamin,  the  name  of  the  sixth  class  of  priests. 
(Cf.  1  Chron.  xxiv.  9;  Neh.  xii.  5,  17.)  But  the 
words  T^s  ....  (pvXris,  must  in  that  case  be  given 
an  unusual  meaning,  while  the  supposition  is  also 
out  of  harmony  with  the  context.  If  the  read- 
ing dyopavofiiai  (for  irapavo^ias)  be  not  the  orig- 
inal one,  it  is  hard  to  exjdain  how  it  could  have 
originated.  The  former  word,  however,  could  eas- 
ily have  come  from  the  latter.  The  word  ayopa- 
v6ixos  means  Marketmaster,  i.  e.,  the  person  who  had 
the  oversight  of  what  was  brought  to  market  and 
the  selling  of  the  same. 

Ver.  5.  Apollonius.  There  was  a  person  of 
this  name  who  was  much  with  Seleucus  IV.  (Po- 
lyb.  xxxi.  21,  3)  and  he  is  probably  meant.  He 
had  also  a  son  Apollonius  who  was  governor  cf 
Ccelesyria.  See  1  Mace.  x.  69,  and  cf.  i.  29;  S 
M.acc.  V.  24. 


2  MACCABEES. 


573 


Vcr.  6.  .Tosephus  {Antiq.,  xiv.  7,  §  2)  tells 
why  so  large  an  amount  of  treasures  was  col- 
lected iu  tlie  teiii|jle  at  this  time  :  "  All  the  Jews 
throughout  the  liabitahle  earth,  aud  those  that 
worshipjted  (iod,  nay,  even  those  of  Asia  aud 
Europe,  sent  their  contributions  to  it.  Nor  is  the 
largeness  of  these  sums  without  its  attestation  ; 
nor  is  that  greatness  owiutr  to  our  vanity,  as  rais- 
hig  it  without  ground  to  so  great  a  height;  but 
there  are  in.iuy  witnesses  to  it,  and  jiarticnlarly 
Strabo  of  Cappadocia,  who  says  thus  :  '  Mithra- 
<lates  sent  to  Cos,  and  took  the  money  which 
Queen  Cleopatra  had  deposited  thei'e,  as  also  800 
talents  belougiuu'  to  the  Jews.'" 

Ver.  7.  Heliodorus.  Cf.  I  Mace.  i.  16  and 
Appian  {Si/r.,  o.  xlv.). 

Ver.  9.  High  priest  of  the  city.  The  strange- 
ness of  this  e.xpression  undoubtedly  gave  occasion 
for  the  variation  of  the  MSS.  at  this  (joint. 
Grimm  with  the  Syviae  and.  several  MSS.  (cf. 
Text.  Notes),  would  insert  Kai  before  ttjs  Tr6\fios. 
The  meaning,  however,  seems  to  be  better  ex- 
pressed by  the  Old  Latin  in  cicitate.  —  'hviSero. 
This  verb  with  the  signitication  here  given,  to  lay 
a  thing  before  a  person,  leave  for  considt'rnfion, 
communicate  (cf.  Acts  xxv.  14;  Gal.  ii.  2),  is  only 
fouud  iu  the  later  Greek,  and  is  usually  followed 
by  the  accusative. 

Ver.  10.  napoflTJKT)  ^  depositum.  Cf.  its  use 
at  2  Tim.  i.  12,  "that  committed."  The  usual 
word  iu  (ireek  is  wapaKaTaO-nKT},  which,  moreover, 
is  the  reading  of  III.  19.  52.  al.  here. 

Ver.  11.  Hyroanus.  See  Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xii. 
5,  10  ;  xii.  4,  g§  2-9,  11  ;  xiii.  8,  §  4.  This  writer 
mentions  two  different  pL'rsons  of  the  name,  but 
the  present  Hyrcanns  cau  hardly  be  idcntihed  with 
either.  —  'Ee  virepoxfi,  in  Mgh  position.  Cf.  1 
Tim.  ii.  2,  where  the  same  Greek  word  is  found, 
*'  in  authority."  —  The  amount  of  money,  as  here 
given  by  the  high  priest  himself,  comes  near  justi- 
fying the  statement  of  Simon.  Supposing  that 
Hebrew  talents  are  meant,  the  sum  would  have 
been  somewhere  near  $700,000  in  silver  aud 
•54,2011,000  in  gold  ;  if  Autioehian  taleuts,  about 
half  as  much.  Prob.xbly  the  latter  are  intended 
as  the  better  understood  by  Heliodorus. 

Ver.  24.  Against  the  reading  irarepuv  for  wvev- 
jiAtihv,  might  be  urged  the  fact  that  it  is  an  un- 
usual expression.  It  is  always  found  elsewhere 
in  the  form,  "  God  of  the  fathers."  If  the  reading 
spirits  is  adhered  to,  the  reference  would  be  to  the 
angels.  Cf.  i.  14.  The  latter  reading  is  sup- 
ported by  I'ommon  usage  in  books  of  the  charac- 
ter of  the  ])reseut  one.  Cf.  Ecclus.  xxxix.  28  ; 
Dillmann's  Book  of  Enoch,  p.  140. 

Ver.  25.  'E7ri/3aTr)y,  rider.  This  word  was  gen- 
erally used  for  marines,  classiarii  milites ;  some- 
times, also,  for  thr  Jighting  man  in  a  chariot. 

Ver.  27.  They  caught  him  up.  Who  is  re- 
feri'ed  to  it  is  not  possible  to  say.  The  guard  of 
Heliodorus,  according  to  the  letter  of  the  account, 
seems  not  to  have  been  affected  by  the  apparition. 


aud  either  they  or  the  servants  of  the  temple  are 
probably  meant.  Raffaelle  found  in  this  scene  a 
subject  for  his  brush,  when  he  sought  to  depict 
for  the  walls  of  the  Vatican  the  triumph  of  Pope 
Julius  II.  over  the  enemies  of  the  Poiititicate. 

Vers.  .30.  'EirKjiavtWor.  The  present  participle 
is  often  used  as  a  substantive,  aud  as  such  may 
exclude  all  in<licaiioti  of  time. 

Ver.  35.  Great  vows,  relating,  it  is  likely,  to 
his  serviug  hereafter,  Jehovah.  —  'AiroSe^ti^ecos. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  is  not  fully  given  by 
saluted.  He  treated  him  in  a  friendly  manuer. 
The  Vulgate  has,  Onia  gratias  agens.  The  Syriac, 
honored  him  qreatly.  Grimm  cites  Philo  [Leg.  ad 
Caj.,  §  2.3)  as  using  the  word  to  e.>ipress  the 
frieudly  treatment  accorded  to  the  Jews  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor  Augustus. 

Ver.  38.  Traitor,  irpayixaToiv  iniPovAo".  Vuig., 
regni  tui  insidiatorem.  Cf.  iv.  2  ;  xiv.  26.  —  Es- 
cape. Many  good  authorities  (III.  19.  23.  44.  55. 
62.  al.)  favor  the  subjunctive  hiaiTai6fi,  and  it  is 
adopted  by  Fritzsche.  Still,  the  optative  would  be 
more  in  place,  as  is  sufficiently  pi'oved  by  Grimm. 
On  the  question  whether  the  events  here  narrated 
have  any  historical  basis,  authorities  differ.  Most, 
however,  admit  .a  groundwork  of  fact.  As  far  as 
verse  23,  there  is  nothing  said  which  would  excite 
special  distrust.  There  would  be  no  reason  for 
imputing  to  Seleucus  IV.  this  attempt  to  rob  the 
temple,  if  it  was  not  actually  made.  Some  real 
occurrence,  also,  may  have  given  occasion  for  the 
story  of  the  angelic  appearances  as  here  narrated. 
Many  fiud  it  alluded  to  in  Josephus  {Antiq.,  xii. 
3,  §  3),  who  quotes  Polybius  (xvi.)  as  saying  that 
he  has  something  special  to  rejiort  concerning  it: 
"  And  particularly  concerniug  the  manifestations 
about  the  temple"  {koI  ^aKiGra  n-tpl  t^s  yivop.4vT\s 
wepl  rh  Uphy  fin(paf(tas}.  Polybius  was  personally 
acquainted  with  the  son  of  Seleucus,  and  may,  it  is 
true,  have  heard  of  such  an  event  from  him. 
Still,  it  is  too  much  to  say,  with  Keil,  on  the 
groutid  of  this  passage,  that  Polybius  could  not 
have  referred  to  any  other  fact  than  that  recorded 
in  our  books,  or  even  that  he  referred  to  any  one 
event  in  particular.  It  is  safe,  at  least,  to  say 
that  this  miraculous  appearance,  as  related  iu  the 
present  book,  differs  in  some  important  respects 
from  all  similar  miracles  recorded  in  tlie  canonical 
Scriptures.  Those  of  2  Kings  ii.  11,  vi.  17,  which 
took  place  in  connection  with  the  prophet  Elisha, 
are  of  quite  a  different  character.  So  is  it  also 
in  the  case  of  the  prophet  Zechariah,  who  saw  in 
an  ecstasy  horses  with  their  riders,  and  in  the 
Revelatiou,  where  John  is  favored  witli  the  same 
manifestations.  Here,  the  matter  is  represented, 
not  as  occurring  iu  vision,  or  as  symbolical,  but 
as  real.  The  horses  strike  Heliodorus  with  their 
feet,  and  the  supposed  angels  scourge  liim  to  the 
point  of  death !  This  is  clear  evidence  of  the 
bungling  haud  of  an  imitator,  who,  inadvertently, 
crosses  iu  his  delineation  the  liue  that  divides  the 
spiritual  from  the  corporeal  and  physical. 


Chapter  IV. 


1       But  the  before-mentioned  Simon,  who  had  been  a  betrayer '  of  the  money,  and 
of  his  fatherland,'-  slandered  Oniaa,  as  if  he  had  terrified  °  Heliodorus,  and  been 


Ver  1.— 'A.  V. 
varpi'ios)  countrj. 


This  Simon  now,  of  whom  we  spake  afore,  having  .  .  , 
3  (Lit.,  set  at  or  upon.) 


bewrayer. 


3  his  (contalued  la 


574  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


2  the  worker  of  these  evils.  And  he  dared  ^  to  call  him  a  traitor,  who  was  the  bene- 
factor -  of  the  city,  and  the  guardian  of  his  countrymen,'  and  was  zealous  for*  the 

3  laws.     But  when  the  hostility  ^  went  so  far,  that  also  ^  by  one  of  Simon's  zealous 

4  partisans '  murders  were  committed,  Onias  seeing  '  the  danger  '  of  the  "  contention, 
and  that  Apollonius,  as  the  general  "  of  Coelesyria  and  Phoenice,  did  rage,  and 

5  increase  '^  Simon's  wickedness,'^  he  went  to  '*  the  king,  not  to  be  an  accuser  of  his 
fellow  citizens,'^  but  as  having  in  view  '^  the  good  of  the  whole  people,  both  in  gen- 

6  eral  and  in  particular."  For  he  saw  that  it  was  impossible  that  the  state  should  still 
attain  to  peace, '^  and  Simon  leave  his  folly,  unless  the  king  gave  attention  to  it.'* 

7  But  after  the  death  of  Seleucus,  and '"  Antiochus,  called  Epiphanes,  took  the 

8  kingdom,  Jason  the  brother  of  Onias  labored  underhand  to  be  high  priest,  promis- 
ing unto  the  king,  at  an  interview,"'  three  hundred  and  threescore  talents  of  silver, 

9  and  from  some  other  "-  revenue  eighty  talents.  And  furthermore,  he  promised 
also  to  pay  by  note  of  hand  "^  an  hundred  and  fifty  more,  if  he  might  be  allowed,  of 
his  own  right,"*  to  set  him  "^  up  a  gymnasium  and  place  of  exercise  for  youth,^''  and 

10  to  grant  them  of  Jerusalem  the  civil  rights  of  Autiochians."  Aud  when  the  king 
had  granted  it,'-*  and  he  had  gotten  into  his  hand  the  rule,^  he  forthwith  carried 

11  over  his  countrymen  to  the  Greek  mode.^"  And  the  royal  privileges  granted  out  of 
goodwill ''  to  the  Jews  by  means '"  of  John  the  father  of  Eupolemus,  who  made 
the  embassage  ''  to  Rome  on  behalf  of  friendship  and  alliance,'*  he  took  away  ;  and 
doing  away  with  the  civil  polity  that  was  '^  according  to  the  law,  he  brought  in  ^ 

12  new  customs  against  the  law  ;  for  he  built  gladly  a  gymnasium  ''  under  the  citadel  '* 

13  itself,  and  brought  the  chief  young  men  under  a  hat,  and  led  them.'*  And  there 
took  place  to  such  a  degree  a  kind  of  culmination  of  Hellenism,  and  a  going  over  to 
a  heathenish  manner  of  life,  through  the  exceeding  impurity  of  the  ungodly  man  and 

14  no  high  priest,  Jason,  that  the  priests  were  no  more  zealous  concerning  the  services  ** 
at  the  altar,  but  despising  the  temple,  and  neglecting  the  sacrifices,  hastened  to  be 
partakers  in  *'  the  unlawful  representation  in  the  palaestra,  after  the  summons  to 

15  the  contest  with  the  discus  ;  *'"  and  while  holding  in  no  esteem  their  ancestral  honors, 

16  they  accounted  the  Grecian  distinctions  of  highest  worth.  And  by  reason  hereof 
sore  peril  encompassed  them ;  and  *'  they  had  them  as  **  enemies  and  avengers 
whose  manner  of  life  they  imitated,*^  and  whom  **  they  desired  to  be  thoroughly  " 

17  like  in  all  respects.*'  For  it  is  not  a  light  thing  to  do  wickedly  against  the  laws  of 
God ;  but  the  time  following  will  make  it  manifest.** 

Ver.  2.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Thus  was  he  bold.  2  that  had  deserved  well  *  tendred  {tI>v  before  icT)S6^6i/a  is  omitted 

by  65.  62.  64.  93.)  his  own  nation.        *  io  zealous  of. 

Vers.  3,  4.  —  ^  A.  V. :  tkeir  hatred.  "  omits  also.  '  faction  {lit.,  those  who  had  been  proved  by  Simon). 

•  [avvopCiv,  i.  e.,  taking  in  at  a  glance.)  «  (xaAe,rdi',  namely,  the  difficulty  of  getting  along  under  such  circum- 

Btances.)      lo  this.      'i  as  (ws  is  omitted  by  19.  52.  62.  64.  93.)  being  the  governor.      ^2  (jt  might  be  rendered,  "  the  rage 
of  A.,  who  as  general  of  C.  and  P.  increased  the  wickedness  of  Simon.'')        ^^  malice. 

Vers.  5,  6.  —  '*  For  tiis  III.  64.  106.  have  irpos  ;  52.,  u>s  irpds.  Cf .  Wahl,  s.  v.  ^^  A.  V. :  Aw  countrymen.  i*  seek- 
ing. ^'  of  all,  both  publick  and  private  (see  Co7n.).  ^s  continue  quiet  (rvxet*'  eipiin}^  cti.  Qaab  euggestfl  the  ren- 
dering again  for  the  last  word,  referring  to  Judith  xiii.  11).        l®  did  look  thereunto. 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  -^  A.  V. :  when.  21  by  (^tS,  more  lit.,  6y  means  of)  intercession  (cf.  1  Tim.  ii.  1 ;  iv.  6.    The  et]^> 

mology  would  indicate  a  casual  meeting.    The  word  meant  first,  a  lighting  upon  followed  by  the  dat.  of  the  person  _ 
second,  a  conver.iation,  followed  by  the  gen  ).         22  of  another. 

Ver.  9.  — 23  A.  V. :  Beside  this,  he  promised  to  assign  (fiiaypai/'at.  It  is  one  of  the  less  common  meanings  of  thiff 
word.  Jj&t.fPrescribere.  Grimm  suggests  that  it  may  even  mean  pay  down,  as  in  Dion.  Hal.,  v.  28.  Codd.  III.  23 
read  Siaypa^etv  ;  44.  65.  74.  243.  Co.,  Siaypatl/eLv).  -*  if  he  might  have  licence  (for  avyxt^prjBjj ,  44.  74.  243.  Co.  Aid 

read  tTTixiu.  ;  III.  23.  106.,  intxopriyrief).        25  (gee  Com.)        28  a  place  for  exercise  (cf.  ver.  12),  and  for  the  training  up 
of  youth  (e07J^e^oc.     See  Com.)  in  the  fashions  of  the  heathen.  27  write  (ai/aypai/zoi  =  to  regviter.     Lit.,  to  register 

th£m  o/Jerwi'dem,  Antiochians.    See  Com.)  .      .  .  6y  (Ae  na7ne  o/Antiochians. 

Vers.  10-12  —  ^  A..  V. :  Which  when  .  .  granted.  28  {gee  Co7n.)  so  brought  his  own  nation  to  the  Greekish 
fashion.  si  granted  of  special  favour.  32  the  means.  ^a  went  ambassador.  s*  for  amity  and  aid.  3*  put- 
ting down  the  governments  (see  Com.)  which  were.  38  up.  37  a  place  of  exercise  {yvfil/atnov).  ^  tower. 
»»  his  subjection,  and  made  them  wear  a  hat  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  13,  34.  —  *"  A.  V. :  Now  such  was  the  height  iiucfi-r}  Ti?.  On  the  latter,  see  Winer,  p.  170)  of  Greek  fashions, 
and  increase  (Trpoa^atri? ;  106.,  np'j^aaii  ;  Old  Lat.,  profectus)  of  heathenish  manners,  through  the  exceeding  profane- 
ness  of  Jason,  that  ungodly  wretch,  and  not  high  priest  .        .  had  no  courage  to  serve  any  more.  *i  of.  «2  al- 

lowance in  the  place  of  exercise,  after  the  game  of  Discus  called  them  forth  (fieri  ttji'  tou  iiuKov  npitcKrjiTtp  j  n-pifficAijtriv, 
III.  19.  23.  62.  106.). 

Vers.  15-17.— *3  A.  V. :  not  setting  by  the  honours  of  their  fathers,  but  liking  the  glory  of  the  Grecians  best  0/  all. 
By  (Fritzscho  receives  icai  befure  xop"'  from  111.  44.  62.  71.  74.  106.  243.  Co.  Aid.)  reason  whereof  sore  calamity  came 
upon  them  :  for.        **  to  be  their.        *3  custom  they  followed  so  earnestly  "  unto  whom.         *'  omiis  thoroughly 

<*  thingt        *'  shall  declare  these  things. 


2  MACCABEES.  575 


18  And '  when  the  contest '^  that  was  observed'  every  fifth  year  was  celebrated* 

19  at  Tyrus,  and^  the  king  was  ^  present,  the  abominable'  Jason  sent  messengers' 
from "  Jerusalem,  who  were  Antiochiaus,  to  carry  three  hundred  drachmas  '"  of  sil- 
ver to  the  sacrifice  of  Hercules  ;  and  they  that  carried  them  desired  that  they  should 
not  be  used  for  a  sacrifice,  because  it  was  not  fitting,   but   be   reserved  for   an- 

20  other  expenditure.^^  This  money  then,  in  regard  to  '■  the  sender  was  meant  for  '* 
Hercules'  sacrifice  ;  but  because  of  the  bearers  thereof  it  was  employed  in  making 
triremes." 

21  And  '^  when  Apollonius  the  son  of  Menestheus  was  sent  into  Egypt  on  account 
of  '"  the  coronation  of  the  "  king  Philometor,'*  Antiochus,  learning  that  he  had  be- 
come ill  affected  toward   his  '^  affairs,  took  thought  ^^  for  his  own   safety ;  where- 

22  fore  ^'  he  came  to  Joppe,  and  went  on  -^  to  Jerusalem  ;  and  *'  he  was  magnificently  '■'* 
received  by  ^°  Jason,  and  by '-'  the  city,  and  was  brought  in  -'  with  torchlight,  and 
with  shoutings ;  '■*  thereupon  he  •^  went  with  his  force  into  Phoenice.^" 

23  And''  three  years'"  afterward  Jason  sent  Menelaus,  the  before-mentioned™ 
Simon's  brother,  to  carry  '■*  the  money  unto  the  king,  and  to  bring  to  a  result  memo- 

24  rials  concerning  "  necessary  matters.  But  he,  introducing  himself  to  the  king,  and 
glorifying   him  with   the  mien   of  one  in  power,'^  got  the  high  '"  priesthood  for  " 

25  himself,  offering  more  than  Jason  hy  three  hundred  talents  of  silver.  And '^  he 
came  with  the  king's  mandate,*"  bringing  ■*'  nothing  worthy  the  high  priesthood,  but 

26  having  the  fury  ''^  of  a  cruel  tyrant,  and  the  rage  *'  of  a  savage  beast.  And  **  Jason, 
who  had  undermined  *^  his  own  brother,  being  undermined  by  another,  was  com- 

27  peUed  to  flee  *^  into  the  country  of  the  Ammonites.  And  Menelaus  "  indeed  got  the 
rule  ;  **  but  of  ■*'  the  money  that  he  had  promised  unto  the  king,  he  paid  none," 
albeit  Sostratus  the  eparch  ^'  of  the  citadel  demanded  ^-  it ;  for  unto  him  apper- 

28  tained  the  gathering  of  the  moneys.^'      Wherefore  they  were  both  called  before  the 

29  king.  And  ^*  Menelaus  left  his  brother  Lysimachus  as  representative  of  the  high 
priesthood  ;  '^  but  ^^  Sostratus  left  Crates,  who  was  governor  of  ^  the  Cyprians. 

30  But  when  these  things  were  arranged,  it  came  to  pass  that  they  ^'  of  Tarsus  and 
Mallus  '^  made  insurrection,  because  they  had  been  given  ^  as  a  present  "  to  the 

31  king's  concubine,  Antiochis.^'^   Then  came  the  king  in  all  haste  to  appease  ^'  matters, 

32  leaving  Andronicus,  one  of  those  "  in  authority,  as  his  representative.^  But  "*  Mene- 
laus supposing  that  he  had  gotten  a  favorable  opportunity,*'  stole  certain  vessels  of 

Vera.  18,  19. — 1  A.  V. ;  Now         *  game  *  used.         *  kept.         6  omits  a.ui.         «  beiog.        '  fAw  ungracious 

"  epecial  messengers  (marg..  *'  Gr.,  who  were  religious  ambassadors.''^  The  Greek  is  0€wpoijs,  i.  e.,  spectators.  See  Com.) 
>  (Fritzsche  receives  it  before  in-6  from  lU.  19.  23.  44.  55.  al.)  ">  drathms  (19.  62.  64.  Syr.,  3,300).  "  which 

even  the  bearers  thereof  thought  fit  not  to  bestow  upon  the  sacrifice,  because  it  was  not  convenient,  but  to  be  reserved 
{KaraOiodaL.  The  writer  had  this  word  in  mind,  when  he  wrote  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence,  rather  than 
Xprjodat,  on  which  as  really  depends)  for  other  chaiges. 

Vers.  20,  21. — ^^\.V.:  of  (Sid.    More  literally,  on  account  o/).  "  was  appointed  to  (cf.  Com}.    Fritzsche  adopts 

«7re<re  fiiv  oZv  from  19.  62.  (93.,  iir^trov) ;  lire<re  Bi,  23.  55.  Syr. ;  text,  rec,  inentl/ev).  "  to  the  making  of  gallies 

^6  Now.  18  for.  "  (IMarg.,  enthronizing.  See  Com.)  of.  "  Ptolemeus  (Fritzsche  omits,  with  III.  19  23.  44.  55. 
al.)  Philometor.  w  understanding  him  [Ptolemy]  not  to  be  well  aftected  (oAAiTpioi/      .  .  .  yeyoveVoi)  to  his  (for 

avriiv  of  the  text,  rec,  Fritzsche  adopts  avrou  from  III.  23.  55.  al.)  20  provided  for  (see  Com.)  his.  21  whereupon. 
"  and  from  thence. 

Ver.  22.  — 2»  A.  V. :  where.  24  honourably  (Fritzsche  receives  ^e-yoAo^epais  from  III.  19.  23.  44.  al. ;  text,  rec., 

^eyoAoTTpeTTcis).  25  of.  26  of.  27  (Fritzsche,  with  Keil  and  Grimm,  read  eto-eSe'x^,  as  III.  19.  44.  52.  55.  al.  :  text. 
rec,  eloTrenopevTat.)  28  gj^fn  shoutings.  23  and  BO  afterward  {eld'  ovTtus  =  "  turn  guum  factum  esset,''  Grimm), 

80  host  unto  Phenice  (on  KoTeoTpaTOTre'Sevffe,  of.  ill.  35). 

Vers.  23,  24.  —  51  A.  V. ;  omits  And.         82  year.  S3  foresaid.  ^  bear  (cf.  ver.  19).  85  put  him  in  mind  of 

certain  (uffo^iTj^aTHT^ovs  TeXeVoFra.  The  former  word  is  to  be  taken  for  uTrojui.TifiaTa,  or  vn-o^joj/ioTiViiiaTa.  Grotius 
renders  improperly  by  vionita  facere).  38  being  brought  to  the  presence  of  (ovtrra^eis)  .  .  .      when  he  had  magni- 

fied him  for  the  glorious  appearance  of  his  power  (see  Com.).        87  omits  high.        88  to. 

Vers.  25,  26.  — 88  \^  y.  :  So.  *o  (Lit.,  having  taken  the  royal  commands  he  came.)  "  l^eptav.)  *2  (fivtiov^  ) 

•3  (opyas.)         "Then.  ^^Cf.veT.I.         ^"^  lir. ,Jieeing  was  driven  away.    The  verb  (TweXavfu  means  lit., /o  ^noc 

together.    But  here  the  preposition  seems  to  be  used  for  emphasis.    Cf .  v.  5. 

Vers.  27,  28.  —  "  A.  V. :  So  M.  "  the  principality  ( cf .  ver.  10).  "  as  for.  w  took  no  good  order  for  it  (I  ren- 
der freely.  Lit.,  he  brought  nothing  ijito  order).  8»  ruler.  82  castle  required.  83  customs  (cf.  i.  35.  Fritzsche 
receives  &tatf>6fmjv  from  III.  19.  23.  44.  55.  al. ;  text,  rec,  it>6fntiv.    The  former  is  also  favored  by  Grimm  and  Keil). 

Vers.  29-31.  —"  A.  V. :  Now.  65  in  /,is  gtead  in  the  priesthood  (19.  62.  64.  93.,  'ufmavvtii.  Cf.  ver.  31).  «  and. 
87  (simply  €771.)  83  While  those  things  were  in  doing  ( Vulg.,  "  dum  hxc  agerentiir.^'  Gr.,  ToiouTwf  Se  trvveirrqKoTiav  = 
But  when  such  things  had  been  brought  to  order),  they.  8a  Mallus.  80  they  were  given  (instead  of  SeSocr^oi,  lU. 

44.  74. 106.  243.  Co.  .41d.  have  iiSoaflai,  which  would  imply  that  the  cities  had  revolted  on  the  reception  of  the  news  ol 
the  fact  stated).  "  i»«ik  a*  a  present  !«,■  Supeo).  ^^  called  A.  83  (gf.  i^ts  ix.  11  in  the  Greek,  where  <taTa<rT^Ai» 
U  used  as  here.)        84  a  man.        85  for  hi.^  deputy  (cf.  ver  29). 

Ver  82. —84  A   V.:  Now  87  convenient  time. 


576  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


gold  out  of  the  temple,  and  gave  them  ^  to  Andronicus,  and  had  succeeded  in  selling 

33  others  in"  Tyrus  and  the  cities  round  about.  And  Onias  on  learning  of  it'  of  a 
surety,  reproved  him  sharply,  after  he  had  withdrawn  *  into  a  sanctuary  at  Daphne, 

34  that  "lieth  by  Antiochia.  Wherefore  Menelaus,  taking  Andronicus  apart,  prayed 
Mm  *  to  get  Onias  into  his  hands  ;  *  and  he  came  to  Onias,  and  being  persuaded  to 
use '  deceit,  gave  hhti  his  right  hand  with  oaths ;  ^  and  though  he  was  ^  suspected 
by  liitn,  yet  persuaded  he  him  to  come  forth  from  "  the  sanctuary  ;  and  ^'  forthwith 

35  he  put  him  out  of  the  way  •'"  without  regard  for  '^  justice."  For  which  ^^  cause  not 
only  Jews,^"  but  many  also  of  other  nations,  had  "  indignation,"  and  were  discon- 

36  tented  over  ^^  the  unjust  murder  of  the  man.  And  when  the  king  came  back  ^  from 
the  places  in  -^  Cilicia,  the  Jews  that  were  in  the  city,  while  also  the  Greeks,  in 
common,  hated  the  evil  deed,'^-  complained  because  Onias  had  been  put  to  death 

37  unjustly.-"  Therefore  Antiochus  was  heartily  sorry,  and  moved  to  pity,  and  wept, 
because  of  the  sobriety  and  great  correctness  of  conduct  -*  of  him  that  was  dead. 

38  And  being  inflamed''*  with  anger,  forthwith  he  took  away  Andronicus'-'  purple, 
and  rent  off  his  clothes,  and  leading  him  about '"  through  the  whole  city  unto  the  "' 
very  place  where  he  committed  '^  impiety  against  Onias,  there  slew '"  he  the  blood- 
stained wretch,  the  Lord  repaying  him  with  the  punishment  he  "'  deserved. 

39  But  since  many  temple  robberies  were  ''^  committed  in  ^  the  city  l)y  Lysimachus 
with  the  consent  of  Menelaus,  and  the  bruit  thereof  was  spread  abroad,  the  multi- 
tude gathered  themselves  together  against  Lysimachus,  many  vessels  of  gold  hav- 

40  ing  been  ''^  already  carried  away.'^*  And  *'  the  common  people  rising, "'  and  being 
filled  with  rage,  Lysimachus  armed  about  three  thousand  7nen,  and  began  first  to 
offer  violence,'*'  one  Auranus  '*'  being  leader,'"'  a  man  far  gone  in  years,  and  no  less 

41  also  ^'  in  folly.  But  they  seeing  also  *-  the  assault  *'  of  Lysimachus,  some  of  them 
caught  stones,  others  clubs,  and  some  took  "  handfuls  of  dust,  that  was  next  at  hand, 

42  and  ""*  cast  them  all  together  "  upon  the  party  of  Lysimachus."  Thereby  *^  many  of 
them  they  wounded,  and  some  also  they  struck  *^  to  the  ground,  but  all  ™  they 
forced  to  flee  ;  and  the  temple  *'  robber  himself  they  °-  killed  beside  *'  the  treasury. 

43  But  ou  account  of  ^*  these  matters  ^^  there  was  an  accusation  laid  against  ^^  Mene- 

44  laus.    And  ^'  when  the  king  came  to  Tyrus,  three  men  that  were  sent  by  the  coun- 

45  cil "'  pleaded  the  cause  before  him  ;  but  Menelaus,  being  already  convicted,^"  prom- 
ised Ptolemy  the  son  of  Dorymenes  much ""  money,  to  the  end  that  he  might  win 

46  over  the  king.^'     Wherefore '-  Ptolemy  taking  the  king  aside  into  a  certain  gallery, 

47  as  it  were  to  take  the  air,  brought  him  to  be  of  another  mind.     And  while  '^  he  dis- 

Vers.  32,  33.  — '  A.  V. :  somt  of  them.        ^  some  he  sold  into  {irvyxav^  -neTTpaKiii^)  ^  Which  (a  is  omitted  by  III. 

55.  71.  al.)  ....  Iinew  (see  Cotti.).         *  he  reproved  him  (the  prep,  in  ^rap^Aeyx^f  is  intensive),  and  withdrew  himself. 

Ver.  34.  —  ^  wapeicaAet.  ^  i.  ff.,  to  kill  him,  which  the  word  meant  in  later  Greek,  '  A.  V.  ;  who  being  per- 

suaded thereunto,  and  coming  to  0.  in.  ^  (  Text,  rfc,  ical  St^ias  tj.ee'  opiccui'  5ovs.    Fritzsche  adopts  "  from  nearly  all 

the  MSS.'-  Ka\  Se^iaaSeU  fieO'  opKwv  6ovs  fiefiav,  with  the  rendering,  et  cum  salutatus  {acceptus),  dextram  cum  juiamentis 
dedisset.  This  form  of  the  text  is  also  supported  by  Grimm.  The  latter,  however,  would  join  ^e0'  opKotv  with  Se^tod-- 
OcCi-  Keil  defends  the  text.  rec.  The  plural  Scfids  is  elsewhere  used  of  one  person  (xi.  26,  xii.  12 ;  1  Mace.  xi.  50,  62), 
and  the  other  reading  gives  an  unusual  meaning  to  {efiaojfleis,  might  easily  have  arisen  from  a  combination  of  two 
readings,  besides  —  if  Grimm's  rendering  is  adopted  —  bringing  an  unnatural  thought  into  the  text.)  »  were.  '»  of. 
"  whom.  *-  he  shut  up  (wapefcAeio-cx' ;  other  Codd.,  naiiKKeitTzv  ;  Old  Lat.,  peremit;  Syr.,  interfecit.    See  Com.). 

'8  of.  '*  ou(c  atSetrflels  to  5iicatoi'. 

Vers.  35,  36.  — ^^  A.  V. :  the  which.  '^  the  J.  ^^  took  great.  ^8  [^^eiva^ov.  The  verb  is  used  in  the  sense  of 
letvbi^  <ii€p€t.v.)  i»  much  grieved  for.  M  was  come  again.  -'  about  (jcara.  Cf.  ver.  30).  =2  and  cfrtatn  q/" the 
Greeks  that  abhorred  the  fact  also.        ^  was  slain  without  cause  (lit.,  contrary  to  expectation). 

Vera.  37,  33. —"  A.  v. :  sober  and  modest  behaviour  (see  Com.).  »  kindled.  =»  Andronicus  Ws.  "him. 

M  that.  »  had  committed.        '"  (For  iwtKooiiriae,  19.  62.  64.  Aid.  Syr.,  intKreiye  ;  Old  Lat.,>K*e(  ....  vitaprivari. 

Cf.  Com.)        8^  cursed  murderer.    Thus  ....  rewarded  him  his  ....  as  he  had. 

Vers.  39,  40,  —  3=  A.  V. :  Now  when  many  sacrileges  (see  ver.  42)  had  been.  33  in  (Kara.    The  proceeds  were  sold 

in  different  places).  ^  being.  »  ({la^eptofloi ,  to  be  borne  oft  different  ways.)  '«  Whereupon.  "  ^itrcyctpo- 
(leVto.',  stirred  vp,  excited  hostilely.)  »«  (See  Com.)  3"  (23.  adds  TvpaiTOV.     This  word  is  read  alone  by  the  text. 

•tc.  Codd.  nl.  55.  74.  106.  Co.  read  as  the  A.  V.,  which,  as  the  more  unusual,  is  likely  to  be  the  correct  reading.) 
*t>  the  leader.        ♦^  omits  also. 

Vers.  41-43.  — «  A.  V. :  They  then  seeing.  "  attempt  (of.  v.  5).  "  some  oluba  (fuXuv  naxn),  others  taking 

"  omits  and.  <"  ((f)vp6i)V,  mixedly,  in  a  confused  mass.)  *'  upon  L.  (eU  rout  irepi  rov  A.),  and  those  that  set  upon 
them  (the  addition  is  found  in  19,  23.  62.  64.  93.  Aid.).  "  Thus,  «  some  they  stroke.  ™  and  all  o/tliem 

t''  but  as  for  the  church.  »3  him  they,  ^  besides,  "  Of.  "  matters  therefore.        »»  ifitrrri  icpiVu 

irp5c. 

Vera.  11  16.      "  A.  V. :  Now.  ■■'"  from  the  .senate  (cf,  i.  10).  ™  now  convicted  (III,,  eiAijuntVo!,    See  Com. 

">  to  give  him  much,        «'  if  he  would  pacify  the  king  towards  him         '■  Whereupon. 

Ver.  47.  — "^  a   V. :  insomuch  that. 


2   MACCABi.ES. 


577 


charged  Menelaus  from  the  accusations,  who  was  the  ^  cause  of  all  the  mischief, 
the "  poor  men,  who,  if  they  had  told  their  cause  even  before  '  Scythians,   would 

48  have  been  discharged  as  *  innocent,  them  he  condemned  to  death.  Therefore  ^ 
they  that  prosecuted  **  the  matter  for  the  city,  and  fur  the  people,  and  for  the  holy 

49  vessels,  suffered  forthwith  the  '  unjust  punishment.  Ou  wliich  account  even  Tyrians,' 
moved  with  hatred  of  the  ^  wiclied  deed,  defrayed  the  expenses  of  a  magnificent 

50  burial  for  them.  But '"  through  the  covetousness  of  them  that  were  in  power  Mene- 
laus remained  in  office,"  increasing  in  wickedness,'"  and  proving  himself  '^  a  great 
traitor  to  his  fellow  citizens. 

Vers.  47,  48.  — 1  A.  v.:  notwithstanding  was.         '&ni.  those.         »  yea  before  the.  *  should  have  been  judged. 

»  Thus.  8  followed  (Fritzsche  adopts  wpoiryop^jaoi/rts,  from  ni.  23.  65.  64.  93.  106.  Aid. ;  tixt.  ree.,  irpooyopoi.). 

'  did  Boon  suffer. 

Vers.  49,  60.  — »  A.  V. :  Wherefore  even  they  of  Tyrus.  •  that.  ^o  caused  them  to  be  honourably  buried.  And 
fo.        1^  stilt  in  anthority  {iirl  t^s  apxis.    Cf.  ver.  10).        '*  malice.        '3  being  («a0eaTais). 


Chapter  IV. 


Ver.  2.  'O/ioedy^s,  of  the  same  nation,  i.  e.,  of 
his  countrymen.  It  is  less  broad,  in  general 
usage,  than  dti6(l>v\os.  Cf.  ver.  10  ;  3  Maec.  iii.  21 ; 
Polyb.,  xi.  19,  3. 

Ver  5.  Both  In  general  and  in  particular, 
Koivfi  Kar'  ISlaf.  The  connection  of  these  words 
is  asyndetic,  and  the  Kai,  of  III.  and  other  MSS. 
is  not  required. 

Ver.  6.  The  results  of  this  appeal  of  Onias  to 
the  king  are  not  here  recorded.  The  matter 
seems  to  liave  been  interrupted,  before  its  con- 
clusion, by  the  death  of  Seleucus  (vers.  7,  33). 
Onias  did  not  return  to  ,Jerus:detn,  but  was  soon 
after  murdered  in  Daphne,  and  Simon  figures  no 
more  iti  the  present  history. 

Ver.  7.  yifTaWdffffdv  rhv  $iop,  i.  e.,  to  give  up 
the  earthly  life  /«  fxchamje  for  the  lite  beyond. 
Seleucus  was  murdered  by  Heliodorus.  a  fact 
which  seems  not  to  have  been  known  to  the  writ- 
er, otherwise,  judging  from  his  usual  course,  he 
would  have  mentioned  it. 

Ver.  8.  The  talents  were,  probably,  Syrian. — 
Some  other  revenue.  He  seems  to  mean  some 
other  than  that  from  the  treasures  of  the  temple. 
According  to  4  Mace.  iv.  17,  it  was  3,660  talents 
that  were  promised  hy  Jason,  a  mistake  that 
might  have  been  easily  made  through  the  repeti- 
tion of  a  figure. 

Ver.  9.  The  sums  mentioned  are  too  great  to 
allow  us  to  suppose  that  a  yearly  payment  is  re- 
ferred to.  So  Keil  against  Griuim.  —  Aid  t^s 
e^outrfaj  auToi;  (for  auToO),  thron^jh  his  own  powt^r, 
i.  e.,  of  his  own  right,  without  the  necessity  of 
conferring  with  the  Jewish  authorities  about  it.  — 
'Eipr)Btav,  of  the  IVISS.,  ai/e  of  youth,  is  doubtless  to 
be  cbaii;_^ed,  with  Grotius,  to  ifpri&elov,  a  place  of 
exerci33  for  youth.  The  force  of  abri^  (for  auraj, 
cf.  VVitier,  ]>.  i5l  f.)  is  for  his  own  pitrposr:s.  witli 
the  privilege  of  putting  it  to  such  uses  as  he 
pleased.  The  following  clause,  rois  iv  'Upo(To\v- 
10. J  'AvTiox^^s  a.vaypaiiia.1,  is  diiJerently  interpreted. 
But  it  seems  best,  with  most  critics,  to  make  'Ai/- 
Tioxf's  the  accusative  in  the  predicate,  and  trans- 
late as  above.  The  expression  "  those  in  Jerusa- 
lem "  is  meant,  apparently,  to  distinguish  the  in- 
.  habitants  of  the  city  from  the  .Jews  of  the  disper- 
sion. One  of  the  chief  privileges  which  Jason 
would  be  :ible  to  confer  with  the  civil  ris^hts  of 
an  Autiochiati,  would  be  that  of  participating,  on 
equal  terms,  in  the  Grecian  games. 

Ver.  10.  Rule,  apxvi-  It  refers  to  the  office 
of  high  priest,  which  at  this  time  was  an  oflice  of 
great  political  significance. 


Ver.  11.  John,  the  father  of  Eupolemus. 
Cf.  1  Mace.  viii.  17  ff.  It  was  Eupolemus  who 
made  this  embassage,  and  not  John,  as  Keerl  sup- 
poses {Die  Apok.  d.  A.  T.,  Leipz.,  1852,  p.  74). 
He  was  accompanied  on  this  errand  by  Jason, 
son  of  Eleazer. —  Governments  (A.  V.),  izoKmias. 
Rather,  civil  polity.  The  word  refers  first  to  the 
relation  in  which  a  citizen  stands,  to  the  state, 
citizenship  (Herod,  ix.  34) ;  (2)  to  the  life  and  busi- 
ness of  a  statesman,  and  so  (jovernment  administra- 
tion, as  given  by  the  A.  V.  ;  and  (3)  cicil  polity, 
the  condition  of  a  state,  which  seems  to  be  the 
meaning  intended  here. 

Ver.  12.  Under  the  citadel  (t^v  a.Kp6iro\iv}. 
He  sought  to  bring  into  contempt  the  place  held 
in  so  great  reverence  by  the  Jews.  —  Under  a  hat, 
uirb  neraaoy.  The  hat  here  meant  was  the  so- 
called  "  hat  of  Hermes,"  the  patron  of  the  gymna- 
sium, which  was  provided  with  a  broad  brim  for 
protection  against  sun  and  rain  during  exercise. 
It  was  a  sign  of  subjection  to  Greek  customs  to 
wear  such  a  hat.  Inasmuch  as  the  ]>recediug  utto- 
TafftTuv  is  wanting  in  Cud.  23.  and  virh  iriraffov  is 
not  found  in  Cod.  93.,  it  was  conjectured  by 
Schleusner  (Lex.,  s.  v.),  that  the  former  word  got 
into  the  text  through  mistake,  being  made  up 
from  the  other  two  words,  according  to  which  the 
rendering  would  be  and  brought  them  undfr  a  hat, 
i.  e.,  subjected  them  to  Grecian  customs.  But  the 
Syriac  has  the  former  word  reading  :  "  siihjecit  et 
sub  mensuram  traduxit,"  and  there  is  little  doubt  of 
its  having  had  a  place  in  the  original.  The  best 
recent  critics  make  uirh  tt^tcutov  immediately  de- 
pendent on  viroTaarruv,  as  above,  which  is  gram- 
matically to  be  jn'eferrcd. 

Ver.  14.  Representation.  The  Greek  word  is 
Xopnyla,  and  it  refers  originally  to  the  representa- 
tions of  a  cbuir ;  then  to  any  similar  representation. 
— There  could  hardly  be  given  a  more  vivid  picture 
of  the  intense  interest  and  fascination  which  cen- 
tered in  these  Grecian  games  than  is  here  found. — 
The  discus  is  but  another  name  for  our  quoit.  As 
the  term  indicates,  it  was  circular  in  form.  It 
was  made  generally  of  metal  and  was  often  of 
great  weight.  There  seems  to  have  been  some 
signal  given  for  the  beginning  of  these  public  con- 
tests of  strength  and  skUl. 

Ver.  15.  Ancestral  honors.  This  probably 
refers  to  their  dignity  as  the  chosen  people  of  God, 
and,  as  the  conte.xt  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  espe- 
cially to  the  offices  of  priest,  elder,  and  scribe,  aa 
well  as  to  the  rewards  in  general  of  obedience  to 
the  law.  —  The  Grecian  distinctions.    The  allu 


578 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


eion  is  to  the  various  rewards  acd  prizes,  which 
were  conferred  in  connection  with  the  athletic  and 
other  contests,  as  also  to  the  civil  and  military 
offices  in  their  gift. 

Ver.  1 8.  Every  fifth  year.  They  really  took 
place  every  fourth  year,  like  the  Olympic  games, 
of  which  they  were  a  probnhle  imitation;  but  it  is 
said  to  have  been  every  fifth  year,  because  both 
the  years  in  which  the  games  took  place  are  in- 
cluded.—  Fritzsche  would  insert,  \\'iih  Cod.  III., 
and  other  authorities,  as  above,  is  bi'fore  0.^6,  "as 
from  Jerusalem,"  i.  e.,  as  representatives  of  Jeru- 
salem, although  real  Antiochians.  But  the  sequel 
shows  thiit  they  were  actually  fair  representatives 
of  Jerusalem.  Their  consciences  would  not  allow 
them,  although  they  had  become  in  most  re- 
spects, as  it  would  seem,  pretty  thoroughly  Hel- 
lenized,  to  go  as  far  as  Jason  had  exjjected  and 
desired.  The  us  is  probably  a  correction  from  a 
later  hand. 

Ver.  19.  Messengers,  Beapovs.  The  word 
means  spectators.  It  is  used  in  the  classics  as  re- 
ferring to  any  one  who  travels  for  the  sake  of  ob- 
serving men  and  things,  and  to  an  ambassador 
sent  to  consult  an  oracle,  or  to  present  some  gift 
at  the  public  games.  The  Athenians  sent  fl€a>po7  to 
the  Delphic  Oracle,  and  to  the  four  great  Hellenic 
games.  —  'Who  were  Antiochians.  1  hey  were,  it 
■would  seem,  simply  persons  who  had  received  the 
right  of  citizenship  as  Antiochians,  otherwise  their 
qualms  of  conscience  touching  the  gifts  to  Hercu- 
les would  be  difficult  to  explain.  —  Three  hundred 
drachmas.  The  sum  is  so  small,  less  thau  fifty 
dollars,  that  a  correction  to  3,300  has  crept  into 
some  of  the  MSS.,  as  also  into  the  Syriac  version. 
It  is  possible  that  the  Attic  drachma  is  meant, 
which  was  of  a  somewhat  higher  value.  The  Attic 
coin  weighed  66  grains  troy,  the  Phoenician,  58i 
grains,  and  the  Ptolemaic,  55  grains.  —  Sacrifice 
of  Hercules,  ('.  e.,  the  festival  of  Hercules  which 
was  celebrated  in  connection  with  these  games, 
and  was  attended  with  sacrifices  to  this  hero. 

Ver.  20.  The  reading  eireatp  for  firentpev  seems 
to  be  clearly  required.  The  expression  wiTmiv 
fis  Ti  means  ioJ'aU  intoand  remain  in  a  thing,  hence 
to  belong  to  it,  to  be  meant  for  it. 

Ver.  21.  (Son)  of  Menestheus.  This  is  said 
to  distinguish  him  from  another  ApoUuuius,  the 
son  of  Thrasseus  (iii.  5, 7  ;  iv.  4).  Cf.  also  Liv.,  xlii. 
6. —  Coronation,  wpcuToKXuria.  The  word  is  used 
in  Matt,  .xxiii.  6,  in  the  sense  of  the  uppermost  seat 
at  table.  The  transition  from  this  meaning,  which 
was  the  more  common  one,  to  that  of  the  Jirst 
place  on  the  th-one,  or  the  enthroning  of  a  king,  was 
very  easy,  and  it  is  likelv  that  such  is  its  meaning 
here,  as  this  event  must  have  taken  place  at  about 
the  present  time.  It  might  mean  also,  a  wedding 
festical.  Luther  read  ■KpuTOKK'fjaia.  and  translated 
by,  erslen  L'eithst<ig,  Jirst  imperial  diet.  Philo- 
metor  a.'^siimed  the  government  in  the  fourteenth 
year  of  his  age  (n.  c.  173),  having  been  previously 
•under  the  guardianship  of  his  mother  Cleopatra, 
sister  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  after  her  death, 
of  Eulteiis  and  I,en;eus.  —  Took  thought  for  his 
own  safety.  He  j)rovided  for  the  safety  of  him- 
self and  kingdom  by  putting  things  in  readiness 
for  ht)stilities  on  the  part  of  Ptolemy  Philometor. 
This  Kgyptian  king  bad  ihc  design  to  win  back 
Ccelesyria,  which  had  been  wrested  from  Egypt 
by  Antiochus  III.,  as  well  as  to  obtain  possession 
of  PhoBiiicia  and  Palestine.  Antiochus,  naturally, 
went  first  to  the  important  liurbor  of  Joppa,  to 
bee  that  it  was  put  in  a  cotiditiou  of  defense,  and 
from  thence  to  Jerusalem. 


Ver.  23.  Three  years  afterward,  namely 
from  the  beginning  of  Jason's  high  priesthood,  B. 
0.  174-171.  —  Menelaus.  According  to  Josephus 
{Antig.,  xii.  5,  §  1  ;  cf.  xv.  3,  §  1  ;  xix.  6,  §  2),  he 
was  the  brother  of  Jason.  But  our  book  seems  at 
this  point  to  be  tolerably  trustworthy.  Cf .  Schiirer, 
]Ventest.  Zeitgeschichte,  p.  75. 

Ver.  24.  Tw  Trpoadnrcp  ttjs  f^ovaias  =  with  the 
appearance  of  power,  i.  e.,  with  the  mien  of  one 
who  had  great  influence.  The  king  felt  flattered 
by  the  attentions  of  such  a  man.  —  Got,  ko-tt^v- 
Tr)ae.  Used  thus  transitively,  it  is  said,  only 
here. 

Ver.  25.  The  fury  ....  the  rage,  Bv^oht 
.  .  .  .  opyds.  The  foimer  word  is  used  in  Plato, 
Thucydides,  and  the  later  Greek,  widely,  for  the 
ebullition  of  wrath  and  excitement  of  spirit  in 
general.  It  is  used  with  opyli  in  Kom.  ii.  8;  Eph. 
iv.  31  ;  Col.  iii.  8;  Pev.  xvi.  19.  The  former  word 
denotes  the  inward  excitement,  the  second  the 
outward  manifestation  of  it.  Cf.  Cremer's  Lex., 
s.  p. 

Ver.  29.  Sostratus  was  summoned  before  the 
king,  because  he  had  not  compelled  Menelaus  to 
pay  the  money.  —  Governor  of  the  Cyprians. 
Inasmuch  aa  Cyprus  at  this  time  was  not  in  the  pos- 
session of  Antiochus,  it  is  thought  that  this  must 
mean  that  Crates  had  been  at  an  earlier  period, 
or  became  at  a  later  period  governor  of  this  isl- 
and. Menelaus  returned  to  Jerusalem  after  a 
short  time,  as  it  appears  later  in  the  history,  and 
resumed  the  duties  of  his  office.  He  seems  not  to 
have  seen  Antiochus,  but  only  his  representative 
Andronicus.  And  it  is  probable  that  he  induced 
him  through  bribes  to  espouse  his  cause,  even  to 
the  extent  of  putting  to  death  the  former  high 
priest,  Onias. 

Ver.  30.  Mallus.  A  city  of  Cilicia,  on  the  Medi- 
terranean, at  the  mouth  of  the  Pyramus,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Tarsus.  —  As  a  present,  fv  Sof 
pfd.  hit.  in  the  nature  of  a  gif,<:L  \  Cur.n.7,  €v  fjva- 
TTiptiji.  It  was  an  Asiatic  custom  to  give  away 
cities  and  lands  as  dower.  But  these  cities  may 
have  considered  it  as  a  stain  upon  their  honor, 
that  they  should  be  bestowed  ou  one  of  the  mis- 
tresses of  Antiochus. 

Ver.  32.  He  probably  intended  to  use  the 
money  thus  obtained  to  discharge  his  indebtedness 
to  the  king. 

Ver.  33.  It  also  {xai).  The  word  "also" 
which  the  A.  V.  has  not  noticed,  means  here,  in 
addition  to  the  other  wicked  deeds  of  Menelaus. 
—  Of  a  surety.  He  would  not  act  upon  uncer- 
tainties ;  ueithei'  would  he  act  rashly  and  expose 
his  (jwu  life  needlessly.  —  Daphne.  It  was  prop- 
erly a  part  of  Antioch,  lying  in  its  immediate  vi- 
cinity, though  on  the  o|i]iositi"  side  of  the  Orontes. 
Its  importance  can  be  judged  from  the  fact  that 
Antioch  itself  was  called  "  the  Antloeh  near 
Daphne"  to  distinguish  it  from  nine  other  cities 
of  the  same  name.  Why  Onias,  a  Jew  and  for- 
mer high  priest,  should  take  refuge  in  this  hea- 
then sanctuary.  It  is  not  easy  to  understand. 

Ver.  34.  Put  him  out  of  the  way,  irapcKKtt- 
(Tiv.  The  word  means,  to  shut  out.  Cf.  Herod, 
vl.  60  :  "  And  other  people  cannot  take  advan- 
tage of  the  loudness  of  their  voice  to  come  into 
the  profession  and  shut  out  {iTapaK\7itov<rt)  the 
herald's  sons."  The  idea  here  is  that  Onias  was 
excluded  from  the  rights  of  an  asylum,  i.  e.,  wag 
put  to  death.  Asulo  statiut  exclusit  seclusumque  in 
custodiajn  conjecit  ibique  trucidavit.  Wahl's  Clavis 
s.  V.  This  is  supposed  to  be  the  only  place  where 
the  verb  is  used  in  this  sense. 


2  MACCABEES. 


679 


Ver.  36.  Complained,  ^yer^x'"'*''-  The  con- 
text alone  supplies  the  idea  that  they  went  to  him 
with  a  complaint. 

Ver.  37.  The  word  awippoffvvr}  refers  to  so- 
briety in  a  moral  sense,  by  which  the  lower  pas- 
sions were  kept  in  check,  and  €UTa{/a  to  its  result 
in  moral  purity,  correct  conduct.  The  reported 
weeping  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  must  be  re- 
garded eitlier  as  something  that  was  put  on  for 
popular  effect,  or  as  something  that  had  no  real 
basis  in  fact.  Nothing  that  we  know  of  him  would 
lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  felt,  or  could  feel,  any 
such  regard  for  Onias,  as  it  is  here  rei)re.-iented 
that  he  felt. 

Ver.  38.  Andronicus  had,  perhaps,  the  right 
to  wear  purple  as  a  representative  of  the  king ;  or, 
it  was  a  dignity  that  for  some  other  reason  had 
been  conferred  upon  him.  —  There  slew.  Since 
at  V.  25  we  read  again  of  a  certain  Andronicus 
some  would  render  the  word  aTrcniJtr^uria-e  in  the 
sense,  tooJ^  away  his  garments,  the  symbols  of  his 
rank.  But  this  had  already  been  done.  The 
word  must  mean  here,  to  put  out  of  the  way,  out  of 


•Me  world.  Cf.  Horn.,  Odys.,  vii.  232,  where  it  is 
used  with  the  meaning  to  remove.  The  name  An- 
dronicus was  a  common  one. 

Ver.  39.  Abroad,  i.  c,  outside  of  the  city,  where 
the  Hellenizing  customs  were  less  known  and  less 
popular. 

Ver.  40.  Began  first  to  offer  violence,  Kar-fjp' 
JaTo  x^'P'^''  aSlKwy.  Grimm  would  translate : 
"  Machte  mit  Gewa/tthat  den  An/any,"  "  made  the 
begiuning  with  violence ;  "  Keil,  "  began  unright- 
eous dealing  ;  "  De  Wette,  "  used  unjust  force ;  " 
Wahl,  "  Manihus  injustis  uti  ccepit." 

Ver.  41.  Lysimaehus  was  not  himself  with 
the  armed  force,  its  leader  being  Auranus. 

Ver.  45.  AeAeifi/jieyos.  The  word  is  used  in  the 
sense  that  he  had  nothing  whatever  to  offer  in 
proof  of  his  innocence,  and  hence,  as  we  are  ac- 
customed to  say,  was  "  without  a  case  "  in  court. 
—  Ptolemy.     Cf.  1   Mace.  iii.  38. 

Ver.  47.  Before  Scythians.  Cf.  Cicero's  ora- 
tion against  Verres  (ii.  5,  58):  "Si  hcec  apud 
Scythas  dicerem  ....  tamen  animos  etiam  barba- 
rorum  hominum  permoverem." 


Chapter  V. 


1  About  this  ^  time  Antiochus  undertook  his  second  campaign  ^  into  Egypt.     And 

2  it  came  to  pass,'  that  through  all  the  city,  for  almost  *  forty  days,  there  were  seen 
horsemen   running  through   the   air,  having   clothing   interwoven  with  ^   gold,  and 

3  armed  with  lances,  like  squadrons,''  aud  troops  of  horsemen  in  array,  and  attacks 
taking  place,  and  assaults  on  both  .sides,  and  movements  '  of  shields,  and  a  *  multi- 
tude of  pikes,  and  drawing  of  swords,  and  casting  of  darts,  and  glittering  of  golden 

4  ornaments,  and  armor  ^  of  all  sorts.     Wherefore  every  tnan  prayed  that  the  mani- 

5  festation  might  betoken  ^°  good.  And  when  there  arose  '^  a  false  rumor,  as  though 
Antiochus  had  died,'-  Jason  took  not  less  than  '^  a  thousand  me?i,  and  suddenly 
made  an  assault  upon  the  city  ;  and  they  that  were  upon  the  walls  being  driven  off,'* 

6  and  the  city  at  length  already  '*  taken,  Menelaus  fled  into  the  citadel.'*  But  Jason 
made  a  slaughter  of  "  his  own  fellow  "  citizens  without  mercy,  not  considering  that 
to  gain  the  day  against  those  akin  were  a  most  unhappy  day,"  but  fancying  that^ 

7  they  were  '^'  enemies,  and  not  "  countrymen,  from  -'  whom  he  won  trophies.**  But 
while  ■■'^  he  obtained  not  the  rule,  he  did  receive  shame  as  the  result  of  his  "*  treason, 

6  and  fled  again  "  into  the  country  of  the  Ammonites.  Now  he  reached  the  end  of 
his  evil  course.-*  Being  accused''^  before  Aretas,  the  king*"  of  the  Arabians,  fleeing 
from  city  to  city,  pursued  by  ^'  all  men,  and '-  hated  as  an  apostate  from'^  the  laws, 
and  being  held  ^*  in  abomination  as  executioner  ^°  of  his  fatherland  and  fellow  citi- 

9  zens,''^  he  was  cast  out ''  into  Egypt.  And  '*  he  that  had  banished  many  from  their 
fatherland  ^'^  perished  in  a  strange  land,  retiring  to  the  Lacedemonians,  as  though  ■•" 

Verp.  1,  2.  —  2  \_  V. ;  the  same.  2  prepared  hij  Mecond  voyage.  ^  [/ign  it  happened-  *  the  space,  almost  of. 

•  in  the  air  {Fritz.-iche  receives  5ta  twi/ aepwi/ from  III.  23.  44.  55.  at.;  text.  Tec,  6ia  toO  ae'pos.  By  the  former,  the 
serial  spaces  are  referred  to,  and  it  seems  to  be  the  correct  reading),  in  cloth  of.        «  a  band  of  soldiers  (it  is  not  clear). 

Vers  3,4. — "^  A.  V. :  encountering  and  running  one  against  another,  with  shaking  (plur.,  but  better  rendered  aa 
sing.).         ^  omits  a.,        »  harness.        i*>  (Aar  apparition  might  turn  to  (en-*  yevetrdat.    Codd.  III.  106. 19.  62.  93., 

y€yevi]aOai. .    See  Com.). 

Vers.  5-7.  —  i'  .\.  V. :  Now  .  .  was  gone  forth.  ^^  been  dead.  '3  at  the  least.  1*  put  back  (cf.  Greek  at 
iv.  26,  42).  1^  07«;75  already.  ^'^  castle.  '^  slew.  '8  owit/a  fellow  (cf.  iv.  5,  50).  i9  get  .  .  .  .  of  them  of 
Ais  OH-n  nation  would  be  ....  day  for  him.  20  thinking.  21  had  been  Ats.  22  not  his.  ^  otnits  irom. 

**  conquered  {KaiafidXXeadai,  lit.,  lay  a  foundation.     Grimm  would  read  KaTaAa^e'(^^al).  25  Howbeit  for  all  this. 

28  principality  (cf .  iv.  lU),  but  at  the  last  received  shame  for  the  reward  of  his.  27  Lit.,  departed  Jieeing,  or  as  fu- 

gitive. 

Vers.  8,  9. —  28  ^.  V, ;  In  the  end  therefore  he  had  an  unhappy  return  i_avatn(io^r,<i ;  III.  19.  62.  93.  106.,  KaracrrpcK^iIs. 
But  the  "catastrophe"'  came  earlier).  29  Being  accused  (see  Com.).  3"  (rbf  ....  rvpavvov.)  3i  of. 

82  owi(75  and  (as  III.  62.  74. 106.  Co.).  2a  a  forsaker  of.  34  had.  ss  an  open  enemy  (marg.,  cxccu/ionfr). 

»'  his  country  and  countrymen.  »'  (Fritzsche  receives  i^t^piirBri  from  III  44.  55.  74.  al. ;  ui/i-efe/Spiicrffi),  19.  62.  64 

ftS. ;  text,  fee,  (Tvvefipdtrdrj.)  M  Thus.  2"  driven  many  out  of  their  country  *o  and  chinking  there 


580  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


10  to  find  succor  by  reason  of  kinship.'  And  lie  that  had  cast  out  a  multitude  ^  un 
buried  had  none  to  mourn  for  him,  and  was  honored  with  no  funeral  of  any  sort,* 
nor  a  *  sepulchre  with  Ms  fathers. 

11  But^  when  this  that  had  taken  place  '  came  to '  the  king's  ear,  he  thought  that 
Judiea  had  revolted  ;  wherefore  ^  removing  out  of  Egypt  in  a  furious  mood,'  he 

12  took  the  city  by  force  of  arms.  And  he  '"  commanded  his  soldiers  to  put  to  death 
without  mercy  such  as  fell  in  their  way,"  and  to  slay  such  as  went  up  upon  the 

13  houses.    And  '^  there  was  killing  of  young  and  old,  and  '^  making  away  with  '*  men, 

14  and  '^  women,  and  children,  and  slaying  of  virgins  and  infants.  And  there  were 
lost  in  all  the  three  days  '"  fourscore  thousand,  whereof  forty  thousand  were  slain  in 

15  conflict ; ''  and  no  fewer  were  '*  sold  than  slain.  And''  not  content  with  this,  he 
also  ^°  presumed  to  go  into  the  most  holy  temple  of  all  the  earth,'''  having  ^~  Mene- 
laus,  who  had  become  a  traitor  both  -^  to  the  laws,  and  to  his  fatlierland,  as  ^*  guide  ; 

16  and  he  took^°  the  holy  vessels  with  polluted  hands,  and  with  profane  hands  dragged 
around  "^  the  things  that  were  dedicated  by  other  kings  to  augment  the  glory  and 

17  honor  of  the  place.'''  And  Antiochus  was  lifted  up^*  in  mind,  considering'''  not  that 
the  Lord  ^°  was  angry  for  a  while  ^'  for  the  sins  of  them  that  dwelt  in  the  city,  and 

18  therefore  his  eye  was  not  upon  the  place.^'  But  ^  had  they  not  been  before  en- 
tangled ^''  in  many  sins,  this  man,  on  pressing  forward,^^  had  forthwith  been  scourged 
and  turned  ^^  back  from  his  presumption,  as  Ileliodorus  was,  whom  Seleucus  the 

19  king  sent  to  view  the  treasury.     But  ^'  God  did  not  choose  the  nation^*  for  the 

20  place's  sake,  but  the  place  for  the  nation's  ^'  sake.  Therefore  also  *"  the  place  it- 
self, that  was  partaker  with  them  of  the  adversities  *'  that  happened  to  the  nation, 
did  afterwards,  through  the  Lord,  participate  *~  in  the  benefits  ;  *'  and  as  it  was  for- 
saken in  the  wrath  of  the  Almighty,  so  again,  the  great  Lord  being  reconciled,  it 
was  set  up  with  all  glory. 

21  When  now  "Antiochus  had  carried  out  of  the  temple  a  thousand  and  eight  hun- 
dred talents,  he  departed  in  all  haste  unto  "  Antiochia,  thinking  *^  in  his  pride  to 
make  the  land  navigable,  and  the  sea  passable  by  foot ;  such  was  the  loftiness  *'  of 

22  his  heart.'"  And  he  left  also  prefects  to  misuse  *'  the  nation  :  at  Jerusalem,  Philip, 
as  to  his  race  ^°  a  Phrygian,  and  as  to  his  *'  manners  being  more  barbarous  than  he 

23  that  appointed  him  ;  ^-  and  at  Garizin,'^  Andronicus  ;  and  besides,  Menelaus,  who 
worse  than  the  others,  treated  insolently  his  fellow  citizens.    And  cherishing  a  hos- 

24  tile  feeling  toward  the  Jews,^''  he  sent  also  that  chief  of  evil  doers,^°  Apollonius, 
with  an  army  of  two  and  twenty  thousand,  commanding  him  to  slay  all  those  that 

'2o  were  in  the  prime  of  life,  but  ^*  to  sell  the  women  and  younger  persons.^'     And  this 

Ver.  9.—"  A.  V.  :  liis  kimtrcd. 

Vers.  10-12. — 2  a.  V.  :  many.  3  nor  any  solemn  funerals  at  all.  *  omits  Si,  ^  Now.  ^  was  done.  ^  {irpoff- 
nfaivTuiv.    Of.  Till.  12,  for  a  similar  usage.)  ^  whereupon.  ^  mind  (lit.,  animalized  in  soul,  i.  e.,  with  tho 

rage  of  a  wild  beast).        ^^  omits  he.        ■>  kis  men  of  war  not  to  spare  such  as  they  met. 

Vers.  13-15.  —  *2  x.  V. ;  Thus.  '■'*  om(75  and.  "of.  ^^  omits  Audi.  i*^  destroyed  (cf.  following)  within  (A* 
space  o/three  whole  days  (lit.,  i7i  three  days  in  alt,  i.  e.,  in  not  more  than  three  days).  ^^  the  conflict  (see  Com.), 

JS  o-mits  were.  i'-'  Yet  was  he  (xat,  at  the  beginning,  is  omitted  by  III.  23.  44.  71.  al.).  20  but  (Se  before  toutoi?  is 
omitted  by  62.  64.  93.).        21  world.         -2  omits  having.        ^  that  traitor.        24  hig  own  country,  being  his. 

Vers.  16,  17.  — ^.'i  x.  V. :  taking.  ^r,  pulling  down  {uvaavpmv).  27  the  augmentation  and  (by  heudiadys  for,  to 

lugment  tkf)  ....  place,  he  gave  them  away  (Fritzsche  and  Keil,  with  Grimm,  would  strike  out  irreSiSov.  It  is  wani- 
ng in  III.  23.  44.  52.  ^6.  al.  If  retained,  it  should  be  rendered,  delivered  over,  i.  e.,  to  be  carried  off).  -^  so  haughty 
vas  A.  2fl  that  he  considered.  3"  ^eo-Tronj?.    So  at  ver.  20,  vi.  14,  ix.  13,  and  often  in  the  Apoc.  3i  ppa^eu^f 

e.,  a  short  time.  22  Lit.,  therefore  hod  happened  his  overlooking  of  the  place. 

Vers.  18-20.  — -^  A.  V. ;  For.  ■'*  formerly  wrapped  (more  lit.,  *'  But  if  it  had  not  come  to  pass  that  they  wera 

before  entangled '■).  ^r,  as  soon  as  he  had  come.  ^o  put.  3'  Nevertheless.  S8  people.  s^  people's. 

*o  And  therefore.  *'  (SuCT-TTenj^tdToji/,  a  rare  word,  derived  from  6vs  and  jrir^w. )  *2  communicate.  *3  benefits 
sent  frnni  the  Lord  (if  the  words  11,70  toO  Kvftiov  are  to  be  retained  —  they  are  rejected  by  Fritzsche,  with  III.  44.  52.  55. 
56.  al.  Old  l.at. —  they  should  be  connected,  as  just  before,  with  eKOivuivi^ae,  showing  the  person  by  whom  the  matter 
is  brought  about). 

Vers.  21,  22-  — **  A.  V.  :  So  when.  *•'■  into.  *'^  weening  (obs.  in  prose).  *^  such  was  the  haughtiness  (5ta 

tov  tkeretapitriiov.    It  limits  0e'(r0oc).  *8  niind.         *»  governors  to  vex.         «  for  Aw  country.  ''•for.  ^2  get 

him  there. 

Vers.  23,  24  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Garizim  (I  give  the  form  according  to  the  Greek.  Cf.  Com.),  "  all  the  rest  bare  a  heavy 
hand  over  the  citizens,  having  (fie.  Cf.  AViner,  p.  443)  a  malicious  mind  against  {vTrepaipecrBai,  with  dat.  only  here)  At> 
countrymen  the  .lews  (Toi>9  TroXiVas  "louSaiov;.  It  seems  to  mean  simply  "  Jews,"  like  atnjp  'loufiaroy  at  1  Mace.  ii.  23, 
ft  fiassim.  The  .lewish  fellow  citizens  are  distinguished  from  others  who  were  not  Jews.  See  preceding  line. 
•0  rAa/ detestable  ringleader  (toi' /luo-apxTji'.     Some  would  render  (who  had  been)  "  governor  of  Mysia  ").  ^  tbeiy 

b«fltftge  (see  Co7n.),and.        ''^  the  (so  111.  106.  al.)  younger  <or(. 


2   MACCABEES. 


581 


man  '  coming  to  Jerusalem,  and  pretending  peace,  did  forbear  till  the  holy  day  of 
the  sabbath  ;  and  ^  when  he  found  '  the  Jews  keeping  holy  day,*  he  commanded 
26  his  men  to  arm  themselves.  And  ^  he  slew  all  them  that  had  gone  forth  to  the 
spectacle,^  and  running  into  '  the  city  with  weapons,  laid  low  a  *  great  multitude.* 
But  Judas,  the  Maccabee,'"  with  nine  others,  or  thereabout,  withdrew  himself  into  the 
wilderness, ^^  and  lived  in  the  mountains  after  the  manner  of  beasts,  with  his  com- 
pany ;  and  they  ''^  fed  on  herbs  ^^  continually,  lest  they  should  be  partakers  of  the 
pollution. 


27 


Vers.  25-27.  — •  A.  v.:  who.  2  omto  and.  '  taking  (AaiSiiK.    Of.  LiddeU  and  Scott's  ifx.,  j.  tj.).  <  (apyovi^ 

ro5.)  5  And  so.  ^  were  gone  {k^iKBovroM  ;  III.  106.,  kKB6vTa.%)  to  the  celebrating  of  the  sabbath  (en-l  ttjc  OentpCav. 

Most  suppose  that  this  refers  to  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  in  the  temple,  ©etopt'a  might,  indeed,  mean  a  festiuat  or 
religioits  service.  But  we  should  not  expect  such  a  word  to  be  applied,  by  a  Jew,  to  the  services  of  the  temple.  And 
the  contest  is  also  against  it.  It  wa.s  probably  some  spectacle  in  connection  with  the  army.  So  Keil,  with  Luther, 
Hitzig,  Herzfeld,  and  others).  '  through  (ets).  8  slew.  8  multitudes.  1**  J.  Maccabeufl.  "  (III.  62.  66.  &1. 
omit  the  phrase.)       ^  who.        ^  (xopruSi]  rpoij>ijv  =  vegetable  nourishment.) 

Chaptek  v. 


Ver.  1.  On  the  historical  fact  here  noticed,  cf. 
1  Mace.  i.  17  ff. 

Ver.  2.  Forty  days.  This  wag  a  sacred  and 
symbolical  number  with  the  Jews,  and  next  to 
seven  occurs  oftenest  in  their  history.  Cf.  for 
similar  representations  of  heavenly  portents  pre- 
ceding great  events,  Josephus  (Bell.  Jud.,  vi.  5, 
§  3),  Tacitus  (v.  13). 

Ver.  4.  Might  betoken  gooc?,  ;'.  e.,  be  a  sign 
of  good  to  the  Israelites  in  the  wars,  which  were 
thereby  foreshadowed.  T'lveffdai  4ni  tivi  ^io  come 
to  something^  to  happen  for  somtthing.  The  alter- 
native reading  noted  above,  y^yivriaQai,  is  not  so 
well  fitted  as  the  former  to  express  the  idea  that 
the  prayer  was  made  at  the  same  time  that  the 
vision  appeared,  which  must  be  supposed  to  have 
been  the  case. 

Ver.  7.  We  are  not  informetl  of  the  circum- 
stance by  which  Jason  was  compelled  to  relinquish 
the  prize  which  he  had  almo>t  wiihin  liis  gras]). 
Possibly  it  was  through  the  combined  power  of 
the  citizens,  and  the  Syrian  ti'oops  in  the  castle, 
under  Jlenelaus. 

Ver.  8  With  Fritzsche,  who  places  a  period 
after  tTvxfv,  Keil,  Grotius,  Gaab,  Wahl,  and 
others,  we  translate  as  above,  making  iripat  the 
object  of  the  verb.  This  verb  is  generally  con- 
strued with  the  genitive  of  the  thing,  but  some- 
times also  with  the  accusative.  (;f.  flerod.,  v.  23. 
Grimm,  on  the  other  hand,  would  construe  irepas 
....  avaaTpo<pfii  as  accusative  absolute,  connect- 
ing iTvx^v  with  4yK\eta6eis  I iyKXriBets) .  "As 
it  respects  the  end  of  his  evil  course,  it  happened  that 
he,  complained  of  before  Aretas,Jieein(j  f'oin  city  to 
citij,"  etc.  Keil  proi)erly  objects  to  this  transla- 
tion, that  it  makes  the  punishment  of  Jason  the 
result  of  an  accident  rather  than,  as  the  narrator 
intended,  the  direct  judgment  of  God.  Cf.  vers.  9 
and  10.  The  reading  iyxXrtSds,  complained  of,  ac- 
cused, although  without  the  support  of  the  MSS. 
.s  adopted  by  Grimm  and  Fritzsche,  as  it  had 
been  previously  by  Luther,  Grotius,  De  Wette, 
and  others.  The  common  reading,  however,  in 
the  sense  of  5/j(ti  up,  driven  into  a  corner,  gives  a 


good  sense.  As  Wahl,  Clavis,  s.  v. :  "  In  anguS' 
tias  adigo,  ita  aliquem  persequor,  ut,  quo  se  vertat, 
nesciat."  Jason  may  have  been  put  under  surveil- 
lance by  Aretas  at  the  request  of  Menelaus,  or 
the  Syrian  governor.  A  king  of  the  Nabat^i 
bore  this  name,  **  Aretas,"  as  also  in  later  times, 
the  father-in-law  of  Herod  Antipas.  Cf.  2  Cor. 
xi.  32. 

Ver.  9.  By  reason  of  kinship.  Not  family 
relationship,  but  the  supposed  relationship  of  tha 
Lacedemonians,  in  general,  to  the  Jews.  Cf.  re- 
marks at  1  Mace.  xii.  23. 

Ver.  14.  In  conflict.  "Ev  xe'pw''  yop.aTs,  lit., 
bt/  the  pasturage  {feeding,  raraging)  of  hands.  The 
merciless  bands  of  soldiers  seized  upon  every  one 
and  consigned  them  to  death.  The  number  here 
given  is  generally  thought  to  be  cousiderably  e.'c- 
aggerated.  Cf.  1  Mace.  i.  24.  Josephus  (Antiq., 
xii.  5,  §  4)  gives  the  number  of  prisoners  as 
10,000. 

Ver.  21.  The  sum  mentioned  doubtless  in- 
cludes all  property  taken  from  the  tem|de.  If 
they  were  Hebrew  talents,  it  would  amount  to 
about  three  and  a  quarter  millions  of  dollars  ;  if 
Antiochian,  to  half  as  much. 

Ver.  23.  Garizin  (=  Gerizim).  The  well-known 
mountain  near  Syehem,  which  lay  over  .tgainst 
Ebal.  Un  it  the  Samaritans  had  built  their  tem- 
ple. This  place  is  particularly  raeutiuned,  prob- 
ably, as  being  the  centre  of  the  Samaritan  iuflu- 
enee.  Cf .  Joseph.,  Antiq.,  xii.  5,  §  5.  —  Grimm  and 
Buuseu's  Bibelwerk,  following  the  Vulgate,  .Syriac, 
Luther,  Tlieodoret,  and  a  few  MSS.,  would  con- 
nect the  last  clause  of  this  verse,  and  cherisliinq  a 
hostile  feeling,  etc.,  with  the  ne.xt  verse,  as  referring 
to  Antiochus  and  as  being  the  motive  why  he  sent 
A]3ollonius  into  .Judsea. 

Ver.  'H.  In  the  prime  of  life,  namely,  all 
adults  capable  of  bearing  arms.  The  Apollonius 
here  mentioned  is  the  chief  collector  of  taxes  re- 
ferred to  in  1  Mace.  i.  29. 

Ver.  2t>.  Till  the  holy  day  of  the  sabbath. 
He  knew  well  that  on  this  day  they  would  offer 
no  resistance.  —  Cf.  1  Mace.  ii.  34. 


582  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  VI. 

1  Not  long  after  this  the  king  sent  an  old  Athenian  *  to  compel  the  Jews  to  de- 

2  part  '^  from  ^  the  laws  of  their  fathers,  and  not  to  live  ^  after  the  laws  of  God  ;  and 
to  pollute  also  the  temple  ^  in  Jerusalem,  and  to  call  it  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olym- 
pius  ;  and  that  in  Garizin,*  of  Jupiter  the  Defender  of  Strangers,'  as  they  indeed 

3  were,*  that  dwelt  in  the  place.     But'  the  inroad  of  the  evil  ^°  was  sore  and  grievous 

4  even  ''  to  the  people.'-  For  the  temple  was  filled  with  riot  and  revelling  by  the 
Gentiles,  who  dallied  with  harlots,  and  had  to  do  with  women  in  the  forecourts  of 

5  the  tem|)le,'^  and  besides,"  brought  in  '^  things  that  were  not  fitting.'^     The  altar 

6  also  was  tilled  with  profane  things,  which  the  law  forbiddeth.  And  "  it  was  permitted 
neither'*  to  keep  sabbath  days  or  celebrate  ancestral  '^  feasts,  or  simply  to  acknowl- 

7  edge  one's  self  ™  to  be  a  Jew.  And  on  -'  the  day  of  the  king's  birth,  every  month, 
they  were  brought  by  bitter  constraint  to  eat  of  the  sacrifices  ;  '■'-  and  when  the  feast 
of  Bacchus  was  kept,  they  ^  were  compelled  to  go  in  procession  in  honor  of  Bac- 

8  chus,  crowned  with  '^*  ivy.  Moreover  there  went  out  a  decree  to  the  neighboring 
Greek  cities,  at  '^  the  suggestion  of  Ptolemy,^^  to  pursue  the  same  course  against 

9  the  .lews,  and  compel  them  to  eat  of  the  sacrifices  ;  and  that  those  who  preferred  not 
to  go  over  to  Hellenism "'  should  be  put  to  death.     Then  could  one  see  ^*  the  pres- 

10  ent  misery.  For  there  were  two  women  brought  forward,^'  who  had  circumcised 
their  ^  children  ;  and  these,  having  *'  openly  led  them  ^"^  round  about  the  city,  the 

11  babes  hanging  at  their  breasts,  they  cast*'^  down  headlong  from  the  wall.  And 
others,  tliat  had  run  together  into  the  ^*  caves  near  by,  to  keep  the  sabbath  ^^  day 
secretly,  being  discovered  to  Philip,  were  burnt  ^°  together,  because  they  had  scru- 
ples against  defending  themselves  on  account  of  the  glory  of  the  most  sacred 
day. 

12  Now  I  beseech  those  that  read  this  book,  that  they  be  not  discouraged  because  of 
these  adversities,  but  consider  that  the  *'  punishments  were  not  ^  for  destruction, 

13  but  for  chastening*"  our  nation.  For,  indeed,^'  it  is  a  token  of  great*''  goodness, 
when  the  godless  ^  are  not  suffered  a  **  long  time,  but  are  ''^  forthwith  punished. 

14  For  not  as  with  the  *^  other  nations,  whom  the  Lord  patiently  forbeareth  to  punish, 
till  they  have  "  come  to  the  fullness  of  their  sins,  hath  he  determined  to  deal  ■**  with 

15  us,  lest  that,  having*'  come  to  the  height  of  our  sins,  he  afterwards  take^"  ven- 

16  geance  on  ^'  us.     Therefore  °''  he  never  withdraweth  his^'  mercy  from  us  ;    but 

Vers.  1,  2.  —  1  A.  V  :  man  of  Athens.  =  (Lit.,  to  go  ovtr.)  3  from  (Fritzsche  adopts  ini  from  III.  19.  33.  44.  55. 
%\. ;  text,  rec,  €k).  *  (n-oAtTeveu^oi.  Lit.,  to  be  a  citizen,  then  to  live  as  citizen  in  a  state,  but  in  Philo,  Josephus,  and 
Bib.  Greel£,  as  here.)  ^  (fije  Attic  form,  toi-  vtiiv,  is  here  founJ.     CI.  also  ix.  16,  x.  3,  6.)  «  Qarizim  (cf.  v.  23) 

'  (^ei-i'ov,  i.  e.,  hospitalis,    Josephus,  Antiq.,  xii.  6,  §  5,  names  this  temple,  improperly,  Zey«  'EAAijvios.)        ^  did  desire 
[iTuyxavov.     It  often  stands  for  the  copula,  although  properly  the  latter  is  to  be  understood  with  it). 

Vers.  3,  4.  —  **  A.  V.  :  omits  But.  ^^  coming  in  (text,  rec,  enitrraa-i^.  Fritzsche  would  adopt  from  19.  106.,  ejriTacns. 
The  latter  was  used  for  the  part  of  a  play  where  the  plot  thickens,  as  opposed  to  n-piiTacrt?.  Vulg.,  malorum  incursio)  of 
this  mischief.  "  omits  even.  ^-  (o;^Aois,  i.e.,  the  multitude  of  Jews  who  had  given  way  to  the  Hellenizing  ten- 

dencies.) "  within  the  circuit  of  the  holy  places  (7T€pt^o\o«,  the  Greek  designation  of  the  forecourts  of  the  temple, 

xvAac      Cf.  1  Mace.  iv.  38,  48  ;  4  Mace.  iv.  11).  »  besides  that.  lo  (Fritzsche  adopts  fla<f)fp6vTav  from  III.  19.  23 

B5.  al. :  text,  rec.,  omits  prep.)        '8  lawful. 

Vers.  5,  6.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  law  forbiddeth  (tois  aTroSteoTaAMeVois  airb  Ttiyv  vofjiuv  =^  wkicli  were  separated  off  from  the  laws 
It  is  a  rare  expression).  '^  Neither  was  it  lawful  for  a  man.  ^^  or  ancient.  20  or  to  profess  himself  &t  all  (i.  «  , 
to  live  openly  the  life  of  a  Jew). 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  -'  A.  V. :  in.  22  ^^„\  <nrAayxi't<T^oi'  =  (nr>,ayxyii}v  fieToXafietv.)         23  the  Jews  (Fritzsche  strikes  out, 

»fl  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  52  al.  Old  Lat.  Syr.).  "*  to  B.,  carrying  (exovres,  but  I  render  freely,  accoi'ding  to  the 

bvious  sense).        25  neighbouring  cities  of  the  heathen,  by.         26  Ptolemee  (instead  of  IlToAe^iaiwi'  vwoTiBffievuiV  of  the 
ommon    text,   there   is   to   be   read,   with   Grimm,  Fritzsche,  and  Keil,   following  III.   23.  44.   52.   al.,   the   sing.) 
*'  against  the  Jews,  that  they  should  observe  the  same  fashion  (ttjf  ainiqv  aywy'tiv  ....  ayetc),  and  be  partakers  ol 
(Afir  sacrifices ;  and  whoso  would  not  conform  themselves  to  the  manners  of  the  Gentiles.  28  might  a  man  bav« 

eeen. 

Vers.  10,  11.  —  29  A  V. :  omits  forward  (instead  of  avrjvixthjirav.  III.  19.  62.  al.  read  aini\0T|<ra»'.  Lat.,  falsely,  delata 
tunt).        «"  {III.  23.  44.  al.  omit.)         3'  whom  when  they  had.         '•^-  omits  theui.         ^a  cast  them.  "*  omz/s  the 

w  (Lit.,  .^ev^nth.)  S6  all  burnt.  37  theytsi&ia  a  conscience  to  help  (in  the  way  of  defence]  themselves  for  the 

honour  of. 

Vera.  12, 13.  —  ^  A.  V.    for  these  (art.  with  force  of  demon.)  calamities,  but  that  they  judge  those.  *•  not  to  b©. 

"  a  chastening  of.        *i  omits  indeed  (III.  19.  23.  44.  55.  al.,  «al  yap ;  text,  rec,  Kai).        <2  ^,'5  great.        **  wicked  doers. 
•*  any.        *t>  oynits  axe. 

Vers.  14,  15  —  *•>  A.  V.  :  omits  the.  *^  be.  *^  so  dealeth  he.  *"  being.  »  sin,  afterwards  he  shoold  takfr 
•'  of  (instead  of  the  form  eKiixi,  not  used  in  Attic  Greek,  19.  23.  62.  64.  93  offer  KjHqj) 

Ver.  16.  — »2  A.  V  :  And  therefore  «3  m.  0.3.  al.  omit. 


2  MACCABEES.  583 


17  while  disciplining  with  adversity,  he  forsaketh  not  his  own  '  people.  But  let  this 
be  spoken  to  us,  just  for  a  remembrancer  ;  and  after  this  short  digression,  we  must 
come  back  to  the  narrative.^ 

18  Eleazar,  one  of  the  principal  scribes,  a  man  already  advanced  in  life,'  and  of 
most  beautiful  *  countenance,  was    constrained  to  open  °  his  mouth,  and  to  eat 

19  swine's  flesh.    But  he,  enduring  more  willingly  death  with  glory  than  life  with  shame, 

20  came  forward  of  his  own  accord  to  the  torture,  but  not  till  he  had  spit  it  out,^  as 
it  behoveth '  them  to  come  forward  *  that  have  the  resolution  to  ward  off  from  them- 

21  selves  what  is"  not  lawful  for  love  of  life  to  be  tasted.  But  they  that  had  the 
charge  of  the  unlawful  sacrificial  feast,  because  of  theii-  old  acquaintance '°  with  the 
man,  taking  him  aside,  besought  him  to  bring  flesh  of  his  providing,  which  it  was 
permitted  "  him  to  use,  and  make  as  if  he  ate  ^'^  of  the  flesh  taken  from  the  sacrifice 

22  commanded  by  the  king ;  that,  so  ^^  doing,  he  might  be  delivered  from  death,  and 

23  because  of  "  the  old  friendship  with  them,  find  clemency.^''  But  he  taking  a  noble 
resolution,  and  one  worthy  of  his  age,  and  the  dignity  of  his  advanced  years,  and  the 
glory  of  his  acquired  gray  hairs,  and  his  most  praiseworthy  manner  of  life  from 
youth  up,  but  especially  of  the  holy  and  God-given  law,  uttered  himself  accordingly, 

24  saying  straightway,  that  they  slioufd  send  him  to  Hades.'*  For  it  is  ''  not  worthy  of  " 
our  age,  to  "  dissemble,  lest  -"  many  young  persons  thinking  ^'  that  Eleazar,  the  man 

25  of  ninety  years,  has  gone  over  to  heathenism,  also  themselves,  because  of  my  -^  hy- 
pocrisy and  because  of  the  short  and  span-long  life,  should  be  misled  on  my  account, 

26  and  I  assuredly  get  shame  and  disgrace  to  mine  old  age.'^^  For  though  also  **  for 
the  present  time  I  be  '^^  delivered  from  the  punishment  of  men,  yet  shall  '^  I  not  es- 

27  cape  the  hands  ■"  of  the  Almighty,  neitlier  alive,  nor  dead.     Wherefore  now,  man- 

28  fully  exchanging  '^^  this  '^  life,  I  will  show  myself  worthy  of  my  age,  while  leaving 
a  noble  example  to  the'"  young  to  die  willingly  and  nobly  a  happy  death  for  the 
sacred  ^^  and  holy  laws.     And  having  spoken  thus,^^  immediately  he  went  to   the 

29  torture.''^  But  "■'"they  that  led  him  changed'^  the  good  will  they  bore  ""  him  a  little 
before  into  hatred,  because  the  before-mentioned  words,  as  they  thought,  were  mad- 

30  ness."'  But  when  he  was  about  to  die  from  blows,"'  he  groaned,  and  said.  It  is 
manifest  unto  the  Lord,  that  hath  the  holy  knowledge,  that  whereas  I  might  have 
been  delivered  from  death,  I  ^"  endure  sore  pains  in  body  by  being  beaten,  but  in 

31  soul  gladly  *"  suffer  these  things,  because  I  fear  him.  And  thus,  now,*'  this  man 
died,  leaving  his  death  for  an  example  of  nobility,*-  and  a  memorial  of  virtue,  not 
only  to  the  young,  but  also  to  the  majority  of  the  *"  nation. 

Vera.  16, 17.  —  ^  A.V.:  and  though  he  punish  with  adversity,  yet  doth  he  never  forsake  his.  ^  that  we  have 

spoken  [ravQ'  i}^l.lv  eipria^ia)  be  for  a  warning  unto  us.  And  now  will  we  come  to  the  declaring  of  the  matter  in  few 
words  (on  6t'  6\iytiiv,  cf.  Wahl,  s.  i'.,  and  Winer,  p.  380). 

Vers.  18,  19-  — ^  A.  V. :  an  aged  man.  *  a  well  favoured  (Fritzgche  omits  Tvyxavoyv  after  KoAAtaros,  as  wanting  in 
ni.  23.  44.  oo.  71.  al.).  b  ii„a.xai:iiv  is  omitted  by  19.  23.  52.  62.  64.  93.)  «  choosing  rather  to  die  gloriously, 

than  to  live  stained  with  such  an  abomination,  spit  it  forth,  and  came  of  his  .  .      .  torment. 

Vers.  20,  21.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  behoved  ^  come.  *  are  resolute  to  stand  out  {afLvveirOai ;  III.  55.  93. 106.,  a^u- 

va(T0ai)  against  such  things,  as  are  ^^  that  wicked  feast  for  the  they  had.  **  own  provision,  such  as  wtu 

lawful  for.        '-'  did  eat. 

Vers.  22,  23.  —  '^  A.  V.  :  in  so  '*  for.  ^^  favour.  ^^  began  to  consider  discreetly,  and  as  became  his  age, 

and  the  excellency  of  his  ancient  years,  and  the  honour  of  his  gray  head,  whereunto  he  was  come  {I  render  freely,  ac- 
cording to  the  .^ense),  and  his  most  hooe.^t  education  (Fritzsche,  with  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others,  receives  ai/aoTpoi^TJs  from 
III.  52.  55.  62.  64.  Old  Lat. ;  text  rec,  AvaTpoff^ri?)  from  a  child,  or  rather  the  holy  law  made  and  given  by  God  :  there- 
fore he  answered  accordingly,  and  willed  them  straightways  to  send  him  to  the  grave. 

Vers.  24,  25.  —  ^^  A.  V.  ;  becometh.  '^  omits  worthy  of-  '^  said  he,  in  any  wise  to.  20  whereby.  2i  might 
think.  --  being  fourscore  years  old  and  ten,  were  now  gone  to  a  strange  religion  (cf-  iv.  13),  and  so  they  through 

mine.  ^  desire  to  live  a  little  tiTUe  and  a  moment  longer  should  be  deceived  by  me,  and  1  get  («aTaKT,j<70fiai.    The 

prep,  strengthens  the  simple  form.   Keil  prefers  the  reading  of  III.  Co.,  KaTaxr»)(r<iijaai.   If  the  other  reading  is  retained, 

fut.  indie,  and  an  aor.  subjunct.  are  connected  together  in  the  same  sentence,  as  at  Apoc.  ssii.  14.)  a  stain  ....  age 
jd  make  it  abominable. 

Vera.  2tj-2S- — -^  A.  V.  :  omi/5also.  25  should  be.  2.3  should.  27  hand.  28  changing.  2fl  (A15  {art.,  with 
force  of  demon.)-  20  guch  a  one  as  mine  age  requireth  :  and  leave  a  notable  example  to  such  as  he.  21  courageously 
for  the  honourable  'cf.  ver.  11).        22  when  he  had  said  these  words.  23  torment. 

Vers.  29-31-  —  ^  i.  V. :  omits  But.  22  changing.  26  bare-  27  foresaid  speeches  proceeded  .  .  thought  (text, 
rec,  SieKofi^avov  ;  III.  23.  55. 106.  al.  Co.,  iiireXdtJ-Pavov),  from  a  desperate  mind  (marg.,  madness).  28  ready  .... 

with  stripes.  2s  j  now.  ^  am  well  content  to.  *^  omits  now.  ^  a  noble  courage  *>  unto  young  iTum  (of  ■ 
ven.  24,  28),  but  unto  all  his. 


584 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter   VI. 


Ver.  1.  Not  long  after  this.  The  sending  of 
Apollonius  with  an  army.  —  An  old  Athenian. 
The  Old  Latin,  which  is  followed  h_v  Luther,  has 
Aniiochenunij  an  Antiochi'ati.  The  correction  was 
probably  suggested  by  a  natural  sense  of  fitness, 
hut  has  no  legitimate  basis.  The  Greek  is  yipovra 
^  A.8T)vo.'iov. 

Ver.  5.  Of.  1  Mace.  i.  47,  concerning  the  offer- 
ing of  swine  on  the  altar.  Nothing  is  said  here 
of  the  heathen  altar  which  was  bnilt  over  the 
altar  of  burnt  offering  ;  but  it  would  be  hardly 
allowable  on  that  account  to  infer,  with  Grimm, 
that  our  writer's  authorities  contained  nothing 
concerning  the  fact.  He  professes  to  make  only 
an  abstract. 

Ver.  7.  The  birth-day,  according  to  this  ac- 
count, was  celebrated  every  month.  But  it  is 
hardly  credible  that  such  was  the  case,  as  there 
are  no  other  examples  of  the  kind,  in  sacred  or  pro- 
fane history.  Grimm  thinks  the  author  has  con- 
founded another  festival  (cf.  1  Maec.  i.  59),  which 
occurred  each  month,  with  that  of  tlie  king's 
birth-day.  Keil  has  shown,  however,  that  tlie 
festival  referred  to  by  Grimm  did  not  itself  occur 
every  month,  but  thinks  it  possible,  in  the  case  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who  even  named  himself 


0E<(j  on  public  coins,  that  he  may  have  caused  the 
uionthly  recurrence  of  his  birth-day  to  be  cele- 
brated by  a  sacrificial  feast. 

Ver.  8.  Ptolemy.  The  enemy  of  the  Jews 
mentioned  at  iv.  4.5  ff. 

Vers.  14,  15.  The  meaning  is  that  God  pun- 
ishes the  Jewish  people  forthwith,  not  suffering 
them  to  fill  up  the  measure  of  sin  to  the  utmost, 
since,  in  the  latter  case,  not  their  chastisement  but 
their  destruction  would  be  necessary. 

A'er.  18.  According  to  some  accounts  Eleazer 
was  also  high  priest.  In  4  Mace.  v.  4,  35,  vii.  6, 
12,  he  is  represented  as  a  priest.  This  probably 
arose  from  confounding  him  with  .wme  other 
Eleazer.  —  Of  most  beautiful  countenance.  By 
the  ancients  generally,  including  the  Israelites, 
beauty  of  person  was  regarded  as  indicating  the 
special  favor  of  the  divine  powers.  Cf.  4  Mace, 
viii.  3,  9. 

\'er.  19.  To  the  torture,  t'lrl  ri  rifiTramy. 
The  word  means  first,  drum,  theu,  a  dniwstich,  a 
cudgel,  third,  an  instrument  for  cutting  off  heads. 
The  instrument  here  meant  was  one  by  means  of 
which  the  body  was  painfully  stretched  out,  like 
the  head  of  a  drum,  in  order,  while  in  that  state, 
to  be  beaten  to  death. 


Chapter  VII. 


1  AuD  *  it  came  to  pass  also,  that  seven  brethren  with  their  mother  were  seized,* 
and  compelled  by  the  king  to  taste  of  the  forbidden'  swine's  fie.?h,  being*  tor- 

2  mented  with  scourges  and  whips.^  But  one  of  them  as  spokesman  ^  said  thus, 
Wliat  wouldest  thou  ask  and  '  learn  of  us  ?    For  *  we  are  ready  rather  to  die,'  than 

3  to  transgress  the  laws  of  our  fathers.     And '"  the  kmg  becoming   angiy,"  com- 

4  manded  pans  and  caldrons  to  be  made  hot.  And  forthwith,  these  having  been  '^ 
heated,  he  commanded  to  cut  out  the  tongue  of  him  that  acted  as  spokesman," 
and  scalping  him,^*  to  cut  off  the  extremities^^  of  his  body,  the  rest  of  //is  brethren 

5  and  //is  mother  looking  on.  And  him,'^  maimed  in  all  k/s  members,  he  commanded, 
being  "  yet  alive,  to  be  brought  to  the  fire,  and  to  be  fried  in  the  pan.  And  as  the 
vapor  was  widely  dispersed  from  the  pan."*  they  exhorted  one  another  with  the 

6  mother  to  die  nobly,'"  saying  thus,  The  Lord  God  looketh  upon  us,  and  in  truth  -" 
hath  mercy  on "'  us,  as  Moses  through  his  -^  song,  which  witnessed  against  them  to 
their  faces,  made  known,"'  saying.  And  he  will  have  mercy  on**  his  servants. 

7  And  after -^  the  first  had  died  in  -'^  this  manner,  they  brought  the  second  for-"  a 
mocking  stock  ;  and  having'-*  pulled  off  the  skin  of  his  head  with  the  hair,-*  they 
asked  him.  Wilt  thou  eat,  before  thou  be  punished  throughout  every  member  of  thi/ 

8  bod}'?     But  he  answered  in  his  native'"  language,  and  said.  No.     Wherefore  this 

9  one  also  suffered  "  the  next  torment  in  order,  as  the  flrst.''^  But  "  when  he  was  at 
the  last  gasp,  he  said,  Thou,  indeed,  O  persecutor,'^  takest  us  out  of  the  '"  present 
life,  but  the  King  of  the  world  will '°  raise  us  up,  who  have  died  for  bis  laws,  unto 

Vers. 1,2.  —  '  A.  V. :  ojnits  And.         -taken.        *  against  the  liiw  to  taste.        •*  and  were.  ^  IvtvpaU.)         *  thai 

spake  first  (yevonevo?  Trpovj-yopos.     Cf.  Ex.  iv.  16).        "  or.         ^  omits  For.         ^  to  die,  Tat/ur. 

Vers.  3,  4.  —  1"  A.  V. ;  Then.  "  being  in  a  rage.  >-  which  forthwith  being.  "  spake  first  (cf.  ver.  2). 

"  omitx  scalping  him  (n-epiaici'&io-ai'Tas  =  having  scrUped  in  the  Scr/thian  fashion).        ^^  utmost  parts. 

Vers.  5,  6.  —  ^'^  A.  V.  :  Xow  when  he  was  thus.  i'  hi/n  being.  18  of  the  pan  was  for  a  good  space  di.^perised. 

'c  mstifully.  -"  (Cf.  iii.  9.)  21  comfort  in  (cf.  Com.     By  meton  ,  the  consequent  is  taken  for  the  antecedent). 

'2  in  his  (pronoun  is  not  found  in  the  Greek).  23  witnessed,  to  their  faces,  declared.  ^  shall  be  comforted  in  (cf. 
note  on  first  part  of  the  vert^e). 

Vers.  7-9.  — »i  A.  V. ;  So  when.  '"  was  dead  after.  2'  to  malie  Aim.  =»  when  they  had.  ^  (Plur.  in  most 
MSB. I  30  own  (wttTpto)).  3^  he  also  received  (ehafie,  but  often  used  in  the  sense  given.     Lat  ,  liare  ptmas) 

"  former  dixl.        ^a  And.        84  nj^g  a  fury.        3c  this.        ^  shall. 


2  MACCABEES.  585 


10  an  everlasting  reawakening  of  life.*  And"  after  him  was  the  third  made  a  mock- 
ing stock ;  and  being    required,  he    quickly  '  put  out  his  tongue,  and  stretched  * 

11  forth  his  hands  courageously,^  and  said  nob'ly,^  These  I  had  from  heaven  ;  and  for 

12  his  laws  I  give  them  up  ; '  and  from  him  I  hope  to  receive  them  again;  and  spoke 
so  that  *  the  king  himself."  and  they  that  were  with  him,  marveled  at  the  young 
man's  courage,^"  how  he  '*  regarded  the  pains  as  nothing. ^- 

13  And  "  when  this  one  "  was  dead  also,  they  tortured  and  tormented  ^^  the  fourth 

14  in  like  manner.  And  '^  when  he  was  about"  to  die  he  said  thus,  It  is  desirable," 
being  put  to  death  by  men,  to  look  for  hope  from  God,^^  to  be  raised  up  again  by 

15  himT  truly  for  thee  there  shall  be -°  no  resurrection  to  life.     And  immediately  ^' 

16  afterwards  they  brought  up -'^  the  fifth  also,  and  tormented  him.-'  But  ho  looked 
towards  him,-*  and  said,  Tliou,  having  '■^  power  over  men,  although  -^  corruptible, 

17  doest  -'  what  thou  wilt ;  but  ^'  think  not  that  our  race  •*  is  forsaken  of  God.  But  thou, 
continue  thus,^"  and  thou  shalt  ^'  behold  his  glorious  might,^'^  how  he  will  torment " 
thee  and  thy  seed. 

18  After  him  also  they  brought  the  sixth,  and  being  about  to  die^*  he  said,  Be  not 
deceived  in  vain  ;  "^  for  we  suffer  these  things  for  our  own  sake,'^  having  sinned  '' 

1 9  against  our  God  ;  therefore  things  worthy  of  marvel  have  occurred.'*  But  think 
not  thou,  that  hast  taken  it  ^  in  hand  to  fight  *"  against  God,  that  thou  shalt  escape  *^ 
unpunished. 

20  But  the  mother  was  exceedingly  deserving  of  admiration,*^  and  worthy  of  endur- 
ing "  memory,  who  saw"  seven  sons  all*^  slain  within  the  space  of  one  day,  and 
bore  it  *^  with  a  good  courage,  because  of   the  hope  *'  that  she  had  in  *'  the  Lord. 

21  She  *^  exhorted  every  one  of  them,  also,'"  in  her  native  *'  language,  filled  with  a 
noble   spirit ;  ^^  and   bracing  her  womanly  feelings  ^'  with   a   manly  heroism,^*  she 

22  said  unto  them,  I  know  not  ^^  how  you  came  into  ^^  my  womb,  nor  did  I  give  you 
breath  and  life,  and  did  not  arrange  in  order  the  constituent  parts  of  each  one." 

23  Accordingly,*^'  the  Creator  of  the  world,  who  originated  and  formed  man,^^  and 
found  out  the  origin™  of  all  things,  will  in"'  mercy  give  you  back  both*'^  breath  and 

24  life  again,  as  you  now  give  up  your  ^'  selves  for  his  laws'  sake.  But  ^*  Antiochus, 
thinking  himself  despised,  and  suspecting  it  to  be  a  reproachful  speech,  wliile  ^^  the 
youngest  was  yet  alive,  did  not  only  exhort  him  ^^  with  ^'  words,  but  also  assured  him  ^^ 
with  oaths,  that  he  would  make  him  ^^  both  rich  and  happy, ^'  if  he  would  turn  from  the 
laws  ^^  of  his  '"  fathers,  and  would  esteem  him  as  a  friend,  and  entrust  to  him  offices." 

25  But  when  the  young  man  in  no  wise  gave  heed  to  it,'-  the  king  called  up "  his 

26  mother,  and  admonished  her  to'*  counsel  the  lad  for  his  safety.'"  And  when  he 
had  admonished  her  "  with  many  words,  she  took  it  upon  her  to  persuade  her  ''  son. 

27  But  she  bowing  herself  towards  him,  scorning  the  cruel  tyrant,  spoke  *  in  her  na- 

Ver.  9.  — ^  A.  V. ;  unto  everlasting  life  (cf.  Ter.  14). 

Vers.  10-12.  — ^  A.y.:  omits  And  (as  44.  62.  93.).  ^  wtien  he  was  required,  he.  *  and  that  right  soon,  hold- 

ing. 6  manfully.  s  courageously.  "  1  despise  them.  8  Insomuch  that.  *>  omirs  himself  (so  44.). 

10  (iinjxriv.)        1'  for  that  he  nothing.        ^2  omi/5  as  nothing. 

Vers.  13-17.  —  '^  x.  Y.  :  Now.  ><  man.  "5  tormented  and  mangled.  ^'^  So.  ^'  ready.  '^  jt  w  good. 

19  (More  lit.,  '*  to  await  the  hopes  (wrought)  by  God.'')  -*'  as  for  thee,  thou  shalt  have.  21  omits  And  immediately. 
22  omits  up.        23  mangled  him.         24  Then  looked  he  unto  the  king.  ss  hast.  26  f^ou  art.  27  thou  doe.?t. 

28  yet.  20  nation.  ^o  but  abide  a  while.  21  omits  thou  shalt  (this  is  often  the  force  of  the  second  of  two  im- 
peratives. Cf.,  for  the  verb,  John  viii.  51).  '*2  great  power.  '^  (Here,  according  to  III.  19.  23.  44.  al.,  fiatravLel ; 
text.  Tec,  fiaaaviarei.     Cf.  vers.  1,  13.) 

Vers.  18-22.  — ^  A..V. :  who,  being  ready  to  die.  ^^  without  cau.se.  2fl  things  for  ourselves.  37  (m.  74.  co  , 
ifiapTorres,  instead  of  the  pros,  part.)  2s  marvellous  things  are  done  unto  us.  29  takest.  *o  strive.  *^  (Lit., 
be.)  *2  ,(,aj  marvellous  above  a/i.  «  honourable.  "  for  when  she  saw  A«r.  45  ottiiVs  all  (force  of  oi/f  in 

comp.,  or  "  one  after  the  other  ").  «  she  bare  it.  *^  hope  (as  a  few  minor  codd.    The  most  have  the  plur.). 

•8  (€irt.)        *^  Yea,  she.        50  omits  also.        ^i  own.        ^'-  courageous  spirits  ((^poi^^an).  m  stirring  up  Act- woman- 

ish thoughts  (lit.,  way  o/z/iinHng-).  54  stomach.  ^-^  I  cannot  tell.  ^'  [i(fnivryTe.)         57  for  I  neither  gave  you 

breath  (to  iri'eujua)  nor  life,  neither  was  it  I  that  formed  the  members  (cf .  Job  x.  10,  11 ;  Ps.  cxxxix.  13-15)  of  every  one 
of  you. 

Vers.  23,  24.  — 58  a.  V. :  but  doubtless.  59  who  formed  the  generation  of  man  (rrAdaa?  avQinsfirov  yevetrtv  =r  origin- 

ate'! by formingX         ^^  beginning  {yivetrtv).  "i  also  of  his  own.  52  you  (cf.  preceding  verse).  53  regard  not 

vour  own  (cf.  ver.  11).  5i  jjow.  55  whiles.  5fl  /,i;n  (clearly  required  by  the  contest).  5t  by.  58  a  rich  and 
a  happy  man.  59  (Omitted  by  III.  19.  55.  62.  al.  Syr.)  '°  his.  "  that  also  he  would  take  Ai;;!  for  his  friend,  and 
trust  him  with  affairs  (cf.  Com.). 

Vers.  25-27.  —  '2  A.  V. :  would  in  no  case  hearken  tinto  him.  "  omits  up.  '<  exhorted  her  that  she  would 

'5  young  man  to  save  his  life.        '5  exhorted  her  '^  promised  Aim  that  the  would  counsel  her.         ^5  laughing  .  .    - 

to  scorn   spake 


i)86 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


live  language  in  ^  this  manner :  ^  0  my  son,  have  pity  upon  me  that  bore '  thee 
nine  months  in  7ny  womb,  and  gave  thee  suck  three  years,  and  nourished  thee,  and 

28  brought  thee  up  unto  this  age,  and  took  care  of  thee.^  I  beseech  thee,  my  child, 
look  up  unto  ^  the  heaven  and  upon  ^  the  earth,  and  see '  all  that  is  therein,  and 
understand*  that  God  made  them  of  things  that  were  not ;  ^  and  the  race  of  men 

29  came  thus  into  being.^°  Fear  not  this  executioner,  but,  showing  thyself "  worthy 
of  thy  brethren,  take  thy  '^  death,  that  I  may  receive  thee  again  in  mercy  with  thy 
brethren. 

30  While  she  was  yet  speaking,''  the  young  man  said.  What "  wait  ye  for  ?  I  will 
not  obey  the  king's  commandment ;  but  I  will  hear  '^  the  commandment  of  the  law 

31  that  was  given  unto  our  fathers  by  Moses.  And  thou,  that  hast  invented  every  evil '° 

32  against  the  Hebrews,  shalt  not  escape  the  hands  of  God.     For  we  suffer  because  of 

33  our  sins.    And  though  the  living  Lord  be  angry  with  us  a  little  while  for  our  chast- 

34  ening  and  correction,  yet  will  he  also  "  be  at  one  again  with  his  servants.  But 
thou,  O  godless  wretch,'*  and  of  all  men  most  abominable,'*'  be  not  lifted  up  vainly, 
priding  thyself  on  ^  uncertain  hopes,  lifting  up  thy  hand  against  the  servants  of 

35  God.°'     For  thou  hast  not  yet  escaped  the  judgment  of  the  almighty  and  all-seeing 

36  God.^^  For  our  brethren,  having  now^*  suffered  a  short  pain,  are  dead  under  God's 
covenant  of  everlasting  life  ;  but  thou,  through  the  judgment  of  God,  shalt  receive 

37  the  '^*  just  punishment  of  thy  presumption.-"  But  I,  as  my  "^  brethren,  give  up 
both  ^  body  and  soul  '■'°  for  the  laws  of  our  fathers,  beseeching  God  that  he  would 
speedily   be   merciful   unto  our  nation  ;  and   that   thou   under  chastisements   and 

38  scourgings  ''  mayest  confess,  that  he  alone  is  God  ;  and  tliat  with  '"  me  and  my 
brethren  the  wrath  of  the  Almighty,  which  is  justly  brought  upon  all  our  race,'' 

39  may  cease.     But  ''^  the  king,  becoming  angry,''  handled  him  worse  than  the  others, 

40  being  embittered  because  he  '■*  was  mocked.     And  so  this  one  "  died  undefiled," 

41  having "  put  his  whole  trust  in  the  Lord.     And  "  last  of  all,  after  the  sons,  the 

42  mother  died.  Let  so  much  now  be  related  "  concerning  the  sacrificial  *'  feasts, 
and  the  extreme  torments.^' 


2  (ourio!  Is  omitted  by  19  62.  54.  93.  Old  Lat.) 


3  bare. 


•  en- 


Ver.  27.—'  A.  V. ;  country  language  on 
lured  the  troubles  of  education. 

Vers.  28-30.  —  5  A.  v.:  7nj/ son,  look  upon  «  omi^s  upon.  "^omitisee.  ^  consider.  ^  {Text,  ret.,  i^ 

ovK  oKTur  ;  III.  19.  23.  44.  62.  74.  93.  106.  Co.,  ovk  ef  ovrutv.  See  Com.)  lo  so  waa  mankind  made  likewise.  i'  tor- 
mentor, but,  being.  13  take  (Ay  («Tri5efai  TOf ).  '3  Whiles  ..  (A€5c  wjorda  (Fritzsche,  with  Grimm,  adopta 
■aToAiryoucnjs  from  19.  23.  106.  243.  Co. ;  III.,  KaToAyTjyovtnjs,  which  was  probably  erroneously  written  for  the  former  ; 
text,  rec,  KaTaXeyovtn]^.  Keil  is  satisfied  with  the  common  reading,  especially  as  eti  does  not  well  agree  with  the  other 
The  A.  v.,  however,  has  rendered  with  some  freedom,  the  word  meaning  to  recount,  go  over  at  length,  as  referring  to 
the  arguments  and  appeals  she  used  with  her  eon).        "  Whom.        ^^  obey. 

Vers.  31-35.  —  '«  A.  V.  :  been  the  author  of  all  mischief.  "  shall  he  '8  man.  w  other  most  wicked 

*•>  without  a  cause,  nor  puffed  up  with.  ^^  (Fritzsche  receives  ovpavlov^  TroZfios  from  III.  23.  44.  52.  al. ;  text,  rec, 

2ovAov$  avrov.)        23  ^f  Almighty  God,  who  seeth  all  things. 

Vers.  36,  37.  —  ='  A.  V. :  who  now  have.  =«  omits  the.  "  lor  thy  pride  =•  (Omitted  by  III.  44.  al.) 

^  offer  up  rny.        ^  life.        ^  by  torments  and  plagues. 

Vers.  88-42.  — ^  A.  V. :  in.        3i  nation.        ^^  Then         ^^  being  in  a  rage  w  all  the  rest,  and  took  it  grievously 

that  he.  85  So  this  man.  sa  {KaOapoi; ;  111.  19.  44.  al.  write  as  adverb     After  this  word,  Fritzsche,  Grimm,  amd 

Keil  would  strike  out  roy  fiiov  ;  it  is  wanting  in  HI.  19.  23.  44.  55.  al.)  "  and.  "  omits  And.  "  this  be 

enough  now  to  have  spoken  (cf.  ii.  23,  x.  10).  "  the  (Fritzsche  adopts  nm  from  III.  23.  44.  65.  62.  al. ;  text.  ret. 

omits)  idolatrous.        *' tortures  (cf  ver  \et  passim) 


Chapteb  VII. 


Ver.  1,  The  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  this 
mother  and  her  seven  sons  ia  found  also  in  4 
Mace.  chap.  viii.  f. 

Ver.  3.  Pans  and  caldrons.  The  pans  (r^i-yava) 
were  such  as  were  used  for  bakinj;  ;  the  caldrons 
(Xf'/3i)Tai),  for  boiliuf;.  Possibly  in  this  case,  both 
kinds  were  used  for  the  former  purpose,  or  the 
latter  may  have  held  the  fire  by  which  the  former 
were  made  hot.  This  method  of  punishment  was 
common  among  the  Babylonians  and  Persians, 
and  not  unknown  to  the  .Tews.  Cf.  2  Sam.  xii. 
?1  ;  Jer.  xxix.  22. 

Ver.  4.  In  Herod,  iv.  64  (Rawlinson's  ed.),  we 
read  :  "  In  what  concerns  war,  their  customs  are 


the  following:  The  Scythian  soldier  drinks  the 
blood  of  the  first  man  he  overthrows  in  battle. 
Whatever  number  he  slays  he  cuts  off  all  their 
heads,  and  carries  them  to  the  king ;  since  he  is  thus 
entitled  to  a  share  of  the  booty,  whereto  he  for- 
feits all  claim  if  he  does  not  produce  a  head.  In 
order  to  strip  the  skull  of  its  covering,  he  makes 
a  cut  around  the  head  above  the  ears,  and  laying 
hold  of  the  scalp,  shakes  the  skull  out ;  then  with 
the  rib  of  an  ox  he  scrapes  the  scalp  clean  of  flesh, 
and  softening  it  by  rubbing  it  between  the  hands, 
uses  it  as  a  napkin." 

Ver.   6.      Have   mercy  on    (cf.   Text,  holes). 
That  the  author  of  our  book  followed  the  LXX. 


2   MACCABEES. 


587 


ftt  Deut.  xxxii.  36,  is  obvious  from  the  fact  of  the 
direct  quotation,  and  that  the  expression  used  is 
not  good  Greek. 

Ver.  1 1.  'Tnepopa.  The  word  means  to  over- 
look, hence,  to  yield,  give  up  easily.  "  Despise  " 
his  hands,  he  did  not,  for  he  says  that  he  hopes 
to  get  them  back  from  God  again. 

Ver.  14.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  sense  here 
is  that  Antiochus,  and  others  like  him,  would  have 
no  resurrection,  or  only  a  resurrection  ei't  &\eBfov. 
Probably  the  latter  is  true,  since  elsewhere  (vi. 
26)  he  speaks  of  an  apo.>tate  Jew  as  not  being 
able  to  escape  the  dirine  punishment  living  or 
dead.  Cf.  Is.  xxvi.  19  ;  Ezek.  xxxvii.  1-6;  Can. 
xii.  1,  2,  13. 

Ver.  24.  Thinking  himself  despised.  She 
spoke  in  Hebrew,  and  hence  was  uot  understood 
by  the  king.  —  Assured.  In  classical  Greek  this 
word,  ■wurrovv,  means  to  assure  only  in  the  middle 
voice.  Hence  the  variation  in  some  of  the  MSS. 
—  Xpelas,  offices,  i.  e.,  oiEces  of  trust  under  the 
government  of  the  king.  It  is  a  word  frequently 
used  in  the  present  and  preceding  book.  Cf.  1 
Mace.  iii.  28  ;  x.  37,  41,  42  ;  xiii.  15,  37  ;  2  Mace. 
ii.  15;  vii.  24;  viii.  9;  xii.  39;  xv.  5,  28. 

Ver.  25.  Counsel  the  lad,  toC  fieipaxlov.  The 
word  here  used  is  different  from  that  used  in  the 
first  part  of  the  verse,  vfaftou.  It  means  boy,  lad. 
It  was,  doubtless,  purposely  chosen  with  reference 
to  the  thought  of  the  context.  Such  a  boy,  one 
miglit  suppose,  would  have  readily  accepted  the 
offers  of  the  king  under  these  circumstances. 

Ver.  28.  Of  (things)  that  were  not,  e{  okk 
tvTiav.  Tlie  variations  of  tlie  MSS.,  it  would  seem, 
are  to  be  accounted  for  on  the  supposition  that 
there  was  an  effort  to  make  the  point  as  clear  as 
possible,  that  the  creation  was  literally  from  noth- 
mg.  Ta  /ii]  iv-ra  was  an  expression  much  in  use 
by  Philo,  by  which  he  meant  an  afi6p(j>os  ifA.7), 
the  original  material  of  wliich  the  world  was 
made.  Cf.  Dahne,  i.  185  f.  There  is  no  ground, 
however,  for  supposing  that  the  present  book 
knows  anything  of  such  a  theory,  or  kuowing  it 
that  the  author  woulil  give  it  the  least  support. 
Cf.  Heb.  xi.  3,  €ts  rh  fiT]  iK  (paivo^ivuv  to  ^Kewofxeva 
yeyovfvai,  —  And  the  race  of  man.  Man  was  in- 
deed made  from  matter  already  existing,  but  it 
was  from  matter  which  was  called  into  existence 
in  this  manner. 

Ver.  29.  In  mercy,  t^  iKin.  Cf.  ver.  23. 
Keil,  with  Calmet  and  others,  would  refer  this  to 
the  final  resurrection,  translating  in  the  time  of 
mercy,  i.  e.,  in  the  Messianic  times.  But  this  is  to 
iiscover  more  in  the  text  than  it  properly  con- 


tains, and  the  phrase  would  seem  to  be  best  ren- 
dered as  dative  of  means,  through  the  mercy  (i.  e., 
divine  mercy),  or  in  mercy. 

Ver.  31.  The  Hebrews.  This  name  for  the 
Israelites  is  quite  common  in  the  present  book,  as 
well  as  in  4  Mace.  It  was  their  ancient  name,  but 
until  the  second  century  before  Christ  had,  for  the 
most  part,  goue  out  uf  use. 

Ver.  .36.  Covenant  of  everlasting  life.  Grimm 
would  connect  tlie  words  aci'i'aau  fu^j  with  the 
previous  word  irivov  and  not  with  the  following 
mh  StaOriKrii',  and  Fritzsche  does  not  se]iarate  them 
by  a  comma  as  in  the  received  text.  According 
to  this  construction,  the  rendering  of  the  verse 
would  be,  "  For  our  brethren,  who  have  endured  the 
paiii  which  is  unto  eternal  life,  have  died  {as  being) 
under  the  promise  [or  covenaiit]  of  God."  But  the 
unusual  position  of  the  second  genitive,  which  is 
the  principal  objection  to  the  other  rendering, 
might  be  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  words 
were  meant  thereby  to  be  especially  emphasized. 
On  the  use  of  two  genitives  of  different  relations 
with  one  noun  cf.  Winer,  p.  191. 

Ver.  41.  According  to  4  Mace.  xvii.  1,  the 
mother,  in  order  to  prevent  any  contact  of  her 
person  with  those  of  the  heathen,  threw  herself,  of 
her  own  accord,  into  the  flames. 

With  respect  to  the  foregoing  narrative,  there 
is  no  ground  for  denying  that  it  may  have  a  basis 
in  actual  fact.  In  its  details,  however,  there  is 
not  a  little  that  transcends  the  bounds  of  credibil- 
ity. It  is  a  suspicious  circumstance,  for  instance, 
tliat  tliis  woman  had  just  seven  sons  {cf.  Ruth  iv. 
15;  Job  i.  2) ;  and  that  these  martyrdoms  occurred 
in  the  presence  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  were 
attended  with  the  scenes  here  described  is  well 
nigh  impossible.  The  king  was,  according  to  the 
history  (v.  21,  cf.  1  Mace.  i.  24,  44  ;  vi.  1  ff.),  in  An- 
tioch,  wliile  the  executions  took  place  in  Jerusa- 
lem. Some  of  the  church  fathers  have,  indeed, 
been  conscious  of  this  difficulty  and  have  repre- 
sented that  the  martyrdoms  took  place  in  Antioch. 
This  view,  however,  has  not  only  no  sufficient  his- 
torical foundation,  but  makes  no  account  of  one 
of  the  principal  motives  for  what  was  done,  which 
was  to  terrify  the  Jews  into  subjection.  The 
speeches  of  the  several  sous,  moreover,  betray,  in 
the  form  in  which  they  are  given,  far  more  the 
hand  of  a  rhetorician  than  that  of  a  historian. 
They  are  still  further  developed  in  the  same  di- 
rection as  they  appear  in  4  Mace,  in  the  Historia 
Maccabmorum  Arabica  (5  Mace.),  and  elsewhere, 
during  a  later  period. 


Chapter  VIII. 


1  But  Judas  the  Maccabee,*  and  they  that  were  with  him,  went  through  by-ways  * 
privOy  into  the  villages,^  and  called  their  kinsfolks  together,*  and  taking  unto  them 

2  those  that  remained  true  to  Judaism,'  assembled  about  six  thousand  men.     And 
they  called  upon  the  Lord,  that  he  would  look  upon  the  people  that  was  trodden 

3  down  by  ^  all ;  and  also  pity  the  temple  profaned  by  '  ungodly  men  ;  and  that  ne 
would  also  *  have  compassion  upon  the  city,  gone  to  destruction,  and  about  ^  to  be 

Vers.  1,  2. —  *  A.  V. :  Then  J.  Maccabeus  (III.  44.  52.  55.  al.,  6  Kal  M.}.        2  omits  through  by-waye  {lit.,  went  by  tfu 
tide  in.     Cf.  Gal.  ii.  4).  3  towns.  *  (Others  render,  "  encourage(l.lA«r  kinsfolk.'')         ^  took  unto  (lU.  23.  62 

U.  93.,  iTpotiKafi§av6ti.evoL  for  npoaXa^onevot)  them  ail  such  as  contfiili^  loi  (fic/iffin]xdTas  iv)  the  Jews'  religion,  and 

of  (£CT  KaTairaTOVilffOf,  III.  44.  64.  al.  read  (caTaTTOi'ou^evo*')  '  of. 

Ver.  o.  —  •  A.  V. ;  omits  also  *  sore  defaced  and  ready 


688  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

4  made  even  with  the  ground ;  and  hear  the  blood  that  cried  unto  him,  and  remem- 
ber '  also  ^  the  wicked  slaughter  of  innocent  babes,'  and  the  blasphemies  com- 
mitted against  his  name  ;  and  that  he  would  show  his  hatred  against  the  wicked.* 

5  And  when  the  Maccabee  had  gathered  his  troop  ^  about  him,  he  became  at  once 
invincible   to  ^  the  heathen  ;  for  the   wrath  of  the  Lord  was   turned  into  mercy. 

6  And  coming  unawares  upon  cities  and  vOlages,  he  burnt  them  ;  and  getting  into  his 
hands  the  conveniently  situated  places,  he  overcame  and  put  to  flight '  no  small 

7  number  of  his  enemies.  Specially'  took  he  advantage  of  the  night  °  for  such 
plots."  And  there  was  spread  everywhere  no  inconsiderable  report  of  his 
bravery." 

8  And  ^-  when  Philip  saw  '^  that  this  man  increased  by  little  and  little,^*  and  that 
things  had  not  a  little  '^  prospered  with  him,'^  he  wrote  unto  Ptolemy,  the  general " 

9  of  C'oelesyria  and  Phcsnice,  to  come  to  the  aid  of  ^*  the  king's  affairs.  And  he  ^° 
forthwith  choosing  Nicanor  the  son  of  Patroclus,  one  of  the  king's  foremost '"' 
friends,  sent"'  him  with  no  fewer  than  twenty  thousand  of  all  nations  under  him, 
to  root  out  the  whole  race  ''■'-  of  the  Jews ;  and  with  him  he  associated  "^  also  Gor- 

10  gias,  a  general,  and  one  who  ^  in  matters  of  war  had  -^  experience.  And ""  Nicanor 
determined  ^  to  make  so  much  money  from  -^  the  captive  Jews,^  as  would  make 
up  fully  to  the  king  the  tribute  of  two  thousand  talents,  due  to  '°  the  Romans. 

11  And  ^'  immediately  he  sent  to  the  cities  upon  the  sea  coast,  inviting  to  ^'-  a  sale  of 
Jewish  slaves,  promising  to  let  go  fourscore  and  ten  slaves  for  a  ^^  talent,  not  ex- 
pecting the  justice**  that  was  following  and  about  to  fall*^  upon  him  from  the  Al- 

12  mighty.*^  But  ^'  word  was  brought  unto  Judas  of  Nicanor's  expedition;*'  and 
when  he  communicated  "^  unto  those  that  were  with  him  that  the  array  was  at 

13  hand,  they  that  were  fearful,  and  distrusted  the  justice  of  God,  fled,  and  conveyed 

14  themselves  away.  But  the  others  *"  sold  all  that  they  had  left,  and  at  the  same 
time  ^'  besought  the  Lord  to  deliver  them,  who  had  been  sold  by  the  godless  *-  Ni- 

15  canor  before  it  had  come  to  battle :  ^^  and  if  not  for  their  sakes,''''  yet  for  the  sake 
of  the  '^  covenants  he  had  made  with  their  fathers,  and  for  his  holy  and  glorious 

1 6  name's  sake,  by  which  they  were  called.''^  And  the  Maccabee  ■•'  called  his  men  to- 
gether, six  thousand  in  number,**  and  exhorted  them  not  to  be  stricken  with  terror 
of  the  enemy ,*^  nor  to  fear  the  great  multitude  of  the  heathen,  who  came  wrong- 

17  fully  against  them  ;  but  to  fight  nobly,  setting  before  their  eyes  the  wanton  vio- 
lence^" that  they  had  unjustly  done  to  the  holy  place,  and  the  cruel  handling^'  of 
the  city,  whereof  they  made  a  mockery,  and  besides  "  the  taking  away  of  tlie  gov- 

18  ernment  °*  of  their  forefatliers.  For  they,  said  he,  trust  in  weapons  and  boldness;^* 
but  we  trust  ^^  in  the  Almighty  God,  who  at  a  beck^"  can  cast  down  both  them  that 

Ver.  4.  —  1  This  verb  is  followed  first  by  tile  gen.,  and  then  by  n-ept,  as  in  the  classics.  '  A.  V. :  omits  also. 

'  harmless  infants  (see  Com.).        *  Oi:  wickedness. 

Vers.  5-7.  —  s  A.  V. :  Now  when  M.  had  ....  company  (of.  Com.).         ^  he  could  not  be  withstood  by.  '  There- 

fore he  came  at  (19.  23.  62.  93.  prefix  eiri  to  epxojitevo?}  unawares,  and  burnt  up  towns  and  cities  (^uipa?,  III.  62.  106.; 
text.  Tec,  Kuifiai)  and  got  ....  77105/  commodious  places,  and  overcame  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  eviita,  with  ill.  o5.  71. 
106.  243.  Co.)  and  put  to  flight  (after  rponovij.ti'oi,  19.  52.  62.  93.  read  ii^pei).  »  But  specially  (a  few  cursives  place 

6e'  after  fiaXiura).  ^  (Lit.,  took  the  nights  as  co-ioorkers.)  ^"  privy  attempts  (ejri^ouAa?  :  III.  23.  93.,  c7^I^o\a?  ; 

Old  I.at.,  excursus).  ^i  insomuch  that  the  (rts  is  omitted  by  111.  23.  55.  71.  al.)  bruit  of  liis  manliness  was  spread 

everywhere. 

Vers.  8,  9  —  ^  A.  V.  :  So.  "  (truropon',  either  saw  at  a  glance,  or  saw  together  with  others.)  **  (icara  lUKpov. 

Better,  perhaps,  in  a  little  while.)  '^  omits  had  not  a  little.  ^0  him  still  more  and  more  [lit.,  made  progress  in  good 
days  faster,  i.  e,,  faster  than  was  to  have  been  expected).  *^  governor.  ^^  yield  more  aid  to.  i^  Then. 

»  one  of  Aij  special  (cf.  1  Mace.  ii.  18).  =1  he  sent.         «  generation.  M  joined.         »  captain,  who.         "5  had 

^tat. 

Vers.  10, 11.  —  A.  V. :  2"  077!!(j  And.  "  N.  undertook.  ^  of.  ='  (Lit.,>o>7i  the  captivity  of  the  Jews.) 

w  should  defray  ....  which  the  king  was  to  pay  to  (the  order  of  the  Greek  is  as  follows  ;  tov  ijtopov  tw  )3a<TiAet  Toiy 
P.,  and  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  is  not  allowable.  A  few  cursives  place  the  first  two  words  after  the  second  two). 
8>  Wherefore.  ^z  proclaiming.  33  the  captive  Jews,  and  ....  that  they  should  have  ....  bodies  for  one, 

*4  vengeance  (cf.  ver.  13).        ^  to  follow.        ^g  Almighty  God. 

Vers.  12-15. — ""  A.  V. :  Now  when.  ^s  conjjug,  39  and  he  (Fritzsche  omits  avTov.  It  is  wanting  in  in.  23.  44. 
65.  71.  al.)  had  imparted.  *»  Others.  "withal.  «  being  sold  ....  wicked.  «  Mey  met  together.  «  own 
Bakes.  *^  omits  sake  of  the.  ^'^  Lit.,  which  had  been  called  over  or  upon  them.  Keil  thinks  the  reference  is  to  the 
special  manifestation  of  the  Divine  will  to  the  Jews.  Of.  Acts  xv.  17.  Grimm  renders  :  "  Wegen  der  iiber  tie  stattjia- 
dendfn  Zubenennung  seines  Namens." 

Vers.  16-18. — *''  A.  V. :  So  .Maccabeus.  *«  ^n/o  the  number  of  six  thousand.  *^  (For  jroAeMtovy,  some  Codd 

give  the  dat.,  but  this  verb  is  construed  with  the  accus.  also  at  iii.  24.)  «>  manfully,  and  to  set  ...  .  injury 

'■'  laiKttTiJ.6v.)        S2  also.  "  {iTO^LTela^  ■=  civil  polity,  constitution.)         w  rAeiV  weapons  and  boldness  (niore  lit.,  c«»- 

tares,  i.  e.,  bold  attack).  ^  our  confidence  is.  ^"^  Lit.,  one  nod.     For  yevfiart,  19.  64.  93.  read  jruevfiaTi. 


2  MACCABEES.  589 


1 9  come  against  us,  and '  all  the  world.  And,  besides,  he  recounted  "  unto  them  also 
the  help  °  their  forefathers  had  found,  namely,  that  under  Senuacherim,^  how  the  * 

20  hundred  fourscore  and  five  thousand  perished ;  and  the  battle  that  took  place  ° 
in  Babylon  with  the '  Galatians,  how  they  came  but  eight  thousand  in  all  to  the 
conflict,*  with  four  thousand  Macedonians,  and  that  the  Macedonians  being  thrown 
into  disorder,^  the  eight  thousand  destroyed  the  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  be- 

21  cause  of  the  help  that  they  had  from  heaven,  and  got  a  great  advantage.  Having 
made  them  of  good  courage  ■"'  with  these  words,  and  ready  to  die  for  the  laws  and 

22  their  fatherland,^'  he  divided  kis  army  into  four  parts.  And  he  placed  his  breth 
ren  as  leaders  of  the  several  divisions,'"  to  icit,  Simon,  and  Joseph,  and  .Jonathan, 

23  placing  under  each  '^  one  fifteen  hundred  men  ;  and  further,  also,  Eleazar  to  read  '* 
the  holy  book.     And  having  given  as  watchword,   Help  "  of  God,  himself  lead- 

24  ing  the  first  band,  he  joined  battle  with  Nicanor.  And  by  the  help  of  the  Al- 
mighty ''  they  slew  above  nine  thousand  of  their  enemies,  and  wounded  and  maimed 

25  the  most  part  of  Nicanor's  army,  and  "  put  all  to  flight.''  And  they  '^  took  the 
money  of  them  that ''"  came  to  buy  them  ;  and  having  pursued  them  far,  from  lack 

26  of  time  they  returned;"'  for  it  was  the  datj-^  before  the  sabbath,  on  which  account 

27  they  did  not  prolong  the  pursuit  of  them.  And  having  gathered  together  -*  the 
weapons  of  the  enemy  and  spoiled  them,-*  they  occupied  themselves  about  the  sab- 
bath, giving  ^  exceeding  praise  and  thanks  to  the  Lord,  who  had  preserved  them 

28  unto  -'*  that  day,  when  he  had  appointed  for  them  the  beginning  of  mercy."  And 
after  the  sabbath,  they  gave  '^^  part  of  the  spoils  to  the  maimed,^  and  the  widows, 
and  orphans,  and  the  residue  they  divided  '°  among  themselves  and  their  children." 

29  When  they  had  done  this,  and  had  ^-  made  a  common  supplication,  they  besought 
the  merciful  Lord  to  be  reconciled  with  his  servants  completely.^^ 

50  And  from  those  that  fought  with  Timotheus  and  Baccliides,^*  they  slew  above 
twenty  thousand,  and  got  possession  of  strongholds  lying  exceedingly  high,'^  and 
divided  amongst  themselves  very  ^'^  many  spoils,''  and  made  the  maimed,  and'*  or- 
phans, and  ^'  widows,  and,  besides,"^  the  aged  also,  equal  in  spoils  with  themselves. 

31  And  after '"'  they  had  gathered  their  arms  *'  together,  they  laid  tliem  all  up  care- 
fully in  suitable  places ;  but  the  rest  '*'  of  the  spoils  they  brought  to  Jerusalem. 

32  They  slew  also  Philarches,  a  very  wicked  man,*^  who  was  with  "  Timotheus,  and 

33  had  greatly  troubled  the  Jews.     And  on  keeping  the  feast  for  the  victory  in  their 

Ver.  IS.  —  ^  A.  v. :  and  also . 

Vers.  19-21. — '  .\.  V. :  MoreoTer  he  recounted  (n-potravaXe^a^ecos.    It  is  said  to  be  found  only  here).  'flem 

what  helps  (so  rendered  by  the  A.  V.  at  1  Cor.  xii.  2S  also.    It  is  plur.,  but  better  rendered  as  sing.)  *  anl  how 

they  were  delivered  when  under  Sennacherib  {koX  tuv  eiri  Seia'ax>?pet>).  ^  an  {lit.,  against  tke  hundred,  ell      The 

gen.  is  so  used  elsewhere.  Cf.  Plato,  Epp.,  Tii.  332.)  ^  ^  loid  t/igf^  qfthe  ....  they  had.  '  [Fritzsche  receives 
■jrpos  Tou?  from  III.  19.  23.  55.  al.  ;  text,  rec,  n-pb?  aurou?.)  8  business  {xpeiav.    Often  used  of  war  and  battle  by 

Polybius).         ^  perplexed.  '"  an  hundred  .  ...  so  received  a  great  booty  (not  necessarily  that.    See  Com.).    Thus 

when  he  had  ....  bold.        ^^  the  country. 

Vers.  22-24.  —  ^  A.  V.  :  joined  witfi  himsfl/hia  own  brethren,  leaders  of  each  band.  '^  giving  each.  ^*  Also 

■he  appointed  B.  (cf.  Com.}  to  read  {irapavayvovg  is  received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  23.  74.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  jrapayvov^.  The 
A.  V.  followed  Codd.  19.  62.  &i.  93.,  and  Aid.,  'E.  n-apaj-ayvot^ai.  Keil  and  Grimm  also  adopt  it,  supplying  rd^as  froii 
the  context.  It  has,  moreover,  the  support  of  the  Old  Lat.  and  Syr.,  and  was  acceptable  to  Luther,  who  renders  ao 
•cording  to  it).  's  when  he  had  given /A«m  (Ais  .      ..  The  help.  "^  ("  The  Almighty  acting  as  their  ally. 

^^  host  and  so.        ^^  Lit.,  compelled  ail  tojiee. 

Vers.  25-27.  —  "  A.  V. :  omits  they.  =«  their  money  that.  2»  and  pursued  them  far  l«i()'  Uaviv),  but  lacking 

time,  they  returned.  --  (^,  with  which,  rather,  upa  is  to  be  understood  as  referring  to  the  hour  of  sunset  on  Friday 
■23  and  therefore  they  would  no  longer  pursue  {oiiK  ip-axfiOTiji-riaav  KaTinpexovTe^.  Fritzsche  receives  the  second  word 
not  elsewhere  found,  from  III.  23.  44.  71.  al.  :  text,  rec.,  €fj.aKpodvp.^aav)  them.  So  when  they  had  gathered  their  ar- 
mour together  (the  word  oirKo^oyelv,  here  followed  by  the  accus.,  is  not  elsewhere  found).  24  their  enemies. 
25  yielding.  -■'  (els,  i.  e.,  that  they  might  celebrate  it.  The  preceding  avToiis  is  omitted  by  III.  23.  44.  65.  74.  106. 
■Co.  Aid.)  -*  which  wa.t  the  ....  mercy  distilling  upon  them  (44.  243.  Co.  Old  Lat.  read  trra^avTos  for  Ta|ai^os. 
But  it  probably  arose  from  bringing  along  the  ?  of  the  preceding  word). 

Vers.  2S-30.  — »  A.  V. :  when  they  had  given.  »>  {jJKiirp.ewois.     It  might  refer  also  to  those  who  had  been  robbed 

And  otherwise  misused.)  ^^  orphans,  the  residue  they  divided.  (For  e^eptVarro,  III.  19.  23.  55.  al.  read  5t.ep.epiaa.vro, 
which  is  preferable. )  3i  ;Vi>  servants  (that  would  require  Trat5es  or  n-atStipta).  82  this  was  doue  ....  they 

had.        '^  for  ever  {eU  Te'A.09.    Cf .  ver.  27,  and  vii.  38,  viii.  5).        3*  Moreover  of  ...  .  were  with  (ital  roU  irepi  .  .  . 
.trvvepiaavTe^,  III.  23.  44.  55.  74.  al.  ;  text,  rec,  koX  riav  TrepI  ....  (rvvepL^ovTuiv ,  which  I  follow)  ....  Bacchides  who 
fought  against  them.        35  ygry  easily  got  high  and  strong  holds.  3C  omits  very.  37  spoils  mofe  i^a^vpa  TrXeiova 

The  former  word  meant  spoils  taken  from  a  living  enemy,  in  distinction  from  (tkvKo.,  but  here  the  distinctiou  is  not 
maintained.     Cf.  ver.  31,  for  irAetoca,  the  text,  tec,  reads  irKelara).        38  omits  and.        39  yea,  and. 

Vers.  31-33.  —  *"  A.  V. :  when.  ^^  armour.  *3  them  up  all  carefully  in  convenient  places,  and  the  remnant 

^  tk»t  wicked  person.        "  i.  e.,  one  of  the  friends  of. 


690 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


paternal  city,'  they  burnt  Callisthenes,  that  had  set  fire  to  ''■  the  holy  gates,  and 
had  '  fled  into  a  little  house ;  and  he  *  received  a  fitting  reward  of  his  godless- 

34  ness/     But  the  chief  miscreant,^  Nicanor,  who  had  brought  the ''   thousand  mer- 

35  chants  to  buy  the  Jews,  was,  through  the  help  of  the  Lord,  humiliated  '  by  them 
of  whom  he  made  least  account,  put^  off  his  glorious  apparel  '"  and  solitaril}-,  like  a 
runaway,  came  through  the  midst  of  the  country  unto  Aiitioch,  having  been  exceed- 

36  ingly  unfortunate  in  the  destruction  of  his  army.  And  '^  he,  that  took  upou  him 
to  make  good  to  the  Romans  their  tribute  by  means  of  the  captives  in  Jerusalem, 
told  abroad,  that  the  Jews  had  God  '^  to  fight  for  them,  and  therefore  the  Jews 
were  invulnerable,'*  because  they  followed  the  laws  that  He  had  before  appointed." 

Ver.  33.  — '  A.  V. :  annoyed  the  J.  many  Wfiy5.  Furthermore  at  such  times  as  they  kept  ....  (AeiV  country  (ira^ 
rptSt.    The  context  requires  the  rendering  given.    Cf.  Matt.  xiii.  54).  ^  upon.  3  vpho  was.  <  ^o  he. 

reward  meet  for  /iw  wickedness  (this  text  is  accepted  by  Grimm,  Fritzsche,  and  Keil,  and  is  that  of  the  majority  oi 
MSS.,  including  III.  23.  44.  55.  71.  al.  Old  Lat. ;  text,  rec,  tou?  e^TrpvJo'ai'Ta?  tous  Upou;  jrvAifas  K.  «at'  ni/as  oAAovc  vt^ij- 
}fiav  ....   Tre^euyiiTa?  oiTires   ....  eKotfiCaaVTO  fiiadov). 

Vers.  34-36.  — •*  A.  V.  :  As  for  that  most  ungracious.  'a.  ^  he  was  brought  down.  ^  and  putting 

10  (The  garments  which  showed  his  rank  as  general.)  ii  discharging  his  company  (lit.,  making  himself  solitary), 

he  came  like  a  fugitive  servant  through  the  midland  (namely,  the  most  direct  course)  unto  A.,  having  very  great  dis 
honour  (Fritzsche  adopts  uTrep  ajra;/  einj/iepTjKws  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  71.  al. ;  text,  rer.,  virepa-yav  SvffijfAep^ffas,  which  I 
follow),  for  that  his  host  was  destroyed.    Thus.  "  (omitted  by  III.  65.  74. 106.  243.  Aid.)  "  they  could  not  ba 

hurt        -*  gave  th^m 


Chapter  VIU. 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  T.  27  and  for  the  whole  section 
1   Mace.  iii.  1-9. 

Ver.  4.  Infants  are  spoken  of  here  as  "  inno- 
cent," "without  sin"  {h.vafiapr-i)roiv) ,  probably, 
with  reference  not  to  the  doctrine  of  so-called  orig- 
inal sin,  but  simply  in  general  terms,  in  harmony 
with  the  usage  of  the  present  day. 

Ver.  5.  "Ev  (jviTTitixaTi.  The  persons  men- 
tioned in  the  first  verse  are  meant.  I'he  Greek 
word  means  (1)  any  whole  composed  of  several 
parts;  (2)  a  body  of  persons  bound  together  by 
the  same  laws ;  (3)  a  body  of  soldiers. 

Ver.  6.  These  were  cities  in  possessiou  of  tlie 
enemy,  or  tliose  whose  inliabitants  had  apostatized 
to  Hellenism.  —  Conveniently  situated.  They 
were  suited  to  hi.s  purpose  from  a  strategic  point 
of  view. 

Ver.  9.  For  the  identification  of  the  different 
persons  here  mentioned,  cf.  Com.  at  1  ilacc.  iii. 
38  ff. 

Ver.  10.  What  tax  is  meant  is  not  certainly 
known,  but  probably  what  was  still  lackiug  of  the 
sum  imposed  u]k>u  Antiochus  the  Great  by  the 
Romans,  after  the  battle  mentioned  in  1  Mace. 
viii.  6  ff. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Fourscore  and  ten  slaves  for  one 
talent.  The  word  atifiara  was  a  common  one  at 
this  time  for  slaves.  Supposing,  as  seems  most 
niobable,  that  Syrian  or  Antiochiau  talents  are 
here  meant  the  price  of  these  slaves,  from  seven 
to  eiglit  dollars  apiece,  was  unusually  low.  In 
order  to  rai<e  two  thousand  (Attic)  talents  at  this 
rate,  it  would  lie  necessary  to  sell  somewhere 
about  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  of  the 
Jews  into  serfdom. 

Ver.  12.  At  band,  wapovaiap.  The  fir.'it  mean- 
ing of  this  theologically  signiticant  word  is  ti  bfinq 
pri'seiit  lis  used  i:f  a  per.«on  (cf.  2  Cor.  x.  10;  Phil, 
i.  12)  ;  the  second,  a  beini/  present  to  assist ;  third, 
urrival  (I  Cor.  xvi.  17  ;  2  Cor.  vii.  6,  7  ;  2  Thess. 
u.  9  ;  2  Pet.  iii.  12).  lu  the  last  sense  it  was 
used  of  the  second  coming  of  Clirist.  See  Jas. 
V.  8. 

Ver.  14.  Property  was  sold  in  order  to  prevent 
its  falling  into  the  enemy's  bands.  It  was  what 
they    had    left    from    the    different    plnmierings 


which  it  had  undergone  under  Menelaus,  Jason, 
and  Apollonius. 

Ver.  16.  Six  thousand.  According  to  1  Mace, 
iv.  6,  the  number  was  three  thousand. 

Ver.  20.  G-alatians.  Cf.  Com.,  at  1  Mace,  viii 
2.  Their  bravery  was  proverbial.  —  The  Mace- 
donians referred  to  are  those  of  Syria,  the  Seleu- 
cian  Syrians.  In  the  so-called  "  Fifth  Book  of 
Maccabees  "  this  use  of  the  word  is  very  frequent. 
—  The  "advantage"  obtained  may  have  been 
booty  or  concessions  from  the  king.  With  refer- 
ence to  the  statements  of  the  present  verse,  there 
can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  of  their  being  exag- 
gerations even  on  the  suppo-^itiou  that  the  twelve 
thousand  Jews  and  Macedonians  were  only  one 
division  of  the  army  opposed  to  the  Galatians. 
The  army  of  the  Galatians  could  never  have 
numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men. 
The  number  of  auxiliaries  which  they  furnished 
to  Asiatic  kings  being  never  more  than  from  two 
thousand  to  eight  thousand  men.  That  they  were 
present  simply  as  auxiliaries  follows  from  the  fact 
that  the  battle  took  i)l.ace  "  at  Babylon."  It  may 
have  been  the  war  which  Antiochus  the  Great 
waged  against  Molon  of  Media.  That  there  may 
lie  some  foundation  of  reality,  underlying  the  his- 
tory at  this  point,  there  is  no  ground  for  disput- 
ing. 

Ver.  21.  Four  parts.  The  Jewish  army  had 
commonlv  hut  three  divisious.     Cf.  1  Mace.  v.  33. 

Ver.  22.  Joseph  =  John.  Cf.  1  Mace.  ii.  2 ; 
ix.  36,  38. 

Ver.  23.  Eleazer.  Some  would  join  the  open- 
ing clause  of  this  verse  with  the  preceding,  making 
Eleazer  the  leader  of  a  fifth  divi>ion,  while  ascrib- 
ing to  Judas  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures.  But 
this  would  make  the  passivge  self-coutiadictory, 
since  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  there  were  but 
four  di\isions  of  tiie  army,  and  that  they  were 
commanded  by  the  four  brothers.  Eleazer  (cf.  1 
Mace.  5;  vi.  43-46)  accompanied  the  army  aa 
priest,  apparently  (cf.  Numb.  x.  8  ;  Deut.  xx 
2  ff.),  in  order  to  read  appropriate  passages  from 
the  sacred  writings.  The  words  en  Sh  xal  'EA., 
plainly  indicate  that  the  latter  had  a  position  dif 
feientfioni  that  of  the  brothers. 


2  MACCABEES.  591 


Ver.  30.     Timotheus.     Cf.   1   Mace.   v.  37;   2  |  This  is,  probably,  an  exaggevation,  or  is  meant  to 
Mace.  X.  24,  32,  37  ;  xii.  2.     The  abrupt  introdue-   include  the  whole  number  of  those  slain  in  dif- 
tion  of  this  new  campaign  is  ascribed,  by  Grimm,  |  fereut  battles, 
to  the  negligence  of  the  epitomizer,  who  forgot  to  i      Ver.  33.     Kespeeting  the  faet  of  the  burning  of 


mention  that  both  these  generals  had  entered 
Juda;a  at  the  same  time  with  Nicanor  and  under 
his  command.  The  flight  of  Nicanor  himself  is 
not  mentioned  until  the  close  of  the  report  of  the 
second   campaign.  —  Above   twenty   thousand. 


the  temple  gates  here  referred  to,  cf.  1  Mace.  iv. 
38.  Persons  guilty  of  sueh  acts  of  incendiarism 
were  generally  burnt  by  the  ancients.  For  some 
unknown  reason  Luther  did  not  translate  the  last 
f  on  r  verses  of  the  chapter. 


Chapter  IX. 

1  About  that  time  it  happened  that  Antiochus  returned '  with  dishonor  out  of 

2  the  regions^  of  Persia.  For  he  had  entered  the  so-called'  Persepolis,  and  at- 
tempted *  to  rob  the  temple,  and  to  capture '  the  city.  On  which  account,  now," 
the  multitude  rushed '  to  defend  themselves  with  their  weapons  and  *  put  them  to 
flight ;  and   it  happened,  that  Antiochus  being  put  to  flight  by  °  the  inhabitants 

3  made  a  shameful  retreat.'"  And  '^  when  he  was  near  '■  Ecbatana,  news  was 
brought  him  concerning  '^  what  had  happened  unto  Nicanor  and  Timotheus  and  his 

4  men.  And  '■*  swelling '°  with  anger,  he  thought  to  avenge  '^  upon  the  Jews  the  dis- 
grace '"  done  unto  him  by  those  that  made  him  flee.  Therefore  commanded  he  his 
chariot  man  to  drive  without  ceasing,  and  to  dispatch  the  journey,  wliile  '*  the  judg- 
ment of  heaven  was  now  close  upon  '^  him.  For  he  spoke  ^^  proudly  in  this  man- 
ner, I  wUl  make  Jerusalem  ^^  a  common  burying  place  of  the  Jew.s,  when   I  get 

5  there.^'"  But  the  all-seeing  Lord,-^  the  God  of  Israel,  smote  him  with  an  incurable 
and  invisible  plague ;  and  ^'  as  soon  as  he  had  spoken  these  words,"*  there  seized 
him  -"  a  pain  of  the  bowels  that  teas  remediless,  and  bitter  -'  torments  of  the  inner 

6  parts  ;  quite  justly,  him,  who  -'*  had  tormented  other  men's  bowels  -^  with  many  and 

7  strange  distresses.^"  But  he  in  no  wise  ^'  ceased  from  his  haughtiness,^"  but  still 
was  tilled  with  pride,  breathing  out  fire  in  his  rage  "^  against  the  Jews,  and  com- 
manding to  hasten  ^*  the  journey.  But  it  came  to  pass  that  he  fell '°  from  his 
chariot,  as  it  went  rushing  on,  and  getting  a  very  sore  fall,  he  wrenched  all  the 

8  members  of  hishody.'"^  And  he  that  just  now  thought,  in  his  suijerhuman  arrogance, 
to  command  the  waves  of  the  sea,^'  and  weigh  the  high  ^*  mountains  in  a  balance, 
lay  ^'  on  the  ground,  and  was  carried  along  on  a  '"  litter,  showing  forth  unto  all,  the 

9  manifest  power  of  God.  And  so,  also,  worms  swarmed  out  of "  the  body  of  the 
godless  "  man,  and  while '"'  he  lived  in  distresses  and  pains,^^  his  flesh  fell  away, 

10  and  the  filthiness  of  his  smell  was  noisome  to  all  his  army.''*     And  the  man,  that 
thought  a  little  before  to  touch  the  stars  of  heaven,  none  was   able  to  carry  along, 

11  because  of  the  intolerable  stench.^*   Here  therefore,  being  more  and  more  afflicted,'" 

Vers.  1,  2.  —  1  A.  V  .  time  came  A.  (ervyxave;' 'A.  di'aXeAvKuls.  Cf.  iv  33,  viii.  26).  -  country  {lit.,  out  of  the  places 
lying  about  in.    For  Kara  before  ttjc  n..  III.  23.  55.  71.  al.  have  Trept).  ^  city  called.  *  went  about.  ^  hold 

(ffni'fXeif.     In  such  a  connection,  to  he  rendered  as  above).         o  thereupon.         ^running  ^  omits  a.Qd  ^  to 

it  happened  .  of.  ^^  returned  with  shame. 

Vers.  3-5.  —  ^^  A  V. ;  Now.        12  came  to  (xara  z^on  to,  towards.     Cf.  Winer,  p.  400).  ^^  o^mits  concerning  {lit., 

the  things  about).         l*  Timotheus.     Then.  ^^  (e7rap0ets.)  1*^  {€;'a7repei(7a(T0ai.)         ^^  (jcoKtav.)  ^^  oynits  VihWe 

It*  God  now  following  {avvovay)^).  -^  had  spoken.  21  sort,  That  he  would  come  to  J.,  and  make  it.  --  omits 

when  I  get  there.  -^  the  Lord  Almighty  (Trai-eTrfinTT]?.  By  inference  also,  the  aZZ-rw/iHg).  24  for.  ^  [Lit.,  ended 
the  s/teerh,  Tof  \6yov.     Cf.  3  Mace.  Ti.  32.)        -''■  omits  there  seized  him.        27  came  upon  him,  and  sore. 

Vers-  6,  7.  —  ^  A.  "V. :  and  that  most  justly,  for  he.  ^  {Here  trTT\ayxfa  is  used  as  the  seat  of  the  sensibilities,  the 

heart.)  8*>  torments.  ^i  Howbeit  he  nothing  at  all.  ^- his  hTa^ging  (rij';  ayepto\la^.  It  might  mean,  also, _^erc«- 
new).        ^  [BvfxoU.     Cf.  ver.  4.)  34  haste.  '^  tell  down.  ""i  carried  violently  ;  so  that  having  a  sore  fall,  all 

the  .  .  .      were  much  pained  {airotrrpe^Koinrdat.     It  means  to  twist  back,  to  torture). 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  ^7  \_  v.  :  thus  he  that  a  httle  afore  thought  he  might  .  .  sea,  (so  proud  was  he  beyond  the  condition 
of  man).  ^  (Lit.,  heights  of  the.     lor  the  use  of  "toTTj^ii  in  the  sense  of  to  weigh,  cf .  Meyer  on  Matt,  xrvi,  15) 

3"  was  now  cast.  *o  and  carried  in  a  horse.  4i  go  that  the  [Cttne,  which  I  render  as  above.  It  is  loosely  connected 
with  TTapeKojit^eTo)  worms  rose  up  out  of  (aca^et*').  ^-  rAii  wicked.  *3  whiles.  *^  sorrow  and  pain.  *^  More 
lit.,  "  and  by  his  stench  the  whole  army  was  annoyed  through  the  tilthiness."  Fritzsche  reads  iriv  o-aTrpiav,  with  IH 
19.  23.  44.  55.  al.,  instead  of  the  dat.,  i.  e.,  '*  bore  with  annoyance  the  inlthiness." 

Vers.  10-12. — ^^  A.  V.  ;  afore  he  could  reach  to  .  no  man  could  endure  to  carry  for  his  intolerable  stink 

"  plagued  {text,  rtc,  vnttreOpavtrtievo^.    Fritzsche  adopts  the  same,  without  the  prep.,  from  III.  44.  65.  71.  al.,  but  1  da 


592  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


he  began  to  leave  off  the  most  of  his  pride,  and  to  come  through  '  the  scourge  of 

12  God  to  knowledge,  since  his  pains  increased  ^  every  moment.  And  when  even  ' 
he  himself  could  not  abide  his  own  smell,  he  said  this,  Just  is  it  *  to  be  subject  unto 
God,  and  that  one  who  ^  is  mortal  should  not  proudly  think  of  himself,  as  if  he 

13  were  God.^     The  miscreant  also  vowed  unto'  the  Lord,  who  now  no  more  would 

1 4  have  mercy  upon  him,  saying  thus,  That  the  holy  city,  to  which  *  he  was  going  in 
haste,  to  \aj  it  even  with  the  ground,  and  to  transform  it  into'  a  common  burying 

15  place,  should  be  proclaimed  free  ;  and  those  '°  Jews,  whom  he  had  judged  not  wor- 
thy so  much  as  to  be  buried,  but  to  be  cast  out  with  their  children  to  be  devoured 

1 6  by  birds  ''  and  wild  beasts,  he  would  make  them  all  equal  to  Athenians  ;  ^-  and  the 
holy  temple,  which  before  he  had  spoiled,  lie  would  garnish  with  most  beautiful  of- 
ferings,^^ and  restore  all  the  holy  vessels  many  fold,"  and  out  of  his  own  revenue 

17  defray  the  expenses  attaching"  to  the  sacrifices  ;  and,  besides,  that  he  also'^  .vould 
become  a  Jew,  and  traverse  every  inhabited  place,  and  proclaim  "  *lie  power  of 

18  God.  But  since  his  pains  in  no  wise  ceased,'^  for  the  just  judgment  of  God  had  ^' 
come  upon  him,  despairing  of  himself,™  he  wrote  unto  the  Tews  the  letter  under- 
written, having  the  character  "'  of  a  supplication,  and  running  thus  :  ^- 

19  T^itiochus,  king  and  general,-^  to  the  good  "*  Jews  his  citizens  wisheth  much  joy, 

20  and  -^  health,  and  prosperity.  If  ye  and  your  chOdren  fare  well,  and  your  affairs  ^' 
are  to  your  mind,"'  I  give  ''  very  great  thanks  to  God,  having  my  hope  in  heaven. 

21  But  ^  as  for  me,  I  am  lying  sick.  I  recall,  lovingly,'"  your  honor  and  good  will. 
Returning  from  the  regions  of  *'  Persia,  and  being  taken  with  a  grievous  disease,  I 

22  thought  it  necessary  to  care  for  the  common  safety  of  all.    I  do  not  give  up  myself, 

23  but  have  ^'^  great  hope  to  escape  this  sickness.     But  considering  that  also  my  ^ 

24  father,  at  the  '■*  time  he  led  an  army  into  the  upper  '^  countries,  appomted  his  '^  suc- 
cessor, to  the  end  that,  if  acaj  thing  fell  out  contrary  to  expectation,  or,  if  also  ^  any 
tidings ''  were  brought  that  were  grievous,  they  of  the  land,  knowing  to  whom  the 

25  state  was  left,  might  not  be  disquieted  ;  and,  further,  as  I  have  perceived  that  the 
adjoining  rulers  and  neighbors  of  my  kingdom  watch  for  opportunities,  and  await  the 
issue,''  I  have  appointed  my  '"'  son  Antiochus  king,  whom,  many  times,  on  occasion 
of  m}' going  into  the  upper  satrapies,  I  have  committed  and  commended  unto  the 

26  most  of  you.  And  to  him  *^  I  have  written  as  followeth.  Therefore  I  exhort  and 
pray  you,  mindful  of  my  benefits,  in  general  and  in  particular,*-  that  every  man 

27  keep  the  good  will  shown  hitherto  to  me  and  my ''  son.  For  I  am  persuaded  that 
he,  following  in  mildness  and  humanity  my  policy,  will  accommodate  himself  to 
you." 

28  Thus  this  *^  murderer  and  blasphemer  having  suffered   most  grievously,  as  he 

not  follow  him.  I  render,  with  Grimm  uiro  in  the  sense  of  Tnore  and  more  :  Keil,  deep  down).  i  his  great  (rb  iroXu, 
for  the  most  part,  or  the  most  of)  pride,  and  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  himself  by.  2  God,  his  pain  increasing  (lit., 
*'  kept  on  the  stretch  by  the  pains  ").  ^  omits  even.  ^  the^e  words.  It  is  meet.  ^  a  man  that.  ^  Fritzsche 
adopts  ii7TepTJi^ai/a  for  l(j6deo.,  and  omits  virepTj</>ai'(u9,  which  is  also  wanting  in  19.  23.  62.  93.  Co.  Old  Lat.  But 
<(rodea  seems  to  be  demanded  as  antithetic  to  QrrjTov  ovra ;  while  vireprjtfxivtii^,  "  proudly,-'  might  well  be  dropped  as 
a  glo.^s. 

Vers.  13-15.  —  'A.  V.:    TAis  wicked  per.-JOn  vowed  also  unto.  8  the  which.  ^  m&ke  it  {[it.,  build  it).  lo  he 

would  set  at  liberty  :  and  as  touching  the  (art.  with  force  of  demon.).  *i  of  the  fowls  (ota>;'o^ptlJTovs.  ©ijpiois  is  added 
pleonastically.    Cf.  Winer,  p.  606).        ^^  equals  to  the  citizens  of  Athens  (see  Com.). 

Vers.  16-18.  — ^^  x.  V. :  goodly  gifts.         i*  with  many  more.         ^^  charges  belonging.  '"  yea,  and  that  also  he. 

^'  Jew  himself  a.lni  go  through  all  the  world  that  was  inhabited,  and  declare.  ^^  for  all  this  his  pains  would  not 

cease.  ''^  was.  -^  thnefore  despairing  of  his  health  (lit.,  things  concerning  himself).  21  containing  the  form 

(Tafic.  It  referred  first,  to  one's  position  in  the  body  of  citizens,  and  as  this  was  determined  by  certain  qualificationa 
<A  the  subjec,  it  came  to  mean  quality,  rharacteristic).        --  after  this  manner. 

Vers.  19-23.  —  ^  A.  V. ;  governor  (cf.  Com.).  24  (^^pTjcrroiy.  As  referring  to  citizens,  rfeserw'n^.)  ^e  omits  &ad. 
^  (affairs  (tA  ifiia.     Some  render  by  "' domestic  affairs  ")  -'  be  to  your  contentment.  ^  (lit.,  row. )  20  omitA 

But.  ■'"'  was  weak,  or  else  I  would  have  remembered  (Fritzsche,  with  Grimm  and  Keil,  strikes  out  the  av  before  this 
word.    It  is  wanting  in  III.  23.  19.  62.  CA.  93.  106.)  kindly  (cf.  Com.).  ='  out  of  (cf.  ver.  1).  ''  not  distrusting 

mine  health,  but  having.        ^^  even  my.        ^  what.        3''  higli.        ^  {Or  indicated,  aveSet^e)  a. 

Vers.  a4-26.  — 37  a.  V. :  omits  also  (the  preceding  ^  is  wanting  in  III.  19.  62.  64.  93. 106.)  38  tidings  (contained  in 
the  verb).  30  troubled  :  again,  considering  how  that  the  princes  that  are  borderers  and  neighbours  unto  my  kingdom 
wait  for  opportunities,  and  expect  what  shall  be  the  event.  *"  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  fiov.     It  is  wanting  in  III.  23. 

44.  55.  al.)  *'  whom  I  often  committed  ....  unto  many  of  you,  when  I  went  up  into  the  high  provinces,  to  whom. 
*2  pray  and  request  you  to  remember  the  benefits  that  'have  done  unto  you  generally,  and  in  special,  and.  *"  will 

be  still  faithful  to  me  and  my  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  /xo-       It  Is  wanting  in  III.  19.  44.  55.  al.). 

Vers.  27-29.  —  **  A.  V. :  understanding  my  mind  will  favourably  and  graciously  yield  to  your  desires.  «  tiw  (all 
with  the  force  of  a  demoa.). 


2   MACCABEES. 


593 


treated  others,   died  a  miserable  death  '  in   a  strange  country  iu  the  mountains. 
29  And  Philip,  that  was  brought  up  with  him,  buried  him,"  who  also  fearing  greatly ' 
the  son  of  Autiochus,  betook  himself  ^  into  Egypt  to  Ptolemy  Philometor. 

Vera.  28,  29.  — *  A.  V. :  entreated  other  fn«n,  so  died  he  a  miserable  death  {lit.,  ended  his  life  by  a  miserable  fate 
»  carried  away  his  body  {iropeieo^ifeTO.    Here  alone  in  the  sense  of  buried),  3  omits  greatly  (it  is  the  force  of  Sta, 

in  composition).        *  went  (Siexo^ia^). 

Chaptee  IX. 


The  present  history  differs  much  from  that  of 
the  First  Book,  not  only  in  its  interjected  rera.arks 
and  the  general  coloring  of  the  thought  through. 
out,  but  in  its  statement  of  facts,  for  some  of 
which  there  seems  to  be  no  historical  foundation. 
Ct.  1  Mace.  fi.  1-18. 

Ver.  2.  Persepolis.  See  an  account  of  this 
city  in  Rawlinson,  Ancient  Mon.,  iii.  92,  270.  It 
seems  not  to  have  been  fully  destroyed  by  Alex- 
ander the  Great.  Cf .  Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  xii. 
170  ff.,  237.  On  the  statement  here  made  respect- 
ing Antiochus  being  in  Persepolis,  cf.  1  Mace.  iii. 
31  ;  vi.  1-17. 

Ver.  3.  According  to  the  previous  book  An- 
tiochus heard  this  news  from  Judaea,  while  he 
was  still  In  Persia,  and  also  died  at  Tabae  in  the 
latter  country.  Ecbatana  was  at  least  three  hun- 
dred miles  distant  from  Tabse. 

Ver.  10.  The  disease  of  which  Antiochus  is 
said  to  have  died  seems  to  hare  been  the  same  as 
that  from  which  Herod  the  Great  suffered  (cf. 
Joseph.  Antiq.,  xvii.  6,  §  5),  as  also  Herod  Agrippa 
I.  Cf.  Acts  xii.  23.  Herodotus  also  (iv.  205) 
says  of  a  certain  African  princess  Pheretima: 
"  On  her  return  to  Egypt  from  Lybia,  directly 
after  taking  vengeance  on  the  people  of  Barca, 
she  was  overtaken  by  a  most  horrid  death.  Her 
body  swarmed  with  worms  which  ate  her  flesh 
while  she  was  yet  alive."  On  the  special  char- 
acter of  the  disease,  cf.  Herzog's  Encyk.,  art. 
"  Krankheiteu."  Without  doubt  much  of  what 
is  here  related  respecting  the  death  of  Antiochus 
is  pure  invention. 

Ver.  15.  The  meaning  of  the  expression,  that 
all  the  Jews  should  be  made  equal  to  Athenians  is 
not  clear.  .Some  would  change  the  word  to  An- 
tiochians,  for  which,  however,  there  is  no  support 
in  the  codices.  The  Athenians  are  probably  men- 
tioned as  furnishing  a  notable  example  of  a  free 
state.  The  Jews  were  promised  a  constitution 
guaranteeing  them  equal  rights  with  them. 

Ver.  19.  The  rank  of  "general,"  trTparriyis,  is 
found  nowhere  else  associated  with  that  of  king. 
But  it  was  common  iu  connection  with  the  Koman 
consul,  and  the  preseut  instance  is  probably  in 
imitation  of  such  a  custom.  —  In  the  Greek  we 
tind  the  name  of  the  receiver  of  this  letter  placed 
before  that  of  the  writer,  which  is  also  uncommon. 
Cf  -  however,  1  Esd.  vi.  7  ;  2  Mace.  i.  1.  Some  have 
found  in  this  fact  a  proceeding  unworthy  of  a 
king,  and  think  that  it  argues  against  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  document.  Keil,  however,  maintains 
that  the  argument  would  not  hold  in  the  presunt 
case,  since  Antiochus  compromised  the  royal  dig- 
nity also  in  other  ways. 

Ver.  21.  The  imperfect,  Sicuef/ijji/,  is  used  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  receiver  of  the  letter,  and 
this  verb,  as  also  the  following,  is  better  trans- 
lated by  the  present. 

Ver.  23.  That  Antiochus  the  Great  really  con- 
ducted in  this  way  is  nowhere  else  stated,  and  can 
hardly  be  possible ;  since  in  the  event  of  his  death 
38 


there  would  not  have  been,  as  in  the  present  case, 
any  doubt  respecting  his  successor. 

Ver.  25.  Whom,  many  times.  This  state- 
ment rests  on  no  legitimate  historical  foundations. 
Antiochus  is  not  known  to  have  made  more  than 
one  such  campaign,  and  that  is  the  one  now  under 
consideration.  —  As  followeth.  The  letter  re- 
ferred to  is,  however,  not  given. 

Ver.  27.  This  supposed  letter  of  Antiochus  to 
the  Jews  lacks  the  most  ordinary  proofs  of  gen- 
uineness, whether  external  or  internal.  It  wa.s  quite 
unlike  him  to  have  written  such  a  letter.  It  stands 
in  the  boldest  contradiction  to  his  well-known  re- 
latious  to  the  Jews,  as  well  as  with  the  condition  in 
which,  according  to  the  context,  he  was  at  the  time 
it  was  written.  He  is  said  (ver.  18)  to  have  doubted 
whether  he  would  recover,  and,  therefore,  to  have 
sent  a  letter  "  having  the  character  of  a  supplica- 
tion." But  the  letter  has  not  at  all  that  character, 
aud  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  he  expects  to  re- 
cover. He  has  the  face,  also,  to  speak  of  the  ben- 
efits that  he  had  bestowed  on  the  Jews,  when  his 
entire  dealings  with  them  had  been  characterized 
by  the  utmost  selfishness  and  cruelty.  Moreover, 
in  addition  to  the  historical  misstatement  of  ver. 
25,  just  alluded  to,  it  is  well  known  that  his  son 
was  at  tliis  time  but  nine  years  of  age  (cf.  1  Mace, 
vi.  17).  He  could  not,  therefore,  have  reigned  in 
his  own  right,  but  only  through  a  regent.  Such 
a  regent  he  had  in  Philip  (1  Mace.  vi.  14,55). 
Why  is  nothing  said  of  him  ?  And  why,  in  so 
important  a  document,  are  the  usual  dates  want- 
ing ?  Keil,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  a  sufiicient 
occasion  for  such  a  letter  existed  in  the  desire  of 
Antiochus  to  commend  his  sou  to  the  good  will 
of  the  Jews,  and  that  its  errors,  on  which  he 
seems  inclined  to  pass  as  mild  a  judgment  as  pos- 
sible, arose  from  the  fact  that  it  is,  as  he  sup- 
poses, not  a  literal  reproduction  of  the  origin^, 
but  only  a  free  statement  of  its  most  essential 
points. 

Ver.  28.  In  the  mountains.  Tabse  lay  in  a 
very  mountainous  region,  which  was  inhabited  by 
bands  of  robbers. 

Ver.  29.  Philip.  Cf.  1  Mace.  vi.  14. —  Be- 
took himself  into  Egypt.  This  statement  does 
not  agree  with  that  of  1  Mace.  vi.  55,  63,  and  Jo- 
sephus,  ,.-l«(iV;.,  xii.  9,  §  7.  According  to  the  latter 
authorities,  Philip,  after  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  returned  with  the  army  from  Persia 
in  order  to  take  possession  of  the  govcriiinent, 
and  did  take  the  capital,  but  was  afterwards  con- 
quered, and  as  Josephus  states,  put  to  death  by 
Lysias,  who  on  the  news  of  the  king's  death  had 
immediately  proclaimed  his  son,  Antiochus  Eupa- 
tor,  king.  Most  of  those  who  attempt  to  recon- 
cUe  these  accounts  represent  that  Philip  did  in- 
deed make  a  flying  visit  to  Egypt,  as  stated  in 
nur  book,  and  afterwards  returned  to  the  army. 
But  the  idea  is  absurd  that,  moved  by  fear,  he 
should  have  left  a  friendly  army  to  go  aluiie 
through  the  provinces  under  the  control  of  I.vs 


694  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


ias  to  find  refuge,  or  support,  in  Egypt.  Keil, 
therefore,  supposes  that  Josephus  simply  inferred 
the  death  of  Philip  from  the  fact  that  he  was  con- 
quered and  that  nothing  more  is  said  of  him  by 
the  author  of  1  Mace.    He  thinks  that  he  may  have 


escaped  after  his  defeat  at  Antioch,  and  gone  into 
Egypt.  Of  the  two  theories  the  latter  is  by  far  the 
more  reasonable ;  but  it  rests  on  bare  conjecture, 
and  as  over  against  the  assertion  of  Josephus  is 
insufBcient  to  harmonize  the  conflicting  accounts. 


Chapter   X. 

1  But  Maccabteus  and  liis  men,'  the  Lord  guiding^  them,  recovered  the  temple 

2  and  the  city ;  and'  the  altars  which  the  heathen  had  built  in  the  market  place,*  and 

3  also  '  the  groves,^  they  pulled  down.  And  having  cleansed  the  temple  they  made 
another  altar,  and  striking  stones  .aflame,  and  taking'  fire  out  of  them,  they*  offered 

4  a  sacrifice^  after  two  years,  and  set  forth  incense,  and  lights,  and  shewbread.  And 
having  done  this,'"  they  fell  flat  down,  and  besought  the  Lord  that  they  might  fall  ^' 
no  more  into  such  troubles ;  but  if,  also,  at  any  time  they  sinned,'-  that  he  himself 
would  chasten  them  with  clemency,''  and  that  they  might  not  be  delivered  unto  the 

5  blasphemous  and  barbarous  nations.  And  "  upon  the  day  '^  that  the  heathen  " 
profaned  the  temple,  on  the  same  "  day  it  came  to  pass  that  the  temple  ''  was 

6  cleansed,  the  '^  five  and  twentieth  day  of  the  same  month,  which  is  Chaseleu.'"  And 
they  kept  eight  days  with  gladness,  as  in  the  feast  of  the  tabernacles,  remembering 
how  not  long  before,  during  -'  the  feast  of  the  tabernacles,  they  had  dwelt  in  the 

7  mountains  and  in  the  caves  -^  like  beasts.  Therefore  they  bore  rods  covered  with 
leaves,^^  and  fair  boughs,  and  palm  branches  also,-*  and  sang  songs  of  praise  -^  unto 

8  him  that  had  given  them  good  success  in  cleansing  his  place.  They  ordained  also 
by  a  common  ordinance  and  statute,-*  that  every  year  those  days  should  be  kept 

9  by  ^'  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews.  And  this  was  the  end  of  Antiochus,  called 
Epiphanes.-* 

10  And  now  will  we  make  known  what  concerns  -'  Antiochus  Eupator,  who  was  the 

11  son  of  that  godless  man,  summing  up  the  evils  fostered  by  the  warriors.'"  For  this 
man,  when  he  took  the  kingdom,  proclaimed  that  one  Lysias  should  be  "  over  the 

12  affairs  of  Ins  realm,  and  general  in  chief-  of  Coelesyria  and  Phoenice.  For  Ptole- 
my, that  was  called  Macron,  being  the  first  to  observe  justice  toward  the  Jews  be- 
cause injustice  had  been  done  them,  endeavored  to  arrange   matters  with  them 

13  peacefully.  Wherefore  being  accused  by  '^  the  king's  friends  before  Eupator,  and 
called  traitor  everywhere,'*  because  he  had  left  Cyprus,  that  Philometor  had  com- 
mitted unto  him,  and  withdrawn  ^  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  because  he  did  not 
hold  his  power  honorably,'"  he  poisoned  himself  and  died. 

Vers.  1-3.  —  ^  A.  V. :  Now         .     company.  ^  (TTpoiyoirTo^,    Perhaps,  here,  (M«3(in^  or  trnpeUiTi^.)  shut 

open  street.         ^  (Iti.)         ^  chapels  (so  Vulg.  and  Luther,  but  cf.  1  Mace.  i.  47).  ^  stones  they  took.         ^  and 

III.  23.  55.  106.  have  the  plur. 

Vers.  4-6.  —  i°  A.  V. ;  When  that  was  done.  ^^  come  "  if  they  sinned  any  more  against  him.  "  mercy. 

**  Now.  ^"  same  day.  ^^  strangers  (cf  ver.  2).  ^^  Vfry  same.  '^  omits  came  to  pass  that  the  temple. 

*o  a^ain,  even  the.  ^o  Casleu.  -^  that  not  long  afore  they  had  held  (to  be  construed  rather  as  an  accusative  of 

time).  -2  when  as  they  wandered  {veixofxevot.     This  verb  meant  (1)  to  distribute  ;  (2)  to  pasture.     In  the  latter  sense 

it  had  a  close  connection  with  the  meaning  to  dwell  in,  occupy,  since,  among  the  early  pastoral  tribes,  using  land  for 
pasturage  established  possession)  ....  dens. 

Vers.  7-9.  —  2;'.  A.  V. :  bare  branches  (cf.  Com.).  24  palms  also  (In).  25  psalms.  20  statute  (n-poorayfiaTo?) 

lind  decrte  (if/Tjf^ia/iaTos.  This  was,  properly,  something  passed  by  a  majority  of  votes  ;  at  Athens  a  measure  passed  or 
ratified  m  the  eKK^Tia-ia].  27  of.  2a  Ljt,^  *(  ^nd  with  respect  to  the  end  of  Antiochus  surnamed  Epiphanes,  it  was 

attended  with  such  circumstances,'"  outu?  «tx*(  "was  in  this  wise."  He  would  connect,  in  thought,  the  death  of  the 
king  mth  the  cleansing  and  dedication  of  the  temple. 

Vers.  10,  n.  — 21)  A.  V. :  Now  will  we  declare  the  acts  of  (avri  is  direct  object  of  SijAwaojaei',  and  serves,  by  its  posi- 
tion, to  emphasize  the  preceding  phrase  rd  Kara  rbi/  EuTraTopa).  so  (^,5  wicked  man,  gathering  briefiy  the  calam- 
ities of  the  wars  (instead  of  ra  ri^v  noKifjMtv  kokol,  Fritzsche  reads,  ex  librisfere  omnibus,  including  III.  19.  44.  52.  al.,  t4 
ffvvixovTa  ruiv  TroAe^t'wi'  —  III.  106.,  TToKeuiv  —  KoKa.  The  evils  of  the  war,  like  the  separate  brands  of  a  fire,  wure  held 
together,  and  so  a  bla7,e  fostered).  ^^  So  when  he  (oCtos,  with  III  19.  23.  44.  al.  ;  text,  rec,  avTos)  was  come  to  the 
crown,  he  set  {cf .  is.  23)  one  L.        ^2  appointed  him  chief  governor. 

Vers.  12,  13. —  ^^  A.  V. :  choosing  rather  (npo-qyovfievo^.  Cf.  Rom.  xii.  10)  to  do  justice  unto  the  .1.  for  the  wrong 
that  had  been  done  unto  them,  endeavoured  (the  koi  before  eneiparo  is  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche.  It  is  wanting  in  IIL 
%3.  44.  55.  al.)  to  continue  (Stefayeti')  peace  with  them.  Whereupon  .  .  of.  34  at  every  word  (Trap' cKacrra.  Here 
and  at  ver.  14,  everywhere ,  or  at  every  opportunity.     Cf.  3  Mace.  25)  ^  departed.  ^c  seeing  that  he  was  in  nl 

honourable  place,  he  was  so  discouraged  that  (the  passage  is  doubtless  corrupt     The  text    ree.  is,  fi^r'  evyevij  i^ovtria* 


2  MACCABEES.  595 


I 


14  But  Gorgias  becoming  general  in  these  regions,    he  enlisted  mercenaries,'  and 

15  nourished  war  every  where -^  with  the  Jews.  And  therewithal  the  Idum^ans  also,' 
having  in  their  hands  conveniently  situated  fortresses,  annoyed  the  Jews,*  and  re- 
ceiving those  that  were  banished  from  Jerusalem,  they  went  about  to  nourish  war. 

16  But  the  Maccabee  and  they  that  were  with  him  having^  made  supplication,  and 
besought  God  that  he    would  be  their  helper,  charged  "  with  violence  upon  the 

17  strongholds  of  the  Idumaians,  and  assaulting  them  strongly,  they  won  the  places,^ 
and  drove  '  off  all  that  fought  upon  the   wall ;  and  they  ^  slew   all  that  fell  into 

18  theii-  hands,  and  killed  no  fewer  than  twenty  thousand.  And  because  not '°  less 
than  nine  thousand  fled  "  together  into  two  very  strong  towers,  having  all  that  was 

19  needful  for  a  siege,  the  Maccabee  '-  left  Simon  and  Joseph,  and  besides,^'  Zacch^us 
also,  and  them  that  were  with  him,  who  were  enough  to  besiege  them,  and  departed 

20  himself  unto  those  places  which  more  needed  his  help.  But  "  they  that  were  with 
Simon,  being  led  by  '*  covetousness,  were  won  over  with  '^  money  by  "  certain  of 
those   that  were  in    the   towers,'*   and    took  seventy  thousand  drachmas,'^  and  le 

21  some ""  escape.  But  when  it  was  told  the  Maccabee  what  had  taken  place,'-'  he 
called  the  leaders  ^  of  the  people  together,  and  made  complaint,-'  that  they  had  sold 

22  their  brethren  for  money,  and  set  their  enemies  free  to  fight  against  them.  Those 
therefore  that  were  found  traitors  he  slew,^*  and  immediately  took  the  two  towers.^' 

23  And  having  good  success  with  his  weapons  in  all  things  he  took  in  hand,  he  slew  in 
the  two  fortresses  *°  more  than  twenty  thousand. 

24  But  -'  Timotheus,  whom  the  Jews  had  overcome  before,  having  ^  gathered  a 
great  multitude  of  foreign  forces,  and  horsemen  come  from  '^  Asia  not  a  few,  came 

25  to  take  Judsea '"  by  force  of  arms.  But  when  he  drew  near,  the  Maccabee  and  they 
that  were  with  him  ''  turned  themselves  '-  to  pray  unto  God,  and  sprinkled  earth 

26  upon  their  heads,  and  girded  their  loins  with  sackcloth,  and  fell  down  at  the  foot  of 
the  altar,  and  besought  him  to  be  merciful  to  them,  and  to  be  an  enemy  to  their 

27  enemies,  and  an  adversary  to  their  adversaries,  as  the  law  declareth.  And  ris- 
ing from ''  the  prayer  they  took  their  weapons,  and  advanced  a  considerable  dis- 
tance ^*  from  the  city ;  and  when  they  drew  near  to  their  enemies,  they  halted.'^ 

28  But  just  as  the  sun  arose,  they  attacked  on  both  sides,'^  the  one  side  ''  having  to- 
gether with  valor,  their  refuge  "^  unto  the  Lord  as  '^  pledge  of  success  *"  and  vic- 

29  tory  ;  but "  the  other  side  making  rage  their  leader  in  their  battles.''-  But  when 
the  battle  became  obstinate,'"  there  appeared  from  heaven  unto  the  enemy  **  five 
lustrous  ^^  men  upon  horses  with  bridles  of  gold  ;  and  the  two  ^^  led  the  Jews,  and 

ixuv  VTT*  devjuia?  ^apy.<xK^(Tos,  and  might  be  rendered,  "  since  he  did  not  hold  his  power  nobly,"'  i.  «.,  had  obtained  . 
in  an  ignoble  waj',  "  he  took  poison  in  despondency."  But  this  text  is  very  poorly  supported.  Grimm  and  Fritzsche 
adopt,  for  l\tav  iin  aSvfjLLas,  eu-yei'itras  (see  below)  "  since  he  had  not  ennobled  his  olBce  through  honourable  dealing,  h 
took  poison."'  In  support  of  this  conjecture,  Grimm  says  :  *'  Though  the  verb  has  been  found  as  yet  only  in  a  frag 
ment  of  Philemon,  still  its  use  on  the  part  of  our  author  cannot  for  a  moment  appear  strange,  if  his  frequently  em 
bellished  style,  in  particular  his  predilection  for  rare  words,  and  airo^  Aey6ju6i/a,  as  well  as  for  connecting  together 
words  of  the  same  root  are  considered."  The  word  ex^c  is  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  55.,  and  for  vn  advjuia;.  III  44.  93 
243.  read  eiiyevfaaia^}. 

Vers.  14-16.  —  I  A.  V. :  when  G.  was  governor  of  the  holds  {tCjv  ronbiv.    Cf .  ver.  11),  he  hired  soldiers.  2  con 

tinually  (nap  eKaara.     Cf.  ver.  13).  3  omits  al.'iO.  *  gotten  into  their  hands  the  ^nost  commodious  holds,  kept 

the  J.  occupied  iyvfxva^ew  is  here  used  in  the  metaphorical  sense  of  to  annoy.  They  kept  themselves  fresh  in  warlike 
exercises  by  practicing  on  the  Jews).  s  Then  they  that  were  with  M.  '^  and  so  they  ran  {the  word  opfiav,  as  here 
distinguished,  refers  to  the  c/iarge,  and  Trpocr^aXAeii'  to  the  actual  assaidt). 

Vers.  17-20.  — '  A.  V. :  wan  the  holds.  »  kept.  »  oTnits  they.  1°  certain,  who  were  no.  ^^  were  tied. 

^'  castles  (TnJpyov?.  The  translation  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  doubt  whether  so  many  people  could  be  accom- 
modated in  two  "  towers."'  Cf.  ver.  '20,  where  the  context  shows  that  the  word  is  to  be  taken  in  a  broader  sense  than 
usual.  The  numbers,  however,  are  doubtless  exaggerated),  having  all  manner  of  things  convenient  to  sustain  the  siege, 
M.  ^  omits  besides.  i*  Now.  i^  with.  •'J  persuaded  for  {rteiO&aOat,,  with  dpyvpt'<j>,  is  so  used  in  the  classica 
In  the  sense  of  to  suffer  oneself  to  be  bribed).        17  through.         18  castle.         '^  drachms.         20  gome  of  them. 

Vers.  21-23.  —  21  a_  y^ ;  told  M.  what  was  done.        --  governors.        23  accused  those  men        "  So  he  slew  those  that 
were  found  traitors.        25  castles.        20  holds  (here  oxupiu^aai.     Cf.  ver.  18). 

"Vers.  24-26.  — ^J  A.  V. :  Now.  28  when  he  had.  2»  horses  out  of.         s"  as  though  he  would  (ils)  take  Jewry. 

M  they  that  were  with  M.  "  turned  themselves  (Fritzsche,  with  Grimm,  strikes  out  this  verb,  as  III.  23.  44.  55.  al 
In  that  case,  the  rendering  would  be,  "  sprinkled  earth  upon  their  heads  in  prayer  to  God). 

Vers.  27,  28.  —  ^  A.W.:  So  after.  ^  went  on  further.  as  feept  by  themselves  (i.  e.,  did  not  advance  to  tne 

attack).  '5  Now  the  sun  being  newly  risen  (Fritzsche  adopts  5toxeoneiT|!,  diffiised  ;  text,  rec,  Staiex.oiJ.einis,  succeeded 
<o,/o^;&wfrf)  they  joined  both  together.  37  part.  ^  \vith  their  Tiitue  their  letMge  also.         ^^fom.  *'^  their 

success.        *^  omits  hut.        *-  lA^ir  rage  leader  0/ tActr  battle. 

Ver.  29.  —  **  A.  V. :  waxed  strong.  **  appeared  unto  the  enemies  Irom  heaven  *5  comely  *^  two  4 

them  (ol  Svo.    The  latter  is  omitted  by  19.  23.  55.  62.  98.  Syr.    See  Com.). 


596 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


30 


31 
32 
33 
34 

35 


took  the  Maccabee  ^  betwixt  them,  and  covered  him  ^  with  their  weapons,  and  kept 
him  invulnerable,'  but  shot  arrows  and  lightnings  against  the  enemy  ;  therefore^ 
confused  through  *  blindness,  and  full  of  consternation,^  they  were  cut  in  pieces.' 
And  there  were  slain  '  twenty  thousand  and  five  hundred  footmen,*  and  six  hun- 
dred horsemen.  But  Timotheus  himself  ^  fled  into  a  stronghold,'"  called  Gazara, 
which  was  a  garrisoned  fortress  "  where  Chsereas  was  commander.''^  But  the  Mac- 
cabee and  his  men  '^  laid  siege  to  "  the  fortress  courageously,'^  four  '^  days.  And 
they  that  were  within,  trusting  to  the  strength  of  the  place,  blasphemed  exceedingly, 
and  uttered  wicked  words.  But  "  upon  the  fifth  day,  early,  twenty  young  men  of 
the  Jlaccabee's  attendants,''  inflamed  with  anger  because  of  the  blasphemies,  as- 
saidted  the  wall  manfully,''  and  with  a  fierce  courage  killed  every  one  they  met.^' 
36  And  others  in  like  manner,  advancing  against  the  garrison  under  cover  of  the 
diversion,  set  fire  to "'  the  towers,  and  ligliting  funeral  pyres  ^^  burnt  the  blas- 
phemers alive  ;  and  others  broke  open  the  gates,  and,  having  admitted  ^  the  rest  of 
the  army,  took  the  city,  and  killed  Timotheus,  that  was  hid  in  a  certain  pit,  and 
Chareas  ^*  his  brother,  and  '^  Apollophanes.  And  having  completed  this,'^^  they 
blessed  ^  the  Lord  with  songs  of  praise  ^*  and  thanksgiving,  who  had  shown  great 
goodness  to  ^  Israel,  and  given  them  the  victory. 

Vers.  30,  31.  —  1  A.  V. :  took  M.  ^  /ifm  on  every  side.  3  fiim  gafe.  *  enemies  :  so  that  being*con- 

founded  with.  ^  trouble.  ^  kiUed.  '  slain  of  footmtn.  ^  omits  footmen. 

Vers.  32-35. — ^  A.V.:  As  for  T.  himself,  he.  lo  very  strong  hold  {now  usually  written  together.    Cf.  Webster's 

Diet.,  under  the  word).  *^  omits  which  was  a  garrisoned  fortress.  12  chereas  wa^  governor.  ^^  they  that  were 
withM.  i«  against.  ^^  {Ut.,weU pleaseil,  gladly.)  "  (23.  55.  93.  Co.,  "  twenty-four  ;'■  III.,  "  forty."     Cf. 

Ter.  36.)  "  Nevertheless.  ■«  fifth  (III.  55.  106.,  i\ii.ipa.^  ical  el«ooTi)s  ;  23.  H.  71.  74.  243.  Co.  Aid.,  koX  tUotrrrn  ri^.) 
....  Maccabeus'  company  (the  contest  seems  to  require  the  rendering  given.  They  were  his  body  guard,  staff  J. 
J9  manly.        "'*  all  that  they  met  withal. 

Vers.  36-38.  —  -^  A.V,:  Others  likewise  ascending  {rrpoaavaPavTe^)  after  t/um,  whiles  they  were  busied  with  them  that 
were  within  (^i-  tw  TrtpitnraafitS.  This  word  means  (1)  a  wheeling  round  (cf  Polyb.,  x.  21,  3)  ;  (2)  a  having  one's  atten- 
tion distracted  (idem,  iii.  87,  9) ;  hence,  in  a  military  sense,  a  diversion.  The  idea  here  is  that  while  the  attention  of  the 
garrison  was  diverted  by  the  attack  of  the  twenty,  the  others  made  an  assault  elsewhere),  burnt.  2a  kindling 

(Fritzsche  adopts  cLviwrovTes  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  al. ;  text,  rec,,  avai/ratTes)  fires  (irvpa's.  Here,  apparently,  in  the  tecii- 
nical  sense,  funeral-pyres).         23  received  in.  **  Chereas.  25  with.  28  When  tliis  was  done.  27  praised. 

28  psalms.        29  done  so  great  things  for. 

Chapter  X. 


37 

38 


Ver.  1.  Cf.  with  the  present  section  (vers.  1-9) 
1  Mace.  iv.  31-54.  The  recovery  of  the  city,  ac- 
cording to  viii.  31,  33,  had  already  been  effected 
and  the  event  already  celebrated.  What  is  now 
described  took  place,  not  after  the  death  of  An- 
tiochus  Epiphanes,  but  in  the  previous  year,  and 
our  book  takes  them  up  here,  as  it  would  seem, 
simply  for  rhetorical  reasons. 

Ver.  3.  Strildng  stones  aflame.  It  would 
have  been  regarded  as  sacrilege  to  use  common 
fire  for  this  purpose.  It  was  customary  also 
among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  to  employ  for  such 
purposes,  either  tire  brought  from  some  other  al- 
tar, or  such  as  was  made  by  friction,  or  kindled 
by  the  sun.  —  After  two  years.  This  is  a  mis- 
take. (Cf.  1  Mace.  iv.  54.)  It  should  be  three 
years. 

Ver.  7.  Branches  (A.  V.),  Bvpa-ovs.  The  mean- 
ing is  not  clear.  They  were,  probably,  rods  cov- 
ered with  leaves.  Cf.  Jud.  xv.  12;  Joseph.,  An- 
tiq.,  xiii.  13,  §  5.  This  custom  was  of  compara- 
tively late  introduction.  The  statement  of  Plu- 
tarch {Si/mjjos.,  iv.  5),  that  the  Jews  at  this  feast 
carried  staves  covered  with  ivy  and  gra]ie-vine 
leaves,  as  the  Greeks  were  accustomed  to  do  at 
feasts  of  Bacchus,  is  received  with  well-merited 
suspicion.  With  respect  to  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, in  general,  see  Lev.  xviii.  39-43. 

Ver.  11.  One  Lysias.  He  is  thus  spoken  of 
out  of  contemjtt.  The  author  represents  Eupator 
here  as  apjiointing  Lysias  to  this  position,  whereas 
he  was  at  this  time  but  a  child.  Cf.  xi.  1  ;  xiii. 
S  :  xiv.  2.     Keil  would  translate  aveda^ey,  there- 


fore, by  proclaimed  (cf.  ix.  14),  supposing  that  it 
was  done  in  the  name  of  the  king  and  the  procla- 
mation probably  signed  by  him.  He  refers  to  1 
Mace.  vi.  22,  28,  .33,  where  acts  of  equal  impor- 
tance are  imputed  to  him.  The  representation  of 
our  book,  however,  that  Eupator  ascended  the 
throne  at  this  time,  ;'.  e.,  at  the  time  of  the  war 
of  the  Jews  with  the  Idumieans,  is  an  anachronism. 
Keil  would  explain  this  by  the  theory  that  he  was 
regarded  by  the  Jews  as  actual  sovereign,  in  the 
absence  of  his  father  in  Persia.  But  that  is  un- 
likely. 

Ver.  19.  The  Zacchseus  here  mentioned  is, 
otherwise,  unknown. 

Ver.  20.  The  persons  mentioned  as  being 
about  Simon,  01  irepl  t!ic  ^i/uoi/a,  were,  apparently, 
some  of  his  higher  officers. — Seventy  thousand 
drachmas.  A  drachma  was  worth,  at  first,  about 
nineteen  and  a  half  cents;  but  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment times  was  only  equal  to  the  dt^narius,  valued 
at  fifteen  cents. 

Ver.  22.  The  usual  punishment  for  treason 
seems  to  have  been  imprisonment  (xiii.  21).  Still, 
the  aggravated  circumstances  of  the  present  case 
offer  some  degree  of  justification  for  the  severe 
penalty  inflicted. 

Ver!  24.  Timotheus.  Cf.  viii.  30.  —  Horse- 
men come  from  (yevOjUeVous)  Asia  not  a  few. 
Tlie  part  of  Asia  referred  to  must  be  that  which 
belonged,  at  this  time,  to  the  Seleucian  kingdom, 
i.  e..  Upper  Asia,  and  more  particularly  Media 
which  was  rich  in  horses. 

Ver.  26.     At  the  foot  of  the  altar,  lit.,  at  tht 


2  MACCABEES. 


69T 


pedestal  in  front  of  the  altar.  The  idea  of  coming 
before  the  altar  as  before  the  face  of  God,  is  con- 
veyed by  the  Greek  ;  inl  t^v  a-n^vavTi  toC  Bv<Tia<r- 
Tijyiov.  —  As  the  law  declareth.  Cf .  the  LXX.  at 
Ex.  xxiii.  22. 

Ver.  29.  Unto  the  enemy.  Only  to  the  enemy  ? 
Or  is  the  dative  here  the  so-called  dative  incommodi 
(Winer,  p.  211  ft. ) :  appeared  for  the  destruction  of 
the  enemy?  Grimm  asks:  "Why  five  angels?" 
And  answers  :  "  Perhaps  with  reference  to  tlie  five 
Maccabiean  brothers."  —  And  the  two,  ol  5vo. 
The  article  here  has  given  rise  to  a  multitude  of 
conjectures.  And  why  are  two  thus  sin;;led  out  1 
What  was  the  service  of  the  remaining  three  ? 
Grimm  would  strike  out  5c!o,  and  read  the  article 
as  the  relative.  But  this  would  make  a  bungling 
sentence.  Keil  would  omit  both,  Sio  and  ol,  as 
corruptions.  De  Wette  retains  both  and  trans- 
lates :  "  of  whom  two  led  the  Jews ;  and  [the  others] 
took  Maccabceus  in  their  midst." 

Ver.  30.     The  thunder  and  lightning  which 


may  have  actually  accompanied  the  battle  would 
be  a  sufficient  basis,  in  the  hands  of  an  imagina- 
tive, and  not  too  scru]iulous,  writer,  for  the  re- 
maining incredible  part  of  the  story  concerning 
the  appearance  of  angels.  It  was  a  common  thing 
among  Greek  writers  to  represent  the  gods  as- 
interposing  for  their  favorites  in  the  hour  of  bat- 
tle. 

Ver.  32.  Called  Gazara.  This  is  not  the  city 
Gazara,  as  the  context  plainly  shows,  but  some 
important  fortress.  Where  it  was  situated  is  not 
certainly  known.  Ewald  { Geschickte  d.  Volk.  Is., 
iv.  409)  would  identify  it  with  Astera  (cf.  1  Mace. 
V.  43),  while  Grimm  and  others  think  that  the 
writer  has  interchanged  the  name  of  the  fortress- 
.faztr  (1  Mace.  v.  8),  with  Gazara.  —  Chaereaa 
was  a  brother  of  Timotheus.     See  ver.  37. 

Ver.  37.  And  killed  Timotheus.  He  appears, 
however,  later  in  the  history  (cf.  xii.  2),  and 
hence  this  statement  must  be  false.  —  Apollo- 
phanes  is  not  elsewhere  mentioned. 


Chapter  XI. 


1  But  after  a  very  short  time,  Lysias  the  king's  guardian  and  relative,  who  also  was 

2  regent,  being  sorely  displeased  at  what  had  taken  place,'  gathered  about  fourscore 
thousand  infantry  '^  with  all  the  horsemen,  and  came  '  against  the  Jews,  thinking  ta 

3  make  the  city  a  habitation  of  the  Greeks,*  and  the  temple  taxable,^  as  the  rest  of  the 

4  shrines  ^  of  the  heathen,  and  to  set  the  high  priesthood  to  sale  every  year,  not  at  all 
considering  the  power  of  God,  but  puffed  up '  with  //is  ten  thousands  of  footmen,  and 

5  his  thousands  of  horsemen,  and  his  fourscore  elephants.    And  he  invaded  JudtBa,*  and 
,  drew  near  to  Bethsura,  which  was  a  strong  place,^  but  distant  from  Jerusalem  about 

6  five  ^''  furlongs ;  and  he  laid  siege  ^^  unto  it.  And  when  the  Maccabee  and  they  tliat 
were  with  him  ^-  heard  that  he  besieged  the  strongholds,  they,  together  with  '"  the 
people,^*  with  lamentation  and  tears  besought  the  Lord  that  he  would  send  a  good 

7  angel  to  deliver  Israel.  And  the  Maccabee  himself  first  seized  his  weapons  and 
exhorted  the  others  '^  that  they  would  jeopard  themselves  together  with  him  to  help 

8  their  brethren ;  and  '^  they  went  forth  together  and  ^^  with  a  willing  mind.  And 
as  the_i/  were  there  '*  at  Jerusalem,  there  appeared  as  their  leader  one  on  horseback  ^* 

9  in  white  clothing,  brandishing  weapons  -'"  of  gold.  And  -^  they  praised  the  merciful 
God  all  together,  and  took  heart ;  being  ^  ready  not  only  to  pierce  through  men,  but 

1 0  most  savage  beasts,  and  walls  -^  of  iron,  and  advanced  upon  them  in  readiness  for 
battle,  since  they  had  this  -■*  helper  from  heaven,  the   Lord  having  been  -^  merci- 

11  ful  unto  them.     And  making  -''  a  charge  upon  (heir  enemies  like  lions,  they  slew  of 
them  ^'  eleven  thousand  footmen,^*  and  sixteen  hundred  horsemen,  and  put  all  ^  to 

12  flight.'"     But  the  most  of  them  escaped  wounded,  and  without  arms  ;  *^  and  Lysias 

Vers.  1,2.  —  i  A.  V. :  Not  long  after  this  ....  protector  and  cousin  ....  managed  the  affairs,  took  sore  displeasure 
(or  the  things  that  were  done.    And  when  he  had.        2  omits  infantry  (to  be  supplied  from  the  context).        s  he  came. 

Gentiles. 

Vers.  3-5.  — ^  A..V.:  and  to  make  a  gain  of  the  temple.  °  of  the  other  chapels.  ^  (n-et^pefufxeVos.  Vulg.,  mentt 
tffjxnatus.    In  the  active,  the  verb  means  to  make  wise,  to  make  understand.)  ^  So  he  came  to  J.  ^  town. 

"*  (This  is  false.  Bethsura  lay  about  twenty  miles  from  Jerusalem.  Codd.  III.  106.  have  (rxoivovi,  instead  of  arofitouj, 
which  would  make  the  distance  about  right ;  55.,  500  furlongs  ;  Syr  10,005  furlongs.  Grimm  supposes  that  another 
fortress  is  meant,  on  the  borders  of  Idumsea,  but  the  word  irevn  is  probably  corrupt.)  "  laid  sore  siege 

(iBKifitv). 

Vers.  6,  7.  —  ^  ^.Y.:  Now  when  they  that  were  with  M.  1*  holds,  they  and  all.  ^*  (oxXoiy,  used  in  distinc- 

tion from  the  soldiers.)  ^^  Then  M.  himself  first  of  all  took  weapons,  exhorting  the  other.  ^"^  so.  ^'  amitt 

and. 

Vera.  8-10.  — «  A.  V. :  omits  there  (airroSi.  The  Kai  after  «e  is  omitted  by  III.  55.  62.  64.  71.  74.  93.  106.  If  retained 
it  is  to  be  regarded  as  epesegetical.    Grimm  would  have  preferred  o-vroSev  for  auTiifli).  '^  before  them  on  hone- 

back  one.  2**  shaking  his  armour.  ^i  Then.  --  insomuch  that  they  were.  ^  tojight  with  ....  with  moat 
cruel  ....  and  to  pierce  through  walls.  24   Thus  they  marched  forward  (for  irpoariyov.  III.  62.  64.  93.  106.  Aid 

read  ffpoijyo*',  which  was  adopted  by  the  A.  V.)  in  tluir  armour,  having  a.         23  for  the  Lord  was. 

Vera.  11, 12.  —  26  ^_  \  ■  giving.  27  omits  of  them.  28  footmen  (required  by  the  context).  *  ^  the  other 

*^  (Lit    c*mpetUd  tojiee.)         ^^  Many  (ot  irAcioi'cc;  ....  also  6«t7if  wounded  escaped  naked. 


598  THE  APOCRYPHA. 

13  himself  also  fled  *  shamefully,  and  escaped.''  And '  as  he  was  a  man  of  under- 
standing,^ casting  up  ^  with  himself  what  loss  he  had  had,  and  considering  that  the 
Hebrews  could  not  be  overcome,^  because  the  Almighty '  God  helped  them,  he 

14  sent  unto  tlieni,  and  persuaded  them  that  he  would  *  agree  to  all  reasonable  con 
ditions,^  and  prom/serf  that  ^e  would  persuade  the  king  that /(e  must  needs  be  ^°  a 

15  friend  unto  them.  And  the  Maccabee  ^'  consented  to  all  that  Lysias  desired,  being 
mindful  of  its  advantage  ;  ^'^  for  all  the  Maccabee  wrote  ^'  unto  Lysias  concerning 

16  the  Jews,  the  king  granted.'^  For  there  were  letters  written  unto  the  Jews  from 
Lj'sias  to  this  effect: 

17  Lysias  unto  the  people  ^^  of  the  Jews  sewrff/A  greeting.  John  and  Abessalom,'' 
who  were  sent  from  you,  delivered  me  the  petition  subscribed,^'  and  made  request 

18  for  the  things  designated  therein.'*  Therefore  what  things  were  necessarily  re- 
ported '^  also  to  the  king,  I  have  made  them  known,^"  and  he  hath  granted  what 

19  was  admissible.-'     If  ilien  you  will  keep  yourselves  loyal  ^^  to  the  state,  I  will  en- 

20  deavor  hereafter  also  to  be  a  means  °^  of  good  to  you.-*  But  of  the  particulars  I 
have  given  order  both  to  these,  and  the  other  that  came  from  me,  to  commune  ^ 

21  with  you.  Fare  ye  well.  The  hundred  and  eight  and  fortieth  year,  the  four  and 
twentieth  day  of  tlie  month  Dioscorinthius.^' 

22  And  -''  the  king's  letter  ran  thus :  "-^  King  Antiochus  unto  his  orother   Lysias 

23  sendeth  greeting.     Since  our  father  departed  ^°  unto  the  gods,  our  will  is,  that  they 

24  that  are  in  our  realm  may  attend  undisturbed  to  their  ^  own  ajfairs.  Having  heard 
that  the  Jews  did  not  consent  to  the  change  to  Greek  customs  proposed  by  our 
father,  but  chose  rather  their  own  manner  of  living,  and  make  request,  that  we 

25  concede  to  them  their  customs :  ^'  now  our  wish  being,  that  also  this  ^^  nation  shall 
be  at  ^  rest,  we  ^^  have  determined  that  their  temple  may  be  restored,^'  and ''  that 

26  they  may  live  according  to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers.  Thou  wilt  ^'  do  well 
therefore  to  send  unto  them,  and  grant  them  peace,  that  knowing  our  mind,'*  they 
may  both  ^^  be  of  good  courage,'"'  and  occupy  themselves  *'  cheerfully  with  the  man- 
agement of  "  their  own  affairs. 

27  And  the  letter  of  the  king  unto  the  nation  of  the  Jews  was  after  this  manner  : 
King  Antiochus  sendeth  greeting  unto  the  council  of  the  Jews,*'  and  the  rest  of  the 

28  Jews.     If  ye  fare  well,  we  have  oui-  desire  ;  and  "  we  are  also  ourselves  *^  in  good 

29  health.  Menelaus  made  known  *^  unto  uSj  that  your  desire  was  to  return  home," 
80  and  to  follow  **  your  own  business.  Wherefore  they  that  will  depart*^  shall  have 
SI  permission  ^^  till  the  thirtieth  day  of  Xanthicus,  with  the  security,  that  the  Jews 

Vers.  12, 13.  — ^  A.  V. :  himself  fled  away.  *  so  escaped  (it  might  be  rendered,  "  escaped  by  shameful  flight  ") 

*  Who.  ^  (More  lit.,  "  as  he  was  no  fool. "J  ^  omits  up.  *  (Lit  ,  were  unconquerable.)  '  [-navra  5vvc^j.€Vov 

Codd.  III.  106.  omit  the  former.) 

Ver.  14.  —  8  A.  V. :  Mfm  to.  »  (irvAAvVerfoi  eiri  ttoo-i  roU  StKat'oi!  ;  III.  62.  64.  74.  93.  106.  Co.  Aid.,  in>M.ve(r0ai, 

which  must  be  read,  if  eireitre  of  the  common  text  is  adopted.  A  few  Codd.,  19.  62.  64.  93.,  with  Aid.,  have  the  imperf., 
ineidr,  which  Grimm  would  receive.     Cf.  following  note.)  i"  The  Greek  text,  Kat  Sion  Kal  TOt-  ^aatKia.  weiaetv  if)iXop 

ovToi?  at'dyKa^tiv  yev^adai,  is  not  clear.  Grimm  would  either  strike  out  TreiVeif ,  or  insert  a  Kai  before  4<^Kov,  taking  ko* 
ItoTt  for  Kal  oTi.  I  prefer,  with  Wahl  and  Keil,  to  take  Kal  Siort  in  the  sense  of  «al  iva  ct6a>c7-t,  St6Tt  (=r  ori)  and  rerder 
us  follows  (cf.  Wahl's  Clavis.  under  at'ayKa^tii) :  "and  that  he,  as  proof  that  he  would  win  also  the  king  over  to 
them,  was  now  already  seeking  to  move  him  to  form  a  friendship  with  them."  The  objection  to  this  interpretation  if 
made  by  Grimm  that  it  necessitates  the  introduction  of  the  extraneous  words,  "  now  already.''  But  this  thought  is, 
in  fact,  contained  in  the  infin.  pres.,  as  being  iu  distinction  to  the  future  infin.,  TreiVetv. 

Vers.  15-17.  —  "  A.  V. :  Then  M.         '=  careful  of  the  common  good.  "  and  whatsoever  (lit.,  as  many  things  at 

Id.  Avrote  (more  lit.,  delivered  over  to  L.  through  writings  ").  "  granted  it.         ^  (here  tv  n-A^Sei.)  ^«  Absalon 

"  (Cf.  Com.)        18  performance  of  the  contents  thereof. 

Vers.  18-21.  —  '^  A.  V. :  tilings  (ocra)  soever  were  meet  to  be  reported.  20  declared  theni.  ^^  as  much  as  might  be 
*2  (Lit.,  well  disposed.)  23  hereafter  ahfo  ^viU  1  endeavour  ....  (n-apatTios  =:  beini;  in  part  ike  cause).  **  youf 

good  (vMii'  is  omitted  by  III.  23.  44.  al.).        =»  (SioAcxfl^i'iii,  treat.)        ■'  forty  ....  twenty.     (Sec  Com.) 

Vers.  22,  23.  —  "  A.  V. :  Now.  ^  contained  these  words  (cf.  ver.  16,  and  Ix.  18).  ^s  ig  translated.  »>  live 

quietly,  that  every  one  may  attend  upon  his. 

Vers.  24-26.  — SI  A.  V. :  \Ve  understand  also  ....  would  not  consent  to  our  father,  for  to  be  brought  unto  the  cus- 
tom of  the  Gentiles,  but  had  rather  keep  ....  for  the  which  cause  (text,  rrc,  koX  £iii  touto  a|ioi}»'Tas.  Fritzsche 
tjtrikes  out  all  but  the  last  word,  the  same  failing  in  most  of  the  MSS.)  they  require  of  us  that  we  should  suffer  them  to 
live  after  their  own  law-*  (ra  vo^c/xa.  Fritzsche  strikes  out  avriav  after  the  latter  word.  It  is  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  62. 
al.).        32  Wherefore  our  mind  is,  that  this.         83  in.         34  and  we.  35  to  restore  them  their  temple.  ^*  omixt 

and.  3^  Shalt.  -^  when  they  are  certified  of  our  mind  [irpoatpeinv  =  purpose,  pre/erence).  39  omits  both, 

*^  comfort.        *t  ever  go  (Siayt'i'aii'Tai).        '^  about  (ffpbs  ....  avrC^ri^iv). 

Vers.  27-31.  —  *3  a.  V.  ;  ow/^.t  of  the  Jews.  ^  omits  a.txi.  ^'^  omits  ouTseUes.  ^6  (declared.  *^  (See  Own  . 
"  (YM^fffloi  TToda.)        *^  (KaraTTopevotJ.ti'oii.    Ci.  Com.)        ^  gafe  couduct. 


2  MACCABEES. 


599 


may  ^  use  their  own  food  ^  and  laws,  as  before,   and  that '  none  of  them  in  any 

32  wise  *   shall  be  molested  for  things  ignorantly  done.     And  ^  I  have  also  sent  Men- 

33  elaus,  that  he  may  assure"  you.     Fare  ye  well.     In  the  hundred  forty  and  eighth 
year,  and  the  fifteenth  f/ay  of  the  month  Xanthicus. 

34  And'   the  Romans  also  sent  unto  them  a  letter  containing  these  words  :  Quin- 
tus  '  Memmius,   and  Titus  Manlius,"  ambassadors  of  the  Romans,  send  greeting 

35  unto  the  people  "  of  the  Jews.     Concerning  that  which  '^  Ljsias  the  king's  rela- 

36  tive  ^-  hath  granted  you,''  we  also  consent  to  it."     But  what  '^  he  judged  should  '' 
be  referred  to  the  king,  after  you  have  advised  thereof,  send  one  forthwith,  that  we 

37  may  set  it  forth  as  it  is  fitting  towards  you,"  for  we  are  going  '*  to  Antioch.    There- 
fore send  some  with  speed,  that  we  may  also  "  know  what  is  your  mind.     Farewell. 

38  In  the'^"  hundred  forty  and  eighth  year,  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  Xanthicus. 


Ver.  31.  —1  A.  V. :  And  the  J.  shall, 
that.         *  any  mann^  o/"ways. 

Vers.  82-38.  —  =  A.  V. :  omits  And. 
adopts  Mai'tos  from  III.  23.  55.  62.  al. : 
10  {Here  Tolfi^jitfi,}  i>  WhateoeTer 

"  touching  such  things  as.  '^  to. 

duty).       IS  nou>  going.       ^  omits  aiao 


kind  o/ meats  (5a7raK^/jiaTa  =  fxpenditures,  here,  for  food) 


omits 


«  comfort.  '  omiLt  And  *  (Koii-Toy.)  *  (See  Com.    Fritzsche 

Maios,  44.  74.  243  ;  Old  Lat.,  Mant/iiw;  Syr.,  Quintus  Mfnisihius  Manius.) 

12  cousin.  13  omits  you.  '*  therewith  .  are  well  pleased. 

1^  declare  as  it  is  convenient  for  you  (III.  106.,  rin.lv ^  i.  e.,  as  it  would  be  our 

»  This  hundred  and  eight  and  forty  (cf.  ver.  33) 


Chapter  XI. 


Ver.  1.  On  the  differences  between  this  ac- 
count and  the  parallel  in  1  Mace,  cf.  Com.  on  the 
latter  book  (iv.  26-35),  .md  the  Introd.  to  the  pres- 
ent one.  It  may  be  supposed  that  some  facts 
relating  to  the  second  campaign  of  Lysias  have 
been  here  transferred  to  the  first,  or  tliat  the 
same  campaign  is  described  in  both  books,  but  are 
derived  from  different  and  divergent  authorities, 
so  that  the  writer  of  2  Mace,  held  it  to  be  a  dif- 
ferent series  of  events  which  were  meant. 

Ver.  2.     The  city.     Jerusalem. 

Ver.  3.  The  temple  taxable.  The  temple 
had  been  hitherto  provided  for,  in  some  of  its  ex- 
penses, by  donations  from  the  Syrian  rulers. 
From  1  Mace.  x.  25-45,  however,  where  Deme- 
trius I.  Soter  promises  that  certain  receipts  of  the 
same  shall  be  thereafter  free  from  taxation,  we 
infer  that  this  had  not  been  previously  the  case. 
Keil  thinks  it  probable  that  such  exemption  dated 
from  the  peace  with  Antiochus  V.  Eupator.  Cf. 
1  Mace.  vi.  58  ff. 

Ver.  4.  Fourscore  elephants.  Nothing  is 
said  of  elephants  in  the  parallel  account  of  1 
Mace,  and  the  number,  in  any  case,  is  far  too 
high. 

Ver.  5.  Bethstira.  Cf.  Com.,  at  1  Mace.  iv. 
29. 

Ver.  6.  Strongholds.  The  plural  is  used  be- 
cause in  laying  siege  to  Bethsura  he  showed  his 
intention  of  artacking  other  fortified  places.  — 
Good  angel,  /.  e.,  here  an  angel  fur  protection. 
The  adjective  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  antithetic 
to  had.     Cf.  XV.  23  and  Tob.  v.  21. 

Ver.  7.  Where  the  Jewish  army  was,  at  the 
time  they  received  the  news  of  the  attack  on 
Bethsur.a,  it  is  not  said. 

Ver.  17.  Petition  subscribed.  It  is  not  easy 
to  understand  what  is  meant  here  by  the  word 
■Xfr]ij.aTiaij.iv.  I'robably,  however,  it  was  the  doc- 
ument in  which  the  Jews  had  written  down  the 
proposals  for  peace  made  by  Lysias.  But  tiie  ob- 
lect  in  sending  to  the  Jews  a  copy  of  their  own 
address  to  the  king  is  not  clear.  Keil  understands 
by  IrwoyiypaiJitiivov  the  subscription  of  the  Jewish 
peojile  to  their  own  document ;  Grimm,  that  it 
means,  rather,  subjoined,  as  at  ix.  25. 

Ver.  21.  Hundred  eight  and  fortieth.  B.C. 
165.  —  Dioscorinthius.      The  word  is  weU  sup- 


ported by  the  MSS.,  only  one  (19.)  giving  the 
form  KopifBlov.  Still,  it  cannot  well  be  correctly 
written.  It  is  the  genitive  of  Zeus,  joined  with 
KophBtos.  There  is  no  ground  for  calling  it,  with 
Schleusuer,  the  name  of  a  Greek  month,  as  there 
was  no  such  Greek  month.  The  Old  Latin,  fol- 
lowed by  Lulher  and  others,  seems  to  have  read 
AiotjKovpoi  or  Ai6<TKopos  (Dioscori),  which,  in  fact, 
was  the  name  of  a  Cretan  month.  But  it  is  doubt- 
ful whether  such  a  word  would  have  found  place 
in  a  letter  written  by  a  Syrian,  especially,  when 
it  is  noticed  that  somewhat  later  (vers.  33.  38) 
the  Macedonian  name  for  the  Jewish  month  Ni- 
san  is  given,  namely,  Xanthicus.  Hence,  it  is 
probable,  that  the  reading  of  the  Old  Latin  is 
simply  conjecture,  and  that  some  Maccd<jnian 
month  is  meant.  It  was  an  ord,5r  of  Seleucus 
Nicatorthat  the  names  of  the  Macedonian  mouths 
should  be  employed  in  Syria,  and  Josephus  also 
makes  use  of  them.  We  may  accept,  therefore, 
as  rea.sonably  certain,  that  either  Dius  (November) 
or  Di/strus  (March)  is  meant,  and  the  corruption 
arose  through  a  copyist,  or  a  mistake  of  the  writer 
himself.  The  Syriac  translates  here  by  Tisri  cor 
responding  to  the  Macedonian  Dius. 

Ver.  22.  Unto  (his)  brother,  ;',  e.,  relative. 
Cf.  vers.  1,  35. 

Ver.  23.  Antiochus  Epiphanes  allowed  himself 
to  be  called  god  on  the  coins  of  his  realm,  and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  his  son  would  represent  him 
here  as  enjoying  a  real  apotheosis.  Grimm,  how- 
ever, thinks  that  only  a  higher  order  of  being  is 
meant,  and  that  no  real  apotheosis  is  intended. 

Ver.  24.  MfTciSeo-is  =  (1)  translatio,  (2)  muta- 
lio.     It  has  the  latter  meaning  here. 

Ver.  25.  The  conclusion  properly  begins  with 
the  words,  "we  h.ave  determined,"  and  not  with 
the  beginning  of  this  verse  as  in  the  A.  V.  —  Also 
this  nation.  As  well  as  other  nationalities  of  the 
realm. 

Ver.  29.  Menelaus.  Probably  the  person 
made  high  priest  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Cf. 
iv.  23;  V.  15. — To  retorn  home,  KareA.flcfj'Tas, 
i.  e.,  go  down  from  Jerusalem  into  the  various  dis- 
tricts where  their  homes  were  situated. 

Ver.  30.  Xanthicus.  It  was  the  sixth  Ma- 
cedonian month,  corresponding  to  the  Jewish 
Nisan  and  our  April.     The  names  of  the  other 


600 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Macedonian  months  in  order  were  :  Artemisius, 
Daesius,  Panemns,  Lous,  GorpiiEns,  Hyperbere- 
tteus,  Dins,  Apelleens.  AudyniEus,  Peritius,  Djs- 
trus.  There  was  a  Macedonian  moon-year  and 
a  sim-year.  Bnt  the  names  of  the  JIacedonian 
montlis  were  sometimes  used,  as,  for  instance,  l>y 
Josephus,  simply  to  indicate  the  corresponding 
Jewish  months.  Cf.  Aviiq.,  iii.  10,  §  5 ;  Bell.  Jnd., 
V.  3,  §  1,  and  remarks  iu  Schiirer's  Neutest.  Zeit- 
gesc/iichte,  "  Beitrage  "  I. 

Ver.  31.  (Things)  ignorantly  done,  ray  iiy- 
voTifi^vttiv.  Cf.  remarks  at  1  Esd.  viii.  74,  and 
Gelpke  iu  Stud.  u.  Kiitih..  1849,  p.  6.55  f.  Cremer 
{Lex.,  X.  V.)  says  :  "  The  o7j'ooO;'t€s  accordingly  are 
those  who  are  under  the  power  of  sin,  and  therefore 
sin  perhaps,  against  knowledge  and  will ;  but  are 
passively  subject  to  it,  ...  .  refers  to  those  whose 
acts  are  not  the  result  of  previous  conscious  thought 
(cf.  Rom.  vii.  7;  viii.  13),  so  that  their  conduct 
cannot  he  regarded  as  deliberate  and  intentional 
opposition  ....  though  in  consequence  of  the 
intei"position  of  the  law,  it  has  become  irapd^aais, 
i.  e.,  involves  guilt."  —  It  is  doubtful,  however, 
whether  the  word  is  to  be  translated  in  this  baldly 
literal  sense  iu  the  passage  before  us.  It  would 
seem  rather  to  have  the  sense  of  offenses,  in  gen- 
eral. But.  if  so,  it  is  an  interesting  fact  as  bear- 
ing on  tlie  question  of  the  common  view  of  sin  held 
at  this  time. 

Ver.  34.  Quintus  Memmius.  It  is  not  clear 
from  other  authorities  that  there  were  any  ambas- 
sadors of  this  name  in  Asia  at  that  time.  The 
names  are  greatly  varied,  however,  in  the  differ- 
ent codices  and  versions.  See  Text.  Notes.  One 
of  the  ambassadors,  sent  from  Rome  to  Antiochus 
Epiphancs,  just  before  his  campaign  into  the  east- 
ern provinces,  was  called  Manias  Sergius,  and 
Grimm  thinks  it  possible  that  his  name  has  here 
been  made  use  of.  Cf.  Polyb.  xx.\i.  9,  6  ;  12,  9  fe. 
Hitzig,  however,  by  a  new  arrangement  of  dates 
(GescAi'cAfc,  p.  4l3),seeks  to  show  that  the  Qtiin- 
tus  and  Conulehis  of  Polyb.  xxxi.  18,  are  meant. 
He  says :  "  Also,  later  still  Quintus  is  sent  on  an 
ambassage  (Polyb.,  xxxiii.  14) ;  it  is  he  whom  we 
must  regard  as  our  Quintus  Memmius ;  and  his 
colleague  was  called  Titus  Manlitis  =  Canuleius. 
After  they  were  through  in  Egypt,  they  traveled 
....  further  to  Syria."  But  Fritzsche  (Schen- 
kel's  Bib.  Lex.,  art.  "Manius")  successfully  con- 
tests this  view,  not  only  on  the  ground  that  histor- 
ical dates  are  thereby  unfairly  manipulated,  but 
that,  on  the  authority  of  Polybius,  quite  other  per- 
sons were  sent  as  ambassadors  to  Ptolemy  Phys- 
con,  than  those  supposed  by  Hitzig,  namely,  Titus 
Tori/iiatus  and  Cneitis  Merula.  Since  the  letter 
in  other  respects  is  open  to  grave  suspicion,  as  for 
instance,  in  the  fact  that  its  dates  are  according 
to  the  Seleucian  era,  instead  of  according  to  Con- 
sulates, as  was  usual  with  the  Romans,  and  that 
it  is  dated  at  the  same  time  with  the  previous 
letter  from  the  king,  its  unsupported  statements 
in  the  present  instance  cannot  be  accepted  with 
any  great  degree  of  confidence.  They  are,  iu  all 
probability,  simple  fabrications. 

Ver.  36.  Soiue  general  remarks  on  the  forego- 
ing letters  would  seem  to  be  demanded.  Their 
unnatural  juxtaposition  and  similarity  of  form  is 
first  of  all  noticeable.  There  are,  moreover,  a 
number  of  single  suspicious  circumstances,  like 
the  representation  of  verses  17,  24,  that  the  .Jews 
after  such  an  overwhelming  victory  jiray  for 
peace,  and  that  the  temple  is  spoken  of  as  re- 
turued  to  the  Jews  when  it  had  not  been  taken 


from  them.  These  representations,  however 
might  be  explained  as  beini;  allowable  exaggera- 
tions, due  to  the  diplomatic  form  of  the  docu- 
ments. But  the  letters  contain,  besides,  positive 
contradictions  and  are  based  on  supposition* 
known,  in  certain  respects,  to  be  false.  For  in- 
stance, from  ver.  29  it  might  be  inferred  that  the 
Jews  were  imprisoned  in  Jerusalem  and  must 
have  permission,  and  the  assurance  of  a  safe  con- 
duct before  they  could  venture  forth.  But  ac- 
cording to  vers.  II,  12,  the  army  of  Lysias  had 
been  quite  overthrown,  and  hence  the  jews  free 
to  go  where  they  pleased.  Again,  the  king  is  sup- 
posed (xi.  36  ;  ,\ii.  1)  to  have  beeu  in  Antioch 
during  the  negotiations  for  peace.  But  how  then 
could  he  insist  on  such  a  foolish  provision  in  his 
letter  as  that  fifteen  days  grace  should  be  allowed 
to  the  Jews  in  Jerusalem  to  get  to  their  respec- 
tive homes,  ('.  e.,  fifteen  days  from  the  15th  of 
Xantliicus,  when  it  would  require  nearly  the  whole 
of  this  time  to  communicate  the  fact  to  them  ? 
But  still  greater  difficulties  arise  from  the  circum- 
stance that  Lyfias  is  here  represented  as  seek- 
in;;  to  make  peace  immediately  after  his  defeat, 
while  according  to  1  Mace.  iv.  35,  it  only  stimu- 
lates him  to  still  greater  efforts  to  subilue  the 
Jews,  'i  hat  the  same  campaign  is  in  both  cases 
referred  to  appears  from  the  dates  given  in  1 
Mace,  and  in  three  of  the  above  letters.  Some, 
as  Bcrtheau,  De  Wette,  and  Keil,  instead  of  see- 
ing ground  in  this  for  suspecting  the  genuineness 
of  the  letters  under  consideration,  regard  it  rather 
as  proof  of  the  same,  since  it  would  naturally 
have  been  the  aim  of  a  fabricator  to  make  the  two 
accounts  correspond  as  closely  as  possible.  This 
argument  may,  indeed,  be  sometimes  used  with 
good  effect,  but  must  not  be  pressed  too  far,  since 
the  motive  adduced,  although  a  .strong  one,  might 
easily  be  overcome  by  others  having  their  basis  in 
a  love  of  independence  and  originality.  These 
critics  maintain  that  the  present  narrative  relates 
to  the  second  campaign  of  Lysias,  which,  iu  the 
matter  of  dates  (vers.  20.  33,  38)  and  the  arrange- 
ment of  material,  he  has  seemed  to  confound  with 
the  first.  Grimm,  however,  justly  objects  to  this 
view  that  it  does  not  meet  tlie  demands  of  the 
case.  His  second  campaign  Lysias  undertook  in 
connection  with  the  king,  who  accompanied  him 
in  it,  while  during  the  negotiations  for  peace  Anti- 
ochus Eupator  was  not  at  Antioch.  but  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  Syrian  camp  before  Jerusa- 
lem. Moreover,  supposing,  as  we  must,  thiit  Lys- 
ias conducted  the  negotiations  referred  to,  as 
representative  of  the  king,  his  ward,  why  should 
he  need  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  latter  for  his 
approval,  or  what  propriety  was  there  in  it  ?  He 
was  at  this  time  (150  of  the  Seleucian  era)  not 
more  then  ten  years  of  age.  Bnt  this  circumstance 
does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  Ut  the  writer  of  J 
the  second  of  the  above  letters.  Further,  the  last  ^ 
of  these  letters  shows  a  clear  anachronism  in  repre- 
senting the  Romans  as  corresponding  with  the 
Jews  iu  the  148th  year  of  the  Seleucian  era,  when,  ■ 

according  to  1  Mace.  viii.  1  ff.,  17  ff.,  the  acquain-  | 
tance  and  political  connection  of  the  Jews  with  " 
Rome  did  not  begin  until  the  year  151  of  that  era. 
On  these  and  similar  grounds,  most  unbiased 
critics  maintain  that  the  above  letters  are  not 
genuine.  Grimm,  with  Wernsdorf,  is  able  to  see 
only  in  the  third  letter  (vers.  29  and  30)  a  germ  of 
historical  truth,  Herzfeld  (Geschiclde,  ii.  259J 
defends  on  quite  untenable  grouuds,  the  genuine 
ness  of  the  first  letter,  while  admitting  the  fabrh 


2  MACCABEES. 


601 


cation  of  the  others.  Wnz\g  (Geschichte,  p.  4\2] 
regards  all  the  letters,  exceptiug  that  from  the 
king  to  Lysias,  as  genuine.  Ktil,  with  his  well- 
known  conservatism,  accepts  all  the  letters,  with- 
out exception,  as  veritable  and  historic.  The 
unsuccessful  campaign  of  Lysia.s,  here  referred  to, 
acenrding  to  him,  was  his  second  (cf.  1  Mace.  vi. 
42-62).  Peace  was  made  in  the  year  150  of  the 
Seleucian  era.  The  four  letters  refer  to  this 
peace.  The  first  two  belong  together,  hence  the 
second  is  without  date.  The  king's  letter  is  to  be 
Regarded  as  a  "  Beilage  "  to  that  of  Lysias  !     The 


date,  a.s  it  concerns  the  year  of  the  la.st  two  let- 
ters, is  wrong,  having  been  altered  from  150  by 
Jason,  or  by  the  compiler  of  the  work,  who  wished 
to  bring  it  into  harmony  with  his  supposition  that 
the  peace  took  place  after  the  first  campaign  ot 
Lysias.  Other  weighty  objections  against  the 
genuineness  of  the  letters,  Keil  seeks  to  parry 
by  the  general  assertion  that  they  rest  on  raisuu- 
derstaudings,  and  the  imputation  of  things  to 
them  which,  through  a  better  knowledge  of  their 
aim  and  meaning,  would  be  found  to  be  ground 


Chapter  XII. 


1  And  ^  when  these  treaties  had  been  concluded,^  Lysias  departed  °  unto  the  king 

2  while  *  the  Jews  went '  about  their  husbandry.  But  of  the  generals  of  the  ^  several 
places,  Timotheus,  and  Apollonius  the  son  of  Gennteus,  and  besides,  Hieronymus,' 
and  Demophon,  and  in  addition  to  *  them  Nicanor  the  governor  of  Cyprus,  suffered 

3  them  not^  to  be  quiet,"  and  live  in  peace.  The  inhabitants '' of  Joppe  also  did 
such  au  ungodly  deed  :  they  prayed  the  Jews  that  dwelt  among  them  to  embark  '^'' 
with  their  wives   and  children  in  ^*   the  boats  which  they  had  in   readiness,"    as 

4  though  no  ill  feeling  existed  against  them,'"  but  as  though  it  were  according  to 
the  common  ordinance  of  the  city  ;  aud  they,  because  they  would,  if  possible,  live 
in  peace,  and  suspected  nothing,  accepted.'^   Taking  them  out "  into  the  deep,  they 

5  drowned  them,  there  being  not  less  than  two  hundred.'*  But  Judas  on  hearing  of 
the ''  cruelty  done  unto  his  countrymen,  made  it  known  to  "°  those  that  were  with 

■6  him,  and  -'  calling  upon  God  the  righteous  Judge,  he  went  against  the  "  murderers 
of  his  brethren  ;  and   he  -'  burnt   the   haven  by  night,  and  set  the  boats  on  fire, 

7  while  ■■'  those  that  lied  thither  he  slew.     And  since  the  place  ^  was  shut  up,  he 

8  went  away,-"  intending  to  return  and  -''  root  out  all  them  of  the  city  of  Joppe.  But 
having  -"  heard  that  the  Jamnites  also  ^  were  minded  to  do  in  the  same  ^  manner 

9  unto  tlie  Jews  that  dwelt  among  t/ieiti,  he  fell  ^'  upon  the  Jamnites  also  by  night, 
aud  set  fire  to  ^-  the  haven  together  with  ^^  the  navy,  so  that  the  light  of  the  fire  was 
seen  at  Jerusalem  two  hundred  and  forty  furlongs  off. 

But  when  they  had  gone  ^*  away  from  thence  nine  furlongs  on  their  march 
against -^^  Timotheus,  no  fewer  than  five  thousand  men  on  foot  ^"  and  five  hundred 
11  horsemen  of  the  Arabians  set  upon  him.  And  since  the  battle  became  severe,  and  ^ 
Judas'  side  by  the  help  of  God  were  successful,^"  the  Nomades  '^  being  overcome,*" 
besought  Judas  for  peace,  promising  both  to  give  cattle,'"  and  to  help  them  ''^  other- 
wise. And  .Judas,  thinking  that  they  indeed  *'-  ivould  be  profitable  in  many  things, 
consented  to  keep  peace  with  them  ;  and  they  made  peace,  and  ■**  departed  to  their 
tents. 

And  he  fell  also  upon   a  certain  city  strong   through  earthworks,  and  *^  fenced 

Vers.  1-3.  —  '  A.  V. :  omits  And  (8e'  is  received  from  III.  44.  55.  al.  by  Fritzsclie  ;  text.  rec.  omits).  2  covenants 

were  made.  ^  went.  *  and.  ^  were.  "  governors  of.  '  Genneus,  also  H.  ^  besides.  ^  would  not 
suffer  tliem.  ^^  {Text,  rec,  einrradeU  ;  Codd.,  evaradelv.)  "men.  "go.  is  into.  i*  prepared.  ^^  they 
had  meant  them  no  hurt. 

Vers.  4-6.  — '«  A.  V. :  Who  accepted  of  it  (I  follow  the  pointing  of  Pritzsche's  text.  The  /tut  before  toutui-  iiriie^a.- 
tLivaiv  does  not  permit  the  rendering  of  the  A.  V.  See  Com.),  according  to  the  common  decree  of  the  city,  as  being  de- 
lirous  to  live  ....  suspecting  nothing.         '^  but  when  they  were  gone  forth.  '*  drowned  no  less  ....  hundred 

vfthem.        i»  When  J.  heard  of  rAij.        =0  he  commanded.        -^  to  make  them  ready.    And.  22  came  against  rAo5< 

*3  omit^  he.        2*  and. 

Vers.  7-9.  —  25  a.  V. :  when  the  town.  26  backward.  2T  33  jf  he  would  return  to  (marg.,  with  a  purpose  to 

return).        23  when  he.        29  omifs  also.        so  like.        3'  cime.        S2  on.        ss  and. 

Vers.  10-12.  — ^  A.  V. :  Now  ....  were  gone  {aTroo-n-ao-avTes  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  23.  44.  62.  55.  al. : 
text.ree.,aTroanzaa^ivrwv).  S5  jn  their  journey  toward.  ^''  men  on  foot.  37  ^Wbereupon  there  was  a  very  sore 

battle  ;  but.  '"•  got  the  victory,  so  that.  S9  n   of  Arabia  (Fritzsche  strikes  oufApa/Ses.     It  is  wanting  in  nearly 

»11  the  MSS.).  *'  (Fritzsche  adopts  eAaTToi/coWi/Tts  from  III.  71.  74.  243.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  iKcrr^BivTe^.)  *'  him 

cattle,        <2  pleasure  him  (airois  is  w.TOting  in  71.).  "  Then  J.,  thinking  indeed  that  they.  "  granted  them 

peace  ;  whereupon  they  shook  hands,  and  so  they . 

Vers.  13-15.  — *^  &..y.:  He  v/eat  also  about  to  make  a  bridge  to  a  certain  strong  city  (the  text.  rec.  reads  yet^upouf 
»ft«r  irdAiK,  but  it  is  omitted  by  19.  23.  52.  62.  64.  93.  Syr.    Fritzsche  adopts  vec^iipois  from  55.    Old  I.at.,  firmam  ponti 


10 


12 


13 


602  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


about  with  walls,  anil  inhabited  by  people  of  divers  nations  ;  ^  and  the  name   of  it 

14  was  Caspis.  But  they  that  were  within  trusted  ^  in  the  strength  of  the  walls  and 
the  store  of  provisions,  and '  behaved  themselves  rudely  towards  Judas  and  them 
that  were  with  him,*  railing  and,  besides,^  blaspheming,  and  uttering  what  was  not 

15  seemly.  But  Judas  with  his  men,*  calling  upon  the  great  Lord  of  the  world,  who 
without  rams  '   or  engines  of  war  cast^   down  Jericlio  in  the  time  of  Joshua,  made' 

16a  fierce  assault  against  the  walls.  And  having  taken  the  city  by  the  will  of  God, 
they  made '"  unspeakable  slaughters,  insomuch  that  the  lake  near  by,  two  furlongs 
broad,  seemed  to  be  flowing  full  of  "  blood. 

17  And  the_v  departed  '^  from  thence  seven  hundred  and  fifty  furlongs,  and  came  to 

18  Characa  unto  the  Jews  that  are  called  Tubieni.  And  Timotheus,  indeed,  they 
found  not  in  the  region  ;  for  ^'  before  he  had  dispatched  any  thing,  he  had  " 
departed  from  the  region,  and  '^  left  a  very  strong  garrison  in  a  certain  place.'* 

19  But"  Dositheus  and  Sosipater,  who  were  of  the  Maccabee's  officers,^'  went  forth 
and  slew  those  that  Timotheus  had  left  in  the  fortress,  above  ten  thousand  men. 

20  But  the  Maccabee"  ranged  his  own  -°  army  by  divisions,'^'  and  set  them  ^-  over  the 
divisions,^  and  marched  swiftly  "*  against  Timotheu.s,  who  had  about  him  an  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  men  of  foot,  and  two  thousand  and  five  hundred  liorse- 

21  men.  And  ^  when  Timotheus  had  knowledge  of  Judas'  coming,  he  sent  ^*  the 
women  and  the  "  children  and  the  other  movables  ^^  unto  the  ^fortress  called  Car- 
niou;  for  the  place  '"  was  liard  to  besiege,  and  difficult^'  to  come  unto,  by  reason  of 

22  the  straitness  of  all  the  places.*^  But  when  Judas'  first  division  ^^  came  in  sight, 
the  enemy,^*  being  smitten  with  fear  and  terror  through  the  appearing  against 
them  '^  of  him  that  seeth  all  things,  fled  amain,  one  running  this  way,  another  that 
way,  so  as   that  they  were  often  hurt  by  °*  their  own  men,  and  pierced  through  " 

23  with  the  points  oi  their  oum  swords.  But^*  Judas  was  '^  very  earnest  in  pursuing 
them,"^"  killed  the  wicked  wretches,  and   destroyed  *'  about  thirty  thousand   men. 

24  Moreover  Timotheus  himself  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  soldiers  of^  Dositheus  and 
Sosipater,  and  "  besought  with  much  craft  **  to  be  let  *^  go  witii  his  life,  because  he 
had  many  of  the  Jetos'  parents,  and  the  brethren  of  some  of  them,  who,  if  they  put 

25  him  to  death,**  should  not  be  regarded.  And  ■"  when  he  had  assured  them  ■"  with 
many  words  that  he  would  restore  **  them  without  hurt,  they  ^^  let  him  go  for  the 
saving  of  their  brethren. 

^6       AwA  Jvdas  vient  forth   against"   Carnion,  and  the  ^■-  temple  of   Atargatis,  and 

27  slew^^  five  and  twenty  thousand  persons.  And  after  he  had  put  to  flight  and  de- 
stroyed them,  he  led  his  army  also  against  ^*  Ephron,  a  strong  city,  wherein  Lysias 
abode, ^^  and  a^"  multitude  of  divers  nations;  aud  valiant'''  young  men  kept  the 
walls,  and  defended  them  bravely  ;  and  in  it  there  was  a  great  store  ^*  of  engines  and 

28  darts.     But  when  Judas  and  his  company  had  called  upon  the  Lord,^'  who  with  his 

bus.    See  Com.),  which  was  *  countries  ^  it  ^ut  suck  trast.  *  and  provision  of  victuals,  rAai  they 

*  them  that  were  with  .T.         ^  omits  besides.         8  such  words  as  were  not  to  be  spolien.     \ATierefore  .  company 

'  any  rams.        8  ^j^  cast.        *  gave. 

Vers.  16-18.  —  ^'*  A.  V. :  took         .  .  and  made.        i^  a  lake  two  furlongs  broad  near  adjoining  thereunto,  being  filled 

lull,  was  seen  running  with.  '=  Then  departed  they  (cf .  ver.  10).        "  But  as  for  T him  not  in  the  places  . 

lor  (re  —  T0T€,  III.  44.  52.  al.  —  followed  by  «ai  with  the  force  of  Se  KaC).         ^*  omits  had.        '^  thence  having. 

«  hold. 

Vers.  19-21  —  "  A.  V. :  Howbeit.  ^8  Maccabeus"  captains.  '^  And  Maccabeus.  20  omits  own  (ttji/  eavroi) , 

III.  19.  65.  62.  64.  93.,  tJ);'  irepX  avToi*].  21  bands.  23  (Fritzsche  adopts  the  emendation  of  Grimm,  reading  auTovs 

^i  for  T0U9  eirt,  i.  e.,  placed  leaders  over  them,  named  leaders  of  the  separate  divisions.  But  cf.  ver.  24.)  23  bands. 
"  went  (oip/xTjaei').  2c  Now.  20  (More  lit.,  sent  out  be/ore,  ,rpoefaTre(TTeiAc,  which  Fritzsche  receives  from  111.  55.  ; 
text,  rer.,  rrpooe^aTricrreiKe .)        27  oviils  the.  28  baggage  (see  Com.).  20  a.  ■^''  town  si  uneasy.         ^-  (De 

Wette,  followed  by  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk,  renders  :  '*  on  account  of  the  narrow  passes.") 

Vers.  22-25  —S3  A.  V. :  Judas  his  first  band.         »*  enemies.  ="  omits  against  them.  '=  of.  ^'  wounded. 

»8  oniits  But.  «o  also  was.  4"  (Lit.,  "marfe  the  pursuit  more  vehement,^^  i.  e.,  than  their  already  rapid  flight  seemed 
to  demand.)        "  killing  (/loje  of  whom  he  slew.         *2  „mil.<  the  soldiers  of .         «  whom  hi  '*  (Lit.,  jug- 

gling.     Cf.,  with  the  Greek,  2  Tim.  iii.  13      It  is  implied  that  what  be  said  was  not  true.)  *^  to  let  him. 

'*  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  et  aTrofidi-ot,  as  wanting  in  111.  23.  44.  62.  55.  al.  Orimm  thinks  the  words  cannot  be  spared.) 
"  So.  **  (toi'  opio-juof .    The  word  seems  to  be  used  here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  LXX.,  in  the  sense  of  obligation.     He 

Jlade  trustworthy  the  obligation.  Cf.  Numb.  xxx.  3,  4,  8,  and  Schleusner's  Lex.,  s.  v.)  *^  (Fritzsche  adopts  ajroieoTa- 
rr^ffai  from  III.  19.  44.  55.  al.  ;   Vulg.,  aTroKaTatrT^aeii'.}  c"  according  to  the  agreement,  they. 

Vers.  2li-28.  — '■'  A.  V.:  Then  M.  (so  62.  64.  93.  Aid.)  marched  forth  to.  52  to  th^  5.1  ii,ere  he  slew.        "  Judas 

,'wanting  in  III.  23.  65.  71.  al.  Old  I..'it.)  removed  the  host  towards.  r..)  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  (caTtijVei  Avtrtas  k<u' 

These  words  are  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  62.  65.  al.     But  they  are  retained  by  Grimm  and  Keil.)        »  a  great.  "  th 

■trong  M  mightily:  wherein  a/.^o  wu«  great  provision.  *"  Almighty  God  {^vvaarriv.     Cf.  ver.  15). 


2  MACCABEES.  603 


power  breaketh '  the  strength '  of  his  enemies,   they   won  '   the  city,  and  slew 

29  twenty  and  five  thousand  of  them  that  were  within.  And  *  from  thence  they  de- 
parted and  made  a  swift  march   against  ^  Scythopolis,  which  lieth  six  hundred  fur- 

30  longs  from  Jerusalem.  But  since '  the  Jews  that  dwelt"  there  testified  *  that  the 
Scythopolitans  dealt  lovingly  with  them,  and  treated'  them  kindly  in  the  time  of 

31  their  adversity,  they  gave  them  thanks,  and  desired  ^^  them  to  be  friendly  also  in  the 
future  towards  their  race  ;  and  "  they  came  to  Jerusalem,  the  feast  of  the  weeks 
approaching. 

32  And  after  th.e  feast  called  Pentecost,  they  went  forth  in  haste  ^^  against  Gorgias, 

33  the  general  '^  of  Idumoea.     And  he  "  came  out  with  three  thousand  men   of  foot 

34  and  four  hundred  horsemen.    And  it  happened  that  in  their  fighting  together  a  few 

35  of  the  Jews  fell.^^  And  '"  Dositheus,  a  certain  "  one  of  Bacenor's  men,'"  who  was 
on  horseback,  and  a  strong  man,  fastened  '°  upon  Gorgias,  and  taking  hold  of  his 
cloak  ■"  drew  him  along  ^'  by  force,  and  would"  have  taken  that  cursed  man  alive, 
when^*  a  horseman  of  Thracia  coming  upon  him  and  smiting  off  his  arm,  Gorgias 

36  escaped  ''■*  unto  Marisa.  Now  when  they  that  were  with  Esdris  ^^  had  fought  long, 
and  were  weary,  Judas  called  upon  the  Lord,  that  he  would  show  himself  to  be  their 

37  helper  and  leader  of  the  battle.  And  taking  up  "^  in  his  native  language  the  battle 
cry,  with  psalms,  he  rushed  ^  unawares  upon  Gorgias'  men,  and  "'  put  them  to  flight. 

38  And  Judas  gathered  his  army,-'  and  came  ™  into  the  city  of  Odollam.  And  when 
the  seventh  day  came,  they  purified  themselves,  as  the  custom  was,  and  kept  the 

39  sabbath  in  the  same  place.  And  upon  the  day  following,  as  it  had  become  a  mat> 
ter  of  necessity,''   Judas  and  his  men  came  to  carry  off  *^  the  bodies  of  them  that 

40  had  fallen, '^  and  to  bury  them  with  their  kinsmen  in  their  fathers'  graves.  But  °* 
under  the  coats  '^  of  every  one  of  the  dead  '*  they  found  things  consecrated  to  the 
idols  of  Jamnia,''  which  °'  is  forbidden  the  .Jews  by  the  law.     And  it  became  clear 

41  to  all  *'  that  this  was  the  cause  wherefore  they  had  fallen.^"  All  men  therefore 
praising  the  Lord,  the  righteous  Judge,  who  had  opened  the  things  that  were  liid, 

42  betook  themselves  unto  supplication,'''  and  besought  him  that  the  sin  committed 
might  be  whoUj-  blotted  out.  And  the  ■*'■  noble  Judas  exhorted  the  people  to  keep 
themselves  from  sin,  since  *°  they  saw  before  their  eyes  the  things  that  had  come  to 

43  pass  because  of  "  the  sin  of  those  that  had  fallen  untimely.''^  And  having  made  a 
collection  of  money  from  man  to  man  *^  to  the  sum  of  two  thousand  drachmas  of 
silver,  he  sent  it  to  Jerusalem  to  offer  a  sin  offering,^'  doing  very  nobly  and  prop- 

44  erly,''^  in  that  he  was  mindful  of  the  resurrection;  for  if  he  had  not  expected"  that 
they  that  had  fallen   untimely  would   rise  ^   again,  it  had  been   superfluous  *'  and 

45  vain  to  pray  for  the  dead  ;  and  also  in  that  he  took  into  consideration  ^'-  that  there 
was  great  favor  ''  laid  up  for  those  that  died  godly,^*  it  was  a  holy  and  good  ^ 
thought ;  wlierefore  ^^  he  made  the  "  reconciliation  for  the  dead,  that  they  might  be 
delivered  ^°  from  the  ™  sin. 

Ver.  28  —  ^  trvvrpi^ovia,  skivereth.        2  iXfca?  :  IIL  52  55   106.,  oXxoi?.        s  A.  V.  :  wan. 

Vers.  29-34.  —  *  A.  V. ;  omits  And.        ^  departed  to.  •*  when.         '  (Fritzsebe  receives  icaSecrruiTtoi' from  III.  44 

62.  55.  al. :  text,  rtc,  KaTotKoucToji'.)  8  had  testified.  "  entreated  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  i-noiovvio  after  aTTacT7jijii> 
us  III.  23.  44.  55.  al.).  'o  thanks,  desiring  {Fritzsche  strikes  out  aiiToIs  after  €v\o.fn<j-rq(TavTes .  It  is  wanting  in  III 
23.  55.  al.).  ^1  friendly  still  unto  them  :  and  so.  ^-  omits  in  haste.  13  the  governor  ((rrpanjyAi').  ^*  I., 

IGrotius  would  read  "la/xveias.     See  Com.)  who         "^  were  slain. 

Vers.  35-37.  —  ^'^  A.  V.  :  At  which  time.  i'  omits  a  certain.  ^^  company.  i^  wafi  still.  20  ^{5  (.^^t 

(^Ao(xvSos).  21  ojniVs  along.  22  when  A«  would.  ^  omits  \\'\ieTL.  24  emote  off  Ai5  shoulder  (ujiioi',  but  for  orw), 
Bfi  at  xv.  .30),  so  that  G.  fled.         25  Gorgias  (so  44.  64.  71.  74.  243.  Aid.).  26  yjitk  that  be  began.  27  o^^n  language, 

hnd  sung  psalms  with  a  loud  voice  {Fritzsche  strikes  out  ofa^o^(7aff  icai,  as  wanting  in  nearly  all  the  MSS.;,  and  rush- 
ing. 28   lift 

Vers.  38-42  —  29  a.  V. :  So  .  his  host.  ^  {Fritzsche  receives  ^xev  from  III.  19.  44.  52.  55.  al.  ;  text,  rec, 

ijyer.)  ^'  the  use  bad  been  {icaS'  ov  rpoiroc  to  TTJs  XP^'°5  eyeyjSi'et.    Fritzsche  has,  for  Tponof,  \p6vov.    The  latter  is 

supported  by  III  19.  44.  52.  55.  al.).        22  company  ....  to  take  up.         ^2  were  slain.  2*  Now,  sr.  (^tTi,,as.) 

2«  that  was  slain.  27  the  Jamnites.  28  (^(,  might  refer  to  tepii/jLara  or  to  etSwAwr.     Grimm  prefers  the  latter  ; 

most  others,  the  former.)  29  Then  every  man  saw.  *'*  were  slain.  *^  prayer  (iKeTetai').  *2  wholly  be  put  out 
of  remembnince.    Besides  that.        ^^  forsomucb  as.        ''■'  came  to  pass  for.        *°  were  slain. 

Vers.  43-45.  — *^  A.  V.  :  when  he  had  made  a  gathering  throughout  the  company.  *^  {Trpoo-ayay^^*'  ""^P"^  aiMapTias 

9vtxi.av.)        *2  /A^rcin  very  well,  and  honestly.        4^  hoped.         ^'^  were  slain  should  have  risen.  '''  {Fritzsche  strikes 

out  av  after  irepurtroi'.     It  is  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  52.  al.)        ^2  perceived.  ^  {xapiirnipioVt  preceded  by  (cdAAiorov, 

most  excellent.)  ^~*  (hit.,  had  fallen  asteep  in  piety.)  ^'^  (evcrf^^?.)  *  whereupon.  *'  a.  ^^  \a.t:o\v%r\va.t.,  set 
fret^  deared.)        ^  omits  the  (the  special  sin  seems  to  be  referred  to) 


■604 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapteb  XII. 


Ver.  2.  Timotheus.  He  is  previously  said  to 
have  been  murdered.  Cf.  x.  24,  32,  37.  —  Apol- 
lonius.  Distinjiuished  from  others  of  the  same 
name  (cf.  iii.  5,  7  ;  iv.  21  ;  1  Mace.  x.  69  f.)  by 
naming  him  "the  sou  of  Gennseus."  Luther 
and  some  others  construct  the  last  word  adjec- 
tively.  But  in  that  ease  it  must  have  been  used 
ironically,  which  is  hardly  to  be  sujiposed.  It 
■occurs  elsewhere,  moreover,  as  a  proper  name.  — 
Hieronymus  and  Demophon  are  mentioned  only 
lu-re.  Wicanor  is  called  the  ijovernor  of  Ci/prtts  (6 
KvTrpidpxvsj-  There  was  another  Nicanor  who  ap- 
pears in  the  history  (see  viii.  9  ;  xiv.  12).  Just  what 
the  position  of  this  one  was  is  not  clear.  He  was, 
however,  either  political  governor  under  the  Syr- 
ian king,  or,  if  this  office  was  already  in  posses- 
sion of  another  (iv.  29),  he  was  chief  director  of 
the  public  g.imes  in  honor  of  the  gods.  Cf.  the 
commentaries  on  Acts  ,xix.  31. 

Ver.  4.  It  is  not  necessary  to  understand  that 
these  were  all  the  .Jews  who  were  at  that  time  liv- 
ing in  Joppa.  That  they  icilfiout  stis/n'cion  would 
accept  such  an  invitation  as  the  one  above  referred 
to  is  hardly  credible.  In  fact  a  suspicion  is  im- 
plied in  the  &f  ilp-qve^nv  6€\6vtuv.  According  to 
1  Mace.  X.  74  ff.  the  Jews  undertook  hostilities 
against  Joppa  under  Jonathan,  and  we  have  no 
historical  support  for  the  present  narrative  outside 
of  the  narrative  itself. 

Ver.  7.  Since  the  place  was  shut  up,  i.  «., 
against  their  entrance.  Others,  with  less  propri- 
ety, render  (De  Wette)  :  "  When  he  had  shut  up  the 
vtace,  i.  e.,  surrounded,  besieged  it.  He  with- 
Irew  because  he  had  not  a  sufficient  number  of 
roops  for  a  regular  siege. 

Ver.  8.     Jamnites.     Cf.  1  M,acc.  iv.  15. 

Ver.  9.  Navy,  o-t<(Aos.  It  meaus  the  equip- 
ment of  anything  ;  hence,  as  proper  equipment  of 
a  harbor,  ships.  May  not  this  story  have  been 
made  up  from  that  recorded  in  1  Mace.  v.  56-61, 
where  Josejjh  conducts  an  expedition  against 
Jamnia  f  Judas  at  that  time  led  one  in  another 
<lireetion,  cf.  I  Mace.  v.  6.1.  —  The  light  of  the 
fire,  Tds  avyas  rov  (f>4yyov^.  On  the  difference  be- 
tween these  two  words  as  well  as  for  the  other  sy- 
nomyms  of  (puts,  cf.  Schmidt,  Synonyinik,  chap. 
xxxiii.  2,  3,  5.  The  latter  word  is  generally  used 
in  the  concrete,  as  referring  to  the  thing  thiit  gives 
light,  the  former  is  light  in  activity,  i.  e.,  as  flame, 
■or  heat. 

Ver.  10.  Arabians.  These  Bedouins  dwelt  in 
the  district  lying  between  Kgypt  and  Palestine. 
Cf.  the  article  "  Arabien  "  by  Schrader,  in  Riehm's 
JIanduvrterbnch. 

Ver.  13.  re<pvpovi'  (or  yecpipais).  In  Herod. 
{v.  55,  57,  61 ;  cf.  Kawlinsou's  Herod.,  iii.,  p.  255, 
n.  C),  and  after  the  Homeric  period  generally, 
•y€<t>vpa  meant  a  bridge.  In  the  Uiad  it  is  used 
(v.  88,  .^H)  as  meaning  a  dam,  a  mound  of  earth,  to 
keep  out  water;  also,  as  referring  to  the  space  in- 
tervening between  two  lines  of  battle,  and  so  gen- 
erally, in  the  sense  of  battle-JiM.  Grimm  thinks 
the  word  in  the  present  passage  should  have  its 
older  meaning  ;  Keil,  its  later.  —  Caspis.  Pos- 
Bibly  the  Chasphor  of  1  Mace.  v.  26,  36. 

Ver.  14,  'Avayury6s  =  without  education,  hcnee. 
rough,  imfiudenl.  The  comparative  is  used  in  the 
fiense  of  viore  impudent  than  was  right,  i.  e.,  quite 
ioo  iinpndent.  —  On  Bipus  Schmidt  remarks  [Sij- 
aonymik,  xviii.  1) :  "  It  is  the  eternal,  divine  law. 


that  unwritten  law  existing  from  the  beginning  to 
which  Antigone  made  appeal  (Soph.,  Jn/iy.,  450 
sq.)  when  she  was  brought  to  book  for  having 
transgressed  a  human  ordinance.  It  dwells  in 
the  consciousness  of  men  ;  is  at  the  basis  of  the 
order  of  the  world,  as  well  the  moral  as  material, 
since  both  are  bound  inseparably  together." 

Ver.  15.  Great  Lord  (iuvaaT-qv)  of  the  world. 
This  epithet  is  applied  to  God  also,  in  Ecclus.  xlvi. 
5,  6,  and  in  other  passages  of  the  present  book. 
It  means  possessor  of  power.  It  is  used  by  the 
LXX.  to  translate  y^~V  (cf.  Job  vi.  23;  xv.  20), 
and  in  one  instance,  at  least  (Lev.  xi.K.  15),   ,"n2. 

Ver.  1 7.  Characa.  The  place  is  nowhere  else 
mentioned,  and  its  exact  situation  is  unknown. 
It  was  east  of  the  Jordan  and  was  inhabited  by 
Jews  called  Tnbieni,  i.  e.,  of  Tobie  (Tob),  in  Gil- 
ead.  Cf.  1  Mace.  v.  9,  13.  The  word  Characa  may 
not.  indeed,  be  a  proper  name,  but  designate  a 
fortified  camp,  from  x^P^I*  ^  pointed  stake,  cf. 
Polyb.  i.  29,  3.  The  presence  of  the  article,  too, 
would  favor  this  view. 

Ver.  20.  The  reading  Tois  for  alrroit,  which 
Grimm  and  Fritzsche  adopt,  would  make  the 
sense :  and  placed  leaders  over  them,  or  named 
leaders  of  the  single  diiusions.  If  the  usual  reading 
is  retained,  the  pronoun  would  refer  to  the  before- 
mentioned  Dositheus  and  Sosipater.  The  latter 
view  appears,  on  the  whole,  to  be  more  acceptable, 
especially  as  it  is  favored  by  the  statement  of  ver. 
24.  The  size  of  Timotheus's  army,  as  here  given, 
is  undoubtedly  very  much  exaggerated. 

Ver.  21.  Camion,  i.  e.,  Carnaim.  Cf.  1  Mace, 
vers.  26, 43, 44.  It  is  thought  by  some  to  be  identi- 
cal with  Ashteroth-Karnaim.  So  Grove  in  Smith's 
Bib,  Diet.,  s,  i\  If  so,  then  the  note  at  1  Mace  v. 
26  is  to  be  changed  accordingly,  since  Ashtaroth 
and  Ashteroth-Karnaim  cannot  be  held  to  be  iden- 
tical. The  description  of  the  place  as  here  given 
certainly  does  not  correspond  with  the  facts  re- 
specting Tell-Ashterah,  lying  between  Nora  and 
Mezareib,  commonly  held  to  be  the  Carnaim  re- 
ferred to,  since  the  latter  was  situated  in  a  wide 
plain. 

Ver.  23.  Thirty  thousand.  According  to  1 
Mace.  v.  34,  only  about  8,000. 

Ver.  26.  Herodotus  (i.  105),  as  it  would  appear, 
calls  the  goddess  here  mentioned  the  "  Celestial 
Venus."  She  was  worshipped  under  the  form  of 
a  mermaid,  or  a  tigure  half  fish  and  half  woman. 
She  has  been  identified  with  Astarte,  or  the  Venus 
of  the  Greeks.  Cf  Rawlinson's  Herod.,  i.  234,  and 
Noldeke  in  the  Zeit:ichr.  der  Deut.  Morgenldnd.  Ge- 
sellschajl,  xxiv.  92,  109. 

Ver.  27.  "Wherein  Lysias  abode.  It  has  been 
objected  to  this  statement  that  the  prime  minister 
of  the  Syrian  em])ire  would  scarely  have  lived  so 
far  away  from  the  seat  of  government.  This, 
too,  accounts  for  the  variations  in  the  MSS.  But 
he  might  have  had  a  residence  there  at  some 
time. 

Ver.  32.  Pentecost.  Cf.  Com.,  at  Tob.  ii.  I .  — 
Idumasa.  Cf.  1  Mace.  v.  59,  according  to  which 
(iorgias  was  at  this  time  iu  Jamnia.  Hence  the 
reading  suggested  by  Grotius,  noticed  above.  See 
also,  vers.  38  and  40  and  Joseph.,  Aniiq.  (.xii.  8 
§  6.)  Hut  the  two  events  are  (|uite  different,  and 
the  change  suggested  has  no  criiical  support.. 

Vei   33.     And  he  came  out.     Grimm  in  oppo 


2  MACCABEES. 


605 


sition  to  all  other  comnientors  makes  the  subject 
here  Judas,  instead  of  Gorgias,  on  the  ground 
that,  otherwise,  the  narrator  would  be  untrue  to 
his  usual  method  in  assigning  to  the  enemy  so 
small  a  numher  of  troops.  But  the  circumstance 
that  there  were  horsemen  with  him,  militates 
against  thi_'  supposition,  since  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  Jews,  at  this  time,  had  such  a  force  of  them 
at  command. 

Ver.  35.  Dositheus,  a  certain  one.  He  is  so 
described  that  he  may  not  be  confounded  with 
the  one  mentioned  in  ver.  19. —  XAa/iiJs  is  not  a  coat, 
but  a  military  cloak,  mantle,  such  as  was  worn  by 
officers,  like  the  Latin  paludamentum.  —  The  Thra- 
cian  horsemen  were  highly  respected  and  feared 
in  ancient  times.  —  Marisa.  Cf.  Com.  at  1  Mace. 
V.  66. 

Ver.  38.  OdoUam  =  Adnllam.  Its  situation 
is  not  with  certainty  known,  but  it  lay  somewhere 
in  the  plain  (Sephela)  of  Judah.  Cf.  Josh.  xv. 
35. 

Ver.  40.  Things  consecrated  (icpt^/iara)  to 
the  idols.  What  these  things  were  is  uncertain. 
Some  think  of  small  images  of  the  gods  ;  others 
of  different  things  that  had  been  dedicated  to  them 
in  the  temple,  and  had  been  secured  by  these 
men  as  charms. 

Vers.  43-45.  To  offer  a  sin  offering.  In  the 
Vulgate  the  passage  has  been  altered  to  pro  pec- 


catis  mortuorum,  from  an  earlier,  equally  false  ren- 
dering, pro /jeccaM  viortuorum.  That  Judas  meant 
that  the  money  should  be  spent  in  making  sin 
offerings  for  those  that  had  fallen,  i.  e.,  for  the 
dead,  cannot  be  proved.  The  opinion  of  the 
writer  of  the  history,  or  of  its  compiler,  is  quite 
another  thing.  It  is  far  more  likely,  as  indeed 
would  appear  from  the  context  (ver.  42),  that  his 
thought  was  for  the  living  and  the  danger  of  their 
being  punished  for  the  sins  of  the  dead.  But  were 
it  to  be  admitted  that  the  navr.ator  here  means 
to  teach  just  what  Roman  Catholics  impute  to 
him,  there  would  still  be  no  ground  for  basing  a 
dogma  upon  such  teaching,  just  as  little  ground,  in- 
deed, as  for  basing  one  on  an  utterance  of  Josephus 
or  Philo.  There  is  not,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
slightest  evidence  that  any  such  doctrine  as  that 
of  the  Romanists  relating  to  Purgatory  had  any 
existence  among  the  Jews  at  this  time.  (For  the 
teaching  of  the  Persians  see  Gen.  Introd. )  Further, 
if  it  were  to  be  admitted  that  Judas  himself  did 
mean  by  his  conduct  here,  what  the  present  book 
affirms,  that  again  would  make  no  binding  rule 
for  us.  Judas  Maccabieus  was  far  from  being  a 
perfect  man,  .and  it  would  be,  at  least,  quite  as 
unsafe  to  follow  him  blindly,  as  to  follow,  without 
reserve,  the  example  of  such  men  as  Abraham  or 
David. 


Chapter  Xm. 


1  And  ^  in  the  hundred  forty  and  ninth  year  it  was  told  Judas  and  his  men,^  that 

2  Antiochus  Eupator  was  coming  with  a  great  force  against  Judjea,"  and  with  him 
Lysias  his  guardian,  and  prime  minister,''  each  having  ^  a  Grecian  army,'^  of  footmen 
an  hundred  and  ten  thousand,  and  horsemen  live  thousand  and  three  hundred,  and 

3  elephants  two  and  twenty,  and  three  liundred  chariots  armed  with  scythes.'  And ' 
Menelaus  also  joined  himself  with  them,  and  with  much  ^  dissimulation  encouraged 
Antiochus,  not  for  the  safeguard  ^^  of  the  country,  but  because  he  thought  he  would 

4  be  installed  in  the  office  of  high  priest.'^  But  the  King  of  kings  awaiened  Antio- 
chus' anger  ^-  against  this  wicked  wretch,  and  Lysias  informing  him  '^  that  this  man 
was  the  cause  of  all  the  misfortunes,  he  "  commanded  to  bring  him  unto  Beroea,'^ 

5  and  to  put  him  to  death,  as  the  manner  is  in  that  place.  Now  ^"*  there  was  "  in  (hat 
place  a  tower  of  fifty  cubits  height,^'  full  of  ashes ;  and  it  had  a  revolving  '^  instru- 

6  ment,  which  on  every  side  precipitated  -"  into  the  ashes.     There  aU  plunge  him 

7  guilty  of  sacrilege,  as  also  of  any  other  grievous  crime,  into  destruction.-^  Such  a 
death  ~  it  befell  the  apostate  Menelaus  to  die,  not  having  so  much  as  burial  in  the 

8  earth,^  and  ihatYerj  -''  justly.  For  inasmuch  as  he  had  committed  many  sins  about 
the  altar,  whose  fire  and  ashes  were  holy,  he  received  his  death  in  ashes. 

9  But  '^  the  king  came  in  a  savage  mood,  to  show  the  Jews  the  worst  of  that  which 
10  had  taken  place  '^^  in  his  father's  time.     And  Judas,  on  becoming  cognizant  of  it,'^ 

commanded  the  multitude  to  call  upon  the  Lord  night  and  day,  that  if  ever  ^  at  any 

Vers.  1-3.  —  1  A.  V. :  omits  And.  2  omits  and  his  men.  3  power  into  Judea.  *  his  protector  and  ruler  of  hit 
affairs.  ^  having  either  of  them.  »  power.  ^  hooks.  ^  oTnits  And.  ^  great.  i**  (o-wrrjpt'a,  but  here,  per- 
haps, in  the  more  general  sense  of  well-being.)  "  to  have  been  made  governor  (en-l  ttjs  apxn^  KajcunadriaetT^ait.  On 
apxii  cf.  iv.  10,  27). 

Vers.  4-6.  —  "  A.  V. :  moved  A. 'a  mind.  "  informed  the  king.  i*  mischief,  so  that  tfie  king.  15  Berea. 

"  {fi«.)         ^^  waa  (eoTi,  but  I  leave  the  rendering,  on  account  of  the  context).  is  cubits  high.  '»  round  {n-epi- 

^epe'$).  20  hanged  down.  =1  ^^d  whosoever  was  ( Fritzsche  strikes  out  hvra  as  wanting  in  almost  all  the  MSS.) 

condemned  ....  or  had  committed  ....  there  did  all  men  (see  Com.)  thrust  him  unto  death. 

Vers,  7-y.  —  --  TotovTCi)  nopt^.  23  a.  V.  :  happened  that  wicked  man  to  die,  not  having  so  much  as  burial  in  the 

earth  {64.  Aid.  read  Ta^TJs  for  t^s  yijs.     The  sense  is  right.     More  lit.,  not  even  having  a  share  0/  the  earth).  24  most. 

*5  Now.  21  with  a  barbarous  and  haughty  mind  iJoU  6e  4ipovrifi.a<riv  ....  ^e^opJSapufxeVo;.     His  feelings  and  pur- 

pose were  savage),  to  do  far  worse  to  the  Jews  than  had  been  done. 

Vers.  10-12.— 2'  A.  V. :  Whici  things  when  J.  perceived,  he.  28  (Fritzsche  adopts  koC  from  nearlj  all  the  Codd., 


b06  THE   Al'OCRYPHA. 


Other  time,  so  now  be  would  ^  help  them,  being  at  the  point  to  be  deprived  of  the 

1 1  law,  and  of  fatherland,  and  ^  holy  temple  ;  and  that  he  would  not  suffer  the  people,  that 
just  now  had  had  a  little  respite,  to  become  subject  ^  to  the  blasphemous  nations. 

12  And  ^  when  they  had  all  done  the  same  ^  together,  and  besought  °  the  merciful 
Lord  with  weeping  and  fasting,  and  lying  flat  upon  the  ground  three  days  unin- 
terruptedly,' Judas    exhorted  them,  and "  commanded  them  to  ^  be  in  readiness. 

13  And  Jvdas,  being  apart  with  the  elders,'"  determined,  before  the  king's  army  in- 
vaded Judira,  and  became  master  of  '^  the  city,  to  go  forth  and  try  the  matter  by  " 

14  the  help  of  the  Lord."  And  having  committed  the  decision"  to  the  Creator-^  of 
the  world,  and  exhorted  his  soldiers  to  fight  nobly,'"  unto  death,  for  laws,  temple, 

15  city,  fatherland,  commonwealth,"  he  camped  by  Modein.  And  having  given  the 
watchword  to  his  men,"  Victory  is  of  God,  with  the  most  valiant  and  choice  young 
men  he  fell  upon  '^  the  king's  tent  by  night,  and  slew  in  the  camp  °°  about  four  ^ 
thousand  men,  and  laid  low "-  the  chief  elephant,'"  with  the  many  that  were  upon 

16  him.-''     And  at  last  they  filled  the  camp  with  fear  and  tumult,  and  departed  with 

17  good  success.  And  this  had  taken  place  at  "-^  the  break  of  the  day,'''  because  the 
protection  of  the  Lord  did  help  him. 

18  But  the  king  having  -''  taken  a  taste  of  the  daring  -*  of  the  Jews,  went^'  about  to 

19  take  the  strongholds  ™  by  policy.     And  he  marched  against  ^'  Bethsura,  which  was 

20  a  stronghold  of  the  Jews  ;  was  °^  put  to  flight,  made  another  attack,  failed.'"     And 

21  Judas  sent  in"*  unto  them  that  were  in  it  such  things  as  were  necessary.  But  Rho- 
docus,  of  the  Jewish  army,"^  disclosed  the  secrets  to  the  enemy  ;  "*  but "'  he  was 

22  sought  out,  and  taken,  and  was  put ""  in  prison.  The  king  treated  with  them  in 
Bethsura  the  second  time,  gave  his  hand,  took  theirs,^  departed,  fought  with  Judas, 

23  was  overcome  ;  heard  that  Philip,  who  had  been  left  as  prime  minister  *°  in  Antioch, 
had  rebelled,  was  confounded ;  he  spoke  friendly  words  to  the  Jews,  yielded,  and 
swore  to  any  equitable  *'  conditions,  agreed  with  them,  and  offered  sacrifice,  honored 

24  the  temple,  and  dealt  kindly  with  the  place,  and  received  with  friendliness  the 
Maccabee,*-  made  *"  him  principal  *'^  governor  from  Ptolemais  unto  the  Gerrhe- 

25  nians  ; "  came  to  Ptolemais.     They  of"  Ptolemais  were  in  ill  temper  concerning  ** 

26  the  covenants ;  for  they  stormed,  because  they  would  make  the  terms  "  void.  Lys- 
ias  went  forward  upon  the  speaker's  stand,''*  said  as  much  as  possible  *^  in  defense,^ 
persuaded,  pacified,  made  them  well  affected,  returned  to  Antioch.  Thus  it  went 
touching  the  king's  coming  and  departing. 

but  in  the  comparison  it  does  not  require  translation.)  *  he  would  now  also.  ^  put  from  thtir  law,  from  their 

country,  and  from  the.  '  that  had  even  now  been  but  a  little  refreshed  (I  adopt  the  marg.  reading),  to  be  in  subjec- 

tion. •  So.  5  this.  •  {KaTofioOi/,  a  strengthened  form  of  ifiovi-.)         '  long.         •  having  exhorted  them 

»  they  should. 

Vers.  13-15.  —  "  Lit.,  becoming  for  himself  imth  the  elders.    Cf .,  on  Kaff  iavriv,  Winer,  p.  401,  note.        "  A.  V. :  host 
should  enter  into  Judea,  and  get.  12  injight  by.  '^  (III.  19.  65.  62.,  eeov.)         "  So  when  he  had  committed  aU 

(Qrotius  renders  eVcTpomji'  by  dispensalionem  belli).        '5  (m.  44.  74.  243.  Aid.,  "  Lord,"  which  is  noticed  by  the  A.  V. 
in  the  margin).  "  manfully,  even.  "  the  laws,  the  temple,  the  city,  the  country,  and  the  commonwealth 

(iro*iT€i'as).  "  them  that  were  about  him.  "  went  in  into.  »  (Fritzsche  adopts  ttjv  naptu.^oKrii',  for  iv  t]J 

irapf^iSoAj,  i.  e.,  "as  it  concerns  the  camp.-'     The  ace.  is  found  in  III.  23.  62.  56.  71.  al.)  "  (rritzsche  adopts 

"2000"  from  III.  44.  52.  al.)        "  „OTiIj  hiid  low  (see  Com.).        23  chiefest  of  the  elephants.         M  all  that  were  npon 
him  (see  Com.). 

Vers. 17-19.  — "^  A.  'V. :  This  was  done  in.  »  (Lit.,  "  while  the  day  was  already  just  appearing.")  27  nqw 

when  ....  had.  "  manliness.  =»  he  went.  s"  holds  (lit.,  "  attempted  the  places  through  plots.    Cf.  ver. 

19.)        31  and  marched  (lit.,  advanced)  towards.        82  but  he  was  (the  kcC  before  eTpoTrovTO  is  stricken  out  by  Fritzsche, 
with  III.  23.  44.  65.  al.).        =3  failed,  and  (so  62.  64.  93.  Aid.)  lost  o/his  men. 

Vers.  20-23.  —■"  A.  V. ;  for  J.  had  conveyed.  s'  who  was  in  the  Jew's  host.  "  enemies.  ='  therefore  (Se 

before  icaC  is  omitted  by  III.  65.  64.  93.  106.).         s'  when  they  had  gotten  him,  they  put  him.         S9  (,-.  j.,  made  peace 
with  them.)  '"  was  left  over  the  affairs.  *'  was  desperately  bent  (marg.,  rebelled),  [was]  confounded,  intreated 

the  Jews,  submitted  himself,  and  sware  to  all  equal. 

Vers.  24-26.  — «  A.  v.:  accepted  well  of  Maccabeus.  "  (Lit.,  (e/J.)  "  (See  Own.)  «»  (repfijvui/ ;  IH., 

r«n^pili'l  55.,  rfpapijpii'.    See  Com.)        «  the  people  there  were  grieved  for.        «  (Aetr  oovennntB.        «  up  to  the 
judgment  seat.        **  could  be.        *o  defence  o/the  cause. 

Chapter  XIII. 


■Ver.  1.  The  hundred  forty  and  ninth  year. 
According  to  1  Mace.  vi.  20,  and  Josephus  {Antiq., 
xii.  9,  §  3),  it  was  in  the  year  LW,  aud  these  au- 
thorities are  doubtless  correct.     The  present  book 


has  made  a  mistake,  as  is  evident,  from  comparing 
it  with  itself.  In  chap.  xi.  21,  33,  38,  the  author 
has  spoken  of  events  as  occurrinf;  in  the  year  14* 
in  harmony  with  1  Mace.  iv.  28,  52  (cf.  iii.  37  V 


2   MACCABEES. 


607 


although  they  took  place  in  consequence  of  what 
is  described  in  the  present  chapter  and  verse.  In 
both  books  the  time  given  for  the  coming  of  De- 
metrius Soter  into  the  laud  of  his  fathers  is  the 
same.  Cf.  1  M:icc.  vii.  1  ;  2  Mace.  xiv.  I.  The 
difference  in  dates  concerns  simply  the  matter  of 
the  second  c:im)iaign  of  Lysias.  Cf.  Caspari,  in 
Stud.  u.  Kritik.,  1S77,  i.  p.  182,  and  Grimm,  Com., 
ad  loc. 

Ver.  2.  The  number  of  Syrian  soldiers  is 
greatly  exaggerated. 

Ver.  3.  Menelaus.  He  was  the  former  hii;h 
prie.st  of  that  nanie,  as  is  clear  from  what  follows, 
vers.  4-8.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iv.  23-25.  —  Encouraged 
Antiochus,  i.  e.,  in  undertaking  a  war. 

Ver-  4.  It  was  not  altogether  true  what  Lysias 
is  said  to  have  spoken  a-^ainst  Menelaus  (cf.  iv. 
7  ff.).  Jason  was  much  more  guilty. — Beroea. 
A  Syrian  city  between  Antioch  aiul  Hicrapolis. 

Ver.  5.  Full  of  ashes.  Hot  ashes,  or  coals, 
are  meant.  —  A  revolring  instrument.  We  find 
the  word  ^pyavov  used  in  the  same  sense  in  4 
Mace.  ix.  ly,  20.  A  somewhat  similar  mode  of 
punishment  is  also  mentioned  by  Valerius  Max- 
imus  (ix.  2,  §  6),  who  says  that  Darius  Ochus  of 
Persia,  wishing  to  get  rid  of  certain  obnoxious 
chiefs  devised  a  novel  mode  of  punishment,  to 
save  himself  from  violating  the  letter  of  a  previous 
oath  :  "  Stptnm  altis  parietibus  tocain  cinere  coin- 
plevit,  suppositofjuc  tigno  promiiieiite,  btniiqne  cibo 
et  potione  exceptos  in  eo  cotlocabat ;  e  quo  somno  so- 
piti  iti  illam  i7isidiosajn  congerievi  decidebant." 
Cf.  Cotton,  p.  204. 

Ver.  6.  All,  airavrfs.  It  is  difficult  to  explain 
what  the  author  would  say.  If  it  were  the  ex- 
ecutioners who  are  referred  to,  why  is  the  word 
used  at  all?  Gaab  {Com.,  ad  loc.)  thinks  the  con- 
demned are  thereby  indicated,  of  whom  several 
were  executed  at  the  same  time,  who  being  thrown 
about  and  against  one  another  by  the  motions  of 
the  machine,  finally  threw  one  another  into  the 
burning  ashes.  To  this  Grimm  objects  that  the 
Greek  does  not  admit  of  such  a  rendering.  He 
thinks  the  spectators  may  be  meant,  to  whom  the 
right  might  have  been  conceded  to  turn  the  instru- 
ment by  which  the  death  of  the  criminal  was  ef- 
fected. But  can  it  be  supposed  that  spectators 
would  have  exercised  any  such  supposed  privi- 
lege? 

Vers.  7,  8.  The  chronology  here  must  be  false. 
According  to  ver.  3  it  was  Menelaus  who  encour- 
aged Antiochus  to  undertake  the  war  of  which 
we  read  in  vers.  1  and  2.  But  before  it  has  act- 
ually begun,  Menelaus  is  executed.  Josephus, 
who  also  speaks  of  this  execution  {Antiq.,  xii.  9. 
§  7),  places  it  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with 
the  Jews  and  after  Antiochus  had  returned  to  his 
capital.  On  this  point  Grimm  remarks  that  Jose- 
phus would  be  right  in  this,  if  it  were  true,  "  as 
is  presupposed  in  2  Mace.  xi.  29,  32,  that  Mene- 
laus acted  as  mediator  in  the  negotiations  for 
peace  between  the  Jews  and  Lysias ;  for  this  could 
have  happened  only  after  the  second  campaign  of 
Lysias,  since  the  report  of  our  book  (xi.  14  ff. )  of 
a  peace  after  the  first  campaign,  is  wholly  unhis- 
torioal.  But  if  Menelaus  already,  before  the  be- 
ginning of  the  second  campaign,  had  been  put  to 
death,  as  our  narrative  represents,  then  he  could 
not  have  taken  part  in  the  negotiations  for 
peace." 

Ver.  15.    With  the  many  that  were  upon 


him.  Lit.  with  the  multitude  in  the  house,  i.  e.,  the 
wooden  tower  on  the  ele]ihaut's  back,  in  which  a 
number  of  soldiers,  but  by  no  means  a  "  multi- 
tude," were  placed  in  order  to  tight  with  greater 
security  and  success.  (Cf.  1  Mace.  vi.  43-46.)  — 
^vye6-nice.  Wald  {Clacis,  s.  v.]  renders  by  posuit  in 
the  sense  of  deposnit,  i.  e.,  prostravit.  Cf.  also, 
Fritzsche's  textual  notes. 

Ver.  21.  The  secrets  referred  to  were  not  those 
simply  relating  to  the  supply  of  the  garrison,  but, 
in  general,  all  that  appertained  to  the  strength  and 
movements  of  the  Jewish  army.  —  It  has  almost 
the  appearance  of  a  satire  on  modern  conjectural 
criticism  to  read  Hitzig's  theory  {Ps.,  ii.,  p.  144), 
that  Khodicus  repeuted  of  his  treachery,  and  ex- 
pressed his  repentance  in  Psalms  Ixxxvi.  and 
Ixxxviii.     Cf.  Grimm,  Com.,  ad  loc. 

Ver.  23.  Philip  had  not,  in  fact,  been  left  to 
act  in  this  capacity.  Cf.  2  Mace.  ix.  26  ff.  and  1 
Mace.  vi.  5.5  ff. 

Ver.  24.  Unto  the  Gerrhenians,  etut  TUf  Vejl- 
^■qi/uv  Tj-{oT 'H)ye/iOi'i5T]v.  Some  would  translate 
the  last  word  as  an  appellative  agreeing  with 
ffTpaTTjy6i/.  So  the  A.  V.,  "  princi])al  governor." 
.Most  of  the  later  critics,  however  (Grimm,  Fritz 
sche,  Keil),  consider  the  word  to  be  a  proper 
noun,  the  name  of  some  unknown  person.  It 
could  not  well  refer  to  Judas,  in  any  case,  and  on 
the  supposition  that  it  is  an  appellative,  it  is  not 
easy  to  see  what  use  there  was  for  both  it  and 
aTpaTTjy6v.  One  of  the  words  was  quite  enough. 
Further,  the  common  text  has  re^^rifav,  i.  e.,  in-, 
habitants  of  Gerrha.  This  was  a  city  lying  be- 
tween Uliinocolura  and  Pelusium,  and  the  meaning 
of  the  passage  would  thcnbe:  from  Ptolemais  to  the 
borden  of  Egypt.  It  has  been  objected,  however, 
that  Gerrha  did  not,  at  that  time,  belong  to  Syria, 
but  Kgypt,  and  hence  it  has  been  supposed  that 
the  present  reading  is  a  corruption,  or  a  mistake 
of  a  copyist,  for  TepaprivHii',  and  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  old  city  Gerar,  southeast  from  Gaza,  are 
meant.  One  MS.,  it  will  be  noticed,  favors  this 
view. 

Ver.  25.  The  inhabitants  of  Ptolemais  were 
much  enraged  that  Lysias  had  made  terms  with 
the  Jews,  and  would  gladly  have  nullified  his 
action.  With  respect  to  the  general  character  of 
the  history  at  this  point,  it  may  be  said  that  our 
author,  while  relating  from  vers.  9-26  what  we 
have  before  met  with,  at  1  Mace.  vi.  28-63,  does  it 
in  such  a  way  that  we  are  scarcely  able  to  rec- 
ognize the  events  as  the  same.  According  to  the 
former  book  (vi.  31),  the  Syrian  army  entered  Pal- 
estine from  the  southeast,  through  Idnmaea ;  ac- 
cording to  the  latter  (xiii.  13),  from  the  north. 
The  night  attack  on  Lysias's  camp  by  Judas  is 
passed  over  in  the  former  book,  and  there  seems 
to  be  no  place  for  it  there.  In  the  matter  of  kill- 
ing the  principal  elephant  (ver.  15),  the  word  ox- 
\o$  indicates  that  more  people  were  on  the  ele- 
phant than  could  well  have  been  accommodated. 
With  regard  to  the  attack  on  Bethsura,  the  two 
accounts  are  in  direct  conflict,  the  one  stating  that 
it  capitulated,  the  other,  that  Lysias  asked  and  ob- 
tained peace  of  the  beleaguered  inh.abitants.  In 
the  Second  Book,  whatever  relates  to  imy  want  of 
success,  or  humiliation  of  the  Jews,  is  wholly  left 
out,  although  found  with  sufficient  clearness  in 
the  First  Book  (1  Mace.  vi.  47  ff.,  62);  while 
statements  are  made  in  their  honor  which  on  their 
face  are  wholly  destitute  of  truth. 


508  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


Chapter  XTV. 

1  And  *  after  three  years  it  came  to  the  ears  of  Judas  and  his  men,'  that  Deme- 
trius the  son  of  Seleucus,  having  entered  by  the  haven  of  Tripolis  with  a  great 

2  army'  and  navy/  had  taken  the  country,  and  killed  Antioelnis,  and  Lysias  his 

3  guardian.^  And  ^  one  Alcimns,  who  had  previously  '  been  high  priest,  and  had  de- 
filed himself  of  his  own  accord  *  in  the  times  of  the  mixing,'  seeing  that  by  no  means 

4  he  could  save  himself,  nor  have  any  more  access  to '"  the  holy  altar,  came  to  the  ^' 
king  Demetrius  in  the  hundred  and  one  and  fiftieth  year,  bringing  ^'-  unto  him  a 
crown  of  gold,  and  a  palm,  and  besides,  some  of  the   customary  olive  boughs  of^' 

5  the  temple  ;  and  '■•  that  day  he  held  his  peace.  But  he  found  '^  opportunity  to  fur- 
ther //is  foolish  enterprise.    On  being -"^  called  into  counsel  by  Demetrius,  and  asked 

6  how  the  Jews  stood  affected,  and  what  they  intended,  he  answered  thereunto.  Those 
of  the  Jews  called  "  Asidsans,  whose  leader  is  Judas  the  Maccabee,''  nourish  war, 

7  and  are  seditious,  and  allow  not  the  kingdom  to  attain  to "  peace.  Therefore  I, 
being  deprived  of  mine  ancestral  honor,-"  I  mean  of  course  '-'  the  high  priesthood, 

8  have  ^  now  come  hither  :  ■^  first,-*  for  the  unfeigned  care  I  have  of  things  pertain- 
ing to  the  king  ;  but  secondly,  also  having  in  view  mine  own  fellow  citizens  ;  ^  for 
all  our  race  -"  is  in  no  small  misery  through  the  unadvised  dealing '"  of  them  afore- 

9  said.  But  do  thou,  O  king,  having  acquainted  thyself  with  all  these  things,  in  de- 
tail, have  a  care  both  for  the  country,  and  our  oppressed  race,-'  according  to  the 

10  friendly -''  clemency  that  thou  showest  unto  all.     For  as  long  as  Judas  liveth,  it  is 

11  not  possible  that  the  state  attain  to  peace.^"  But  such  things  having  been  spoken 
by  him.  the  rest  ^^  of  the  Huff's  friends,  being  maliciously  disposed  towards  ^^  Judas, 

12  did  still  '^  more  incense  Demetrius.  And  forthwith  calling  to  him  ^^  Nicauor,  who 
had  been  master  of  the  elephants,  and  proclaiming  him  general  ^  over  Judsa,  he 

13  sent  hiin  forth,  commanding  him  not  only  to  slay  ^'^  Judas,  but  ^  to  scatter  them 

14  that  were  with  him,  and  to  make  '*'  Alcimus  high  priest  of  the  great  temple.  Ajid  ^ 
the  heathen  that  had  fled  out  of  Jud;ra  from  Judas,  came  to '"'  Xicanor  by  flocks, 
thinking  the  misfortunes  and  mishaps  ^^  of  the  Jews  woxild  redound  to  their  own 
advantage. 

15  But  the  Jews  on  hearing*-  of  Nicanor's  coming,  and  of  the  onset  of  the  heathen,'" 
cast  earth  upon  their  heads,  and  made  supplication  to  him  that  had  established  "  his 
people  for  ever,  and  who  always  helpeth  his  portion  with  visible  manifestations.''^ 

16  And  *^   at   the   commandment  of  then-   leader'"    they  removed   straightways  from 

17  thence,  and  engaged"  them  at  the  village*'  of  Dessau.  And^°  Simon,  Judas' 
brother,  had  joined  battle  with   Nicauor,   but  had  been  somewhat  ^^  discomfited 

"Vers.  1-3.  —  •  A.  V. :  omits  And.  ^  ^^9  J.  informed.  3  power.  ^  (Of.  1  Mace.  i.  19.)  »  protector 

•  Now.  '  omira  previously  (7rp6  in  comp.).  ^  wilfully  (eicova-tajs).  ^  Meir  mingling  «n'M  the  Gentiies  iFritzache 
receives  a/it^i'as  from  III.  23.  44.  52.  55.  al.,  for  en-tiut^tas.  See  Com.].  i"  A  smoother  and  clearer  sentence  would  be 
gained  by  a  different  order  :  "  seeing  that  be  could  by  no  means  save  himself,  nor  any  more  have  access  to." 

Vers.  4-6.  —  *'  A.  V.  :  omits  the.  ^-  presenting  (n-potraywc).  ^^  also  of  the  (vofLi^Ofieviav.     Marg.,  Ihott^ht  to  be) 

boughs  which  were  used  solemnly  in  ( Vulg.,  qui  templi  esse  videbanlur).  i*  and  so.  ^s  Howbeit,  having  gotten 

i**  and  being  (more  lit.,*' But  taking  as  coadjutor  an  opportunity  favorable  to  his  own  foolishness:  on  being  *') 
1'  that  be  called.        '»  captain  is  J.  M.        ^^  will  not  let  the  realm  be  in. 

Vers.  7-9.  —  -^  A.  V. :  ancestor's  honour.  -•  omits  of  course  (6iJ.  Aeyo*  6t}  :=:  /  say  without  circumlocution,  plainly 
This  particle  is  often  used  to  render  more  emphatic,  and  define  more  exactly,  the  word  after  which  it  stands,  in  the 
eejieeotpreciseli^,eiacttt/,  even.     Of.  KiiUner's  Gram.,  p.  489,  §  315,  2.    Cod.  106.,  with  Co.,  has  5e').  ==  am 

«  (For  {rfpo.  III.  23.  62.  64.  93.  readifVTepoi'.    Cf.  1  Mace.  vii.  9  ft.)  =*  first  verily.  25  anj  secondly,  even  foi 

that  I  intend  the  good  of  ...  .  countrymen.  -«  nation.  2;  {lit.,  the  thoughtlessness.)  2«  Wherefore,  0  king 
fteeing  thou  knowest  (omits  in  detail,  iKoora)  ....  be  careful  ....  nation,  which  is  pressed  on  every  side  (properly 
sunoumled,  encircled,  i.  e.,  with  evils).        20  omits  friendly  (and  renders  aa  readily  before  shewest). 

Vers.  10-12.  — 3o  x.  V. :  should  be  quiet.  3i  This  was  no  sooner  spoken  of  him,  but  others.  S2  get  against 

^  omits  still.  34  omits  to  him  (for  n-poa-*caAe(raVe»'Os,  III.  23.  62.  65.  64.  93.  106.  read  Trpoxeipio-aVfi'o;.  Cf .  iii.  7,  viii 
9).        '"'  making  him  governor. 

Vers.  13-16.  —  ^'i  a.  V. :  him  to  slay  (the  particles  fitv  and  Si  show  tliat  each  of  these  objects  was  to  be  kept  distinctly 
in  view.  Fritzsche  adopts  eirioroAis,  instead  of  en-oAis,  aftsr  Soiit,  which  would  imply  taritten  instructions.  Th« 
former  is  supported  by  III,  52.  62.  71.  93.  106.  243.  Co.  Syr.).  s7  and.  »  (naTooria-ai,  install.)  sa  Then. 

«  (Lit.,  mingled  together  with.)  "  harm  and  calamities.  "  to  be  their  welfare.     Now  when  the  Jews  heard 

"  and  that  the  heathen  were  up  against  them  (marg.,  were  joined  to.     Cf.,  for  iniSiaiv,  iv.  41,  v.  5)  they.  «  stab 

li**iied  (lit.,  set  together,  set  up,  organized).        *^  manifestation  0/ his  presence  (cirti^ai'eias). 

Vers.  16-18.  —  ^6  a.  V.  :  So.  "  the  captain.  «  came  near  unto  (Fritzsche  adopts  oi-afevfas  (rvfiMi'tryei  from  III 
18.  44.  65.  al. ;  text,  rec,  ave^ev^av  Ka\  (nit).ijiC(ryovai.v.  The  above  seems  to  be  the  force  of  the  verb  avfifj-itryeiv  here,  as  a* 
«v.  26,  and  often  in  Greek  authors.    Cf .  Herod,  i.  127,  vi.  14.    Thucyd.  i.  49).        '»  town.        '•"  Now.        oi  ,„as  som» 


2   MACCABEES.  609- 


18  throujrh  the  sudden  silence  of  Ms  enemies.  But,^  nevertheless,  Nicanor,  hearing 
what  manliness  Judas  and  them  that  were  with  him  had,  and  what  courage  in  their 

19  contests  for  their  fatherland,'  durst  not  °  try   the   matter  by   the  sword.*     Where- 

20  fore  he  sent  Posidonius,  and  Theodotus,  and  Mattathias,  to  make  peace.  And  after 
a  long  consideration  of  the  matter,  and  tlie  leader  ^  had  made  the  troops  ^  ac- 
quainted thereioith,  and  it  appeared  that  they  were  all  of  one  mind,  they  consented 

21  to  the   treaties,'  and  appointed  a  day  on   which  they  should  come  together*  by 

22  themselves  ;  and  he°  came,  and  special '"  stools  were  set  for  each  of  them.'^  Judas 
had  '■  placed  armed  men  ready  in  convenient  places,  lest  some  treachery  should  be 

23  suddenly  practiced  by  the  enemy  ;  so  they  held  a  fitting  ^'  conference.  Nicanor  " 
abode  in   Jerusalem,  and  did  nothing  out  of  place,'"  but  sent  away  the  assembled 

24  troops  in  tiocks.    And  he  had  Judas  continually  in  sight ;  he  inclined  towards  '^  the 

25  man  from  his  heart.     He  prayed  him  to  marry,"  and  to  beget  children  ;  he  '*  mar- 

26  ried,  had  rest,  enjoyed  life.^^  But  Alcimus,  perceiving  the  goodwill  -"  that  was  be- 
twixt them,  took  the  treaties  that  had  been  made,  and^^  came  to  Demetrius,  and 
told  him  tliat  Nicanor  was  not  well  affected  towards  the  state  ;  for  ""  he  had  named  ^ 

27  Judas,  that  -*  traitor  to  the  realm,  his  -^  successor.  And  ^^  the  king  becoming  en- 
raged,-' and  provoked  through  the  slanders  '*  of  the  most  wicked  mnn,  wrote  to 
Nicauor,  signifying  that  he  was  much  displeased  over  the  treaties,^  and  comraand- 

28  ing  him  that  Ae  should  send  the  Maccabee^"  prisoner,  in  haste  ^^  unto  Antioch.  But'^ 
when  this  came  to  Nicauor's  hearing,  he  was  confounded*'  and  took  it  grievously 
that  he  sliould  make  void  what  had  been  **  agreed  upon,  the  man  having  done  noth- 

29  ing  wroMg.''^     But  because  there  was  no  dealing  against  the  king,  he  watched  for 

30  a  favorable  opportunity  *^  to  accomplish  this  tiling  by  policy.  But  the  Maccabee  " 
saw  that  Nicauor  acted  more  harshly  towards  **  him,  and  that  be  met  him  with 
more  rougliness  *^  than  he  was  wont,  and  *"  perceiving  that  the  harshness  ■"  came 
not  of  good,  he  gathered  together  not  a  few  of  his  men,  and  concealed  ■*'-  himself 

31  from  Nicanor.  But  the  other,  though  aware  that  he  had  been  outwitted  in  a  noble 
way  by  the  man,**  came  into  the  great  and  holy  temple,  and  commanded  the  priests, 

32  that  were  offering  the  appropriate  ''■'  sacrifices,  to  deliver  up  to  him  the  ''^  man.  And 
when   they  assured  him,  with  oaths,  that  they  knew  not  at  all  *^  where  he  who  was 

33  sought  was,  he  stretched  out  his  right  hand  toward  the  temple,  and  made  an  oath  oi 
this  sort:  ■"  If  you  do  **  not  deliver  up  to  ''^  me  Judas  as  a  prisoner,  I  will  lay  this 
temple  of  God  even  with  the  ground,  and  I  will  break  down  ^^  the  altar,  and  erect 

34  here  *'  a  notable  ^'^  temple  unto  Bacchus.  And  having  so  spoken,^*  he  departed. 
But"  the  priests  stretched  their ''^  hands  towards  heaven,  and  besought  him  that 

35  was  ever  a  defender  of  our  ^^  nation,  speaking  thus  :  ^'  Thou,  O  Lord,*'  who  hast 

what  {ov  for  a  little  time  ;  (Spa^ews,  text.  rec.  ;  ^paSe'ws,  III.  al.)  through  the  sudden  silence  of  hti  enemies  (Sia  TTjr  altj>- 
viSlov  7(1)1'  dvTiiraAwi'  a^ao-t'ai'.     See  Co}?i.  for  other  renderings).  i  ojytits  But.  -  of  the  manliues.s  of  them  that 

were  with  J.,  and  the  courageousness  that  they  had  to  fight  for  their  country  (it  is  too  free).  3  (gn-euAa/Setro  ;  but 

Fritz.'iche  adopts  uTTcuAo/SeiTO  from  III.  44.  74.  93.  al.,  gradually  there  stole  iqwn  hitn  doubts,  hesitation.  Grimm  thinks 
it  not  sufficiently  well  supported.)        *  (I^it.,  make  tlie  arbitrament,  i.  e.,  decide  the  issue,  through  blood.) 

Vers.  20-22. — ''A.  V. ;  So  when  they  hstd  taken  long  advisement  thereupon  ....  captain  (Fritz-^che  adopts  ityov 
fteVou  from  III.  44.  65.  al. ;  text  rec,  ^ye^idi'os).  ^  multitude.  "  covenants.  8  (o  meet  in  together  (els  to  oiiTO, 

inio  the  same  place  ;  usually,  errl  to  auTo).  °  when  the  day.  ">  omits  special  (according  to  Fritz.'sclie's  text ;  wap,' 

tKatrrov  5i<itpa^,  edenav  Si^pov^,  they  placed  stools,  a  stool  by  each.  The  Kal  is  wanting  at  the  beginning,  in  III.  2.3.  44. 
iyij.  62.  al.  Co.,  and  is  omitted  by  Fritzsche.  He  receives  5i(f>pa|  from  III.  44.  al.  ;  5t(^pos,  2S.  55.  ;  text,  rec,  8ta^6pov^, 
found  also  in  52.  62.,  i.  e.,  distinguished,  special).  n  were  set  for  either  of  them.  ^-  omits  had.  ^3  enemies  ;  so 
they  made  a  peaceable  {apiJ.6^ov<rav,  here  bejiiting.     *'  Colloquium  utrimque  persona  digiiujn.^^     Wahl). 

Vers.  2-3-26.  —  »  A.  V.  :  Now  N.  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  8e,  as  wanting  in  III.  44.  55.  62.  74.  93. 106.  243.  Co.  Aid.), 
iij  no  hurt.  ^^  people  that  came  flocking  unto  him.  And  he  would  not  willingly  have  J.  out  of  his  sight  :_/br  he  loved. 
1'  also  to  take  a  wife  (see  following).  ^^  so  he.  i»  was  quiet,  and  took  part  of  this  life.  20  love.  21  and  con- 
sidering the  covenants  (so  Gaab,  but  it  would  require  ^eraAajSoit',  instead  of  di-oAa^oji'.  It  is  to  be  closely  connected 
with  T^K*.  Grotius,  a5.«!imr(5  coni'e/i(i5)  that  were  made.  22  for  that.  23  ordained.  24  a  (tov).  ^  his  realm, 
to  be  th^  king's  (impossible.     See  Com.). 

Vers.  27-29.  —  ^c  x.  v. ;  Then.        27  being  in  a  rage.  ^8  with  the  acczlsations.  29  with  the  covenants. 

10  send  M.  3'  all  haste.  22  ojnits  But.  33  much  confounded  in  himself.  ^  the  articles  which  were.  ^^  being 
n  no  fault.        3C  ijjs  time. 

Vers.  30-33.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Notwithstanding,  when  M.  ^  began  to  be  churlish  unto.  39  entreated  him  more 

■oughly.  4°  omits  and.  "  s«cA  sour  behaviour.  *2  withdrew.  «  knowing  that  he  was  notably  prevented 
by  Judas'  policy.        **  their  usual.  *^  deliver  him.  *^  sware  that  they  could  not  tell  where  the  ynan  was  whom 

he  sought.        *'  in  this  manner.  *^  will.  ^9  omits  up  to.        ^  (Ij't.,  dig  under,  dig  down,  i.  e.,  destroy  utterly 

Gf.  Judith  ill.  8).         31  omi/s  here.         32  [ejTitfiafdq,  illustris.)        33  Afte-.  ;hese  words. 

Vers.34-36.  — 34  A.  V. :  Then.  3.1  lift  up  (Atir.  36  their.  «' sayiii  in  this  manner.  3S  Loniof  all  rtixf  j(th» 
39 


610 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


need  of  nothing,  wast  pleased  that  the  temple  of  thine  habitation  ^  should  be  among 

36  us  ;  and  ^  now,  0  holy  Lord  of  all  holiness,  keep  this  house,  which  but  lately  was 
cleansed,  ever  undefiled.' 

37  And  there  was  *  accused  unto  Nicanor  one  Razis,  from  ^  the  elders  of  Jerusalem, 
a  lover  of  his  fellow  citizens,"  and  a  man  of  very  good  report,  and  on  account  of  ' 

38  kindness  called  *  a  father  of  the  Jews.  For  in  the  former  times  of  non-intercourse  ' 
he  had  encouraged  a  separation  of  "  Judaism,  and  imperiled  "  body  and  life  with 

39  all  steadfastness  for  Judaism.'^     And  Nicanor,  wishing  to  manifest  the  ill-will  that 

40  he  bore  towards  '^  the  Jews,  sent  above  five  hundred  soldiers  "  to  take  him  ;  for  he 

41  thought  by  taking  him  to  work  them  ill.^^  But  as  the  troops  were  on  the  point  of 
taking  '^  the  tower,  and  violently  broke  through  the  outer  "  door,  and  ordered '' 
that  fire  should  be  brought  and  the  doors  set  on  fire,''  he  being  surrounded  and  about 

42  to  be  taken,™  fell  upon  //is  sword,  choosing  to "'  die  manfully,  rather  --  than  to  come 
into  the   hands   of   the  wicked  wretches,  and  ^  to   be   abused  in  a  manner  that  be- 

43  seemed  not  his  nobility.-''  But  missing  Jiis  stroke  through  the  haste  of  the  conflict,''^' 
the  troops  "^  also  rushing  within  the  doors,  he  ran  nobly  upon  ^  the  wall,  and  cast 

44  himself  down  manfully  among  the  troops.^*     But  they  quickly  giving  back,  and  a 

45  space  being  made,  he  fell  -'  into  the  midst  of  the  vacant^"  place.  But,  as  '^  there 
was  yet  breath  within  him,  and  he  was  ^^  inflamed  with  anger,  he  rose  up,  though  " 
his  blood  gushed  out  in  streams,'*  and  his  wounds  were  grievous,  ran  through  the 

46  midst  of  the  troops,'^  and  standing  upon  a  steep  rock,  his  blood  being""  now  quite 
gone,  he  plucked  ^'  out  his  bowels,  and  taking  them  in  both  his  hands,  he  cast  them 
upon  the  troops,"'  and  calling  upon  the  Lord  of  life  and  spirit  to  restore  him  these" 
again,  he  thus  died. 

words  Toiv  oAtoi/  are  to  be  coonected  with  arrpotrSe^s,  without  want  o/" anything  Tnore).  '  (Fritzsche  adopts  (7»o)vu(r«we 
from  III.  23.  44.  55.  74.  106.  Co.,  instead  of  (caTaCTfojfwaetos.)  2  Therefore.  ^  ever  undefiled,  which  lately 

was  clean.'ied,  and  stop  every  nnrighteous  mouth  (the  last  clause  is  added,  with  slight  variations,  by  19.  C2.  64.  93. 
Aid.). 

Vers.  37-40. — *  A.  V. ;  Now  was  there.  °  oh«  of.  *^  A15  countrymen.  '  who  tor  his.  8  was  called. 

•  when  theij  mingled  not  themselves  with  the  Gentiles.  if  been  accused  of  (V  ....  Kpiaiv  eicrenji'e-y^eVos.    It 

might  mean,  brought  in  a  decision  for  Judaism.  Grimm  renders  by  represented,  or,  lit.,  had  presented  a  defense). 
"  did  boldly  ieop.ard  his.  '^  vehemency  for  the  religion  of  the  Jews.  13  So  N.  willing  to  declare  the  hate  .... 
bare  nnto.        "  men  of  war.        i^  do  the  Jews  much  hurt. 

Vers.  41^4.  —  ^^  A.  V. :  Now  when  the  multitude  would  have  taken.  i^  broken  into  the  utter.  1*  bade. 

IB  to  burn  it.         20  heing  ready  ....  taken  on  every  side.         2'  rather  to.         22  omits  rather.  23  omits  wretches 

(cf.  xii.  23)  an^  and.  24  otherwise  than  beseemed  his  noble  birth.  25  through  haste.  20  multitude.  27  boldly 
up  to,        28  thickest  of  them.        29  fell  down.        3^  void  (see  Com.]. 

Vers.  45,  46. — ^i  a.  V.  :  Nevertheless,  while.  32  being.  ^^  and  though.  3*  like  spouts  of  water  {lit.,  iiie  a 
Mpring,  gushing  out).        33  ygt^  he  ran  (more  lit.,  passed  through  on  a  run)  ....  throng.  3«  when  as  his  blood  was. 

"  pluckt.        38  throng.        39  those. 


Chapter  XIV.     (Cf.  1  Mace  vii.). 


Ver.  1 .  After  three  years,  i.  e.,  three  years 
from  the  time  nieutioned  iu  xiii.  I,  or  the  year 
149  of  the  Seleucian  era.  That  would  make  152. 
But  the  time  wa.*;  actually  1.51,  as  it  appears  from 
ver.  4  below.  It  is  to  l)e  understood,  therefore,  as 
similar  statements  iu  the  Gospels  are  explained, 
as  including  both  the  year  from  which,  and  the 
year  to  which,  the  reckoning  was  made. 

Ver.  2.  A  great  army.  It  was,  on  tlie  con- 
trary, by  no  means  a  great  force.  According  to 
1  Mace,  it  was  with  a  "  tew  men."  And  Polybius 
(xxxiii.  22,  11 )  .says  that  he  had  with  him  "eight 
friends,  five  servants,  and  three  boys."  Kcil, 
however,  would  translate  ^la-nKiiaavrti  by  em- 
burkeil,  and  supjioses  tliat  from  there  ho  made  a 
descent  on  some  other  part  of  the  coast.  He  cites 
Xenojjhon's  Anab.  (vi.  4.  1),  to  show  that  e/o-TrAeoj, 
in  the  sense  of  s<ulinfj  in,  is  constructed  with  eU  ri, 
or  with  the  accusative,  and  not  with  5it£  and  the 
genitive.  Cf.  al.s),  Lidiiell  and  Scott's  Ltr.,  s.  i'. 
—  Tlie  Tripolis  here  referred  to  was  a  city  and 
harbor  lying  iiortli  of  Sidon.  Itwas  so  called  from 
the  fact  that  it  was  ci lionized  from  the  three  cities 
it  Sidon,  Tyre,  and  Aradtu. 


Ver,  3.  Who  had  previously  been  high 
priest.  He  had  never  actually  exercised  this 
office,  fjosephns  states  {Antiq.,  xx.  10,  §  1)  that 
Lysias  had  appointed  him  to  it,  after  the  execution 
of  Menelaus,  which  is  indeed  possible.  —  Times 
of  the  mixing,  i.  e.,  of  the  Jews  and  Greeks,  under 
the  rule  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Fritzsche's 
reading,  d^i|(as.  would  require  the  rendering  times 
of  the  scpnrutlon  (cf.  ver.  37.)  It  is  not  adopted, 
however,  by  Grimm  or  Kcil.  —  No  means  he 
could  save  himself,  /.  e.,  with  respect  to  obtaining 
ilic  riglit  to  exercise  the  office  of  high  priest. — 
Nor  have  any  more  access.  He  had  been  priest, 
and  as  such  officiiated  at  the  .alt.ar. 

Ver.  4.  Customary  olive  boughs.  They  were 
emblems  of  peace  and  were  presented  from  the 
tem|)lc  to  a  ruler  as  indicative  of  homage.  So  De 
VVette,  Grimm,  Kcil,  Holtzmann,  and  others.  Al- 
cimus  brought  them  .is  tliough  he  were  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  Jewish  people. 

Ver.  1 2.  Nicanor.  He  is  said  in  1  Mace.  viL 
26  to  have  borne  "  deadly  hate  unto  Israel."  He 
liad  taken  part  in  the  first  expedition  of  Lysiaa 
Cf.  1  Mace.  iii.  38. 


2   MACCABEES. 


611 


Ver.  1".  'Aifiocrfo  means  speechlessness,  such  as 
comes  upon  persons  who  are  greatly  frightened,  in 
distinction  from  acpaipta,  which  means  actual  u'ant 
of  speech.  Cf.  Sfhiniilt,  Synonymik,  p.  108.  Here 
it  seems  to  be  used  in  tlie  sense  of  consfeniatton, 
and  the  passage  may  be  translated  :  on  account 
of  a  sudden  panic  caused  bi/  the  enemy ;  or  more 
freely  :  on  account  of  a  panic  caused  by  the  sudden 
appearance  of  the  enemy.  The  Vulgate  renders  : 
*'  conterritus  est  repentino  adventu  adversariorum  ;  ^' 
the  Syriac  :  '^ quia  festinnnter  incurrerunt  in  eum/'  ap- 
parently having  the  reading  &<f>i(tv.  Grotius  and 
Schlcusner  propose  the  reading  e<poSiiai'  for  a(t>a- 
<riav.  De  Wette  suggests  the  translation  "  durch 
plotzlichen,  stununen  Angriff,^'  "through  a  sudden, 
silent  attach ;  "  as,  dso,  Castellio  :  propter  hostium 
repentinnm  tacitumque  adveutum.  But  there  is  no 
authority  for  using  the  Greek  word  concerned  in 
this  sense. 

Ver.  26.  It  was,  doubtless,  a  copy  of  the  treaty 
that  Alciniiis  carried  to  Demetrius.  Whether,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  Nicanor  had  any  such  design  as 
that  of  making  Judas  the  successor  of  Alcimus 
in  the  high  priest's  office,  cannot  be  determined. 
Naturally,  he  liad  no  thought  of  making  him  the 
king's  successor. 

Vers.  32.  33.  "  That  Nicanor  can  speak  as 
here  and  in  xv.  3-.5,  or  even  assume  anew  com- 
mand of  the  troops  directed  against  Judsea,  after 
having  experienced  in  himself  in  such  a  fearful 
manner,  as  he  himself  testifies  (viii.  36),  proofs  of 
Jeliovah's  power,  only  such  a  writer  as  the  present 
one  could  think  possible."     Grimm. 

Ver.  41.  The  doors,  ('.  «.,  the  inner  doors  in 
distinction  from  the  door  of  the  court  mentioned 
just  before.  It  is  not  easy  to  understand  why 
they  should  he  set  on  fire.  If  they  had  broken  in 
the  outer  door  they  could  also  have  demoHshed 


the  inner  ones  in  the  same  way,  and  it  would  have 
saved,  as  it  would  seem,  much  trouble. 

Ver.  42.  Nobility.  The  nobility  was  that  of 
feeling,  since  nobility  of  birth  was  not  recognized 
among  the  Jews.  The  justification  and  laudation 
of  self  murder,  which  here  comes  to  light,  is  not 
only  anti-Jewish,  hut  has  also  been  justly  urged 
by  Protestant  theologians  as  directly  militating 
against  the  cauonicity  of  the  jjresent  book.  To 
this  objection  Roman  Catholics  have  never  been 
able  to  make  a  satisfactory  answer.  Tlie  cases  of 
Saul  and  of  Samson,  sometimes  cited  as  parallel, 
are  in  quite  another  category. 

Ver.  44.  Into  the  midst  of  the  vacant  place, 
Kara  ^icrov  rhv  Ksveuiva.  The  meaning  given  to 
the  substantive  here,  by  our  translators,  was  not 
an  unusual  one  in  the  later  Greek,  and  it  is  evi. 
dent  from  the  context  that  it  is  correct.  But  the 
word  meant  also,  and  commonly,  tliat  part  of  the 
body  between  the  ribs  and  the  hips,  and  hence, 
some  have  supposed  th.it  the  meaning  is  that  Razis 
struck  in  falling,  on  his  bowels.  Luther  translates 
by  loins.  The  Vulgate  has  ;  *'  venit  per  medium 
cervicem,"  apparently  substituting  auxfra  for  the 
usual  reading.  The  Syriac  omits  the  word  en- 
tirely. 

Vers.  45,  46.  These  statements  are  wholly, 
incredible.  There  may,  indeed,  have  been  a  basis 
of  fact,  but  it  would  not  have  gone  beyond  the 
]ioint  of  asserting  that  there  was  a  person  of  this 
name  who,  to  escape  from  his  would-be  captors 
made  a  fearful  leap  in  which  he  foimd  his  death. 
Of  the  lauded  act  of  supposed  heroism,  which 
Razis  here  performs,  Grimm  says  most  perti- 
nently :  "  No  true  martyr  for  religious  truth  acts 
ill  this  way,  but  only  a  conceited  and  crazy  hero 
of  the  stage." 


Chapter  XV. 


1  But  Nicanor,  hearing  that  Judas  and  his  men  ^  were  in  the  strong  places  of* 
Samaria,  resolved  without  any  danger  ^  to  fall  *  upon  them  on  the  sabbath  day.° 

2  And  when  '^  the  Jews  that  were  compelled  to  go  with  him  said,  O  destroy  them ' 
not  in  any  wise  "  so  cruelly  and  barbarously,  but  give  honor  to  that  day,  which  by 

3  him,   that  se.eth  all  things,  hath  been  before  honored  "  with  holiness,"^"  the  most 
ungracious   ivretch   inquired"  if   there   were   a  ruler  in  heaven,'-  that   had  com- 

4  manded  the  sabbath  day  to  be  kept.     And  when  they  declared  plainly.  It  is  the 
living  Lord  himself,  as  ruler  in  heaven,'''  who  commanded  the  seventh  day  to  be  kept, 

5  the  other  answered,"  And  I  am  ruler  on  the  '°  earth,  and  1  command  to  take  arms, 
and  to  carry  out  '^  the  king's  business.     Yet  he  succeeded  not  in  carrying  out  his 

6  wicked  plan.    And  while  "  Nicanor  in  exceeding  pride  and  haughtiness  had  '**  deter- 
mined to  set  up  a  public  monument  of  his  victory  over  Judas  and  them  that  were 

7  with  him,  the  Maccabee  '"  had  ever  sure  confidence  -"  that  the  Lord  would  help  him. 

8  And  he  exhorted  those  with  him  -'  not  to  fear  the  coming  of  the  heathen,"  but  to 

Vers.  1-3.  — '  A.  V. :  company.  ^  nbov.H1ca.7i,  about  in.    See  Com.).  ^  {lAt.,mth  all  security.)  *  set. 

•  (Lit.,  tlie  day  0/ the  rest.)         »  Nevertheless.  '  omil.t  them  (contained  in  the  context).  «  omits  in  any  wise. 

•  he  ...  .  hath  honoured.  »  above  ot/ier  clays  (the  irpi,  in  comp.,  refers  to  time.  Others  render :  "  which  hath  been 
honoured  before  by  him,  who  in  holiness  rules  overall  things."  Cf.  Gen.  ii.  3  ;  Ex.  xx.  8).  Then.  "demanded. 
"  Mighty  One  (see  ver.  211)  in  heaven  (Others  :  "  whether  the  ruler  who  had  commanded  to  keep  the  Sabbath  day  was 
in  heaven."  The  king  did  not  mean,  apparently,  to  deny  the  existence  of  God,  but  only  to  inquire  whether  among 
the  gods  of  heaven  there  was  one  who  had  issued  such  a  command). 

Vers.  4-6.  —  '^  A.  V. :  said  (airotfxji'afiEvui'),  There  is  in  he/iven  a  living  Lord,  and  mighty.  "  then  said  the  other 
>6  also  am  mighty  upon.         '«  do.         "  obtained  not  to  have  his  wicked  will  done.     So.  "  omits  had  (more  lit, 

carrying  Itigh  his  neck  with  all  vain  boasting,  had.) 

Vers.  7,  8.  —  "  A.  V. :  But  Maccabeus.  m  (Lit.,  who  had  continually  trusted  with  alt—i.  e.,/uU  —  hopt.) 

•*  wherefore  ....  his  people.  -^  heathen  against  them. 


612  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


reniemlier   the   help  wliich   in  former   times   they   had  received  from  heaven,  and 
now  ^  to  expect  the  victory  and  aid,"   wliich  should  come  unto  them  from  the  Al- 
9  miglity.     And  encouraging  ^  them  out  of  the  law  and  the  prophets,  and  withal  put- 
ting them  in  mind  also  of  the  contests  that  they  had  carried  through,^  he  made 

10  them  more  ready. ^  And  having  stirred  up  their  courage,*  he  gave  them  their 
charge,    showing  them  therewithal  the  faithlessness  '  of  the  heathen,  and  their ' 

11  breach  of  oaths.  Thus  ^  he  armed  every  one  of  them,  not  so  much  with  confidence 
in  ^°  shields  and  spears,  as  with  the  comfort  of ''  good  words ;  and  telling  them  be- 
sides a  ^"  dream  worthy  to  be  believed,  a  kind  of  waking  vision,''  he  rejoiced  all. 

12  And  this  was  his  "vision  :  Onias,-'^  who  had  been  high  priest,  a  virtuous  and  a  good 
man,  modest  in  intercourse,  gentle  in  manners,-'*  well  spoken  "  also,  and  exercised 
from  a  child  in  all  the  '*  points  '^  of  virtue,  stretching  forth  his  ^  hands  prayed  for 

13  the  whole  body  of  the  Jews.  Hereupon,^'  in  like  manner  there  appeared  a  man 
distinguished  by  gray  hairs,  and  a  majestic  appearance  ;  but  something  wonderful 

14  and  exceedingly  magnificent  was  the  grandeur  about  him.  And ''^  Onias  answered, 
saying,-'  This  is  a  lover  of  the  brethren,  who  prayeth  much  for  the  people,  and /"or 

15  the  holy  city,  to  wit,  Jeremias  the  prophet  of  God.  And"'^  Jeremias  stretching  ^^ 
forth  his  right  hand  delivered  over  -*  to  Judas  a  sword  of  gold,  and  in  giving  it  spake 

16  thus,  Take  this  holy  sword  as  ^  a  gift  from  God,  with  wliich  ^^  thou  shalt  wound  the 
adversaries. 

17  And  being  encouraged  by  the  very  beautiful  words  of  Judas,  which  also  had 
power  ^  to  stir  them  up  to  valor,  and  to  inspire  with  manly  courage  the  spirits  of"* 
young  men,  they  determined  not  to  pitch  camp,  but  nobly  "  to  set  upon  them,  and 
manfully  '^  to  try  the  matter  by  conflict,  because  the  city  and  the  sanctuary  ^  and  the 

18  temple  were  in  danger.  For  the  care  '*  that  they  took  for  '^  wives,  and  children,  and 
besides  for  brethren,'"  and  kinsfolks,  was  in  least  account  with  them  ;  but  the  greatest 

19  and  principal  fear  was  for  the  holy  temple.    And  they  also  that  had  been  left  in  the 

20  city  had  no  little  anxiety,  being  troubled  because  of  the  conflict  in  open  field.''  And 
as  already  all  awaited  the  issue  at  hand,  and  the  enemy  had  already  united  their 
forces,'*  and  the  army  been  put  '^  in  array,  and  the  elephants  fittingly  *"  placed,  and 

21  the  horsemen  set  on  the  wings,  the  Maccabee  "  seeing  the  coming  of  the  masses  of 
soldiers,"  and  the  manifold  equipment  of  weapons,  and  the  fierceness  of  the  ele- 
phants,'" stretched  out  his  hands  towards  heaven,  and  called  upon  the  Lord  **  that 
worketh  wonders,  knowing  that   the  *^   victory  cometh   not   by  arms,  but  even  as  it 

Vers.  8,  9.  —  ^  tu  vvv.    The  articU  is  for  emphasis,  at  once.    Of.  1  Mace.  vii.  35.  •  Fritzsohe  omits  kou.  PmjOeiav, 

with  III.  19.  23.  52.  56.  62.  64.  "■!.  93.  106.  Co.  "  A.  V. :  so  comforting.  '  mind  of  the  battles  that  they  had 

won  afore.        ^  cheerful  (Trpo^u^orepovs,  ea^er,  ready). 

Vers.  10-12. — ^  x.  V. :  when  he  had  ....  minds.  '  falsehood.  8  the  (art.  with  the  force  of  the  personal 

pTonoun).  "  {5e.)  ^^  so  much  with  [oh  — oj?  =  ovx  outu?,  (iis.  Wahl's  Clavis,  under  ws)  defence  of  (lit.,  the  security 
of).        "  with  comfortable  and.         '2  and  besides  that,  he  told  them  a.  '^  a.s  if  it  had  been  so  indeed  (lin-ap  rt  :=  a 

certain  visible  appearance  in  a  state  of  waking.  It  is  added  to  enhance  the  trustworthiness  of  the  supposed  revelation. 
It  was  something  more  than  an  ovap,  a  kind  of  ijnap.  Codd.  III.  23.  52.  74.  93.,  with  Co.,  have  vn-ep  Ti,  which  in 
the  sense  of  more  credible  than  anytiiing,  very  trustworthy,  would  give  a  more  natural  meaning,  and  hence  is  less  likely 
to  be  original).  i*  {tovtov  refers  not  to  Judas  but  to  the  dream.     Lit.,  the  beholding  of  this  was  as/ollotvs.) 

ifi  That  0.         1"  reverend  in  conversation,  gentle  in  condition.  l^  (Lit.,  bringing  fonuard  (his)  speech  with  propriety, 

jrpeTTOi'Ttus.}        ^*  omits  the.         ^^  [olxcla,  characteristics,  de7nands.)         20  holding  up  A?5. 

Vers.  13-16.  — -'  A.  V.  :  This  done  (ci0').  ■-  with  gray  hairs,  and  exceeding  glorious,  who  was  of  a  wonderful  and 
excellent  majesty  (Sofrj  before  Sia^epopra  seems  to  refer  here  to  the  form,  and  vnepoxriv,  which  is  distinguished  from  it 
by  5e,  to  the  halo  of  glory  which  surrounded  it.  The  infin.,  tlvai,  is  used  in  the  sense  of  the  imperfect.  So  Grimm, 
who  refers  to  .Matthia;,  §  499).    Then.  "=  (Lit.,  answering,  said.    See  Com.)  «  Whereupon.  ='  holding. 

M  gave.        '"  omiVs  a,*;.        ^  the  which. 

Vers.  17-19. —  »  A.  V.  :  Thus  being  well  comforted  ....  words  of  J.,  which  were  very  good,  and  able.  »  encour- 
age (Fritzsche  receives  enavSpi^trai.  from  III.  19.  23.  44.  62.  55.  62.  74.  Co.,  for  e^raxopSuKrai  of  the  text.  rec.  The 
former  might  easily  have  been  exchanged  for  the  latter,  on  account  of  it  being  unusual  in  this  sense)  the  hearts  of  the. 
"  courageously.  a-  (juerii  Train)?  euarSptas.)  33  (yi  ayia,  and  followed  by  to  Up6v.  Grimm,  Keil,  and  others  refer  it 
to  the  theocracy,  sacred  constitution  of  the  stale.)  ^  (Fritzsche  strikes  out  iyiiu,  with  III.  23.  52.  106.  :  44.  74.  Co. 

Aid.  have  for  it  KiVSvi/ot.)  »■'■  for  their.  s"  and  tlieir  children,  their  brethren.  "  Also  they  that  were  in  the  city 
'ook  not  the  least  care,  being  troubled  for  the  conflict  abroad. 

Vers.  20,  21.  —  "  A.  V.  :  now,  when  as  all  looked  what  should  be  the  trial,  and  the  enemies  were  already  come  neat 
(<n/(.in.f irrux  ;  III.  64.  93.,  irpoainfai'Tior).  »  was  set.  •»  beasts  conveniently.  ■"  in  (Kara,  with  a  distributive 
force,  on  tlie  two  wings)  wings,  Maccabeus.      "  multitude  (wXrjtei',  as  frequently  in  the  present  book,  for  soldiers,  with 

the  collateral  idea  of  their  being  a  multitude  of  them).  «  divers  prepivrations  of  armour beasts  (see  ver.  20^ 

"  I  Fritzsche  strikes  out  rw  narimTiy  before  Kiipior,  the  same  failing  in  III.  19.  23.  44.  62.  .55.  62.  "4.  93.  106.  Co.  Syr 
Vnlg.  If  found  in  the  original,  tliere  was  no  apparent  ground  for  leaving  them  out).  '=  07nils  the  (Fritzsche  strika 
ant  alio  i/imi,  as  wanting  in  III.  23.  62.  65.  74.  106.  Co.     If  omitted,  t6  Ttpayna,  or  ^  icpiVis,  should  be  supplied). 


2  MACCABEES.  613 

22  seemeth  good  to  him,  he  giveth  the  victory  to  the  worthy.^  And  in  prayer  he  spoke 
after  -  this  manner  :  O  Lord,'  thou  didst  send  thine  angel  in  the  time  of  Ezekias 
the  ^  king  of  Judaea,  and  didst  slay  out  of  the  camp  of  Sennacherim  ^  an  hundred 

23  fourscore  and  five  thousand.     And  now,^  O  Lord  '  of  heaven,  send  a  good  angel 

24  before  us  for  a  fear  and  dread."  Through  the  might  of  thine  arm  let  those  be 
stricken  with  terror,  that  come  with  blasphemy  against  thy  holy  people.^  And  he 
ended  thus.^" 

25  But  "  Nicanor  and  they  that  were  with  him  came  forward  with  trumpets  and 

26  songs.^'^     Judas,  on  the  contrary,"  and  his  men  "  encoimtered  the  enemy  ^^  with  in- 

27  vocation  and  prayers.  And  while  ^^  fighting  with  their  hands,  and  praying  unto 
God  with  <AaV  hearts,  they  slew  "  no  less  than  thirty  and  five  thousand  men,  greatly 

28  rejoicing  at  the  interposition  of  God."  But  '^  when  the  battle  was  done,  and  they 
were  returning  ™  with  joy,  they  discovered   Nicanor  who  had  fallen  in  his  armor. 

29  And  there  arose  a  '^  shout  and  a  tumult,--  and  they  blessed  the  Lord  ^  in  their  na- 

30  tive  ^  language.  And  he  '-^  who  had  been  in  all  respects  -^  the  chief  defender  of  his 
fellow  citizens  '^'  with  body  and  soul,  who  had  kept  his  ^  love  towards  Ms  country- 
men all  his  life,^'  commanded  to  stjike  off  Nicanor's  head,  and  his  hand  with  his 

31  arm,^"  and  bring  them  to  Jerusalem.  And  having  come  there,  and  called  his  coun- 
trymen "^  together,  and  set  the  priests  before  the  altar,  he  sent  for  them  of  the  for- 

32  tress,'-  and  showed  them  vile  Nicanor's  head,  and  the  hand  of  that  blasphemer,  which 

33  boastiugly  "'  he  had  stretched  out  against  the  holy  temple  of  the  Almighty.  And 
cutting  '*  out  the  tongue  of  that  ungodly  Nicanor,  he  commanded  that  they  should 
give  it  by  pieces  unto  the  birds,'^  and  hang  up  the  token  of  the  punishment  of  his 

34  foolishness '"  before  the  temple.    And  every  man  blessed ''  towards  the  heaven  the 

35  interposing  '"  Lord,  saying,  Blessed  6ehe  that  hath  kept  his  own  place  undefiled.  He 
hung  out  '**  also  Nicanor's  head  from  the   fortress,*"   an  evident  and  manifest  sign 

36  unto  all  of  the  help  of  the  Lord.  And  they  ordained  all  by  means  of  a  common 
ordinance  "  in  no  case  to  let  that  day  pass  without  observance,''-  but  to  celebrate 
the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  mouth,  which  in  the  Syrian  tongue  is  called  Adar, 
the  day  before  Mardocha;us'  day.''^ 

37  Since,  now,  it  went  thus  ■**  with  Nicanor,  and  from  that  time  forth  the  Hebrews 
had  the  city  in  their  power,  I  also  will  here  close  the  narrative.*^ 

38  And  if  I  have  done  well,  and  as  befitteth  the  book,*^  it  is  that  which  I  also*'  de- 
sired ;  but  if  slenderly  and   indifferently,*'  it  is  that  which  I  could   attain   vmto. 

39  For  as  it  is  hurtful  to  drink  wine,  and  so,  too,  on  the  other  hand,  water,*'  alone, 
but  ^  as  wine  mingled  with  water  is  pleasant,  and  maketh  the  enjoyment  delightful, 

Vers.  21,  22.  — i  A.  V.  :  it  to  such  as  are  worthy.  ^  therefore  in  his  prayer  he  said  afier.  8  (Se'cm-oTa.) 

1  omits  the  (as  44.  106.).  "  slay  (ivell^ev .      Fritzsche  adopts  this,  for  avciXe;  of  the  text,  rec,  from  III.  19.  44.  52. 

62.  64.  74.  93.  106.  Co.  Aid.)  in  the  host  of  Sennacherib. 

Vers.  23,  24.  —  8  A.  V. :  wherefore  now  also.  '  {Svfiora.    Cf-  Ters.  3,  22.)         *  dread  unto  them  (62.  64.  93.  Aid. 

add  auTwc) :  and.  »  come  against  .  .  .     people  [vaov^  23.  52.  74.)  to  blaspheme.  'o  (Lit.,  with  these,  i.  e., 

words). 

Vers.  25-27.  — "A.  v.:    Then.  >=  (war  songs.    See  Com.)  "S  But  J.  "company.  '»  enemies 

16  prayer.    So  that.  i^  (Lit.,  laid  tou\)  is  for  through  the  appearance  {iirupaveiti,  as  at  adi.  22,  xiv.  15,  a  visible 

manifestation,  interposition)  of  God  they  were  greatly  cheered. 

Vers.  28-30.  —  '"  A.  V. :  Now.         ^o  returning  again.         =i  knew  that  N.  lay  dead  in  his  harness.    Then  they  made  a 
great.        22  noise  (lapaxiis).        23  praising  the  Almighty  (6ui/i(m)f.    Cf .  ver.  23).        24  own  '"  Judas  {might  ba.ye 

been  purposely  omitted  for  the  sake  of  emphasizing  it  the  more).  2*  was  ever  (icaS'  oTraf).  27  the  citizens. 

2S  both  in  body  and  mind,  and  who  continued  his.        "  (Lit.,  who  had  kept  the  goodwill  of  his  youth  toward  his  country- 
men.)      ■'"'  shoulder  (cf.  xii.  35). 
Vers.  31-33.  —  3i  a.  v.  :  So  when  he  was  there,  and  had  called  them  of  his  nation.  32  that  were  of  the  tower 

with  proud  brags  he  had.        34  when  he  had  cut.        35  fowls.        36  reward  of  his  madness  (see  Com.). 
Vers.  34-36.  —  3'  A.  V. ;  So  ...  .  praised  (cf.  just  below,  and  ver.  29).        3s  glorious  (cf.  27).        =»  hanged.        «  head 
,^on  the  tower  (Fritzsche  adopts  the  reading  TrpoTo/i^i*,  from  III.  23.  44.  71.  74.  106.  Co.,  for  (ce<f»aA^f  of  the  text,  rec 
Ifaat  would  be,  head  together  with  shoulder  and  breast).         *i  with  a  common  decree.         *2  solemnity  [a7Tapacrrifi.avTov 
unmarked,  unnoticed).  43  (n-p^  ^j^^  ijiiepa^  ttj?  M.     The  cardinal  number  is  used  in  the  sense  of  the  ordinal  Trpwros 

Cf.  Add.  to  Esth.  i.  1 ;  Matt,  xxviii.  1 ;  Mark  xvi.  2.  1^  is  sometimes  regarded  aa  a  Hebraism,  but  occurs  aLso  in 
classical  writers.  See  Herod,  iv.  161 ;  Thucyd.  iv.  115  ;  also  Cicero,  Senee.,  v.,  *'  Uno  et  octogesimo  anno.'^  Cf.  Winer, 
p.  248  ;  Bultmann,  p.  29.) 

Vers.  37-39.  —  «  A.  V. :  Thus  went  it.  «  And  here  wUI  I  make  an  end.  «  and  (omitted  by  III.  64.  74.  93. 

Aid.)  is  fitting  the  story  ((rvi'To^ei.  Grimm  would  supply  >V  6  Aoyos,  and  take  the  adverbs  as  adjectives,  and  render 
trvvri^ei,  in  the  sense  of  arrangement,  icith  respect  to  the  arrangement.  But  in  the  following  verse  he  renders  it  by 
"  book,"  which  change  of  meauing  seems  unlikely).  *''  omits  also.  *3  meanly  (properly,  mediocre,  middling) 

••  hurtful  (iroAe'fiioi',  and  might  mean  unpleculant)  to  drink  wine  or  water  ^o  and. 


614 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


so  also,  the  proper  arrangement  of  the  narrative  delighteth  the  taste  '  of  them  that 
read  the  hook.^     But  here  shall  be  the  end.° 

Ver.  S9.  —  '  A.  V. :    delighteth  the  taste  :  even  so  speech  finely  f  ramed»(7-b  ttjs  KaT(wr(f<v^s  toO  Aayou  :=  the  way  Oj 
zrranging  the  narrative)  delighteth  the  ears  (aKods,  here  spiritual  perceptions^  taste).  3  story.  *  And  her* 

shall  be  an  end  (the  fut.  often  stands  for  the  imperative.    Buttmaun,  p.  257.    Cod.  56.  has  the  imperatire). 


Chapter   XV. 


Ver.  1.  Places  of  Samaria.  Cf.  3  Mac'c.  i.  1 . 
According  to  1  Mace.  vii.  39  f.  it  was  the  border 
region  hetwei'n  Gophna  and  Bethhoron. 

Ver.  5.  We  are  not  informed  how  Nicanor  was 
prevented  from  making  the  proposed  attack  on 
Judas  on  the  Sabbath. 

Ver.  9.  The  law  and  the  prophets,  i.  c,  from 
the  Bilile  of  that  time. 

Ver.  10.  Gave  (them  their)  charge,  namely,  to 
put  themselves  in  readiness  for  battle.  —  Breach 
of  oaths.  This  could  not  well  refer  to  Demetrius, 
who  was  not  bound  by  the  treaties  of  Antiochus 
v.,  since  he  did  not  regard  him  as  the  legitimate 
sovereign.  But  it  may  have  reference  to  the  con- 
duct of  Antiochus  V.  himself  (cf.  1  Mace.  vi.  62), 
and  to  other  instances  like  that  of  ApoUonius  (v. 
25  f.)  and  of  the  inhabitants  of  Joppa  (xii.  5). 

Ver.  12.  Worthy  to  be  believed.  The  ques- 
tion would  not  be  whether  Judas  had  really  had 
a  dream  of  this  kind,  for  no  one  of  his  men  could 
have  doubted  liis  words  in  this  respect,  but  simply 
to  the  matter  of  its  being  a  direct  revelation  from 
God. 

Ver.  13.  In  like  manner,  namely,  with  his 
hands  outstretched  in  prayer,  like  those  of  Onias. 

Ver.  14.  Answered.  The  appearance  itself 
was  what  he  answered.  He  gave  an  interpretation 
of  it.  It  is  like  the  Hebrew  7135,  and  always  has 
reference  to  some  definite  occasion,  demanding  a 
reply.     Cf.  1  Mace.  ii.  17. 

Ver.  14.  Prayeth  much.  The  representation 
seems  to  be  that  these  dead  persons  made  suppli- 
cations for  the  living.  (Cf.  Luke  xvi.  27  f.)  .Such 
was  also  the  teaching  of  Philo  as  quoted  by  Grimm 
(Cmn.,  in  he).  Cf.  also,  Josephus  {Aniig.,  i.  13, 
§  3),  where  he  makes  Abraham  say  to  Isaac,  as  he 
is  on  the  point  of  sacrificing  him,  "  He  will  receive 
thy  soul  with  prayers  and  holy  offices  of  religion, 
and  will  place  thee  near  to  himself,  and  thou  wilt 
be  to  me  a  succorer,  a  supporter  in  my  old  age." 
But  it  is  to  be  remembered,  ( 1 )  th.it  the  canonical 
Scriptures  give  no  su]>port  to  such  a  doctrine. 
The  passage  just  referred  to  (Luke  xvi.  27), cannot 
be  justly  adduced  in  its  support,  not  only  on  the 
ground  i>f  the  Hgiirative  representation,  but  also  on 
that  of  the  refusal  of  Abraham  to  give  to  Dives' 
prayer  any  hearing.  And  (2)  that  here  it  has 
only  the  support  of  what  is  acknowledged  to  be  a 
dream.  And  (3)  that,  at  the  most,  it  would  be 
taught,  simply,  that  the  pious  dead  pray  for  their 
people,  and  the  church  in  general,  by  no  means, 
as  Homanists  tesich,  that  prayers  are  to  be  ad- 
dressed to  them  in  order  to  secure  such  supplica- 
tion. 

Ver.  25.  Such  war  songs  were  common.  Cf. 
Thucyd.  (iv.  43)  where  it  is  said  of  the  Corinthian 
soldiery  that  they  made  an  attack  with  a  battle 
eong.  A  song  was  sung  to  Jlars  before  the  bat- 
tle and  lo  Apollo  after  it. 

Ver.  31.  Them  of  the  fortress.  But  was  the 
fortress,  at  this  time,  in  the  possession  of  the  Jews  ! 
It  would  seem  not.  It  did  not  come  into  their 
possession  until  the  year  171  of  the  Scleucian  era. 


Keil  thinks  that  it  is  not  meant  to  be  intimated 
that  the  fortress  was  held  at  this  time  by  the  Jews, 
since  the  persons  spoken  of  are  clearly  distin- 
guished from  Tovs  6fioeB''e75.  The  antithesis,  how- 
ever, which  he  finds  is  by  no  means  so  clear, 
Grotius  supposes  that  some  of  the  garrison  were 
present  with  reference  to  making  peace,  but  roit 
could  not  well  be  taken  in  this  sense. 

Ver.  33.  Ti  Se  ewlxfipa.  The  original  mean- 
ing of  this  word  is  wages,  pay,  whether  as  reward 
or  punishment.  Many  commentators  have  falsely 
taken  it  here  in  the  sense  of  hand,  which  meaning 
(or  rather  arm)  the  word  has.  indeed,  in  Hebraistic 
Greek,  but  only  in  the  singular  number.  Cf.  the 
LXX.  at  Jer.  xlviii.  25.  But  the  most  common 
meaning  of  the  word  in  the  plural  is  punishment. 
Here  it  is  plainly  to  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  sign, 
token  of  punishment. — Before  the  temple.  The 
word  used  for  temple  is  va6s,  i.  c.,  the  proper  temple 
building,  in  distinction  from  ttpSv,  the  temple  as  a 
ickole.  Grimm  infers,  therefore,  that  there  must 
have  been,  if  this  statement  be  true,  a  defiling  of  the 
temple.  Keil,  however,  argues  that  this  is  taking 
the  word  va6s  in  a  too  limited  sense,  since  there  is 
nothing  in  the  context  to  make  it  necessary  so  to 
use  it,  and  it  is  often  employed  with  the  same  mean- 
ing as  i(p6>'.  But  the  context  does  favor  the  view 
of  Grimm  (see  ver.  31 ),  as  well  as  the  fact  that  the 
writer  was  well  acquainted,  as  the  book  shows, 
with  this  distinction  between  the  two  words.  It 
is  only  an  additional  proof,  however,  that  the 
whole  matter  is  a  pure  invention.  Nothing  is  said 
of  it  in  the  parallel  account  in  1  Mace.  vii.  47. 

Ver.  35.  Here,  too,  it  would  appear  as  though 
the  fortress  were  in  possession  of  the  Jews.  How, 
otherwise,  could  they  have  hung  the  head  of  Ni- 
canor out  from  (fit)  it?  And  if  it  were  not  in 
their  possession,  why  should  it  have  been  hung 
there  at  all,  where  the  Syiiau  garrison  could  not 
have  seen  it,  since  naturally,  to  hang  it  up  before 
tlie  eyes  of  their  enemies  would  be  first  thought 
oit 

Ver.  36.  Mardocheeus'  day,  i.  e.,  the  day  of 
Mordecai,  the  day  which  celebrated  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  Jews  through  Mordecai. 

Ver.  37.  It  could  not  be  said  with  truth,  that 
the  Jews  remained  vndistnrbed  in  possession  of 
Jerusalem  from  this  time  forth.  Cf.  Grimm,  Ein- 
leil.,  p.  19  f. 

Ver.  38.  The  figure  here  employed  is,  to  say 
the  least,  somewhat  extraordinary  and  will  not 
bear  being  pressed.  If  taken  in  its  most  natural 
sense,  it  would  furnish  sufficient  ground  for  con- 
demning the  low  aim  of  the  epitomist  in  his  work. 
Cf.  ii.  26.  Just  how  much  he  would  have  his 
apology  cover  does  not  appear.  But  any  apology, 
above  all  an  apology  of  this  sort,  cannot  be  thought 
to  harmonize  with  a  projter  view  of  inspiration. — 
The  last  two  verses  of  this  chapter,  according  to 
Cotton  (p.  217), are  wan  ting  in  Coverdale's  English 
translation  (1535),  in  Matthews'  (1537),  Cranmer 
(1539),  and  in  the  v.irious  reprints  of  these  works 
They  first  appear  in  English  dress,  as  he  suppose^ 
in  the  Genevan  version  of  1560. 


THE  THIRD  BOOK  OF  MACCABEES. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  present  book  treats  of  events  which  antedate  the  proper  Maccabaean  history  (reign  of 
Ptolemy  Philopator,  B.  c.  221-204),  and  is  entitled  to  its  name  only  on  the  ground  that  its 
contents  have,  in  general,  a  similar  bearing.  That  it  was  originally  written  in  Greek  there 
can  be  no  reasonable  doubt.  Its  relatively  few  Hebraisms  are  wholly  lexical  (ii.  14,  15,  20; 
V.  42;  vi.  3,  15,  18),  yet  suffice  to  show  that  the  author  was  a  Jew.  This  would  appear, 
also,  from  the  entire  structure  and  spirit  of  the  narrative.  The  language  is  quite  similar  in 
st}'le  and  coloring  to  that  employed  in  2  Maccabees,  but  still  shows  too  many  points  of  de- 
cided difference  to  justify  the  theory  of  a  common  authorship.  There  is  the  same  love  for 
rhetorical  ornamentation  (i.  16;  iv.  3-8;  v.  48);  and  similar  expressions  are  used  to  set  forth 
similar  ideas:  such  as  the  frequent  employment  of  the  word  iirKpifeia  to  denote  a  special, 
supernatural  interposition  of  God,  of  rcdrot  to  indicate  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  of  ttoi- 
citrBai,  with  an  accusative  of  the  verbal  idea,  instead  of  the  simple  verb  itself.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  language  of  the  present  book  shows  no  such  affinity  with  the  writings  of  Polybius 
as  does  that  of  2  Maccabees;  does  not  so  much  abound  in  instances  of  alliteration,  only  two 
examples  of  the  sort  being  found  (i.  23;  vi.  11);  but  often  outdoes  2  Maccabees  in  its  forced 
and  obscure  methods  of  expression  (i.  9,  14,  17,  19;  ii.  31;  iii.  2,  4 ;  iv.  5,  1 1 ;  v.  17;  vii.  5), 
as  well  as  in  its  not  infrequent  attempts  at  poetic  flights  (i.  18;  ii.  19,  31 ;  iii.  15  ;  iv.  8;  v. 
26,  31,  47;  vi.  4,  8,  20).  In  one  instance,  an  actual  quotation  from  some  poetical  work 
seems  to  be  made.  There  are,  too,  new  words  employed,  or  such  as  are  but  seldom  found 
elsewhere  (i.  20,  aysTriaTpenTw^ ;  ii.  28,  \aoypa(pia;  ii.  29,  irpoavcrTeKXeadai',  iv.  20,  x^P'^'JP^";  ▼• 
25,  \livxov\Ke'ia8at ;  \i.  i,  TroyriSpoxos;  vi.  20,  inr6(ppiKoi) ;  while  old  words  are  sometimes  used 
in  new  significations  (i.  3,  5ici7Eir ;  i.  5,  x^'P"''''/"''' ;  iii-  l-l?  aTrp6wTaiTos ;  iv.  5,  KaxaxpSo-floi ; 
vii.  8,  iiri<rTp€(peiy.     Cf.  Com.,  and  Grimm's  Einleit.,  p.  215. 

The  common  Greek  text  of  the  book  has  not  infrequently  been  emended  by  Fritzsehe  in  his 
edition  of  the  Apocrypha,  in  which  cases  he  has  trusted  principally  to  the  Codices,  III.  23. 
55.  74.,  and  the  Complutensian  and  Aldine  editions  of  the  LXX.  The  codices  44.  and  71. 
he  regards  as  less  worthy  of  confidence,  while  lacking  considerable  portions  of  the  text  (the 
former,  ii.  5-8,  13-15;  the  latter,  ii.  3-19;  iii.  28,  30;  v.  11-13;  vi.  4-15,  25,  26,  34-36, 
58-40;  vii.  2).  The  remaining  MSS.  examined  by  him,  19.  62.  64.  and  93.,  have  a  text 
which  has  been  considerably  modified  by  corrections. 

We  have  said  that  there  is  sufficient  evidence  in  the  book  itself  to  prove  that  the  author  was 
a  Jew.  From  the  same  source  it  is  clear,  that,  his  home  was  in  Alexandria,  that  he  was  more 
or  less  acquainted  with  the  philosophical  systems  there  current,  and  that  he  composed  liis  work 
not  far  from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  That  the  writer  was  an  Alexandrian  shows 
itself,  nut  only  in  the  matter  of  the  work,  but  in  its  style:  the  rhetoricisms,  the  bombast,  the 
straining  for  literary  effect,  and  the  peculiar  moral  observations  and  maxims  that  are  woven 
into  the  history.  Gfrorer  (Theil  ii.,  p.  54  ff.)  finds  evidence  of  the  influence  of  the  Alexandrian 
philosophy  in  some  peculiarities  of  a  prayer  of  the  high  priest  (ii.  9  ff.).  Tlie  thought  here 
that  God  needs  nothing  of  an  earthly  character  (i  rHv  a.irivra>v  avpoaSeijs.  Cf.  Joseph.,  Antiq., 
viii.  4,  §  3),  yet  out  of  love  to  Israel  chose  tje  temple  for  his  dwelling-place,  is  one,  a«  he 


616  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


shows,  that  is  very  common  in  Philo.  The  divine  glory  (S<!|a,  ii.  14)  is  also,  in  his  opinion, 
fharply  distinguished  by  our  author  from  the  divine  Being  himself.  This  glory  was  dis- 
played especially  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  It  was  a  kind  of  effluence  from  God,  which 
was  according  to  the  philosophical  representations  of  Philo.  This  critic  sees  further  marks 
of  such  a  philosophical  influence  at  v.  8  (^iTrupdvaa")  and  at  vi.  18.  Dahne  (ii.  187  fE.;  cf.  ii. 
63  ff.),  while  not  laying  so  much  stress  as  Gfrdrcr  on  the  particulars  mentioned,  is  still  satis- 
fied that  the  author  was  more  or  less  governed  by  the  philosophical  views  prevalent  at  th» 
Egyptian  capital.  He  calls  attention  to  the  epithet  applied  by  him  to  the  Supreme  Being. 
It  is  generally  fieyiaTos  (i.  9,  16  ;  iv.  16;  vii.  22),  but  sometimes  B^/kttos  (vi.  2;  vii.  9),  which 
as  he  supposes,  is  to  be  explained  only  on  this  supposition. 

There  is  tolerably  clear  proof  that  some  part  of  the  original  work  has  been  lost.  This 
appears  from  the  manner  in  which  it  opens  (with  Se),  from  a  definite  allusion  at  i.  2,  where 
a  plot  is  refciTed  to  as  though  it  were  well  known  (ttji'  siri^ouXiii'),  but  of  which  the  book  gives 
us  otherwise  no  information,  and  from  a  similar  case  at  ii.  25,  where  boon  companions  of  the 
king  are  spoken  of  as  having  been  "  before  mentioned  "  (TrpoairoSf Say fitfuv) ,  when  no  such 
mention  has  really  been  made.  But  it  is  not  allowable  from  this  circumstance  to  draw  the 
inference,  as  some  have  done  (Dahne,  ii.  187  f.),  that  the  book  is  simply  a  fragment,  since, 
in  other  respects,  it  is,  to  all  appearance,  quite  complete  and  has  a  well-rounded  and  fitting 
conclusion.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  with  Grimm,  who  bases  his  opinion  on  the  gen- 
eral drift  of  the  composition  in  other  parts,  that  not  more  than  what  would  amount  to  a  sin- 
gle chapter  has  been  lost,  and  that  from  the  beginning.  This  probably  treated,  as  the  allusions 
referred  to  would  seem  to  indicate,  of  the  general  condition  of  the  Jews  under  the  ancestors 
of  Ptolemy  IV.,  and  of  such  other  well-known  facts  in  that  connection  as  would  serve  to 
give  to  the  composition  the  appearance  of  historical  truth. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  writer  meant  to  have  his  work  pass  for  veritable  history. 
How  far  it  is  actually  to  be  regarded  as  such,  we  will  now  consider.  At  least,  his  portraiture 
of  the  character  and  times  of  Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator  must  be  accepted  as,  in  the  main,  cor- 
rect This  king  was  the  eldest  son  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  and  notorious  for  his  sensuality 
and  effeminacy.  He  was  engaged  in  almost  constant  wars  with  Antiochus  the  Great  of 
Syria  (cf.  Polyb.,  v.  34,  xiv.  12).  The  occurrence  of  the  great  battle  of  Raphia  (b.  c.  217), 
with  a  brief  account  of  which  our  book  opens,  is  sufficiently  attested  by  profane  authorities. 
The  Theodotus,  mentioned  at  i.  2,  is  a  historical  character.  According  to  Polybius  (v.  40, 
46,  61,  62)  he  was  an  .Sltolian  who,  after  remaining  for  a  time  in  the  service  of  Philopator, 
finallv  (b.  c.  219)  deserted  him,  and  went  over  to  Antiochus.  And  the  fact  that  the  Jews  at 
Alexandria  celebrated,  bj'  the  observance  of  a  particular  day,  their  deliverance  from  a  danger 
similar  to  the  one  here  described  (iv.-vii.),  is  confirmed  by  Josephus  {Contra  Apion,  ii.  5). 
Josephus,  however,  places  the  event  under  Ptolemy  Physcon  (b.  c.  145-117),  and  assigns 
quite  a  different  reason  for  the  proposed  destruction  of  the  Jews,  it  being,  according  to  him, 
because  they  had  cooperated  with  the  enemies  of  Physcon.  "  For  this  cause,  then,  it  was 
that  Onias  undertook  a  war  against  him  on  Cleopatra's  account ;  nor  would  he  disappoint  the 
rust  the  royal  family  had  reposed  in  him  in  their  distress." 

We  may,  perhaps,  be  helped  to  a  decision  of  the  question  as  to  which,  if  either,  of  these 
two  authorities  ought  to  be  followed,  Josephus  or  the  author  of  3  Maccabees,  by  considering 
the  historical  trustworthiness  of  the  latter  in  other  respects.  There  is  very  Uttle  to  be  said 
in  its  support.  Most  critics,  in  fact,  assume  as  obvious  and  acknowledged  the  total  incredi- 
bility of  most  of  the  details  of  the  narrative.  The  impossibility,  for  instance,  of  the  supposi- 
tion that  such  a  multitude  of  persons  were  crowded  at  one  time  into  the  hippodrome  at  Alex- 
andria; further,  that  so  many  would  peacefully  sul)mit  to  be  bound  and  dragged  away  from 
their  homes  to  the  capital  of  Egypt  in  the  manner  described,  without  a  shadow  of  resistance; 
that  it  required  forty  days  to  write  down  even  a  part  of  the  names  of  the  captives,  and  that  the 
paper  factories  (xaprvpla,  iv.  20:  Wahl  renders  by  charta)  gave  out  in  their  efforts  to  pro- 
duce paper  enough  to  be  used  for  such  transcription,  is  too  evident  to  require  anything  more 
jhan  a  simple  mention.  But  the  writer  shows  his  untrustworthiness,  also,  in  the  fact  that  be 
is  not  consistent  with  himself  in  different  parts  of  the  narrative.  At  iv.  18,  for  example, 
unless  something  has  been  omitted  from  the  text,  there  is  an  obvious  want  of  harmony  with 
what  has  gone  before,  in  the  statement  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  complete  the  registra- 
tion of  the  names,  because  the  Jews  were  so  scattered  abroad  throughout  the  land.  It  had 
been  previously  represented  that  the  Jews  had  been  already  assembled  at  Alexandria,  and 


THE   THIRD   BOOK  OF   MACCABEES.  617 


that  the  registration  took  place  there.  Again,  if,  as  the  book  states  (iv.  20),  paper  enough 
could  not  be  produced  for  the  simple  purpose  of  recording  the  names  of  the  victims,  how  was 
it  possible  to  get  chains  enough  to  bind  them  "  hand  and  foot  "  (v.  5)  ;  how  was  it  possible 
to  feed  them  for  such  a  length  of  time  (v.  15),  and  especially,  to  provide  means  of  the  kind 
described  for  their  festivities,  which  lasted  through  many  days  (vi.  30,  40,  vii.  18)?  There 
is,  moreover,  evidently  a  false  statement  at  v.  2,  where  the  number  of  elephants  used  by 
Ptolemy  to  destroy  the  Jews  is  said  to  have  been  five  hundred,  while  the  whole  number  em- 
ployed in  the  battle  of  Raphia  was  only  seventy-three,  and  all  that  were  left  by  Ptolemy  II. 
Philadelphus,  at  the  end  of  his  reign,  was  but  three  hundred  (Polyb.,  v.  79);  also  at  vii.  2, 
where  Ptolemy  is  made  to  speak  of  himself  and  his  children,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
had  no  legitimate  children  at  that  time  (b.  c.  217-216);  and  in  ver.  20  of  the  same  chapter, 
in  which  it  is  said  that  the  Jews  were  preserved  by  "  land,  and  sea,  and  river,"  while  there 
is  no  evidence,  at  least  in  this  book,  that  they  were  obliged  to  pass  over  any  sea  in  going  to 
and  from  Alexandria.  It  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  credible,  further,  that  a  priest  should 
act  in  the  manner  described  in  vi.  1,  causing  the  elders  and  people  around  him  to  cease  pray- 
ing, that  he,  as  their  representative,  may  pray  alone.  And,  finally,  if  such  an  event  or  series 
of  events  as  described  in  the  present  book  really  took  place  in  the  city  of  Alexandria  at  the 
time  supposed,  how  is  it  conceivable  that  no  notice  whatever  should  be  taken  of  the  fact  by 
other  writers  of  that  or  a  subsequent  period  ? 

On  these  and  other  similar  grounds,  therefore,  the  present  work  must  be  looked  upon  as 
one  of  the  many  of  its  kind  which  proceeded  from  the  same  great  centre  of  philosophical  and 
religious  thought,  in  which  the  facts  of  history  are  arbitrarily  modified  in  order  tu  subserve 
a  supposed  moral  purpose.  On  the  pernicious  principle  that  the  end  justifies  the  means, 
historical  facts  indeed  have,  in  the  present  case,  been  so  displaced,  and  have  received  such  a 
false  coloring,  that  they  are  facts  no  longer,  and  the  great  doctrine  of  the  Divine  Providence, 
which  the  writer  meant  in  this  way  to  support  and  enforce,  finds  in  his  work,  on  the  contrary, 
an  unspeakable  incumbrance  and  clog.  As  Westcott  (Smith's  Bib.  Did.,  under  3  Mace.) 
well  remarks :  "  In  this  respect  the  book  offers  an  instructive  contrast  to  the  Book  of  Esther, 
with  which  it  is  closely  connected  both  in  its  purpose  and  in  the  general  character  of  its  inci- 
dents. In  both  a  terrible  calamity  is  averted  by  faithful  prayer;  royal  anger  is  changed  to 
royal  favor,  and  the  punishment  designed  for  the  innocent  is  directed  to  the  guilty.  But  here 
the  likeness  ends.  The  divine  reserve,  which  is  the  peculiar  characteristic  of  Esther,  is  ex- 
changed in  3  Mace,  for  rhetorical  exaggeration,  and  once  again  the  words  of  inspiration  stand 
ennobled  by  the  presence  of  their  later  counterpart." 

But  is  there  then,  nothing  th.-it  can  be  regarded  as  historical  and  actual  lying  at  the  basis 
of  the  present  narrative  ?  That  would  be  too  much  to  say.  The  general  character  of 
Ptolemy  IV.  is  correctly  deUneated.  The  fact  of  the  observance  of  a  yearly  festival  (vi.  36, 
vii.  19),  and  of  the  erection  of  a  pillar  and  synagogue  at  Ptolemais  in  commemoration  of 
some  event  of  this  kind,  need  not  be  called  in  question,  although,  as  Fritzsche  observes 
(Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  s.  v.),  it  bad  become  a  habit  with  the  Jewish  writers  of  this  period  to 
connect  a  festival  with  every  important  event.  But  that  the  event  which  was  the  occasion 
of  these  monuments  took  place  under  Ptolemy  IV.,  as  our  writer  asserts,  or  under  Ptolemy 
VI.,  as  Rufiinus,  through  Josephus,  reports,  need  not  be  accepted.  There  was,  doubtless, 
some  tradition  of  this  sort  afloat,  and  in  more  than  one  form,  namely,  that  some  sovereign 
had  attempted  to  force  his  way  into  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  being  hindered  for  some 
cause  or  other,  sought  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on  the  Jews.  The  story  of  Heliodorus'  ex- 
perience, as  recorded  in  2  Maccabees,  for  instance,  must  have  taken  more  than  one  form. 
Possibly,  however,  it  is  based  on  some  later  event,  as  Ewald,  Grimm,  Vaihinger,  and  others, 
conjecture,  like  that  which  occurred  during  the  reign  of  Caligula,  when  the  emperor  at- 
tempted to  erect  bis  statue  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  (cf.  Joseph.,  Aniiq.,  xviii.  8,  §  2), 
which,  for  political  reasons,  is  here  transferred  to  the  time  of  Ptolemy  IV.  Stanley  says 
(iii.  248,  note),  that  a  similar  story  was  told  him  by  the  Imam  of  the  mosque  of  Hebron,  of 
still  another  Egyptian  potentate  who  was  struck  down  in  like  manner  in  attempting  to  enter 
the  shrine  of  Isaac.  And  with  respect  to  other  circumstances  of  the  narrative,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, that  of  shutting  up  the  Jews  of  Egypt  in  the  hippodrome  at  Alexandria  for  destruc- 
tion (iv.  11  ff).  it  might  have  been  suggested  by  a  similar  occurrence  under  Herod  the  Great. 
While  dying  at  Jericho,  he  commanded  that  .he  first  men  of  Judsea  should  be  brought  thither 
;nd  shut  into  the  hippodrome.     He  then  ordered  Salome  and  her  third  husband,  Alexas,  to 


618  THE   APOCRYPHA. 


haTe  the  prisoners,  immediately  after  his  death,  cut  in  pieces  by  liis  body-guard,  in  order  that 
his  dying  day  might  not  pass  unlamented  in  Israel.  So,  too,  Pontius  Pilate  at  one  time  bad  a 
large  number  of  Jews  inclosed  in  the  hippodrome  at  Jerusalem  for  a  like  purpose,  but  finally 
abandoned  it  on  account  of  their  steadfastness  (see  Scbiirer,  Neutesl.  Zeitgeschichte,  p.  253). 
It  may  therefore  be  considered  as  probable  that  our  author  has  made  use  of  certain  traditions 
current  in  his  time,  to  which  he  has  sought  to  give  greater  weight  by  connecting  them  with 
admitted  historical  facts,  the  same  being,  for  prudential  reasons,  taken  from  the  period  of 
Ptolemy  IV.  Philopator.  To  go  further,  and  endeavor  to  fix,  with  Ewald  (Gexchichte  d. 
Volk.  Is.,  iv.  6,  11  ff.),  Grimm,  and  others,  the  exact  historical  events  which  the  author 
meant  to  depict  under  this  disguise,  seems  not  to  be  justified  by  the  very  uncertain  ground 
upon  which  such  an  investigation  must  proceed.  The  only  really  important  parallel,  for  in- 
stance, which  these  critics  find  in  our  book  with  the  times  of  Caligula  —  for  a  characteriza- 
tion of  whose  acts,  particularly  his  attempt  to  place  a  statue  of  himself  in  the  temple,  they 
suppose  it  was  written,  —  is  the  fact  that,  according  to  Philo,  the  Roman  governor  withdrew 
the  rights  of  citizens  from  the  Jews  at  Alexandria. 

If  the  theory  of  Ewald  and  Grimm  respecting  the  occasion  of  the  composition  were  to  be 
admitted,  the  matter  of  its  date  would  not  be  so  difficult  to  fix.  It  must  in  that  case  have  been 
written  about  the  year  A.  D.  40.  At  all  events  the  book  must  have  had  a  late  origin,  either 
shortly  before,  or  shortly  after,  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  If  the  events  spoken  of 
as  having  taken  place  under  Pontius  Pilate  and  Herod  had  influence  in  shaping  the  contents 
of  the  work,  as  we  have  supposed  to  be  possible,  then  the  latter  period  must,  of  course,  be 
fixed  upon,  i.  e.,  some  time  as  late  as  A.  D.  26.  That  the  book  was  written  subsequently  to 
2  Maccabees  is  clear  from  its  position  after  it,  although  it  treats  of  events  that  occurred  earlier, 
as  is  also  true  of  2  Maccabees  with  respect  to  1  Maccabees.  On  the  other  hand,  it  cannot  be 
accepted  as  certain  proof  that  it  was  not  in  existence  at  the  time  of  Josephus,  because  he 
gives  quite  another  version  of  one  of  its  fundamental  statements.  He  might  have  done  it 
either  because  it  was  a  really  different  event  which  he  describes,  or  because  the  same  tradi- 
tion existed  in  different  forms.  But  this  is  all  that  can  be  said  with  confidence  on  the  matter 
of  the  date  of  the  composition. 

Its  own  history  as  a  literary  work  is,  moreover,  scarcely  less  obscure.  Among  the  Jews  it 
was  never  regarded  with  any  particular  interest,  and  seems  to  have  enjoyed  with  them  no  ex- 
tensive circulation.  By  Christians,  moreover,  it  is  not  noticed  until  a  comparatively  late 
period.  Three  books  of  Maccabees —  one  MS.  says  four  —  are  mentioned  in  the  Apostolic 
Canons  as  among  the  writings  of  the  Old  Testament  "  to  be  reverenced  and  held  holy."  (Cf. 
Diet,  of  Christ.  Antiq.,  s.  v.).  As  we  have  noticed  in  the  Introduction  to  2  Maccabees,  the 
Coptic  version  of  Can.  Ixxxv.  includes  the  books  of  Judith  and  Tobit  in  the  Old  Testament 
*anon,  instead  of  1,  2,  and  3  Maccabees.  Theodoret  (f  c.  A.  D.  457)  quotes  the  present  work 
with  respect  (Ad  Dan.,  xi.  7).  According  to  Photius  {Bib.  Cod.,  40),  Philostorgius  rejected  it 
on  the  very  ground  on  which  Theodoret  of  Antioch  accepted  it,  namely,  because  of  the  sup- 
posed miracles  described  in  it.  Theodoret  regarded  these  miracles  as  a  simple  fulfillment  of 
predictions  found  at  Dan.  xi.  7.  Three  books  of  Maccabees  are  placed  among  the  antile- 
gomena  in  the  so-called  catalogue  of  Nicephorus  (f  A.  D.  828),  as  also  in  the  "Synopsis  of 
Athanasius,"  which,  however,  according  to  Credner  (p.  220  ff.)  did  not  originate  before 
about  the  tenth  century.  The  latter  speaks  of  W.aKKa0a'iKk  0i$\ia  S'  irToKiiiaiKo..  The  probable 
reading,  however,  is  (to!  irroXiimiKi,  our  present  book  being  so  characterized  on  account  of  its 
principal  personage.  In  the  Western  and  Alexandrian  churches  the  work  seems  to  have  had 
no  circulation.  No  Latin  writer  makes  mention  of  it,  and  it  found  accordingly  no  place  in  the 
Vulgate.  The  Decretals  of  Gelasius  (Pope,  A.  D.  492-596),  which,  however,  in  their  present 
form  did  not  originate  earlier  than  the  sixth  century  (cf.  Credner,  p.  287),  omits  3  Maccabees, 
although  mentioning  the  first  two  books  of  this  name.  The  latter  are  placed  at  the  end  of  the 
Old  Testament  list  in  the  following  order:  " /o6  liber  1,  Tobias  1,  Esther  1,  Judith  1,  Esara 
libri  2,  Maccabceorum  libri  2. "  The  only  ancient  version  of  the  book  is  the  Syriac,  and  there  ig 
other  evidence  that  it  enjoyed  a  wider  circulation  and  greater  respect  in  the  church  of  Syria 
-ban  elsewhere.  This  is  shown  in  the  use  made  of  it  by  Theodoret  of  Antioch,  as  before  men- 
tioned, the  fact  that  it  is  found  in  the  catalogue  of  Nicephorus,  which,  probably,  also  originated 
in  Antjoch  (Westcott,  Bib.  in  Ch.,  p.  225;  cf.  Credner,  p.  243),  as  also  in  the  so-called  list  of 
"  Sixty  Books,"  sometimes  ascribed  to  Anastasius  Sinaita,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and  gener- 
ally to  some  Syrian  source,  although,  perhaps,  more  likely  having  its  origin  in  Asia  Minor. 


THE   THIRD   BOOK   OF  MACCABEES.  619 

Fritzsche  mentions,  further,  the  fact  (Einleit.  in  d.  Buck  Tohi,  p.  18),  that  in  the  Noma- 
canon  Ecclesice  Antioch  (ji  Bar-Hebrceo  compoxiius,  in  A.  Mai  So'ipt.  Vett.  Nova  Cidlectio,  x. 
p.  53)  three  books  of  Maccabees  are  reckoned  along  with  Judith  and  others  among  the  "  Holy 
Books."  In  the  Abyssinian  church  (cf.  Herzog,  Real-Encyk.,  i.  170),  thi-ee  books  of  Mac- 
cabees are  sometimes  enumerated  among  the  ■"  forty-six  "  of  the  Old  Testament.  When  this 
was  the  case  they  were  usualh'  associated  with  the  Books  of  Enoch,  2  Esdras,  Jubilees,  etc. 

The  work  was  first  translated  into  Latin  for  the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  afterwards,  also, 
by  Flaminius  Nobilius  (as  it  appears  in  the  London  Polyglot),  by  Franz  Junius  (Fe?.  Tesla- 
menti  Biblia  Sacra  Lat.  Vert.,  Tremellius  et  Franc.  Junius,  Hanov.,  1618),  and  by  Andr.  Osi- 
ander  (t  1617),  in  his  edition  of  the  Vulgate.  Grimm  also  mentions  ten  different  German  ver- 
sions :  one  by  Leo  Juda  (in  the  Zurich  Bible),  by  Joachim  Ciremberger  (Wittenberg,  1554), 
that  found  in  Wolder's  Polyglot  (Hamburg,  1596),  one  by  John  Piseator,  in  his  edition  of  the 
Bible  published  at  Herborn,  1602-4,  by  Dan.  Cramer  (f  1637),  whose  translation  appears  in 
several  editions  of  Luther's  Bible,  that  given  in  the  so-called  Berlenburger  Bibel ;  further,  one 
by  Grynaus  (Basel,  1776),  by  De  Wette  (1st  ed.  only),  by  Gaab  (Tiibingen,  1818),  and  by 
Gutmann  (Altona,  1841).  A  still  better  one  than  any  of  these  in  our  judgment,  as  having 
been  made  with  critical  reference  to  the  latest  works  on  the  Apocrypha  including  Fritzsche 
and  Grimm's,  is  that  found  in  Bunsen's  Bibelmerk  (3"  Theil,  Die  Apok.  Biicher).  According 
to  Cotton  (^Five  Books,  Introd.,  p.  -xx),  the  first  English  version  of  it  was  made  by  Walter 
Lynne,  1550,  the  same  being  revised  and  appended  to  a  folio  edition  of  the  Bible  printed  by 
John  Daye  in  the  following  year.  In  1719  and  1727  a  new  translation  was  published  by 
AVhiston  in  connection  with  his  "  Authentic  Documents,"  and  another  by  Clement  Crutwell 
in  1785.  Cotton  himself,  also,  made  a  version  of  it  in  1832  for  his  above-mentioned  work, 
which  we  have  used  to  some  extent  in  connection  with  our  own.  We  are  unable  to  say 
whence  the  English  version  of  the  book,  found  in  Bagster's  "  Apocrypha  Greek  and  English," 
originated.  It  is  not  so  literal  as  that  of  Cotton,  although  sometimeB  surpassing  it  in  appro- 
priateness and  elegance  of  diction. 


THE  THIRD  BOOK 


OF   THE 


MACCABEES, 


Chaptee  I. 

1  Akd  Philopator  on  learning  from  those  who  came  back  that  Antiochus  had  sno- 
ceeded  in  taking  away  the  places  of  which  he  himself  had  formerly  ^  been  master, 
called  out  all  his  forces,  both  footmen  '^  and  horsemen,  took  with  him  also  his  sister 
Arsinoe,  broke  camp  and  marched  out  as  far  as  the  parts  about  Raphia,  where  An- 

2  tiochus  and  his  forces  had  encamped.  But  one  Theodotus,  with  the  intention  of 
carrying  out  the  plot,  took  with  him  the  bravest  of  the  armed  men  that  had  been 
before  put  under  his  command  by  Ptolemy,  and  betook  himself  by  night  to  the  tent 

3  of  Ptolemy,  to  kill  him  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  so  to  end  the  war.  But  Dos- 
itheus,  called  the  son  of  Drimylus,  by  birth  a  Jew,  but  subsequently  an  apostate 
from  the  laws  and  alienated  from  the  faith  of  his  fathers,  had  conveyed  him  away, 
and  made  a  certain  obscure  person  lie  down  in  his  stead  in  the  tent,  whom  it  befell 

4  to  receive  the  pimishment  meant  for  the  other.  But  when  it  came  to  a  fierce  battle 
and  matters  were  falling  out  rather  in  favor  of  Antiochus,  Arsinoe  went  up  and 
down  the  ranks,  and  her  hair  disheveled,  with  wailing  and  tears,  urgently  ^  ex- 
horted the  soldiers  to  fight  courageously  both  for  themselves,  and  their  children  and 

6  wives,  and  promised  to  give  the  victors  two  minas  of  gold  apiece.  And  so  it  fell  out 
that  their  enemies  were  destroyed  in  hand-to-hand  encounter,  and  many,  also,  were 

6  taken  prisoners.     But  having  got  the  better  of  this  design,  he  decided  to  proceed  to 

7  the  neighboring  cities  and  encourage  them.  And  by  doing  this,  and  by  making 
donations  to  their  temples,  he  inspired  his  subjects  anew  with  confidence. 

8  And  when  the  Jews  sent  some  of  their  council  and  of  their  elders  to  greet  him 
and  present  to  him  guest-gifts  and  congratulations  over  what  had  taken  place,  it 

9  came  to  pass  that  he  desired  still  more  to  visit  them  as  soon  as  possible.  But  when 
he  arrived  at  Jerusalem,  and  had  sacrificed  to  the  greatest  God,  and  ofl^ered  thank- 
offerings,  and  so  had  done,  to  some  extent,  that  which  befitted  the  place,  he  then 

10  also  entered  the  place  itself,  and  was  astounded  at  the  care  displayed,  and  the 
beauty,  and  admired  also  the  orderly  arrangements  of  the  temple,  and  conceived  the 

11  purpose  of  entering  the  sanctuary.  And  when  they  told  him  that  it  was  not  fitting 
that  this  should  take  place,  since  it  was  allowed  to  none  of  their  nation  to  enter,''  not 
even  to  all  the  priests,  but  solely  to  liim  who  was  the  leader  of  all,  the  hign  priest, 

12  and  to  him  only  once  in  a  year,  he  would  by  no  means  give  way,^  And  though 
they  read  the  law  to  him  he  persisted  in  thrusting  himself  forward,  saying,  that  he 
must  go  in,  and  that  if  they  had  been  deprived  of  this  honor,  I  *  ought  not  to  be. 

'  reco^e'iTjf  ;  III.  55.  71.  74.,  yi.votiiin)v. 

2  Fritzsche  strikes  out  ainov  after  this  word,  with  III.  19.  23.  55.  62.  al. 

*  others  connect  the  adverb  with  eiriiropeucT-ajuetTj. 

«  Codd.  III.  23.  55.  omit  iftivai.,  19.  62.  64.  93.  Aid.,  eto-ieVou, 

s  Fritzsche  receives  6  Se  ouSa^ws  (jretSeTO  from  III.  23.  44.  56.  Co. ;  text,  ree.,  ouia/iajf  ii^ovKtro  irct9«a4u. 

•  Alter  enf,  111.  23.  62.  al.  have  6^  ;  ttxl.  ret.  omit(. 


3   MACCABEES.  621 


13  And  he  inquired  for  what  reason  none  of  those  who  were  present  forbade  him, 

14  when  he  entered  the  main  temple.     And  he  was  thoughtlessly  answered  by  some 

15  one,  that  it  was  ill  of  him  to  boast '  of  this.  But  since  this  had  taken  place,  he 
said,  be  the  reason  what  it  might,  why  should  he  not  enter  the  whole  of  it,  whether 

16  with  or  without  their  consent ?  And  when  the  priests  fell  down  in  their  sacred' 
vestments  and  implored  the  greatest  God  to  help  in  the  present  need,'  and  to  turn 
away  the  violence  of  the  impious  aggressor,  and  filled  the  temple  with  cries  and 

17  tears,  those  who  had  been  left  behind  in  the  city  were  scared,  and  bounded  forth,  un- 

18  certain  of  the  issue  *  of  that  which  had  taken  place.  The  virgins  also  who  had  been 
secluded  in  chambers  rushed  out  with  their  mothers,  and  scattering  ashes  and  dust 

19  on  their  heads,^  filled  the  streets  with  groans  and  sighs.  And  those,  too,  who  had 
wholly  secluded  themselves,  forsaking  the  bridal  chambers  prepared  for  co-habitar 
tion  and  the  modesty  that  befitted  them,  went  on  a  disorderly  run  through  the  city. 

20  And  the  new-born  babes  were  deserted  by  their  mothers  and  nurses  who  were  with 
them,  here  and  there,  some  in  houses  and  some  in  the  fields,  without  care ;  and  they 

2 1  swarmed  into  the  sublimest  of  temples.  And  various  were  the  prayers  offered  up 
by  those  who  assembled "  in  this  place,  over  what  had  been  impiously  undertaken 

22  by  that  man.  And  along  with  them  were  the  courageous  ones  among  the  citizens 
who  would  not  bear  his  insisting  at  all  events,  and  his  intention  of  carrying  out  his 

23  purpose,  but  cried  out  that  they  should  fly  to  arms,  and  die  bravely  on  behalf  of 
the  law  of  their  fathers,  and  made  a  great  uproar  in  the  place,  and  only  with  dif- 
ficulty were  brought  back  by  the  reverend '  and  the  aged  to  take  their  stations  at  the 

24  same  place  of  prayer.     And  the  midtitude  kept  on  praying  during  this  time  as  pre- 

25  viously.     But  the  elders,  who  were  about  the  king,  strove  in  various  ways  to  divert 

26  his  frenzied  mind  from  the  plan  which  he  had  formed.  But  he  recklessly  put  all 
aside  and  was  already  setting  out  to  come  up,  apparently  to  carry  out  that  which 

27  he  had  before  spoken.  And  when,  now,  those  who  were  about  him  saw  this,  they 
gave  themselves  together  with  our  people,  to  calling  upon  Him  who  has  all  power, 
to  aid  in  the  present  distress,  and  not  to  overlook  this  lawless  and  insolent  behav- 

28  ior.     And  so  continuous  and  vehement  was  the  cry  of  the  assembled  crowds,  that 

29  an  indescribable  noise  arose.  For,  as  it  seemed,  not  the  men  only,  but  the  very 
walls  and  the  whole  floor  cried  out,  since  they  all,  in  fact,  preferred  death  then, 
rather  than  *,hat  the  place  should  be  desecrated. 

•  For  TfpoTeueirSdi,  19.  62.  64.  93.  Aid.  Syr.  have  irpo'TT€otl<u.    See  Com. 
2  FritzFche  adopts  Tratrai?  for  iytait,  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  74.  Aid. 

'  T()  kvetrrJiaTi  ivdyxri  ;  III.  19.  23.  55.  62.  64.  93.,  tok  eperraKriv ■     Cf.  Ter.  27. 

*  Text.  Tec,  afirjAoi-  Tt&eMecot,  but  Fritzsche  follows  Co.,  aSijAof  Tl  dc'fievot. 
fi  Kojuas,  III.  23.  al.,  for  (cet^oAas  of  the  text.  Tec. 

s  Fritzsche  receives  <rvXXeyev^^Jiv  from  III.  23.  44.  65.  74.  Co.,  for  <rvAAeyo^ei'ti»v  of  the  common  text.  Orimm,  OB 
the  other  hand,  says  it  is  a  correction  arising  from  the  fact  that  the  present  was  not  understood.  The  number  WM 
continually  increa.'iing. 

I  Codd.  19.  55.  62.  64.  93.  Aid.,  "  priests." 

Chapter  I. 


Ver.  1 .  Philopator.  This  is  Ptolemy  IV.,  the 
successor  of  Euer^etes.  —  From  those  "who  came 
back.  These  were  fuji^itives,  aud  it  is  likely, 
Egyptian  officials.  —  His  sister  Arsinoe.  .She 
was  also  his  wife,  and  bears  different  names  in  his- 
tory. By  Polybius  (v.  83,  3  ;  xv.  25,  2)  slie  is  called 
as  here,  and  so,  too,  on  the  Rosetta  stone  ;  by 
Livv  (xxxvii.  4),  Cleopatra;  by  Justinus  (xxx.  1, 
7),  Etirydice.  She  was  subsequently  put  to  death 
at  the  instigation  of  her  husband  and  his  minis- 
ters.—  'E|tijpjU7j(Te  contains  the  two  ideas  of  break- 
ing camp  and  marching'.  —  Parts  about  RapMa. 
This  important  place,  on  the  coast  of  the  Mediter- 


had  already  been  in  this  place  for  a  considerable 
period,  but  according  to  Polybius  (v.  80),  the  two 
armies  arrived  at  about  the  same  time. 

Ver.  2.  Theodotus.  He  was  by  birth  an  -Slto 
lian  and  had  chief  command  of  the  Egyptian  forces 
in  Syria.  He  had  at  one  time  been  quite  successful 
in  his  operations  against  Antiochus  III.  (Polyb., 
V.  40,  45,  61 ),  but  subsequently  became  disaffected 
and  deserted  to  hira,  carrying  over  with  biin  the 
important  cities  of  Ptolemais  and  Tyre  witli  many 
stores,  and  forty  ships  of  war.  —  The  plot.  The 
article  here  miiiht  indicate  some  definite  plot  of 
wliich  we  should  know  more  if  we  had  that  jior- 


ranean, south  of  liaza,  and  about  midway  between   tion  of  the  work  which  seems  to  have  beeu  lost 
that  place  and  Rhinocolura,  is  mentioned  on  one '  from  the  beginning.     It  might,  however,  refer  to 


of  tile  liistorical  tablets  of  Esarhaddon.  C'f. 
Transactions,  iv.  85.  The  places  about  liaphia,  as 
given  by  Polybius,  are  Tyre,  Seleucia,  Ptolemais, 
Abila,  Gadara,  Scythopolis,  etc.  —  Had  encamped. 
The   representation   seems  to  be  taat  Antiochus 


the  implied  plan  of  Philopator  to  defeat  Antiochus 
at  auy  price  and  by  any  means.  See  ver.  6.  — 
The  bravest.  According  to  Polybius  only  two. — 
AieKofiMrt.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iv.  5 ;  ix.  29,  and  the 
present  book  at  iii.  20. 


622 


THE  APOCKYPHA. 


Ver.  3.  The  account  in  Polybius  (v.  81)  is 
different  from  the  present  one  and  in  some  re- 
spects contradictory  to  it.  The  former  relates  that 
Theodotus  killed  the  royal  physician,  Andreas^  — 
by  no  means  an  obscure  person,  —  and  wounded 
two  others. 

Ver.  i.  Polybius,  also,  mentions  the  fact  that 
the  fortunes  of  war  first  favored  Antiochus  and 
afterwards  Ptolemy,  but  is  silent  concerning  these 
appeals  of  Arsinoii  during  the  battle.  It  is  prob- 
ably an  exaggeration  on  the  part  of  our  author, 
based  on  tlie  tact  that  previous  to  the  battle  Arsinoe 
united  with  her  husband  in  making  an  appeal  to 
the  soldiers.  (Cf.  Polyb.,  v.  83,  3.)  The  promise 
.  which  she  is  here  said  to  have  given,  she  could 
not  have  been  in  circumstance.^  to  fuKill.  The 
army  of  Piulemv  consisted  of  70.000  footmen  and 
5,000  horsemen.'  (Polyb.  v.  79,  2).  If  the  Egyp- 
tian mina  is  meant  its  value  was  about  equal  to 
eight  ounces  of  gold.  —  In  favor  of  Antiochus. 
Ptolemy's  left  wing  was,  in  fact,  at  first  entirely 
put  to  flight,  and  the  inexperienced  Antiochus, 
now  too  contident  of  final  success,  did  not  use  suf- 
ficient caution. 

Ver.  5.  Xetpoiioi^ta.  It  means  first  n  tnoving  of 
the  hands  accordmq  to  ride,  as  in  gesticulation,  but 
here,  evidently,  hajid  to  hand  encontiter.  The  read- 
ing of  19.  G2.  93.,  xfipoii/  voindis,  though  evidently 
a  correction,  is  apt.     Cf.  2  Mace.  v.  14. 

Ver.  7.  Polybius  blames  the  fickleness  of  the 
people  in  thus  transferring  tamely  their  allegiance 
to  the  one  who  happened  to  be  in  power,  (v.  8, 
11.) 

Ver.  8.  It  would  seem  that  Ptolemy  had  pre- 
viously had  the  wisli  to  visit  Jerusalem. 

Ver.  9.  Kal  Toiv  l|^y  ti  t^j  tott^  7roi7j(7as.  The 
meaning  of  k^ris  as  an  adverb  is,  one  after  another, 
in  order.  Followed  byVin  it  means  suitable  to.  I 
give  above  the  rendering  adopted,  in  the  main,  by 
Grimm,  Scholz,  and  Wahl.  Scholz :  "And  did 
what  otlieririse  yet  icas  appropriate  to  the  place.'^ 
There  is,  however,  no  word  in  the  original  to  be 
transLaied  by  othenrise  yet,  Grotius  from  conjec- 
ture would  render;  "  Quumjecis.'^et  ea,  quoi  ipsi  in 
tllo  loco  facere  fas  erat  =  quum  Deum  veneratus  esset 
in  svbdiali  ijentium,"  reading  Siv  €|€o-ti  instead  of 
Twv  i^rjs  Ti.  Cod.  64.,  with  Aid.,  offers  u>v  e^eo-ri 
tI.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  king 
was  himself  present  at  the  sacrifices.  What  fol- 
ows  seems  to  imply  that  he  was  not. 

Vir.  10.  Conceived  the  purpose,  iveBu/iTiBTi 
6ov\e6(Taa6aL.  Literally,  It  came  into  his  uiind  to 
take  tlie  resulutlon.  Wahl ;  "  Hand  procul  aberat 
animus  a  consilio  {templum  intrandi)."  The  "  Holy 
of  Holies  "  is  meant. 

Ver.  11.  Once  in  the  year,  i.  e.,  one  day  in 
the  year.  He  was  obliged  to  go  in  more  than 
once  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  Cf.  Lev.  xvi. 
12-16. 

Ver.  13.  Main  temple,  Troy  re'^uevoj,  properly, 
the  whole  temple,  i.  e.,  the  temple  as  a  whole,  as 


re|iresented  by  outer  courts  as  well  aa  an  inner 
shrine.  Tlie  purport  of  the  question  is,  Why  had 
he  not  been  hindered  by  tliose  present  from  com- 
iny  into  the  temple  at  alt,  if  he  were  not  to  be  allowed 
to  go  into  every  part  of  it.  This  rendering  seems 
to  us  to  agree  best  with  the  context.  But  it  would 
be  possible,  with  many  commentators,  to  take  nav 
Tefifvos  in  the  sense  of  "  all  temples,"  /.e.,  heathen 
temples. 

Ver  14.  Ill  of  him  to  boast  of  this.  The  com- 
mon text  is  KaKws  abrh  rovro  TtpaT^veadai.  There 
are  many  alterations  and  renderings  suggested. 
fSclileusner ;  "This  had  taken  place  improperly 
and  contrary  to  received  custom."  (Cf.  reading  in 
'J'exl.  JS'otes.)  Grimm's  suggestion  to  read  airrid'for 
auTiJ  is  least  objectionable.  The  meaning  would 
then  be  that  it  was  not  the  right  thing  for  him, 
who  liad  been  allowed  this  pii\ilege,  though  a 
heathen,  to  make  it  the  ground  of  demiinding 
other,  and  unheard-of  concessions. 

Ver.  16.  Greatest  God.  A  very  frequent 
epithet  of  Jehovah  in  the  present  book.  Cf.  i.  9  ; 
iii.  U  ;  iv.  17;  v.  25;  vii.  22;  and  2  Mace.  iii. 
36. 

Ver.  17.  Uncertain  of  the  issue  of  that 
which  had  taken  place,  &Sr)\6i'  ti  de/jLefoi  ri  yi- 
v6ti.ivov.  They  were  in  doubt  what  to  think  or  to 
do  under  the  circumstances. 

Ver.  18.  The  daKafios  was  a  room  in  the  back 
part  of  tlie  house,  specially  designed  for  the 
mother  and  daughters.  Cf.  2  Mace.  iii.  19,  where 
a  .similar  scene  is  described.  —  The  use  of  the 
word  TeKoiaa  for  mother  is  poetic. 

Ver.  19.  npoffapTiojj.  The  word  aprius,  as  an 
adverb  =  (1)  perfectly,  (2)  just,  newly,  is  here 
strengthened  by  the  preposition.  The  word  in 
this  form  is  uncommon,  and  is  said  by  Grimm  to 
occur  only  here.  Grotius  would  give  to  eVraA- 
/xeVat  the  sense  of  clothed,  ntodo  vestem  (nuptialem) 
iudutee-  But  most  commentators  follow  Gaab  in 
giving  it  here  the  meaning  of  vithdrawn,  secluded, 
which  meaning  is  also  well  established.  Cf. 
Schleusner's  Lex.,  also,  ISteph.,  Tliesau.,  s.  v. 

Ver.  21.  The  manifolduess  of  the  prayer  has 
respect  to  the  persons  offering  it. 

Ver.  23.  TpaxvT-ni  ^  roughness,  unei'evness.  This 
sense,  however,  is  here  not  fitting.  The  adjective 
rpaxvs  means  also  wild,  angry,  and  from  this  the 
idea  of  u/iroar  is  easily  derived.  Cf.  Homer,  //., 
ii.  9.^,  rerpTix^i,  and  viii.  346,  nrprixuio^. 

Ver.  25.  'Ayepwxof.  Probably  derived  from 
7e'pas  and  ex'^t',  '.  c.,  =  yepaoxos  with  a  intensive. 
In  the  later  Greek,  especially  after  Polybius,  it 
was  used  in  a  bad  sense,  for  pride,  insolence. 

Ver.  27.  Tois  irapova-iv.  Some  would  trans- 
late by  those  assembled,  but  it  is  an  expression 
found  quite  frequently  in  the  classics  in  the  sense 
of  the  present  matters,  emerqency,  need.  See  Herod., 
i.  10 ;  vi.  100 ;  Xen.,  Ariab.,  i.  3,  3.  Cf.  Liddell 
and  Scott's  Lex.,  under  mipcijui. 


Chapter  II. 


Then  the  high  priest  Simon  bowing  his  knees  over  against  the  sanctuary,  and 
calmly  spreading  out  his  hands,  uttered  the  following  prayer : 

0  Lord.  Lord,  King  of  the  heavens,  and  Ruler  of  the  whole  creation,  holy  among 
the  holy,  .sole  Governor,  :iliiii;ilily.  give  ear  to  us  who  are  oppressed  by  a  wicked 
and  profane  man,  puffed  up  with  boldness  and  strength.     For  thou  didst  create  all 


3  MACCABEES.  623 


things  and  art  the  Lord  of  the  universe,  a  righteous  ruler,  and  judgest  those  who 

4  do  anything  in  pride  and  insolence.  Thou  didst  destroy  in  former  times  those  wlio 
did  iniquity,  among  whom  were  also  giants,  who  trusted  in  their  strength  and  bold- 

5  ness,  bringing  upon  them  a  measureless  flood.  Thou  didst  burn  up  with  fire  and 
brimstons  the  Sodomites,  who  practiced  insolence  and  became  notorious  through 

6  their  iniquities,  making  them  an  example  to  after  generations.  Thou  didst  test  ^ 
the  defiance  of  Pharaoh,  enslaver  of  thy  people  the  holy  Israel,  with  manifold  and 

7  numerous  punishments,  and  caused  thy  great  might  to  be  recognized.  And  thou 
rolledst  the  depths  of  the  sea  over  hira,  as  he  pursued  with  chariots  and  with  a  mul- 
titude of  troops,  but  carriedst  safely  over  those  who  put  their  trust  in  thee,  the 

8  Lord  of  the  whole  creation.     And  they,  having  seen  together  the  works  of  thine 

9  hands,  praised  thee,  the  Almighty.  Thou,  O  King,  who  createdst  the  illimitable 
and  measureless  earth,  didst  choose  out  this  city  and  didst  hallow  -  this  place  to  thy 
name,  thou  who  hast  need  of  nothing,  and  didst  exceedingly  glorify  it  by  wonderful 

10  manifestations,  having  founded  it  to  the  honor  of  thy  great  and  glorious  name.  And 
thou  didst  indeed  ^  promise,  out  of  love  to  the  house  of  Israel,  that  should  we  fall 
away,  and  distress  come  upon  us,  and  we  should  come  to  this  place  and  pray,  thou 

11,  12  wouldest  hear  our  prayer.  And,  verily,  thou  art  faithful  and  true.  And  since 
thou  hast  often  aided  our  fathers  when  hard  pressed  in  their  low  estate,  and  de- 

13  livered  them  out  of  great  dangers,*  behold  now.  verily,  holy  King,  that  we  through 
our  many  and  great  sins  are  borne  down,  and  made  subject  to  our  enemies,  and 

1 4  have  given  out  in  weakness.  And  in  our  fallen  state,  this  bold  and  profane  man 
seeks  to  do  insult  to  this  holy  place,  consecrated  on  earth  to  thy  glorious  name. 

15  Thy  dwelling-place,  indeed,  the  heaven  of  heavens,  is  inapproachable  to  men.     But 

16  since  it  pleased  thee  ^  to  be  glorified  among  thy  people  Israel,  and  thou  hast  sancti- 

17  fied  this  place,  punish  us  not  through  the  uncleanness  of  these  people,  nor  chastise 
us  through  profaneness,  lest  the  transgressors  boast  in  their  haughtiness,  and  exult 

18  with  their  insolent  tongue,  and  say.  We  have  trampled  upon  the  holy  house,  as  the 

19  houses  of  idols  are  trampled  upon.    Blot  out  our  sins  and  do  away  with  our  offenses, 

20  and  shew  forth  thy  compassion  at  tliis  time.  Let  tl^y  mercies  quickly  overtake  us, 
and  put  praise  in  "the  mouth  of  those  cast  down  and  discouraged,  giving  us  peace. 

21  Then  God,  wlio  seeth  all  things,  and  is  holiest  above  all "  the  holy,  heard  the 
prayer  which  was  according  to  the  Law,  and  scourged  him  who  was  greatly  uplifted 

22  with  pride  and  boldness,  shaking  hira  to  and  fro  as  a  reed  is  shaken  by  the  wind,  so 
that  he  lay  motionless  upon  the  floor,  and,  besides,  paralyzed  in  his  limbs,  and  un- 

23  able  to  utter  a  sound,  being  overtaken  by  a  just  retribution.  Wherefore  his  friends 
and  his  body-guard,'  beholding  the  sharp  chastisement  which  had  overtaken  him, 
fearing  lest  he  might  also  die,  speedily  removed  him.  being  stricken  with  exceed- 

24  ing  terror.  But  when,  in  course  of  time,  he  afterwards  came  to  himself,  his  chas- 
tisement in  no  wise  brought  him  to  repentance,  but  he  departed  utterhig  bitter 
threatenings. 

25  And  having  returned  to  Egypt  he  grew  still  worse  in  wickedness,  and  through 
his  before-mentioned  boon  companions  and  associates  who  had  cut  loose  from  all 

26  that  was  right,  he  was  not  only  held  fast  in  innumerable  debaucheries,  but  lie  also 
went  so  far  in  his  audacity  that  he  scattered  evil  reports  in  those  places,  and  many 
of  his  friends  who  especially  regarded  the  king's  purpose  also  themselves  followed 

27  his  will.     And  his  purpose  was  to  inflict  a  public  stigma  upon  the  Jewish  nation. 

28  On  *  the  tower  by  the  palace  he  placed  a  tablet  and  engraved  an  inscription,  that 
entrance  to  theu-  own  temple  was  to  be  refused  to  all  those  who  did  not  sacrifice  ; 

^  In  the  common  text  there  is  found  after  this  word,  -rij*'  <ri)v  (omitted  by  74.  Co.)  Sycaaretaf  {III.,  6ura/iiv)  e<^'  als 
'yi'wpio-as.  The  words  are  evidently  tautological,  and,  being  omitted  by  23.,  are  rejected  by  Grimm,  Fritzsche,  and 
athers. 

!  Fritzsche  adopts  riyiaaiK  for  ivioo-M,  from  III.  19.  23.  55.  62.  64.  74.  93.  Co.  Aid. 

»  For  Si)  6tc,  III.  23.  64.  93.  have  Si6ti..     Cf.  2  Mace.  Tii.  37. 

<  Codd.  III.  23.  55.  74.,  with  Co.,  "  cTils." 

^  Fritzsche,  loUowing  Grimm,  adopts  the  participle  eOBojc^cos     or  euSoKriaas  of  the  text,  rec. 

•  Fritzsche  adopts,  in  place  of  rrpo  n-airw*'  of  the  common  text,  TrpaTTartiip  from  III.  23.  55.  93.  Syr  ,  but  it  does  not 
10  well  suit  the  context,  and  looks  like  a  correction.     Cf.  ver.  2. 

'  The  words  olvtov  Taxeiac  icai,  found  after  o-w/iaTof^iiAoice?  in  the  common  text,  are  stricken  out  by  the  best  reran! 
sritics.     They  are  wanting  in  III.  23.  44.  55.  71.  74.  Co. 

<  The  Kai  before  Etri,  Fritzsche  strikes  out,  with  III.  23.  44.  65.  74.  Co 


624 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


29 


and  that  all  the  Jews  were  to  be  registered  among  the  common  people,  and  reduced 
to  the  condition  of  servants,  and  that  those  who  resisted  were  to  be  forcibly  seizec 
and  put  to  death ;  also,  that  such  as  were  registered,  were  to  be  branded  on  theii 
persons  with  an  ivy-leaf  as  a  symbol  of  Dionysus,  and  that  they  were  to  be  de- 
30  graded  to  the  former  limited  rights.  But  that  he  might  not  appear  as  one  who 
bated  them  all,  he  wrote  underneath,  that  if,  on  the  other  hand,  any  of  them  chose 
to  join  those  initiated  into  the  mysteries,  these  should  have  equal  rights  with  the 
Alexandrians. 

Some  now,  who  were  over  a  city,  despising  the  approaches  to  the  city  of  piety, 
unhesitatingly  gave  in  as  though  they  became  sharers  in  some  great  renown  by 
their  prospective  intercourse  with  the  king.  But  the  most  stood  firm  in  a  noble 
spirit,  and  did  not  apostatize  from  their  religion  ;  and  paying  money  that  they  might 
live  without  fear,  they  sought  to  escape  the  registration.  They  were  also  in  good 
hope  of  obtaining  relief,  and  detested  those  who  had  fallen  away  from  them,  both 
judged  them  to  be  enemies  of  the  nation  and  withheld  from  them  common  inter- 
course and  friendly  services. 


?l 


32 


Chapter  II. 


Ver.  1 .  Simon.  Most  probably  Simon  II.,  son 
of  Onias  II.,  high  priest  from  b.  o.  219-199.  See 
Fritzsche  in  Schenkel's  Bih.  Lex.,  s.  v.  Ct.  Eccliis. 
1.  1  ff.,  ami  Jos.,  Antiq.,  xii.  4.  §  10.  —  Over  against 
the  holy  place.  This  was  the  custom  of  the 
Jews  in  prayer,  i.  e.,  to  turu  the  face  toward  the 
temple  mountain,  if  they  were  in  its  neighborhood 
(cf.  2  Chron.  vi.  .34;  Dan.  vi.  11),  or  towards  the 
temple  itself  when  in  the  outer  court  of  the  same, 
(Ps.  V.  7;  Ecclus.  li.  14).  —  EuraifTcus.  Simou's 
attitude  and  conduct  are  represented  as  calm  and 
reverent  in  contrast  with  those  of  the  excited  mul- 
titudes about  him. 

Ver.  2.  Whole  creation.  Cf.  Judith  ix.  12. 
—  Holy  among  the  holy.  Others  translate  with 
apparently  less  propriety,  '*  Holt/  in  the  holies," 
(Cotton);  "  Hriti^er  im  HeiUgthum"  (Grotius. 
Gaab,  Scholz).  It  seems  to  be  simply  a  circumlo- 
cution for  All-hot//. 

Ver.  4.  Allusions  to  these  giants,  offspring  of 
the  sup|iosed  intermarriage  of  angels  with  the 
daughters  of  men,  are  very  common  in  the  Apoc- 
ryphal and  Pseudepigraphal  books.  Cf.  Book 
of  Enoch  vii.  2;  ix.  9  ;  xv.  8  (Dillmann's  ed.) ; 
Book  of  Jubilees  v.  7  ;  Wisdom  xiv.  6  ;  Tobit  vi. 
14;  Ecclus.  xvi.  7  ;  Baruch  iii.  26. 

Ver.  5.  "tKfpri(pavta,  insolence,  contemptuous  hear- 
ing. Cf.  Ezek.  xvi.  49  in  the  LXX.  for  a  similar 
characterization  of  Sodom.  See  also,  2  Peter  ii. 
6. 

Ver.  9.  Illimitable.  So  called  hyperbolically, 
with  reference  to  the  comparatively  small  space 
occupied  by  Jerusalem.  —  Tof  twv  anavTuv  anpoa- 
Hef?.     So,  too,  .at  2   Mace.  xiv.  35  ;  Acts  xvii.   25. 

Ver.  10.  Promise.  See  1  Kings  viii.  and  i.\., 
atid  2  Chron.  vi.  and  vii. 

Ver.  11.  Grimm  would  give  to  5^  here  the 
sense  of  in  addition,  referring  to  i.  9. 

Ver.  14.  Thy  glorious  name,  '?T.72'v'  C'". 
Cf.  Neh.  ix.  5.  Grimm  remarks  that  it  does  not 
mean  "  llii/  glnrions  name,"  but  the  name  of  God 
as  an  exjjression  and  epithet  of  his  glorious  being, 
majesty.  This  idea  of  "being"  is  however  con- 
tained in  the  word  "  name,"  according  to  common 
Biljiical  usage. 

Ver.  l.'i.  Inapproachable.  Cf.  1  Tim.  vi.  16. 
The  thought  is  tha,t  while  it  was  indeed  impossible 
for  the  king  to  commit  a  sacrilege  on  the  actual 
habitation  of  (iod,  yet  tlie  latter  had  also  chosen 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem  as  an  abode. 


Ver.  18.  Trampled  upon.  Cf.Is.  Ixiii.  18;  Dan. 
viii.  13.  —  Tav  Trpoo-ox^Kr/iaTaiy,  stumbling  blocks, 
abominations.  It  is  frequently  used  iu  the  LXX. 
as  referring  to  idols.  By  an  inadvertence  the 
writer  here  makes  the  Egyptians  call  the  temple 
at  Jerusalem  a  "  holy  house  and  the  idol  templea, 
"  abominations." 

Ver.  20.  Cf.  Ps.  Ixxix.  8,  where  the  same  ex- 
pression occurs. 

Ver.  23.  Friends.  The  higher  oflScers  and 
concillors  of  the  king. 

Ver.  24.  'O  /juTiixeXoi,  repentance.  First  used 
in  this  sense  by  Thucydides  (vii.  5.5). 

Ver.  25.  Since  these  friends  have  not  before 
been  spoken  of  in  the  present  book,  as  it  now  exists, 
we  have  here  additional  evidence  that  something 
has  been  lost  from  the  first  part  of  the  original 
work.  —  Debaucheries.  Polybius  and  Strabo 
also  speak  of  the  great  licentiousness  and  de- 
bauchery of  this  monarch. 

Ver.  26.  Friends.  Cotton  would  make  thia 
refer  to  the  friends  of  tlie  writer,  i.  e.,  Jews,  but 
it  is  far  more  likely  that  it  refers  to  the  courtiers 
of  Ptolemy. 

Ver.  28.  According  to  some  (Grotius,  Cotton, 
De  Wette),  the  words  are  to  be  so  construed  as  to 
read  :  that  none  loho  did  not  sacrifice  in  their  [the 
Egyptian]  temples  should  enter,  i.  e.,  enter  the 
palace  of  the  king.  But  it  seems  better,  both 
grammatically  and  logically,  to  connect  tU  rh  tepi 
auTcSf  directly  with  elmivai  and  to  refer  avrap  to 
the  subject  of  ruv  fi^  6v6vtwv.  So  Grimm,  Bun- 
sen's  Bibelwerk,  Gaab,  Scholz.  and  others.  The 
prohibition  is  given  in  general  terms,  that  none 
who  did  not  sacrifice  should  enter  their  own  tem- 
ples. But  as  the  Jews  were  the  only  ones  in  Egypt 
who  did  not  offer  sacrifice  iu  their  worship,  it 
amounted  to  a  command  that  the  Jews  should  not 
enter  their  synagogues.  —  Registered  among  the 
common  people.  There  were  three  classes  of 
people  in  Alexandria:  (1)  Macedonians,  who  had 
the  fullest  rights  as  founders  of  the  city  ;  (2)  for- 
eigners subject  to  them  ;  (3)  native  Egyptians. 

Ver.  29.  Such  a  branding  in  honor  of  a  deity 
was  not  uncommon  in  ancient  times.  Cf.  Rev. 
vii.  3  ;  xiii.  16,  17.  Bacchus  was  the  family  deity 
of  the  Ptolemies  and  Philopator  himself  is  said  to 
have  been  branded  with  an  ivy  leaf 

Ver.  31.  Over  a  city,  /.  <■.,  perhaps  a  comma 
nity  in  Alexandria.     rtiJAis  may  be  used  in  thil 


3   MACCABEES.  625 


sense.  —  City  of  piety,  namely,  the  Jewish  com- 
munity. It  was  to  be  approached  only  by  means 
of  the  observance  of  the  Mosaic  law.  Otiiers 
(Cotton)  translate:  ^^  Then  indeed  a  few  of  those 
who  dwelt  in  the  city,  who  hated  the  advances  of  the 
religion  of  the  citt/,"  etc.  He  derives  this  meaning 
of  the  word  ein^dSpa  from  its  use  by  Josephus  in 
Antig.,  xi.  S,  §  2.     (jrotius,  Wahl,  and  others  make 


the  city  of  piety  refer  to  Heaven,  but  this  view  is 
not  supported  by  the  teachings  of  our  book  else- 
where. 

Ver.  32.  Paying  money.  The  officials  were 
probably  bribed.  It  could  not  have  been  the  king, 
since  he  is  represented  as  dissatisfied  with  this  re- 
sult of  his  efforts  to  degrade  the  Jews.  Cf.  iii.  1, 
also  v.  1,  et  passim. 


Chapter  III. 

1  The  impious  king,  on  learning  also  of  tliis,  was  so  incensed  as  not  only  to  be 
very  angry  with  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  but  also  became  a  more  bitter  enemy  to 
those  of  the  country,  and  commanded  that  they  should  all  be  speedily  assembled  in 

2  one  and  the  same  place  and  be  put  to  the  worst  of  deaths.  But  while  this  was  be- 
ing carried  out,  a  hostile  report  was  circulated  against  the  race,  since  men,  who 
agreed  together  for  evil  ends,  Itad  given  occasion  for  the  representation  that  they 

3  were  hindered  from  the  observance  of  the  laws.     But  the  Jews  maintained  towards 

4  their  kings  good  will  and  unswerving  loyalty  ;  yet,  as  they  worshipped  God  and 
governed  themselves  according  to  his  law,  they  made  a  separation  in  certain  things 

5  and  deviations,^  on  which  account  they  apjieared  odious  to  some  persons.  But 
since  they  adorned  their  intercourse  with  one  another  with  the  good  works  of  the 

6  righteous,  they  had  established  themselves  in  the  good  opinion  of  all  men.  This 
character  of  the  race  for  good  works,  however,  which  was  spoken  of  by  all,  was 

7  made  of  no  account  by  the  foreigners  ;  but  they  talked  about  their  disagreement 
with  respect  to  worship  and  food,  alleging  that  these  men  were  kindly  disposed  and 
loyal  neither  towards  the  king  nor  the  rulers,  but  were  hostile  and  very  much  op- 

8  posed  to  the  public  weal ;  and  they  covered  them  with  unusual  reproach.  And  this 
unexpected  uproar  and  unforeseen  concourse  of  people,  concerning  those  who  had  in 
no  wise  wronged  them,  was  not  unobserved  by  the  Greeks  who  lived  in  the  city ; 
but  to  aid  them  was  not  in  their  power,  for  the  condition  of  things  was  imperious  ; 
but  they  admonished,  and  were  out  of  humor  and  believed  that  these  things  would 

9  change.     For  a  people  of  such  importance,  that  has  done  no  harm,  will  not  be  thus 

10  overlooked.'-  And  already,  also,  some  of  their  neighbors  and  friends  and  business  as- 
sociates had  taken  certain  of  them  secretly  aside,  given  them  the  assurance  of  sup- 

11  port,  and  that  tliey  would  do  the  very  utmost  to  help  them.  The  kinff,  now  become 
arrogant  through  the  momentarily  favorable  turn  of  affairs,  and  considering  not  the 
power  of  the  great  God,  but,  on  the  contrary,  assuming  that  he  would  remain  of 
the  same  purpose,  unchangeably,  wrote  the  following  letter  respecting  them  : 

12  King  Ptolemy  Philopator,  to  the  generals  and  soldiers  in  Egypt,  that  is,  in  every 

13  place,  health  and  happiness  !     And  I  myself  also  am  well,  and  our  affairs  in  good 

14  condition.  Since  our  Asiatic  campaign,  about  which  you  yourselves  also  '  are  in- 
formed, which  by  the  aid  of  the  gods,  not  lightly  given,*  was  brought  to  a  success- 

15  ful  issue  according  to  expectation,*  we  resolved,  not  by  force  of  arms,  but  with  gen- 
tleness and  great  humanity  to  care  for  the  nations  inhabiting  Coele-Syria  and  PhcB- 

1 6  nicia,  and  to  be  their  willing  benefactor.  And,  having  bestowed  large  donations 
upon  the  temples  in  the  several  cities,  we  proceeded  also  unto  Jerusalem,  and  went 

17  up  to  honor  the  temple  of  these  wretches,  who  never  cease  from  their  folly.  And, 
in  appearance,  they  haUed  our  coming  with  gladness,  but,  in  fact,  hypocritically, 
since,  when  we  wished  to  enter  into  their  sanctuary  and  to  honor  it  with  excellent 

1  Ttxt.  Tec,  iirowvv  effi  Tivuiv  KaX  Kara/rTpo'itds ,  following,  apparently,  the  Codd.  44.  71.  74.  For  the  last  word, 
Frlt^sche  adopts  leara  to?  Tpoiftdi  from  19.  23.  62.  64.,  and  en-l  tocs  from  93.,  writing  the  whole,  eiroiovv  iirl  tois  k.  t.  t. 
See  Com, 

=  Fritzsche,  Grimm,  and  others  adopt  the  reading  of  19.  23.  44.  65.  64.  71.  93.,  jrapopaS^aea^ai,  for  iropopa^vsrai  of 
the  text.  Tec. 

3  I  follow  Fritzsche  and  Grimm,  whc  adopt  the  test  of  III.  23.  44.  55.  62.  74.  93.  Co.,  which  leave  out  after  ical  avroi, 
rpcK  rjiJM'i  ....  Kai  TQ  rifLerepi}  Se  pwfxj)  &nd  opicTToi^  after  TeAoc.  It  ha8  the  appearance  of  a  correction,  made  in  the 
way  of  explanation. 

'  '/LnpoTrrunif.    Grotius  suggests,  as  an  emendation,  airpooirTYt  une^teeted,  which  is  less  suitable  to  the  context 
40 


fi26 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


18  and  most  beautiful  offerings,  they,  impelled  by  their  old  conceit,  forbade  our  en- 
trance, while  we  did  not  exercise  our  power  on  account  of  the  good  will  which  we 

19  cherish  toward  all  men.  But  they  made  evident  their  hostility  towards  us,  as  being 
the  only  one  among  the  nations  to  carry  high  the  head  against  kings  and  their  own 

20  benefactors,  and  are  unwilling  to  bear  anything  that  is  proper.  But  we,  having 
made  allowance  for  the  folly  of  these  people,  and  having  returned  victorious  to 

21  Egypt,'  have  met  all  nations  with  good  wiU,  and  acted  as  was  fitting.  And,  in 
accordance  with  this,  we  announced  to  all  their  countrymen  that  we  had  forgotten 
the  wrong  suffered,  and  on  account  of  their  assistance  in  war  and  the  very  many 
public  trusts  which  from  the  beginning  had  been  committed  in  confidence  to  them, 
we  would  venture  to  introduce  a  change  :  we  would  also  bestow  upon  them  the 
rights  of  citizens  of  Alexandria,  and  make  them  sharers  in  the  perpetual  religious 

22  rites. ^     But  they  took  it  in  a  contrary  spirit,  and  out  of  innate  wickedness,  spurn- 

23  ing  the  good  and  perpetually  inclined  to  the  evil,  have  not  only  rejected  the  price- 
less honor  of  citizenship,  but,  also,  have  shown,  either  by  word  or  silence,^  their 
detestation  of  the  few  among  them  properly  disposed  toward  us,  always  having  in 
view,  that  by  continuing  in  their  unworthy  conduct  we  should  be  moved,  speedily, 

24  to  recall  our  just  measures.  Therefore,  both  because  we  are  convinced  by  clear 
proofs  that  these  people  are  every  way  ill-disposed  towards  us,  and  as  a  measure  of 
precaution  if,  in  future,  possibly  a  sudden  disorder  arose,  against  having  these  im- 

25  pious  beings  as  traitors  and  cruel  enemies  at  our  backs,  we  have  given  order  that  as 
soon  as  this  letter  reaches  you,  the  very  same  hour,  the  persons  indicated,''  together 
with  wives  and  children,  under  abuse  and  torments,  bound  hand  and  foot  with  iron 
chains,  l)e  delivered  to  us  for  cruel  and  ignominious  death,  such  as  befits  those  hos- 

26  tilely  disposed.  For,  when  once  these  have  been  punished,  in  our  opinion  we  shall 
have  established  the  affairs  of  our  state  for  the  future  in  perfect  security  and  in  the 

27  best  order.  But  whoever  shall  shield  one  of  the  Jews,  from  an  old  man  to  a  child 
or  suckling,  shall  be  put  to  death  with  his  whole  house,  under  the  most  ignomini- 

28  ous  tortures.  But  he  who  is  willing  to  inform  against  them,  in  addition  to  the 
property  of  him  upon  whom  the  punishment  falls  shall  also  receive  two  thousand 
silvei-  draclimas  from  the  royal  treasury,  and  be  both  set  free  and  have  a  crown. ^ 

29  But  every  place  where  a  concealed  Jew  shall  by  any  means  be  caught  shall  be  made 
impassable,  and  be  consumed  by  fire,  and  be  seen  to  be  useless  to  every  mortal  for- 
ever. 

30  And  such  vvcj'e  the  form  and  contents  of  the  letter. 


1  The  Kat,  before  €(5  rijv  Alyvn-Toi',  is  omitted  by  ti2.  64. 


Grimm,  Gaab,  and  others,  also,  strike  it  out  as  seose- 


2  Fritzsche  and  Grimm  adopt,  with  Grotius,  tepwr,  for  upimv  of  the  Codd. 

3  For  <Tiyxt,  19.  62.  64.  93.  Aid.  write  ep-yoi,  but  obviously  because  the  other  word  waa  not  understood. 

*  Codd.  91.  62.  64.  93.,  with  Aid.,  have  eVffTjjLtatrojacVous  (cf .  v.  47),  and  Fritzsche  follows  Grimm,  therefore,  in  adopt- 
TDg  ei'(T€{n)^afijueVous,  for  the  difficult  ct'ce^o/ieVous  of  the  common  text. 
6  Codd.  III.  23.  55.  74.,  with  Co.  and  Aid.,  omit  reuferai  koi.    Cf.  Com. 

Chapter  III. 


Ver.  1.  The  distinction  between  country  and 
city  is  also  made  elsewhere  in  the  present  book. 
Cfliv.  11. 

Ver.  2.  The  Jews  are  represented  as  hostile  to 
the  be.<t  interests  of  the  state.  The  persons  who 
make  this  representation  are  not  apostate  Jews,  as 
some  have  sup|josed,  but  Macedonian  courtiers 
and  others  who  .seek  thereby  to  win  the  favor  of 
the  king. 

Ver.  4.  We  have  translated  this  verse  accord- 
ing to  the  received  text.  Fritzsche's  proposed 
change,  however,  based  on  the  Syriac  and  a  few 
MSS.  [et  observabant  discrimina  cihonim),"  and  prac- 
ticed distinctions  in  the  matter  of  food"  has  much 
in  its  favor.  Grotius  would  read  kitoTTpotpas,  re- 
jections, for  KaTa(rTpo(\>i.s.  Cf.  on  the  opinions  held 
among  the  ancients  respecting  the  peculiarities  of 
the  Jews,  ])iod.  Sic,  Edog.,  11.  xxxiv.  and  xl.,  and 
'I'acitns.  Hist.,  v.  2. 

Vex.  5.     Cf.  Col.  iv.  5;  1  Thess.  iv.  12. 


Ver.  6.  The  foreigners,  i.  e.,  the  Macedoni 
ans  above  referred  to  who  had  made  the  com 
plaint. 

Ver.  7.  See  the  similar  charge  of  Haraan  in 
Esth.  iii.  S ;  also,  Add.  to  Esth.  ad  toe. ;  cf.  also,  Jos., 
Antiq.,  xvi.  6,  §  8. 

Ver.  8.  The  Greeks.  The  nobler  cultivated 
cl.iss,  in  distinction  from  the  "fnroignrrs"  (aX\6- 
(pv\ot)  elsrwhcre  spoken  of.  —  The  condition  of 
things  was  imperious,  {.  e.,  public  sentiment  was 
against  tliem.  Cotton  translates  5m9€o-is  by  "the 
constitution  of  ijovernment."  Schlensner  by  "edict." 
Durum  inim  erat  edictum  de  Judtsis  publicatum. 
Thesimr.,  s.  v.  —  Avcr(p6pa>s  fix"")  '"^''^  ""'  of  humor 
(with  the  state  of  things).  Others  translate,  were 
sorri/.  which  meaning  the  words  will  also  bear. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Assuming  that  he  would  remain  of 
the  same  purpose.  The  reference  is  to  the  ca- 
lamity tliat  came  upon  him  by  which  he  forgot 
his  own  previous  commands. 


3  MACCABEES. 


627 


Ver.  12.  In  all  places,  Karii  Tiirov.  The  pre- 
fects of  the  differeot  districts  seem  tu  be  meant. 

Ver.  1 6.  Bestowed  large  donations.  Others 
translate  with  less  propriety  :  ui'tde  firqncnl  visits, 
takiuy  irp6(jo5os,  liowever,  iu  its  primary  sense. 

Ver.  IS.  Old  conceit,  rifois  ....  TraAaio- 
rtpots.  The  comparative  in  the  sense  of  too  old, 
"..  e.,  antiquatfd,  obsolete. 

Ver.  20.  ^v/iKeptepexSefTes.  The  word  means, 
first,  to  ijo  about  with  any  one,  tlien,  to  accommodate 
one's  self  to  another's  foibles.  Tlie  stoic  Zeno  held 
tiiis  for  a  duty  [Oiog.  Laeri.,  vii.  1.3,  18).  It  me:\ns 
in  the  present  pa>saL;e  much  tlie  same  as  our  word 
forbear.  Of.  Ecclus.  x.^v.  1,  yvv^  Kal  av^p  eau- 
ro7s  av^Tr£pi(pip6p.^voi. 

Ver.  21.  Many  public  trusts.  In  some  in- 
stances .ii'ws  had  been  jilaced  over  garrisons. 
They  had  collected  taxes  also,  exchanged  money, 
provided  weapons  and  provisions  for  the  Egyptian 
armies.  —  Would  venture.  It  cost  the  king 
something  —  or  he  would  have  it  so  appear  —  to 
go  on  trusting  the  Jews  after  what  had  hap- 
pened in  Jerusalem.  —  'lepSy  is  undoubtedly  the 
true  reading  and  we  have  translated  accordingly. 
The  religion  meant  is  the  worship  of  Bacchus. 
Of.  ii.  29.  The  Jewish  religion  the  king  regarded 
as  one  which  was  now  to  be  rooted  out. 

Ver.  23.  Siyp.  Grotius  explains  :  ne  sermone 
guidem  eos  dignantes  ut  nefarios. 

Ver.  24.  Tapax^s,  disorder.  It  may  refer  to 
any  disorder  in  the  state,  such  as  was  likely  to  oc- 
cur under  a  goveniment  like  that  of  this  king. 

Ver.  25.  We  have  adopted  in  the  translation 
the  reading  ii'aeffinia/ip.ci'ovs,  tliose  indicated,  spoken 


of,  i.  e.,  the  Jews.  Schleusner  would  retain  touj 
^vvefioiievov!  with  the  meaning :  those  dwetlinrj 
anion;/  you,  which  view  is  also  adopted  by  Cotton. 
Gaati,  on  the  oiher  hand,  would  give  the  word  the 
meaning,  persisting  in  opposition.  Grotius  ct.injec- 
tured  that  the  original  reading  was  avonovij.evous, 
qui  leeji  parere  nolnnt.  But  none  of  these  views 
are  without  grave  etymological  or  grammatical 
objections.  The  word  (n^ixalvca.  however,  in  the 
sense  here  supposed,  occurs  eUewhere  in  tlie  pres- 
ent book  {v.  47),  and  has  important  sin]>port  in 
the  MSS.  and  seems  favored  also  by  the  Syriac, 
scriptos  in  ea  (epistola). —  Xlavrodev  KaraKeKK^ia 
fjLfi'ovs.  Lit.,  secured  from  every  side.  We  have 
translated  idiomatically,  bound  hand  and  foot. 

Ver.  28.  According  to  the  common  reading 
TTJs  €\€v9epias  TelJ|€Ta(  Kal  (rr^cpafaiS-ntTfrat,  the 
translation  would  be,  '"shall  be  set  free  and  be 
crowned."  But  it  would  be  implied  thereby  that 
none  but  slaves  would  give  information  of  this 
kind.  Hence,  as  the  above-mentioned  MSS.  leave 
out  the  words  T6ii|€Tai  Kni  and  the  sentence  as 
thus  emended  would  be  without  sense.  Grotius 
has  proposed  to  change  to  toIs  iXeuQeplois  ffncpa- 
vuBiiaeTai,  i.  e.,  shall  be  crowned  at  the  EU  ntherian 
festival,  which  gives  a  good  meaning  and  is  ac- 
cepted also  by  Grimm,  Fritzsche,  and  other  crit- 
ics. The  festival  mentioned  was  one  celebrated  in 
honor  of  Bacchus. 

Ver.  29.  "Ararat,  impassable.  The  same  is 
said  of  the  temple  at  ver.  43.  The  word  is  some- 
times used  in  a  figurative  sense  for  uncontami- 
nated. 


Chapter  IV. 


1  Everywhere,  now,  where  this  decree  came,  a  festival  at  the  public  expense  was 
instituted,  with  shoutings  and  joy  by  the  heathen,  since  the  long  before  deeply 

2  seated  inward  hostility  would  now  break  forth  '  freely  and  openly.  But  among  the 
Jews  there  was  incessant'-  mourning  and  pitiful  outcries  with  tears,  their  hearts  be- 
ing inflamed  on  all  sides  with  sighs,  as  they  bewailed  the  unexpected  destruction  to 

3  which  they  had  been  suddenly  adjudged.  What  nome,  or  city,  or  what  place  at  all 
inhabited,  or  what  streets  were  there,  which  were  not  filled  on  their  account  with 

4  wailing  and  lamentation  ?  For  they  were  sent  forth,  one  and  all,  by  the  command- 
ers in  the  several  cities,  with  such  cruelty  *  and  so  pitiless  a  spirit,  that  on  account 
of  the  exceptional  punishments  even  some  of  their  enemies,  having  the  common  mis- 
ery before  their  eyes  and  reflectuig  on  the  uncertain  issue  of  our  life,  shed  tears  over 

5  their  wretched*  expulsion.  For  tliere  was  led  along  a  multitude  of  old  men,  adorned 
with  gray  hair,  who,  because  of  a  forced,  shameless  driving  forward,  were  obliged 

6  to  urge  their  slow  feet,  crippled  by  age,  into  a  sharp  run.  Young  women,  also, 
who  had  but  just  withdrawn  themselves  to  the  enjoyment  of  wedded  life  in  the 
bridal  chamber,  heard,  instead  of  joy,  lamentations,  and  driven  forth,  unveiled,  their 
anointed  locks  defiled  with  dust,  joined  together  in  wailing,  instead  of  in  songs  of 

7  praise,  since  they  were  convulsed  with  pain  through  heathenish  abuse.  And  being 
bound  before  all  eyes,  they  were  forcibly  dragged  along,  till  they  were  thrown  into 

>  I  read,  with  Grimm  and  Fritzsche,  viv  eici#>aii.ofi^i^s,  from  III.  19.  23.  65.  62.  71.  74.  93.  Co. ;  text,  rec,  irvvcK^nii/. 
See  Com. 

2  Fritzsche  adopts  from  23.,  by  a  second  hand,  44.  55.  74.  Co.,  aAi)icTov  (III.  71.,  oAeftToi-),  for  ou^ncrrov  of  the  text, 
rtc. 

*  Codd.  in.  19.  55.  64.  71.  74.  93.,  with  Aid  have  irtxpuK,  for  irixpas,  and  III.  74.  Aid.  leave  out  the  Kai  immediately 
following. 

'  Codd.  III.  28.  55.  62.  64.  have  ivaie\Kav,  instead  of  rptra'^Aioi',  and  Fritzsche  adopts  it.    See  Com. 


b28 


THE   APOCRYPHA. 


8  the  ship.  Their  husbands,  too,  wearing  halters  instead  of  garlands  about  theif 
necks,  in  the  bloom  and '  freshness  of  youth,  spent  the  remaining  days  of  their 
nuptials  in  tears  instead  of  feasting  and  youthful  relaxation,  as  seeing  Hades  already 

9  lying  before  their  feet.  And  they  were  carried  off  like  wild  beasts,  confined  with 
iron  chains.     Some  were  bound  by  their  necks  to  the  benches  of  the  rowers  of  the 

10  ships  ;  while  others  had  their  feet  bound  fast  with  unyielding  fetters  ;  and  they 
were,  besides,  shut  out  from  the  light,^  the  thick  deck  lying  above  them,  so  that,  en- 
veloped in  total  darkness,  they  experienced  the  treatment  of  traitors  during  the 
whole  voyage  down. 

11  AVhen,  now,  they  had  been  brought  to  the  so-called  Schedia  and  the  voyage  was 
ended  as  it  had  been  decreed  by  the  king,  he  ordered  that  they  should  be  put  into 
the  hippodrome  near  the  city,  a  place  of  vast  extent,  and  well  suited  to  the  purpose 
of  making  them  a  gazing-stock  to  all  those  who  went  by  into  the  city,  and  to  those 
who  from  thence  made  journe)'S  info  the  country,  so  that  they  might  neither  have 
intercourse  with   his   troops,  nor  be  honored  at  all  with  the   protection  of   walls. 

12  And  when  this  had  taken  place,  and  he  heard  that  their  fellow  countrymen  went 

13  often,  secretly,  out  of  the  city  to  bewail  the  shameful  wretchedness  of  their  brethren, 
he  was  enraged,  and  commanded  that  they  also  should  be  treated  in  exactly  the  same 
manner  as  the  others,  so  that  they  should  be  in  no  respect  behind  them  in  punish- 

14  ment,  and  to  enroll  the  entire  race,  name  by  name,  not  for  the  laborious,  wearisome 
service  ^  before  briefly  mentioned,  but  to  torture  them  with  the  threatened  pains  and, 

15  finally,  to  destroy  them  in  one  day.  The  registration  of  these  persons,  now,  took 
place  with  embittered  zeal  and  ambitious  assiduity  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  and  came 

16  unfinished  to  its  end  at  the  expiration  of  forty  days.  And  the  king,  filled  with 
great  and  continuous  joy,  instituted  feasts  in  the  temples  of  all  the  idols  and,  in  his 
mind  widely  astray  from  the  ti-uth,  praised  with  profane  mouth  the  deaf  things 
which  could  neither  speak  to,  nor  help  them  ;  while  against  the  greatest  God  he 

17  spoke  what  was  not  seemly.  But  after  the  la])se  of  the  before-mentioned  period  the 
registrars  reported  to  the  king  that  they  could  no  longer  continue  the  registration  of 

18  the  Jews  because  their  number  was  countless,  although  the  most  of  them  were  yet 
scattered  in  the  country,  some  still  together  in  houses,  but  others,  also,  in  separate 
places,  so  that  it  was  an  impossible  undertaking  for  all  the  commanders  who  were 

19  over  Egypt.  But  after  he  had  treated  them  very  harshly,  as  though  they  had 
taken  bribes  to  devise  this  pretext,  it  came  to  pass  that  he  was  fully  convinced  on 

20  this  point,  when  they  adduced  as  proof  that   already  even  the  paper  manufactory, 

21  and  the  reed  pens  which  they  used,  had  given  out.  But  this  was  the  working  of 
the  invincible  Providence,  which  helped  the  Jews  from  heaven. 

^  The  (Cat  is  omitted  by  IH.  55.  74.  Co.  Aid.  Literally,  the  phrase  would  now  be:  "In  the  midst  of  a  fresh  and 
youthful  age." 

*  In  the  common  text  the  words  to  ^eyyos  arroKXeiofifvoi  are  found  after  Si^uceifuvif,  but  Fritzsche  rejects  them  on  the 
authority  of  III.  19.  23.  55.  62.  74.  93.  Co.  Aid.  and,  apparently,  the  Svriac.  Grimm  would  retain  them  on  the  ground 
that  the  expression  Is  too  peculiar  to  have  been  introduced,  "  zur  Motivirun^  von  TratToflev  eaitoTKr/Lt^i'Oi.'*  The  word 
airojcAeioV-  would  be  followed,  as  here  used,  by  the  accus.  of  the  thing  and  the  dative  of  the  per.aon,  instead  of  the 
accus.  of  the  person  and  the  dative  of  the  thing.  Wahl  renders  the  words  mjicvw  ....  an-0KAei6>ie»'.,  denso  inter  ipsos 
It  liberum  aerem  inlerjncente  tecto  a  cali  adspectu  seclusi. 

3  Fritzsche  receives  ouic  ets  rqv  from  m.  56.  for  <w  yip  nil*  of  the  text.  Tee.    Codd.  62.  64.  74.  93.,  also,  leave  out  yap. 


Chaptee  IV. 


Ver.  1.  A-nfiOTf\iis  {Srjfios  to  tc'At)),  i.  e.,  what 
might  be  done  at  the  public  expense.  —  Upoxa- 
TfUKL^ltoifjL^vqs  =  covered  with  a  caitus,  hardened 
beforehand,  and  metaphorically,  inveterate. — 
Would  now  break  forth.  There  is  scarcely  any 
doubt  that  fvy  4K(pati'ofieyris  is  the  true  reading, 
not  only  on  the  <:round  of  MS.  authority,  but  also 
of  the  antithesis  in  which  the  sentence  stands  with 
what  precedes. 

Ver.  2.  Heart  being  inflamed.  The  more 
common  expression  for  the  same  idea  would  now 

be,  wounded,  crushed. 

Ver.  .'i.  NoMiis.  noma.  This  was  the  name  ap- 
plied to  the  districts  in  Egypt  ruled  by  prefects. 

bf.  1  Mace.  X.  30. 


Ver.  4.  'EfaXXoj,  quite  different,  and  since  the 
time  of  Polybius,  extraordinary,  in  both  a  good 
and  a  bad  sense.  Cf.  the  LXX.  at  2  Sam.  vi.  14. 
David  is  spoken  of  as  ^cSeSuKwj  vroKriv  t^aXXov. 

—  Having  the  common  misery.  The  idea  is 
that  they  were  led  to  reflect  on  the  uncertainties 
and  miseries  of  life  in  general.  The  most  promis- 
ing beginning  might  have  the  most  miserable  end. 

—  T<m  Siilu  KaTaaTpoipi)v,  the  turn  of  life,  i.  6.,  its 
end.  Cf.  Ecclus.  ix.  11.  It  might,  however,  refer 
to  it.s  ordinary  changes  and  vicissitudes.  —  Tpurdd- 
kiof,  three/old  (very)  unhappy.  Cf.  2  Mace.  viii. 
34,  rpuroKiTiiptos. 

Ver.  5.  Urge,  xaraxp'^/JLtvay.  The  word  ordi 
Uiirily  means,  to  make  an  abnormal,  evil  use  ofanjf 


3  MACCABEES. 


629 


thhig,  but  here,  as  it  would  seem,  to  use  beyond 
strength,  i.  e.,  urge,  force. 

Ver.  6.  'AWoieyea-t.  This  word,  which  we 
have  translated  by  heathenish,  has  much  the  same 
meaning  as  i^dWots  in  ver.  4.  The  idea  of  some- 
thing strange,  extraordinary,  outlandish,  is  contained 
in  it. 

Ver.  7.  Ti  ir\o7ov.  The  article  is  used  as  indi- 
cating, perhaps,  that  the  ship  was  especially  de- 
signed for  their  reception. 

Ver.  8.  2u(vy(7s.  Lit.,  yokefellows,  poetical  for 
husbands  or  mves.  Here  the  connection  shows 
that  it  means  the  former. 

Vei-.  9.  UvKv^  a-ayitiiixan.  This  was  the  deck 
of  the  ship. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Schedia.  By  some  held  to  be  a  place 
of  that  name  mentioned  by  Strabo,  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  miles  from  Alexandria.  But  the  present 
Schedia  seems  to  have  been  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  the  city.  —  Hippodrome.  It  lay, 
according  to  Strabo,  on  the  east  side  of  Alexan- 
dria. —  Intercourse  vrith  his  troops.  He  might 
fear  that  they  woidd  be  bribed  by  the  Jews,  par- 
ticularly his  hired  troops. 

Vers.  12,  13.  It  is  here  implied  that,  up  to  this 
time,  nothing  had  been  done  against  the  Jews  in 
Alexandria.  But,  according  to  iii.  I,  those  of  the 
city  had  been  also  included  in  the  king's  plans 
for  vengeance.  And  it  is  natural  too,  to  suppose 
that  they  would  have  been  the  first  to  feel  his 
wrath. 

Ver.  14.  Laborious,  wearisome  servioe.  More 
lit.,  the  wearying  service  of  the  works  {r£v  ipyojv), 
namely,  through  works,  coming  by  work.  Cf.  ii. 
28. 

Ver.  15.  'Ett!  r]fi.4pas  naaapiKovTa.  Some 
translate  falsely,  after  forty  days.  Others  give  the 
preposition  the  sense  of  during.  The  position  of 
the  words,  as  Grimm  has  shown,  requires  that  they 
should  be  joined  with  the  phrase,  came  unfinished 
to  an  end.  They  indicate,  as  in  Mark  xv.  1,  Luke 
X.  35,  Acts  iii.  1,  the  time  towards  which,  about 
which  the  thing  happened.  The  number  forty,  as 
is  well  known,  was  regarded  as  a  sacred  number. 
Cf.  2  Mace.  v.  2. 


Ver.  16.  'EttI  Twy  dBiiKuv,  by  the  idols,  which, 
of  course,  would  be  in  their  temples. 

Ver.  18.  Others,  also,  in  separate  places. 
They  liad  no  settled  abode,  but  were  wandering 
about.  Grotius  says:  '*  In  silvis  et  latibidis."  The 
sense  is  not  quite  clear.  According  to  the  pre- 
vious representation,  it  would  appear  that  all  the 
Jews  had  been  gathered  into  the  hippodrome  at 
Alexandria  and  they  were  to  be  registered.  But 
now  it  is  stated  that  the  majority  are  still  scattered 
al)Out  in  the  country.  The  difficulty,  moreover, 
in  the  latter  case,  was  to  fnd  them,  not  to  register 
them  on  account  of  their  being  so  numerous.  It 
is  possilde  that  something  has  been  lost  from  the 
text.  If  not,  the  writer  either  did  not  know  what 
he  wished  to  communicate,  or  has  written  it  in  a 
very  careless  and  blind  way. 

Ver.  20.  Xaprripia.  Used  by  Wahl  in  the  sense 
of  xapTTjs,  paper,  but  more  properly  rendered  by 
Grotius  and  others  paper  manufactory.  Tlie  idea 
is  that  these  paper-mills  were  no  longer  in  condi- 
tion to  furnish  the  needed  material.  The  king,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  very  easily  satisfied.  Ac- 
cording to  Philo,  the  whole  number  of  Jews  in 
Egypt  was  a  million.  But  if  they  had  been  a 
great  de-al  more  numerous,  the  statements  of  our 
author  must  still  be  regarded  as  incredible  and 
absurd.  There  was  not  paper  enough  to  serve  for 
recording  the  names  of  the  Jews  ;  but  ther';  were 
chains  enough  to  bind  them  (v.  5)  and  but  little 
time  was  required  to  do  it.  And  Grimm  well 
asks  :  "  If  paper  enough  could  not  be  produced 
to  serve  for  registering  simply  the  names  of  each 
one  of  the  immense  multitude,  whence  came  the 
food  necessary  to  feed  the  unfortunates  during 
forty  days  (ver.  15),  whence  the  wine  with  which 
they  were  refreshed  for  seven  days  after  their  de- 
liverance (vi.  30),  whence  the  means  for  the  four- 
teen days  festival  (vi.  40),  whence  the  means,  which 
the  king  provided  in  such  fullness,  for  the  journey 
home,  that  they  were  able,  on  the  way,  to  institute 
a  drinking  feast  that  lasted  seven  days  (vii.  18)  ? 
The  historian  seems  to  have  no  presentiment  of 
the  extraordinary  contradictions  in  which  he  has 
involved  himself." 


Chapter  V. 


1  Then  he  called  to  him  Hermon,  who  had  charge  of  the  elephants,  and  being  full 

2  of  fierce  anger  and  rage,  quite  immovable,  he  commanded,  that  against  the  coming 
day,  all  the  elephants,  five  hundred  in  number,  should  be  made  drunk  with  many 
handfuls  of  frankincense  and  large  quantities  of  unmixed  wine,  and  tliat,  having 
been  maddened  by  a  copious  supply  of  the  drink,  they  should  be  led  in  to  settle 

3  the  fate  of  the  Jews.  He,  now,  having  given  this  order  turned  to  the  banquet,  where 
he  assembled  his  best  friends  and  those  of  the  army  who  behaved  most  hatefully 

4  towards  the  Jews.     Now  the  commander  of  the  elephants  ^  fulfilled  his  commission 

5  promptly.  And  the  servants,  appointed  for  the  purpose,  went  out  towards  evening 
and  bound  the  hands  of  the  poor  wretches  and  in  all  else  took  precautions  with  re- 
spect to  their  being  kept  secure  for  the  night,  supposing  that  total  destruction  would 

6  overtake  the  whole  race.  But  the  Jews,  who  seemed  to  the  heathen  to  be  destitute 
of  any  protection,  because  they  were  irresistibly  environed  with  chains  on  every 

7  side,  all   invoked,  with  an  unceasing  cry  and  tears,  the  Almighty  Lord,  who   has 

8  power  over  all  power,  their  merciful  God  apd  Father,  praying  that  he  would  avert 

'  The  common  text  has 'Epjuuf  aft«r  apap(>Tiii9.    Cod.  44.  omits  both  words.    Codd.  19.  62.  64.  93.,  with  Syr.,  havt 
ipapoTui  TO  trpooraycv  T(p*£pjLtwi't  awtriXti,  but  cf.  vers.  2, 10, 28  ud  Com, 


630  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


the  wicked  plot  against  them  and  rescue  them,  by  extraordinary  manifestations, 
9  from  the   fate   already  at  hand.     Continuously,  now,   rose   their  supplication   to 

10  Heaven.  But  Hermon,  having  suffered  the  merciless  elephants  to  drink  themselves 
full  of  wine  and  stuil  themselves  with  frankincense,  went  in  the  early  morning  to 

11  the  palace  to  make  a  report  of  it  to  the  king.  Now  the  gift,  delightful  from  the 
beginning  of  the  world,  by  day  and  night  sent  from  him  who  shows  favor  to  all  to 

12  whom  he  himself  will,  a  portion  of  sleep  he  sent  to  the  king,  and  by  a  sleep,  sweet 
and  deep,  was  he  detained  through  the  working  of  the  Lord,  so  that  he  was  greatly 

13  disappointed  in  his  unrighteous  purpose  and  in  his  fixed  plan  mightily  deceived.  But 
the  Jews,  having  escaped  the  previously  designated  hour,  praised  their  holy  God, 
and  again  besoiight  him,  who  is  easy  to  be  reconciled,  to  show  the  might  of  his  ex- 

14  ceedingly  powerful  hand  to  the  arrogant  heathen.  And  when  the  tenth  hour  was 
already  nearly  half  gone,  and  he  who  had  the  care  of  the  invitations  saw  the  guests 

15  assembled,  he  went  up  and  shook  the  king.  And,  having  with  difficulty  awakened 
him,  he  informed  him  that  the  time  for  the  feast  was  already  passed,  and  made  a 

16  report  concerning  the  matter.  The  king  considering  this,  and  betaking  himself  to 
the  banquet,  commanded  that  those  who  had  come  to  the  feast  should  recline  over 

17  against  him.  And  when  this  had  taken  place,  he  encouraged  them  to  give  them- 
selves to  feasting  and,  since  they  were  highly  honored  in  sharing  in  the  present' 

18  feast,  to  yield  themselves  to  revelry.  But  as  the  entertainment  went  on,  the  king 
had  Hermon  called  and  inquired,  with  fierce  threatening,  for  what  reason  the  Jews 

19  had  been  permitted  to  outlive  that  day.     And  when  he  showed  that,  during  the 

20  night,  he  had  carried  out  the  order,  and  when  his  friends,  also,  testified  to  it,  he, 
who  outdid  even  Phalaris  in  cruelty,  said,  that  they  had  his  sleep  of  that  day  to 
thank.     But  without  delay,  get   ready  the   elephants   in   like  manner  against  the 

21  break  of  day  to-morrow,  for  the  destruction  of  the  godless  Jews.  And  when  the 
king  had  said  this,  all  who  were  present,  with  one  accord,  gave  glad  assent  with 

22  acclamations  of  joy  and  departed  each  to  his  own  house.  And  the  night-time  they 
spent  less  in  sleep  than  in  devising  every  sort  of  indignity  for  these  apparently  poor 
wretches. 

23  And  no  sooner  had  the  cock  announced  the  dawn  than  Hermon  drove  the  armed 

24  beasts  in  the  great  colonnade.     The  multitudes  throughout  the  city,  also,  swarmed 

25  together  to  this  most  pitiable  spectacle,  eagerly  awaiting  the  break  of  day.  But 
the  Jews,  since  only  a  moment  yet  remained  for  them  to  live,  stretched  their  hands, 
amidst  many  tears,  towards  heaven,  and  besought  in  mournful  strains  the  great  God 

26  again  to  help  them  speedily.  And  the  rays  of  the  sun  were  not  yet  shed  abroad  and 
the  king  was  receiving  his  friends,  when  Hermon,  standing  by  him,  summoned  them 

27  to  set  out,  announcing,  that  the  wish  of  the  king  had  been  attended  to.  But  when  he 
became  aware  of  it,  and  was  astonished  at  the  unusual  setting  out,  in  ignorance  of 
the  entire  proceeding,  he  inquired  what  the  thing  was  on  whose  account  this  had 

28  been  so  zealously  brought  to  pass  by  him.  But  this  was  the  working  of  the  God, 
who  ruleth  all  things,  who  had  made  him  oblivious  of  that  which  he  had  previously 

29  devised.     But  Hermon  and  all  the  friends  declared.  The  beasts  and  the  troops  are 

30  ready  according  to  thy  particular  command,  0  king  !  -  But  he,  filled  with  fierce 
rage  at  these  words,  since  with  reference  to  these  matters,  through  the  Providence 
of  God  his  sense  had  been  entirely  taken  away,  looked  hard  at  him  and  addressed 
him  in  threatening  language  : 

SI       If  thy  *  parents  or  cliildren  were  here,  they  should  furnish  for  the  beasts  this  rich 

repast,  instead  of  the  innocent  Jews  who  have  been  perfectly  loyal  to  me  and  my 

82  ancestors  in  unswerving  fidelity.     And,  indeed,  but  for   our  early  friendship  and 

33  your  fidelity  in  office,  your  life  should  have  gone  for  theirs.  So  Hermon  met  with 
an  unexpected  and  dangerous  menace  and  was  cast  down,  as  appeared  in  look  and 

34  mien.     And  as  one  friend  after  the  other  stole  off  with  shadowed  brows,  they  dis- 

35  missed  also  the  assembled  multitudes,  every  one  about  his  business.    But  when  the 

'  For  rh  napiv,  23.  62.  64.  93.  o£fer  to  iropcupoi'.    See  Com. 

3  Cod.  64.  has  a  long  addition  after  this  Terse,  bac  as  its  contents  are  in  direct  conflict  with  the  context  tt  if  ok 
Piously  a  later  addition. 
^  Fritascbe  receives  oo-oi,  in  place  of  et  <ro*  of  the  text,  rec,  from  111.  23.  44.  al 


3   MACCABEES.  631 


Jews  heard  of  what  had  taken  place  with  the  king  they  praised  the  interposing  God 
and  King  of  kings,  having  received  also  this  help  from  him. 

36  But  the  king  again  had  the  feast  prepared  after  the  same  '  manner  and  summoned 

37  the  guests  to  give  themselves  up  to  merriment.  And  he  had  Hermou  called,  and 
said  to  him,  menacingly.  How  often,  thou  worst  of  wretches,  must  one  give  thee 

38  orders  about  the  same  thing?     Arm  the  elephants  now  also  again,  against  to-mor- 

39  row,  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews.     But  the  higher  officials  who  were  at  table 

40  with  him,  amazed  at  his  unstable  mind,  expressed  themselves  as  follows,  O  king, 
how  long  dost  thou  make  trial  of  us,  as  though  we  were  without  sense,  since  already 
for  the  third  time,  thou  orderest  their  destruction  and  dost  again  recall   thy  orders 

41  through  a  change  of  purpose,  before  the  matter  is  executed.  On  this  accoun"  the 
city  is  excited  with  expectation  and  filled  with  sedition,  and  often,  already,  has  been 

42  in  danger  of  being  plundered.  The  king,  in  all  respects  like  Phalaris,  was  hereby 
filled  with  unreasonableness,  and  making  no  account  of  his  change  of  purpose  re- 
specting the  deliverance  of  the  Jews,  which  his  mind  had  undergone,  swore  an  un- 
recallable,   though   wholly  vain  oath,  determining  to   send  them  without  delay  to 

43  Hades,  tortured  by  the  knees  and  feet  of  beasts;  and  he  would  invade  with  an  army 
Judasa,  and  through  fire  and  sword  quickly  level  it  with  the  ground  :  and  their 
sanctuary,  not  opened  to  us,  at  once  destroy  from  the  foundations  with  fire,  and  - 

44  the  place"where  they  offer  sacrifice  lay  waste  for  all  time.  Then  the  friends  and 
higher  officials  joyfully  and  confidently  withdrew  and  disposed  the   troops  in  the 

45  most  appropriate  places  of  the  city  for  guarding  it.  And  the  master  of  the  ele- 
phants, having  brought  the  beasts  into  a  state  of  frenzy,  so  to  speak,  by  means  of 
potions  of  perfumed  wine  mixed  with  frankincense,  and  fitted  them  out  with  fright- 

46  ful  instruments,  towards  morning,  while  the  city  in  the  direction  of  the  hippodrome 
was  already  filled  with  countless  multitudes,  entered  the  palace  and  urged  the  king 

47  to  the  matter  in  hand.  And  he,  his  godless  mind  filled  with  sore  wrath,  rushed 
forth  accompanied  by  the  whole  mass,  with  the  beasts,  resolved  to  gaze  with  an 
unyielding  heart  and  eager  eyes  on  the  jiainful  and  wretched  destruction  of  those 

48  before-mentioned.  But  the  Jews,  on  seeing  the  clouds  of  dust  made  by  the  ele- 
phants passing  out  at  the  gate  and  by  the  armed  force  that  followed,  as  well  as  the 

49  multitude  that  accompanied  them,  and  hearing  the  tumultuous  noise,  thought  that 
this  was  the  last  moment  of  life  for  them,  the  end  of  their  woeful  anticipation,  and 
gave  themselves  up  to  lamentation  and  groans,  tenderly  kissed  one  another,  em- 
braced their  relatives,  falling  on  their  necks,  fathers  on  those  of  their  sons,  mothers 
of  their  daughters,  while  others  held  new-born  children  to  their  breasts,  drawing 

50  the  last  milk.  But,  nevertheless,  considering  also  the  former  deliverances  which 
had  come  to  them  from  heaven,  they  prostrated  themselves  with  one  accord  and 
removing  the  infants  from  the  breasts,  cried  out  with  a  very  great  cry,  beseeching 
the  Lord  of  all  power  through  a  manifestation  of  himself  to  show  them  mercy,  who 
stood  already  at  the  gates  of  Hades. 

1  I  follow  III.  19.  65.,  Tous  avTous,  the  common  text  having  tou'tovs  tovs. 

2  Fritzsche,  with  III.  23.  44.  55.  74.  Co.  Aid.,  omits  this  connective.  Codd.  III.  55.  74.,  with  Co.,  omit  also  the  fol- 
lowing epijjuo^,  which  mig-ht  give  the  sense  that  he  would  light  the  torch  for  destroying  the  temple,  from  the  fire  at 
the  altar.    Both  the  order  of  words  and  the  thought  are  against  the  genuineness  of  the  text  in  this  form. 

Chapter  V. 

Ver.  2.     Against  the  coming  day.     'Tiri{,  like  e.Nprcssion  is  extremely  artificial,  and  a  good  spec- 

tlie  Latin  sub  with  the  accusative  of  time,  means  imen  of  our  author's  striving  for  mere  effect. 

close  u/ioii,  towards.     Cf.  Acts  v.  21.  — Fivehun-  Ver.  4.      There  is  little   doubt  that  the  word 

dred  in  number.     The  number  is  doubtless  e.\-  "  Herraon  "  should  be  left  out,  as  a  gloss.     The 

a>:i;erated.      Ptolemy  II.   Philadelphiis   had    but  n-ading  of  the  Syriac,  with  Cod.  19.,  and  others, 

three  hundred  at  the  end  of  his  reign,  while  Ptul-  which  distinguishes  Hermon  from  the  commander 

emy  Philopator  had  but  seventy-thne  in   tlie  bat-  of  the  elephiints,  must  be  regarded  as  sim]ily  an 

tie  of  Raphia.  —  Having  been  maddened.     The  effort  to  justify  the  presence  of  the  former  word 

Btimulating  etfects  of  frankincense  are  spoken  of  in  the  text. 

also  by  Pliny  and  Dioscorides.    When  given  in  too  Ver.  5.   Bound  the  hands.    According  to  iii.  25, 

large  doses  it  ]u-odiiced  temporary  madness.     Ac-  they  had  already  been  boimd  "hand  and  foot."  At 

cording  to  ver.  4.3  this  drug  was  dissolved  and  iv.  9,  on  the  eontr:iry  nothing  is  said  of  the  hands 
mixed  with  wine.  --To  settle  the  fate,  irphs  au-  ]  being  bound.  But'it  is  scarcely  credible  that  up 
vavrrimv  -rov  /i6pov.     Lit.,  to  meet  the  fate.     The  [  to  this  time  the  hands  h.ad  been  left  free,  sines 


632 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


they  would  have  been  able,  in  that  case,  to  release 
themselves  from  their  contiDement  entirely.  —  At 
night,  ^yfvxov.  To  place  a  comma  before  this 
word,  as  is  done  in  the  common  text,  is  to  intro- 
duce confusion  into  the  narrative.  It  must  then 
be  translated,  That  total  destruction  would  overtake 
the  race  at  night,  while  the  destruction  had  been 
planned  for  the  following  day. 

Ver.  7.  Merciful  God  and  Father.  The  title 
"Father"  is  also  given  to  God  in  Tob.  xiii.  4; 
Wisdom  xi.  10. 

Ver.  8.  Extraordinary  manifestations.  Some- 
thing supernatural  is  meant.     Cf.  2  Mace.  ii.  21. 

Ver.  11.  Some  would  connect  the  words  eV 
vvKri,  etc.,  with  KaKiv  (Gaab,  Scholz),  but  it  is 
better  to  join  them  to  ewi$a\\6tifvov,  not  beautifid 
by  night  and  day,  but  sent  by  night  and  day.  Gro- 
tiu.s,  on  the  other  hand,  followed  by  Cotton,  would 
connect  only  ev  vvktI  with  xaKdv,  while  joining 
Vfifptf  with  the  following  verb,  i^oorf  in  the  night,  but 
now  sent  in  the  day.  But  this  would  be  to  ignore 
the  fact,  that  the  two  words  are  connected  by  Kal, 
and  should  have  same  construction. 

Ver.  14.  The  tenth  hour.  The  Babylonian 
way  of  reckoning  time  is  here  referred  to.  The 
tenth  hour  would  be  our  fourth  in  the  afternoon. 
The  king  had  slept  until  this  time,  and  as  it  was 
now  the  appointed  hour  for  his  principal  daily 
meal,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  slaugliter 
of  the  Jews  would  take  place  until  another  day. 

Ver.  15.  Already  past.  The  usual  hour  for 
the  meal  was  three  o'clock.  —  Concerning  the 
matter,  Trepl  Toirwv.  Grotius  thinks  the  guests 
are  referred  to.  Others  suppose  that  the  matter 
of  the  destruction  of  the  Jews  is  especially  meant. 
But  it  is  probable  that  as  this  particular  person 
had  only  the  matter  of  feast  in  charge,  it  was  con- 
cerning the  feast  in  general  that  he  made  this  re- 
port. 

Ver.  17.  Th  TraphvTrjs  crufjLwotrias  eVl  iroXh  yepat- 
oofievovs  CIS  iV(ppo(Tvvriv  Karadeadai  /te'pos.  Gaab 
ivould  translate  ;  To  regard  the  present  feast,  by 
which  they  were  }nHch  honored,  as  [in  the  line  of)  a 
pleasure.  But  it  seems  better  to  join  fifpos  di- 
rectly with  rh  Tap6p,  the  present  sharing  (In  the 
feast),  or  sharing  in  the  present  (feast).  Meanwhile, 
the  reading  napwpoy  (out  of  season,  late),  for  vapiv, 
has  considerable  support,  which  would  give  the 
sense,  that  although  they  had  a  share  at  so  late  an 
hour,  in  the  feast,  they  should  not  let  that  inter- 
fere with  their  merriment. 

Ver.  20.  Phalaris.  He  was  a  tyrant  of  Agri- 
gent  in  the  6th  century  before  Christ.  His  harsh- 
ness was  proverbial.  Cicero  (Ad  Att.,  vii.  \2) 
uses  the  epithet  ipa.\api(Tp.6s.  Cf.  also,  Polyb., 
xii.  25. 

Ver.  23.  The  great  colonnade.  Some  partic- 
ular and  formerly  well-known  place  in  Alexan 
dria,  as  is  prohalde,  but  it  is  now  unknown. 

Ver.  28.  Something  similar  is  related  of  the 
Roman  emperor,  Claudius.  His  wife,  Messalina, 
having  been  murdered  by  him,  he  asked  shortly 
afterwards,  why  she  did  not  appear  at  table  ;  oth- 
ers, also,  whom  he  had  condemned  to  death,  he 
missed  and  inquired  for  on  the  following  day. 

Ver.  31 .  It  is  noticed  by  Cotton,  that  this  speech 
cf  Ptolemy  could,  with  a  little  emendation,  be  put 


into  trimeter  Iambics.  Ewald  thiuks  it  may  be 
a  reminiscence  from  some  dramatist. 

Ver.  39.  'S.vyyiv^li.  Here  not  "  relatives,'*  as 
usually  translated,  but  the  higher  officials  at  court. 

Ver.  40.  Aiamipi^fiv.  Used  instead  of  the 
usual  ZiaTTitpav.  It  is  found,  elsewhere,  only  in 
Jos.,  Antiq.,  xv.  4,  §  2. 

Ver.  41.  The  reading  oxAe'toi  for  oxA«"  seems 
to  be  required.  The  latter  makes  no  sense.  — 
Sedition.  The  revolutionary  character  of  the 
Alexandrian  people  in  ancient  times  is  well 
known. 

Ver.  42.  'ETriffKoirT^r  riov  'loviaiwv,  deliverance 
of  the  Jews.  The  word  belongs  only  to  Biblical 
and  ecclesiastical  Greek.  It  signifies,  first,  over- 
sight, investigation  (generally  on  the  part  of  God, 
Ecclus.  xvi.  18;  Wisd.  iii.  13)  as  ground  for  fur- 
ther treatment,  which  corres]ionds  to  what  ia 
found  to  be  one's  deserts.  —  By  the  knees.  The«e 
words  have  given  some  difficulty.  But  Cotton  re- 
marks that  "  each  word  has  an  intended  and  dis- 
tinct meaning ;  and  that  the  author  was  acquainted 
with  the  habits  of  the  animals  which  he  is  describ- 
ing. Bochart  (Hierozoic,  i.,  p.  261),  commenting 
on  this  passage,  mentions  that  it  was  customary 
with  elephants  trained  for  war  to  use  both  their 
knees  and  feet  for  treading  down  and  crushing 
their  enemies  and  refers  to  .^Elian's  History  of  Ani- 
mals (viii.  10)  for  confirmation  of  his  remark 

And  Hirtius  (De  Bella  Africano,  §  72)  relating  the 
bravery  of  a  soldier  who  was  attacked  by  an  ele- 
phant uses  the  following  words;  *  Quum  elephautus 
vulnere  ictus  —  in  lixam  inerme7n  impetum  fecisset, 
eumque  sub  pede  suhditum,  deinde  genu  innixus  pon- 
dere  suo — prejneret  et  enecaret.'  " 

Ver.  43.  Level  it  with  the  ground,  i.  e.,  its 
dwellings.  —  And  their  sanctuary  not  opened 
to  us,  Kal  rhv  &iiaToif  avrAv  tj/jliv  va6v.  The 
writer  here  changes  to  the  direct  address.  Gaab, 
and  some  others,  would  make  "  ns "  refer  to  the 
writer,  including  the  Jews  in  general,  who  were 
not  permitted  to  enter  the  va6v,  i.  e.,  the  "  holy  of 
holies."  But  it  seems  better  to  understand  it  as 
meaning  the  king. 

Ver.  44.  Confidently.  They  were  confident 
that  now,  at  last,  the  order  for  the  destruction  of 
the  Jews  would  be  really  executed.  —  Appropri- 
ate places  of  the  city.  It  is  likelj'  that  the 
streets  and  passages  leading  to  the  hippodrome 
are  referred  to. 

Ver.  45.    Frightful  instruments.    These  were, 
probably,  instrumen  ts  made  of  iron,  or  steel,  which         ■ 
were  fastened  to  different  parts  of  the  bodies  of         | 
the  animals,  in  order  to  render  them  still  more 
formidable  than  they  would  be  in  their  natural 
state. 

Ver.  47.  Uavrl  Tip  0apei.  Some  would  trans- 
late, 6^  the  entire  army.  I5ut  in  that  case  some  ad- 
ditional word  as  toC  a-Tparov  might  have  been  ex-  J 
pected.  Others  render  with  still  less  propriety,  ^ 
by  the  whole  weight  of  his  indignation.  Again, 
Cotton  gives  the  words  the  impossible  meaning, 
by  all  his  retinue.  The  true  meaning  seems  to 
be,  by  the  whole  mass,  i.  e.,  of  elephants,  soldiers, 
and  citizens,  the  elephants  as  forming  the  most 
noticeable  and  imposing  part,  being  especially 
mentioned. 


3   MACCABEES.  633 


Chapter  VI. 

1  And  one  Eleazer,  a  man  eminent  among  the  priests  of  the  country,  who  had 
already  attained  to  great  age  and  whose  life  was  adorned  with  every  virtue,  bade 
the  elders   around  him  cease   calling  on  the  holy  God,  and  prayed  himself  in  this 

2  manner  :  0  wide-ruling  king,  most  high,  almight}'  God,  who  dost  govern  the  whole 

3  creation  in  mercy,  look,  0  Father,  upon  the  seed  of  Abraham,  the  children  of  the 
sanctified  Jacob,  the  people  that  is  thy  sanctified  portion,  who  as  strangers  unjustly 

4  perish  in  a  strange  land.  Thou  didst  destroy  Pharaoh,  once  ruler  of  this  very 
Egypt,  rich  in  chariots  of  war,  who  was  lifted  up  with  lawless  impudence  and  a 
boastful  tongue,  drowning  him,  together  with  his  insolent  army,  in  the  sea,  and  so 

5  caused  a  light  of  mercy  to  appear  for  the  race  of  Israel.  Thou,'  Lord,  didst  break 
in  pieces  Sennacherim,  mighty  king  of  Assyria,  who,  proud  of  his  innumerable 
forces,  had  already  with  the  spear  subdued  the  whole  land  and  lifted  up  himself 
against  thy  holy  city  speaking  mighty  words,  in  boasting  and  impudence,  and  didst 

6  show  forth  thy  might  to  many  nations.  Thou  didst  deliver  in  Babylon,  unhurt 
even  to  a  hair,  the  three  companions,  who  voluntarily  gave  their  lives  to  the  fire, 
rather  than  serve  the  vain  things,  shedding  a  dew  upon  the  glowing  furnace,  while 

7  turning  the  flame  against  all  their  adversaries.  Thou  didst  restore  Daniel  unhurt 
to  the  light,  when  through  envious  calumnies  he  was  thrown,  as  a  prey  for  beasts, 

8  to  the  lions  underground.  And  thou,  0  Father,  didst  suffer  Jonah  to  be  seen  by 
all  his  own  again,  unharmed,  who  was  about  to  perish,  without  mercy,  in  the  belly 

9  of  a  monster  bred  in  the  deep.  And  now,  thou,  who  dost  hate  insolence,  who  art 
abundant  in  mercy.  Protector  of  the  universe,  manifest  thyself  quickly  to  them  of 

10  Israel's  race,  who  are  insolently  treated  by  abominable,  lawless  heathen.  And  if 
our  life,  in  consequence  of  our  sojourn  in  a  strange  land,  has  become  ensnared  in 
ungodliness,  yet  deliver  us  from  the  hand  of  the  enemy,  though  thou  destroy  us,  O 

11  Lord,  by  such  death  as  thou  mayest  choose.  Let  not  t)ie  vain-minded  bless  their 
idols  over  the  destruction  of  thy  beloved,  while  they  say.  Even  their  God  did  not  de- 

1 2  liver  them.  But  do  thou,  O  eternal  One,  who  hast  all  strength  and  all  dominion,  now 
behold  !     Pity  us,  who,  by  the  senseless  insolence  of  the  lawless,  are  to  be  deprived 

13  of  *^  life  like  traitors.  And  make  the  heathen  afraid  to-day,  through  thy  invincible 
power,  0  thou  revered  One,  using  thy  power  for  the  salvation  of  the  race  of  Jacob. 

14  The  whole  company  of  children,  witli  their  parents,  make  supplication  to  thee  with 

15  tears.  Show  to  all  the  heathen  that  thou,  0  Lord,  art  witli  us,  and  hast  not  turned 
away  thy  face  from  us  ;  but,  as  thou  hast  said  tliat  thou  wouldest  overlook  them, 
not  even  when  they  were  in  the  land  of  their  enemies,  so  fulfill  it,  O  Lord. 

16  Now,  just  as  Eleazer  had  ended  his  prayer,  the  king  came  up  to  the  hippodrome 

17  with  the  beasts  and  the  whole  tumultuous  force.  And  the  Jews,  on  seeing  it,  cried 
aloud  to   heaven,  so   that,  since   also   tlie   adjacent  valleys  echoed  back  the  cry,  it 

18  awakened  in  the  whole  army  an  unconirollable  lamentation.  Then  the  most  glo- 
rious, almighty,  and  true  God  showed  his  holy  countenance,  and  opened  the  gates  of 
heaven,  from  which  two  angels,  glorious  and  terrible,  descended,  in  the  sight  of  all 

19  except  the  Jews  ;  and  they  confronted  them  and  filled  the  hostile  army  with  confu- 
sion and  dread,  and  bound  them  with  immovable  fetters.  And  the  person  of  the 
king,  also,  was  struck  through  with  horror,  and  oblivion  -took  the  place  of  his  angry 

21  defiance.    And  the  beasts  turned  upon  the  armed  forces  that  followed,  and  trod  upon 

22  them,  and  destroyed  them.     And  the  king's  wrath  was  changed  to  lamentation  and 

23  tears  over  that  which  he  had  before  devised.  For  on  hearing  the  cry  and  seeing  all 
plunged  in  destruction  he,  weeping  with  rage,  violently  threatened  his  friends,  and 

24  said,  You  have  usurped  to  yourselves  kingly  power  and  exceeded  tyrants  in  cruelty, 
and  even  me,  your  benefactor,  you  are  endeavoring  already  to  deprive  of  authority 

25  and  life,  by  secretly  devising  measures  injurious  to  the  kingdom.  Who  has  fool- 
ishly collected  together  here,  removing  every  one  from  their  homes,  all  these  peo- 

1  Fritzpche  receives  <nJ  before  SetnroTa  from  III.  23.  55.  74.  Co  Aid.,  whicli  is  omitted  in  the  common  text.  It  might 
have  fallen  out  in  consequence  of  the  fact  that  the  preceding  syllable  is  irei. 

s  Codd.  III.  19.  44  55.  62.  64.  74.  93.,  with  Go.  Aid.  have  ^eflia-Ta^LtVous,  for  fieBimavofJidvov^  a'  the  text,  rec,  and  it  if 
adopted  by  Fritzscbe  ' 


634 


THE  APOCRYPHA. 


26  pie,  who  loyally  defended  the  fortresses  of  our  country  ?  Who  has  so  utterly 
given  up  to  wicked  abuse  those,  who,  from  the  first,  have  surpassed  in  every  re- 
spect all  nations  in  their  good  will  towards  us,  and  have  often  undergone  the  great- 

27  est  perils  possible  to  men  ?  Loose,  loose  entirely  the  unjust  bonds  !  Let  them  go 
in  peace  to  their  homes,  while  asking  forgiveness  for  what  has  been  already  done. 

28  Set  free  the  sons  of  the  almighty,  heavenly,  living  God,  who  from  the  time  of  our 
forefathers  until  now,  has  vouchsafed  to  our  aff.airs  uninterrupted  prosperity  and 

29  glory.  So  then  he  spoke  ;  and  they,  being  in  a  moment  released,  blessed  God, 
their  lioly  Deliverer,  having  just  escaped  death. 

30  Thereupon  the  king  returned  to  the  city,  summoned  to  his  presence  the  minister  of 
finance,  and  commanded  him  to  provide  for  the  Jews  as  well  wine  as  everything  else 
that  might  be  needful  for  a  feast  of  seven  days,  having  determined  that  in  the  verv 
place  where  they  expected  to  meet  their  destruction,  they  should  celebrate,  with 

31  all  joy,  their  deliverance.  Then  they  who  were  before  the  most  despised  and  were 
near  to  Hades,  or  rather,  had  entered  into  it,  instead  of  suffering  a  bitter  and  pain- 
ful death,  celebrated  a  festival  of  deliverance  and,  full  of  joy,  divided  the  place  pre- 

32  pared  for  their  fall  and  burial,  among  themselves  as  space  for  banqueting.  And  they 
ceased  from  their  doleful  strain  of  lamentation  and  took  up  a  song  of  their  father- 
land, and  praised  the  wonder-working  God,  their  Saviour ;  all  groaning  and  wailing 

33  they  put  away  and  instituted  dances  in  token  of  peaceful  joy.  And  in  like  manner, 
also,  the  king  assembled  for  this  reason  a  great  number  of  guests  to  his  table,  and 
made  solemn  acknowledgments  unceasingly  to  heaven  for  the  wonderful  deliverance 

34  which  had  come  to  himself.  And  they  who  before  had  supposed  they  would  be  de- 
stroyed and  be  a  prey  for  birds,  and,^  with  joy,  had  registered  them,  groaned  aloud, 
and  were  covered  with  shame  respecting  themselves,  and  their  boldness  which  had 

35  raged  like  fire,  was  ingloriously  quenched.  The  Jews,  however,  as  we  have  already 
said,  having  instituted  the  before-mentioned  dance,  spent  their  time  in  banqueting, 

36  amidst  joyful  thanksgiving  and  psalms.  And  they  made  a  public  ordinance  touch- 
ing these  matters  and  decreed  for  all  the  time  of  their  sojourn  among  strangers 
from  generation  to  generation,  that  the  before-mentioned  days  should  be  celebrated 
as  days  of  festivity,  not  for  the  sake  of  drinking  and  feasting,  but  because  of  the 

37  deliverance  that  had  come  to  them  through  God.     And  they  applied  to  the  king 

38  with  the  request,  that  they  might  be  dismissed  to  their  homes.  The  registering 
now,  was  going  on  from  the  twenty-fifth  of  Pachon  to  the  fourth  of  Epiphi,  during 
forty  days  ;  and  their  destruction  determined  upon,  from  the  fifth  to  the  seventh  of 

39  Epiphi,  during  three  days  ;  in  which,  also,  the   Ruler  of  all  gloriously  manifested 

40  his  mercy  and  delivered  them  one  and  all  unhurt.  And  they  feasted,  being  pro- 
vided with  everything  by  the  king,  until  the  fourteenth  day  and  then  made  request 

41  for  their  dismissal.  And  the  king  praised  them,  and  wrote  for  them  to  all  the 
commanders  in  the  cities  the  letter  subjoined,  setting  forth  in  a  generous  manner 
his  serious  purpose. 

1  This  connective  is  not  found  in  the  text,  rec,  but  is  received  by  Fritzsche  from  III.  55.  62.  74.  Co.  Aid. 

Chapter  VI. 


Ver.  1.  Eleazer.  Grimm,  with  otlier.s,  sup- 
poses tliat  tliis  name  was  selected  witli  reference 
to  the  Eleazer  of  2  Mace.  vi.  18.  —  Among  the 
priests.  It  is  not  impossible  that  they  were 
those  who  othciated  in  the  temple  at  Leontopolis. 
—  Cease  calling.  These  elders  may  have  been 
jliose  who  stooil  at  the  head  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity in  Alexandria.  It  is  probable  that  the 
writer  was  led  to  this  most  unnatural  representa- 
tion l>y  the  idea  I  bat  the  prayer  of  a  jirie.st,  under 
Bucli  circumstances,  would  be  more  likely  to  pre- 
vail. 

V.r.  2.  'I'bis  prayer  of  Eleazer  is  composed  in 
pnetic  measure,  and  Cotton  has  put  it  in  the  form 
of  blank  ver.^e  : 

•  Monarch  niowt  powerful !  highest,  mightiest  God  I 
Whope  mert-iu,!  all  creation  ever  guide  — 


Lo  I  Abraham's  seed  —  lo  I  Jacob's  sacred  race  — 
Thy  sanctified  inheritance  —  thy  lot  — 
What  wrongs  we  suffer  in  a  stranger-land." 

Cf.  Five  Books,  Introd.,  p.  xl. 

Ver.  4.  novT6$pQxos,  drowned  in  the  sea.  This 
word  has  been  nowhere  else  found,  but  in  Grimm's 
opinion  was  taken  from  some  poet.  It  is  com- 
pounded of  Tr6vTOS  and  jSpe'xo'. 

Ver.  5.  Mighty,  $apis,  i.  e.,  one  able  to  do  much 
mif/ltfi/,  powerful.  It  was  used  in  Homer  fo% 
strength  only  in  a  physical  sense,  in  Polybius,  .also 
in  a  moral  sense. 

Ver.  fi.  In  the  apocryphal  additions  ro  the 
third  chapter  of  Paniel,  the  so-c.illed  "  .Son;;  of 
the  Three  Children,"  ver.  27,  we  read:  "And 
made  the  midst  of  the  fttniaci*  as  tJiou<jh  a  u-inii  of 
dew  had  gone  hissimj  through   it."     Tbe  fact  that 


3   MACCABEES. 


635 


these  additions  to  Daniel  were  known  to  our  au- 
thor is  worthy  of  notice.  The  latter,  however, 
Feems  nut  to  have  been  particular  to  follow  au- 
thorities. He  represents,  for  instance,  that  all 
the  enemies  of  the  "  three  companions  "  were  de- 
stroyed by  the  flame.  In  Dan.  iii.  22,  we  read 
on  the  contrary;  "  The  flame  of  the  fire  dew  th^se 
men  that  took  up  Shadrach,  Meskach,  and  Abed- 
neijo." 

Ver.  8.  It  is  noticeable  that  hei  e,  too,  we  have 
K^Toi  as  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  '7112  y^, 
great  fish,  us  in  the  LXX.  at  Jonah  ii.  1.  This 
verse  tells  us  something  about  Jonah,  namely, 
that  he  was  afterwards  seen  by  his  family  friends, 
of  which  the  canonical  books  say  nothing.  It  is 
doulitless  to  be  taken  as  a  gratuitous  inference 
of  tlie  writer,  or,  at  least,  of  some  writer  of  the 
later  period.  According  to  Cotton  (Five  Books, 
p.  31 ),  in  the  apocryphal  epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the 
Corinthians,  preserved  in  the  Armenian  church, 
and  translated  from  that  language  into  English 
by  Lord  Byron,  there  is  found  this  plirase  expres- 
sive of  Jonah's  complete  preservation  :  "  Neither 
was  any  part  of  his  body  corrupted  ;  neither  was 
his  eyefirow  bent  down." 

Ver.  10.  The  idea  is  :  "  Do  not  punish  us  for 
any  supposable  offenses,  by  making  us  the  jjrey 
of  these  wretched  heathen,  but  in  any  other  way 
thou  mayest  choose."  Cf.  2  Sam.  xxiv.  14.  —  '£;/- 
e(rxi7Ta£,  become  ensnared.  The  idea  of  tlie  decep- 
tiveness  and  slavery  of  sin  seems  to  be  involved. 

Ver.  1 1 .  Their  God  did  not  deliTer.  See 
the  similar  words  of  Rabshakeh  at  2  Kings  -xviii. 
and  Is.  xxxvi.  to  which,  also,  allusion  may  here 
be  made. 

Ver.  15.  As  thou  hast  said.  Cf.  Lev.  xxvi. 
44  in  the  LXX. 

Ver.  17.  The  narrative  at  this  point  is  quite 
incredible. 

Ver.  18.  All  except  the  Jews.  Grotius  makes 
the  comment :  "  Noluit  enim  satis  territos  Judceos 
terreri  insiiper  honibili  conspeclu."  Cf.  Dau.  x.  7  ; 
Acts  ix.  7  ;  xxii.  6-9. 

Ver.  19.  Immovable  fetters.  The  army  was 
enchained  by  the  awful  vision. 

Ver.  24.  IlapaSacriAsiJeTe.  Lit.,  to  reign  along- 
side of,  and  tlieu,  to  usurp  the  kingli/  prerogative. 

Ver.  25.  Loyally  defended.  At  iii.  24  his 
language  respecting  the  Jews  was  quite  different. 
Josephus  (Antiq.,  xii.  1)  mentions  a  somewhat 
similar  instauce  in  which  it  is  said  of  Ptolemy 
Lagus  :    "  And   as   he  knew  that   the  people  of 


Jerusalem  were  most  faithful  in  the  observance  of 
oaths  and  covenants,  and  this,  from  the  answer 
they  made  to  Alexander  when  he  sent  an  embas- 
sage to  them  after  he  had  beaten  Darius  in  battle, 
so  he  distributed  many  of  tliem  into  garrissons, 
and  at  Alexandria  gave  them  equally  the  privi- 
lege of  citizens  with  the  Macedonians  themselves, 
and  required  them  to  take  their  oaths  that  they 
would  remain  faithful  to  the  posterity  of  those  who 
had  committed  these  places  to  their  care." 

Ver.  29.  In  a  moment,  eV  a/xipe?  XP^"'!'-  This 
must  be  looked  upon  as  an  exaggeration,  consid- 
ering the  manner  in  which  thev  had  been  bound. 
Cf.  iv.  20  f. 

Ver.  31.  Or  rather  had  entered  into  it.  Lit., 
or  rathei-  had  walked  upon  it,  i.  e.,  the  soil  of  the 
underworld.  —  KtiSav.  The  first  meaning  is  a 
goblet,  and  then,  a  feast.  Cf.  ttStov  aunijpiov,  at 
vii.  IS.  ~~'T6wov  K\i(riais  HcLTe^ipla-avTO.  The  last 
word  is  so  read  by  III.  19.  23.  62.  74.  9.3.  Co.,  and 
it  is  adopted  by  Fritzsche.  The  common  text  has 
KaTe/jLeptcau.  For  the  second  word  III.  23.  have 
KAio-mt.  Adopting  the  former,  the  rendering  would 
be,  "  They  divided  among  themselves  the  spot  for 
eating  places."  Cf.  Luke  ix.  14,  where  K\tata  is 
giveu  the  sense  of  "  company "  in  the  A.  V. ; 
and  Cotton  renders  here  :  "  And  parted  the  place 
which  had  been  prepared  for  their  fall  and  funeral 
into  several  tents  {or  companies)  being  filled  with 
gladness." 

Ver.  32.  A  song  of  the  fatherland.  It  was, 
probably,  the  136th  Ps.  From  1  Chron.  xvi.  41 ; 
2  Chron.  v.  13  ;  vii.  3;  Ezra  iii.  11,  we  learn  that 
this  was  the  usual  hymn  of  thanksgiving. 

Ver.  33.  DeUveranoe  which  had  come  to 
himself.  It  may  refer  to  his  escape  from  the  en- 
raged elephants,  or,  as  others  suppose,  to  the  fact 
that  lie  was  delivered  from  the  danger  of  com- 
mitting so  great  a  wrong  as  the  destruction  of  the 
Jews  would  have  been. 

Ver.  34.  A  prey  for  birds.  Cf.  Gen.  xl.  19  ; 
Ezek.  xxxix.  4;  2  Maec.  ix.  15. 

Ver.  36.  Not  for  the  sake  of  drinking  and 
feasting.  One  of  the  old  English  translations 
(1550)  renders,  "Not  to  bib  and  to  bowl  in,  for 
gluttony."     Cf.  Cotton. 

Ver.  38.  The  names  of  the  months  here  given, 
Pachon  and  Epiphi,  were  those  in  use  in  Alexan- 
dria, and  correspond,  respectively,  to  April  26 
May  25,  and  June  25-July  24.  The  Egyptian 
mouth  having  just  thirty  days,  the  time  from  the 
25th  of  Pachon  to  the  fourth  of  Epiphi  would  be 
forty  days. 


Chapter  VII. 


1  King  Ptolemy  Philopator  to  the  commander.s  throughout  Egypt,  and  to  all  who 

2  hold  public  offices,  joy  and  health.     And  we  ourselves,  also,  and  our  children  are 

3  well,  the  groat  God  having  directed  our  affairs  as  we  wish.  Certain  of  our  friends, 
having  out  of  ill-will  earnestly  pressed  the  matter  upon  us,  persuaded  us  to  collect 
together  the  Jews  of  the  kingdom  in  a  body,  and  to  inflict  upon  them  extraordinary 

4  punishments  as  traitors,  giving  out '  that,  until  this  should  be  accomplished,  our 
affairs  would  never  ^  be  in  a  prosperous  state,  on  account  of  the  malevolence  which 

5  these  people  cherished  towards  every  other  nation.  They  also  brought  them  here 
in  chains,  with  ill  treatment,  as  though  they  were  slaves,  or  rather   as   though  they 

'  Fritzsche  adopts  n-po(|)ep6(xei'oi  from  III.  62.  93.  Co.  Aid.  (cf.  ver.  11),  for  Trpoo-^epofxei-ot  of  the  common  text. 
•  Instead  of  /-i-iTroTe  of  the  common  text,  ^ijdeVorr  is  adopt«d  by  Qrimm  and  Fritzsche  from  m.  19.  62.  93. 


636  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


were  traitors,  and  undertook  to  destroy  them  without  any  examination  or  inquiry, 

6  having  put  on  a  cruelty  more  barbarous  than  that  practiced  by  Scythians.  But  wa 
severely  threatened  them  for  this,  and  reluctantly  gave  them  their  lives,  in  har. 
mony  with  the  feeling  of  clemency  which  we  cherish  towards  all  men,  and  recog- 
nizing that  the  God  of  Heaven  has  kept  the  Jews  safely,  and  has  always  fought  for 

7  them '  as  a  father  for  his  sons,  also  calling  to  mind  the  firm  and  true  good  will  which 
they  have  cherished  towards  us  and  our  ancestors,  we  have  in  justice  acquitted 

8  them  of  every  charge  of  whatever  sort.  And  we  have  enjoined  upon  every  one  to 
let  them  ail  return  to  their  own,  to  injure  them  in  no  place  whatever,  and  not,  as 

9  would  be  unjust,  to  revile  them  over  what  has  taken  place.  For  know,  that  if  we 
slioukl  devise  any  evil  against  them,  or  injure  them  at  all,  we  should  have  in  the 

•  future  as  enemy,  not  a  man,  but  the  highest  God,  Lord  of  all  power,  and  an  aven- 
ger against  the  state,  from  whom  any  escape  would  be  impossible.     Farewell ! 

10  But  on  receiving  this  letter,  they  did  not  hasten  at  once  to  make  preparation  for 
departure,  but  requested  besides  of  the  king,  that  those  of  the  Jewish  race,  who 
had  voluntarily  apostatized  from  the  holy  God  and  from  the  law  of  God,  might  re- 

11  ceive,  through  them,  deserved  punishment,  declaring  that  those  who  had  trans- 
gressed the  divine  commandments  for  the  belly's  sake  would  also  never  be  well  dis- 

1 2  posed  towards  the  affairs  of  the  king.  And  he  admitted  that  they  spoke  the  truth, 
and  praising  them  he  gave  them  liberty  in  all  respects,  to  the  extent  that  they 
might  destroy,  utterly  and  boldly,  the  apostates  from  the  law  of  God  in  every  place 

13  within  his  royal  domain  without  special  royal  authority  or  oversight.  Then  their 
priests  made  him  their  acknowledgments,  as  was  becoming,  and  the  entire  people, 

14  taking  up  the  Hallelujah,  departed  with  joy.  And  thus^  they  punished  and  put  to 
death,  ignominiously,  every  one  of  their  fellow  countrymen  falling  in  their  way, 

15  who  was  of  the  number  of  those  who  had  defiled  themselves.  And  on  that  day 
they  slew  more  than  three  hundred  men,  and   kept  it  as   a  joyous  festival,  having 

16  overcome  the  profane  ones.  But  they  themselves  who  had  held  fast  to  God  unto 
death,  experienced  the  full  enjoyment  of  deliverance,  and  departed  from  the  city 
crowned  with  garlands  of  all  kinds  of  sweet-scented  flowers,  amidst  jubilation  and 
shouts,  giving  thanks  in  songs  of  praise  and  melodious  hymns  to  the  eternal  God  of 
their  fathers.  Deliverer  of  Israel. 

17  And  on  reaching  Ptolemais,  called  on  account  of  the  peculiarity  of  the  place,  the 
rose-bearing,  where  also  the  transports,  according  to  their  common  wish,  waited  for 

18  them  seven  days,  they  made  there  a  feast  of  deliverance,  since  the  king  had  wil- 
lingly supplied  them,  each  one,  with  all  the  things  needful  for  the  journey  until  they 

19  arrived  at  their  own  homes.  And  having  landed  in  peace,  with  the  fitting  thanks- 
givings, they  resolved  in  like  manner  there,  also,  to  celebrate  these  days  as  festival 

20  days,  for  the  time  of  their  sojourn  in  a  strange  land.  They  also  declared  the  same, 
on  a  monument  at  the  place  of  the  feast,  to  be  sacred,  and  erected  a  house  of 
prayer,  and  departed  unharmed,  free,  overjoyed,  each  to  bis  own  home,  preserved 

21  over  land,  and  sea,  and  river,  by  the  king's  command.  And  they  had  greater  au- 
thority than  before  among  their  enemies,  with  honor  and  fear,  and  they  were  de- 

22  spoiled  by  no  one  at  all  of  their  property.  And  they  all  received  all  that  was  theirs, 
according  to  inventory,  so  that  those  who  had  any  part  of  it,  surrendered  it  to  them 
with  the  greatest  fear,  because  the  greatest  God  wrought  wonders  until  their  deliv- 

23  erance  was  complete.     Blessed  be  the  Deliverer  of  Israel  forever.     Amen. 

'  Fritzsche  adopts  trufiiuiax"''''™  from  III.  23.  44.  55.  71.  74.  Co.  Aid.  Grimm  dissents,  holding  that  it  would  misreprc- 
Bent  the  position  of  the  Jews,  which  was  not  at  all  one  of  resistance.  But  this  had  not  always  been  the  case.  And 
the  word  may  also  have  the  general  sense  of  aidtd^  succored. 

~  OuTws,  as  28.  44.  55.  71.  74.  Aid.  ;  text,  rec,  totc. 

chaptek  vn. 


Vcr.  2.  And  our  children.  If  the  events  nar- 
rated fell  in  the  year  b.  c.  217  or  216,  as  they 
would  if  the  book  relate  what  is   historical,  Ptol 


Ver.  3.    Extraordinary  punishments.    Cf.  iv 

4. 

Ver.  4.     With  regard  to  the  charge  here  made 


wouia  II  iiie  uuoiv  relate  wikil  is  uisiurieai,  jl  lui-  *  ci.  .*.  ,,ii>u  i.^^o.y\^  ^w  ..no  vuu.g^  >i^.*v.  u<uuw 
erav  had  no  child.  Subsequently  he  had  a  son,  I  ag.iinst  the  Jews,  Grimm  cites  among  others, 
Ptolemy  V.  Kpiphnnes,  by  his  sister,  Ar.sinoii,  who  Tacitus,  Hist.,  v.  5,  2  ;  Dio  Cass.,  xlix.  22  ;  Phil 
als-j  was  his  wife,  and  this  child  was  five  years  old  ostr.,  ApolL,  v.  33;  Josephus,  Afjainst  Ap.,  ii.  10 
at  the  death  of  his  father,  b.  c.  203.  14  ;  the  LXX.  at  Esth.  iii.  15 ;  and  I  Thess.  ii.  15 


4  MACCABEES. 


637 


Ver.  5.  The  word  iniropireTv  means  to  fasten 
with  a  bucfrle,  referring  to  the  garment  usually 
worn  in  the  East,  which  was  so  fastened  on  the 
dhuulder.  The  king  would  say  that  these  people 
were  clothed  in  crueitt/, 

Ver.  6.  Threatened  them,  i.  e,,  the  enemies 
of  the  Jews,  not  the  latter  themselves,  as  Grotius 
supposes. 

Ver.  7.  Firm  and  true  goodwill.  Grotius' 
conjecture,  rov  ipi\ou,  for  toJ  <pi\ov  would  require 
the  retideiiug  :  The  trustiness  (steadfast  goodwill) 
of  the  nation,  u-ltidt  they  have  had  for  us. 

Ver.  8.  In  no  place.  In  no  place  which  they 
might  pass  througli  on  their  return. 

Ver.  9,  'Ett'  4KSiKT]cr€i  tvv  irpayfiaTuv.  Giving 
the  Inst  word  the  meaning  which  it  commonly 
beai-s  iu  the  present  book,  the  sense  is,  for  tiikinri 
vengeance  in  public  affairs,  i.  e.,  on  the  State. 
Others  render:  "For  taking  vengeance  ou  account 
of  such  actions  " 

Ver.  10.  The  force  of  the  preposition  in  irpoajt- 
^lieirav  is  not  to  be  overlooked.  They  asked  this  in 
addition  to  what  the  king  had  already  grantfil  tlieni 
of  his  own  accord.  —  Voluntarily.  There  weic 
those  who  had  done  this  because  of  the  popular  hos- 
tility and  the  threatening  of  death  ;  but  it  was  still 
voluntary  (of.  ii.  27-31).  They  might  have  stood 
firm  as  the  majority  had  doue.  —  Deserved  pun- 
ishment. Cf.  Dent.  xiii.  6  if.  In  the  later  peri- 
ods of  their  history  the  rjews  were  obliged  to  seek 
permission  from  their  foreign  rulers  to  execute 
their  own  laws  in  this  particular.  Cf.  Esth.  viii. 
8-11  ;  John  xviii.  .31. 

Ver.  11.  "Well  disposed.  Grotius  refers  to 
the  act  of  Constantius  Chlorus,  father  of  the  em- 
peror Constantine.  Wishing  to  test  the  fidelity  of 
his  officers,  and  their  loyalty  to  good  principles. 


he  threatened  them  all  with  the  loss  of  their  posi- 
tions, if  they  did  not  renounce  Christianity.  Soma 
gave  up  their  religious  opinions,  while  others  held 
theirs  fast.  Constantius  dismissed,  however,  only 
the  former,  with  the  remark,  that  those  who  had  so 
readily  consented  to  renounce  their  God  were  not 
likely  to  be  faithful  to  the  king.  A  similar  act 
of  Antiochus  the  Great  is  recorded  by  Josephus, 
Antiq.,  xii.  3,  §  3. 

Ver.  17.  Ptolemais.  This  was  probably  an 
anchoring  place  on  the  Nile,  in  Central  Egypt,  be- 
tween Arsinoe  and  Heracleopolis  on  the  northern 
shore  of  the  so-called  Joseph's  Canal,  the  present 
El  Lahoun.  Cf.  Winer,  RealwSrterbuch,  s.  v.,  and 
the  article  "  Rose." 

Ver.  18.  The  detention  of  the  transports,  and 
the  great  superfluity  of  provisions  given  by  the 
king,  as  here  represented,  cau  only  be  regarded  as 
inventions  of  the  author,  whiitever  ]>ossible  basis 
of  modest  fact  they  may  have  had  originally. 

Ver.  20.  I  have  adopted,  with  Gaab,  Grimm, 
and  others,  the  reading  Trpoafvxh"  (-as  19.  93.),  a 
house  uf  prayer,  a  sijiiagogue.  Others  translate  ; 
"  Then  also  declared  on  a  pillar  these  daijs  for 
sacred  and  erected  a  si/nagogue  on  the  place  of 
the  feast"  (Gaab).  Others:  "They  sanctified 
the  same  thereby,  that  they  erected,  with  prayer,  on 
the  place  of  the  feast  a  pillar  "  (Gutmaun).  Cot- 
ton :  "  Which  also  having  consecrated  {to  that  use) 
bi/  setting  up  a  pillar  and  an  oratory  in  the  place  of 
their  festive  solemnity,''  —  And  sea.  There  was 
no  sea  to  cross  in  Egypt,  and  the  author  was  prob- 
ably betrayed  into  this  inconsistency  by  his  strain- 
ing after  effect. 

V^er.  22.  According  to  inventory.  Cf.  iv.  14. 
It  was  certainly  a  miracle,  if  the  Egyptians  gare 
back  these  things  in  the  manner  stated. 


THE  FOURTH   BOOK   OF  MACCABEES. 

With  a  view  to  something  like  completeness,  there  might  be  added  at  this  point  a  few  words  r^ 
specting  the  so-called  Fourth  and  Fifth  Books  of  the  Maccabees,  in  addition  to  what  has  been 
already  said,  page  473.  The  former,  as  we  have  before  noticed,  has  no  connection  with  the  Macca- 
baean  history,  but  simply  makes  use  of  a  few  incidents  contained  in  2  Mace.  (vi.  18-vii.  41)  for  the 
purpose  of  illustration.  The  book  is  really  a  philosophical  treatise  on  the  Supremacy  of  Keason, 
though,  in  form  and  style,  sometimes  approaching  the  character  of  an  oration,  or  a  "  sermon,"  as 
Ewald  ( Geschichte  d.  Volk.  Is.,  p.  556)  is  inclined  to  call  it  (so,  also,  Freudenthal,  in  his  monograph 
on  the  work).  The  theme  is  announced  at  i.  13  :  "  The  question,  then,  which  we  have  now  to  deter- 
mine is,  whether  the  Keason  be  complete  master  of  the  Passions."  The  author  himself  divides  his 
work  into  two  principal  parts  (i.  12),  addressing  himself,  first,  to  the  argument,  and  then,  secondly, 
supporting  the  same  by  reference  to  certain  supposed  facts  of  history.  But  this  division  holds  true 
only  as  it  respects  the  general  drift  of  the  work,  since,  in  detail,  the  historical  and  argumentative  are 
everywhere  more  or  less  commingled.  The  first  part  extends  from  chap.  i.  13  to  chap.  iii.  19,  chap, 
i.  1-12,  forming  a  kind  of  introduction  to  the  whole.  The  second  part  includes  chaps,  iii.  19-xviii. 
2,  the  remaining  portion  of  chap,  xviii.  being,  as  is  generally  admitted,  an  addition  by  another 
hand. 

The  Greek  of  4  Mace,  is  essentially  the  same  as  that  of  2  and  3  Mace,  although  not  so  rhetorically 
written  as  the  latter.  The  style  is  superior  to  either  of  these  works  in  its  uniformity,  and  its  arrange- 
ment of  sentences  is  generally  natural,  simple,  and  well  proportioned.  There  are  bnt  few  signs  cf 
a  Hebraizing  influence,  but  the  proper  names  are  generally  given  iu  their  Hebrew  form.  There  arc 
but  two  exceptions  to  this  rule,  in  the  words  for  "  Jerusalem  "  and  "  Eleazer."  And  this  is  the 
more  noticeable,  since  Josephus,  to  whom  this  work  was  formerly  imputed,  everywhere  gives  to  such 
proper  names  Greek  endings.  A  coloring  received  from  the  LXS.  is  observable  only  iu  a  few  pas- 
sages (ii.  3,  19;  xvii.  19) ;  still,  it  would  appear  that  the  edition  used  contained  the  apocryphal  ad- 
ditions (cf.  xvi.  3,  where  he  gives  the  Hebrew,  instead  of  the  Chaldaic,  names  of  the  three  youth, 
in  harmony  with  the  Add.  to  Dan.). 

The  authorslii])  of  4  Mace,  as  we  have  said,  was  commonly  ascribed  to  Josephus,  in  the  early 
times,  and  so.  too,  in  many  more  recent  editions  of  the  LXX.  (as  that  of  Strasbnrg,  1526,  Basel, 
1545,  Frankfort,  1597,  and  several  later  ones),  and  of  Josephus'  works.     So  Ensebius  {H.  E.,  iii.  10 


638  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


6),  and  Jerome  (Catal.  Script.  Eccks.,  s.  v.  "  Josephns,"  or  De  Vir.  III.,  xiii.;  Adv.  Pelag.,  ii.)  and 
Snidas  (s.  !•.  "  Josephns")  ;  bnt  the  oldest  Codd.  which  contain  it  simplv  name  it  the  Fonrth  Bo"k 
of  Maccabees  (111.,  y[aKKa$aluv  A.).  That  the  book  could  never  have  bten  written  by  Josephus  is 
evident  from  several  reasons :  such  as  the  great  difference  of  language  and  style  from  those  of  his 
well-known  writings  ;  its  absurd  historical  combinations  (iv.  5,  26,  v.  1),  of  which  he  could  not  well 
have  been  gnilty  ;  the  fact  that  the  sources  from  which  our  bonk  evidently  draws  seem  to  have  been 
unknown  to  Josejibus.  At  least,  he  nowhere  sboivs  any  acquaintauce  with  2  Mace,  or  the  work  of 
Jason.  Moreover,  he  could  not  have  been  expected  to  give  to  any  work  of  his  that  purely  Alex- 
andrian coloring  which  appears  througliout  in  the  prcsiut  one.  It  is  likely,  therefore,  as  Ewald  con- 
jectured, that  the  error  of  imputing  it  to  him  arose  from  an  old  tradition  which  named  some  Joseph 
('liSinjiros)  as  its  author;  or,  possibly,  because  it  was  thought  that  it  formed  a  fitting  supplement  to 
the  works  of  Josephus. 

As  it  respects  the  time  of  composition,  while  it  cannot  be  determined  with  exactness,  there  are 
certain  well-defined  limits  within  which  it  will  be  tolerably  safe  to  fix  its  origin.  It  must  have  been 
written  after  2  Mace,  which  it  uses  so  freely,  and  before  the  destruction  of  .lerusalem  by  the 
Romans,  to  which  not  the  slightest  allusion  is  made.  Again,  at  xiv.  9  (ver.  7  of  Cotton's  trans.), 
the  writer  says  of  the  sufferings  of  the  martyrs  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  "Now  we,  on  hearing 
of  the  aftiiction  of  these  yonth,  are  struck  with  horror"  ((pplTTo/ifv),  which  implies  that  the  Jews  of 
Egypt  were  at  this  time  in  a  state  of  comparative  peace.  And,  hence,  we  cannot  think  of  a  period 
so  late  as  that  of  Caligula  (b.  c.  39,  40).  Still  further,  from  iv.  I,  where  it  is  said  that  Onias  was 
holding  the  high  priesthood  for  life  (5ia  $tov},  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  author  lived  in  a  time 
when  this  had  ceased  to  be  the  case,  as  was  true  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Hasmoufean  dynasty. 
In  a  period  of  one  hundred  and  eight  years,  there  were  no  less  than  twenty-eight  high  priests  (cf. 
Josephus,  Antiq.,  xviii.  2,  §  2,  xx.  10).  We  may,  then,  with  reasonable  confidence,  fix  upon  the  first 
century  before  Christ  as  the  period  in  which  our  book  appeared,  and,  perhaps  more  definitely,  upon 
a  point  somewhere  near  the  middle  of  it. 

The  object  of  the  book  is  clearly  to  stimulate  and  encourage  the  Jews  to  remain  stedfast  in  their 
adherence  to  the  Mosaic  law,  in  the  midst  of  great  temptations  to  forsake  it.  These  temptations 
were  not  .simply  those  of  a  prudential  kind,  but  concerned  the  very  substance  of  their  ancestral 
faith,  which,  in  this  brilliant  literary  capital,  wa«  brought  in  contact  with  the  most  refined  and  se- 
ductive forms  of  the  ruling  philosophies.  This  is  most  evident  from  the  nature  of  the  argument 
itself,  made  use  of  by  the  author.  He,  in  fact,  adopts  and  applies,  as  far  as  he  thinks  that  he  can  do 
so  to  advantage,  the  principles  of  the  Stoical  philosophy.  But  he  remains  none  the  less  loyal  to 
Judaism.  The  realization  of  the  Stoic's  ideal  man  he  is  able  to  find  only  in  obedience  to  the  Mosaic 
law  (i.  15-18).  Hnman  reason  is,  after  all,  not  sufficient  for  all  occasions  and  purposes  (v.  21,  2.3 ; 
X.  18). 

In  one  respect,  his  teachiug  is  peculiar.  He  seems  to  represent  that  the  pains  of  martyrs  are  vi- 
carious. At  vi.  27  (Fritzsche's  text)  he  says  :  "  Thou  kuowest,  U  God,  that  whereas  I  might  have 
saved  myself,  I  am  dying  with  fiery  torments  for  the  law's  sake.  Therefore  be  merciful  to  thy  na- 
tion, being  s.itisfied  with  the  punishment  snffered  by  me  for  them."  He  represents,  further, — 
more  in  harmony  with  the  Book  of  Wisdom  than  with  2  Mace.  —  the  eternal  existence  of  all  souls, 
both  good  and  bad,  while  he  does  not  apjjear  to  expect  the  resurrection  of  the  body.  This  is  the 
more  remarkable  in  view  of  the  fact  that  this  doctrine  is  so  emphatically  set  forth  in  those  very  pas- 
sages of  2  Mace,  which  he  uses  for  the  pur])0.se  of  illustration.  He  does,  indeed,  make  allusion  (xviii. 
17)  to  the  passage  in  Ezek.  xvii.  1-10,  but  only  in  the  way  of  accommodation  along  with  other  pas- 
sages and,  as  it  would  appear,  simply  in  reference  to  the  life  in  another  state  of  existence.  (Cf.  Bret- 
Bchneider,  Dogmatik  d.  Apok.,  pj).  .314-317.)  In  other  respects,  his  eschatology  essentially  agrees 
with  that  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom.  The  virtuous,  by  whom  he  means  those  who  have  proved  faithful 
to  the  law  of  Moses,  will  enjoy  eternal  blessedness  in  the  company  of  one  another  and  of  God  (v.  36. 
ix.  8,  -xii.  14,  xvii.  4),  while  the  wicked  will  suffer  fiery  and  unending  torments  after  the  death  of  the 
body  (ix.  9,  x.  15,  xii.  14.  all  cited  according  to  Fritzsche's  text). 

The  best  editions  of  the  works  of  Josephus  have  furnished,  until  the  appearance  of  Fritzsche's 
Libri  Apocri/i-ihi  V.  T.  Greece,  also  the  best  text  of  our  book  (Ittig,  Lips.,  1691,  fol. ;  Hudson,  Oxon., 
1720,  2  vols',  fol.;  Havercamp,  Amst.,  1726,  2  vols,  fol.;  Oberthiir,  Lips.,  1782-85,  3  vols.  8vo  ; 
Richter,  Lips.,  1826-27,  6  vols.  12niO;  Dindorf,  Paris,  1845-47,  2  vols.  8vo  ;  Tauchnitz,  Lips.  1850, 
6  vols.  I6rao;  Bekker,  Lips.  1855-56,  6  vols.  8vo).  Of  these  editions,  that  of  Bekker  presents  the 
text  in  a  form  most  in  harmony  with  the  oldest  Greek  MSS.  There  are  extant  something  like  thirty 
Codd.  of  4  Mace,  thirteen  of  which  are  found  at  Paris.  Fritzsche  has  made  use  of  aU  the  more  im- 
portant of  these,  including  III.  and  X.,  in  tlie  preparation  of  his  text,  and  given  with  sufficient  full- 
ness, in  his  critical  apparatus,  the  various  readings. 


THE   FIFTH   BOOK   OF   MACCABEES. 

Very  little  has  been  done  by  scholars  hitherto,  in  the  way  of  investigating  the  content*  and  deter- 
mining the  historical  and  critical  value  of  5  Maccabees,  or,  as  it  is  otherwise  known,  Hisloria  .Mac- 
cabannm  Anihica.  Its  first  appearance  in  print  was  in  the  Arabic  language  and  in  the  Paris  Poly- 
glot (1645).  Subsequently,  it  was  copied  into  the  London  Polyglot  (1657).  And_  although  the 
editors  of  these  works  give  no  information  respecting  the  MS.  .sources  from  which  it  was  derived, 
this  text  continues  to  be  the  one  on  which  reliance  must  be  placed.  In  both  Polyglots  the  Arabic 
text  ia  accompanied  by  a  Latin  translation,  which  was  made  by  Gabriel  Sionita.     A  French  version. 


5  MACCABEES. 


639 


also,  appears  as  an  appendix  in  the  Bible  of  T)e  Sacy,  and  one  of  chaps,  xx.-xxvi.,  in  Calmet.  Cot- 
ton r<*ndprs  from  the  Latin  {Five  Books,  pp.  277—446).  and  lias  taken  care  to  adhere  as  closely  as  pos- 
pilile  to  hi-i  copy.  "  lest  a  translation  of  a  translation  should  be  found  to  have  wholly  lost  sis;ht  of  the 
»riL-irii,l." 

There  is  no  Sj'riac  yersion  of  the  work,  as  is  falsely  asserted  by  Cotton  (p.  xxx.),  who  appears  to 
haye  been  misled  by  the  Preface  to  the  Arabic  version  as  it  appears  in  the  Polyglots. 

The  book  purports  to  be  a  history  of  the  Jews  from  the  time  of  Heliodorn's'  attempt  to  rob  the 
temple  (c.  B.  c.  186)  to  about  E.  c.  6.  But  while  of  some  importance  for  purposes  of  comparison,  it 
has  not  the  value  of  an  independent  history  of  this  interesting  period.  It  is  obviou.sly  a  compilation, 
and  as  has  been  generally  supposed,  was  originally  written  in  the  Hebrew  language.  This  is  thought 
to  be  shown  in  the  language  of  the  book,  whicli  is  still  undisguisably  Hebraic  in  form  and  expres- 
sion, even  though  it  has  been  twice  translated.  The  writer  speaks,  for  example,  of  the  Pentateuch 
as  the  Torah,  calls  the  temple  the  "  house  of  the  sanctuary,"  names  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  "  the  twenty- 
four  books,"  and  uses  formulas  respecting  the  dead  which  were  in  use  among  the  Jews  of  the  Tal- 
mudic  perijd,  and  are  common  also  at  the  present  day,  such  as :  "God  be  merciful  to  him,"  "  to  whom 
bi>  peace."  Still  all  this  is  far  from  demonstrating  that  the  book  was  written  in  Hebrew.  It  does 
show,  however,  that  the  writer  was  a  Jew. 


Josephns 

lUaeo. 

2  Mace. 

4  Mace. 

6Mue. 

Antiq, 

BeU.  Jud. 

_             _ 

iii. 

_              _ 

_               _ 

. 

i. 

_ 

- 

xil.  2 

_ 

li. 

i. 

V. 

.              . 

Iii.  6,  7 

.              _ 

lU. 

Ti.  18-31 

T.,Ti. 

-               _ 

_ 

It. 

- 

TXi. 

(Tiii.-X.   121 

j  XT.  18-23) 

- 

- 

T. 

U. 

-               - 

xii. 

LI 

Tl. 

a.  4»-iT. 

Tiii. 

-              » 

xii.  8-11 

Tii. 

Ti. 

ix. 

*              - 

Iii.  13 

.                           . 

Tiii 

It.  86  t. 

z. 

—              - 

Iii.  11 

.                           _ 

Ix 

▼. 

X. 

- 

lU.  12 

. 

I. 

—              — 

zi.  xii. 

—              — 

- 

.                           . 

xi. 

—              • 

.               — 

V              _ 

.               _ 

_                            _ 

xii. 

Tiii.  24.  f . 

-               - 

.              « 

Iii.  17 

-                            . 

xiii. 

- 

xii.  32-37 

. 

- 

XiT. 

Ti. 

xiii. 

_              _ 

xii.  14 

.                           . 

XT. 

Tii.8 

IJT.,  XT. 

.              — 

Iii.  7 

_                           _. 

xtI. 

ii.1-22 

_                     . 

_              . 

Iii.  18,  19 

«                            _ 

ITii. 

ix.  28-72 

- 

. 

liii.  1-10 

.                           _ 

xTiii 

ziU.-zTi. 

-                     - 

.              - 

liii   11-14 

.                            . 

lU 

-              — 

- 

-              - 

xiii.  15 

.                           . 

xz. 

- 

- 

- 

lili.  16. 17 
liii.  17 

- 

Ill 

—              - 

-                     - 

- 

-                           - 

xxii. 

—              - 

-                     - 

-              — 

xiii.  18 

.                            - 

xxiii 

—              - 

-                     - 

-              - 

xiii.  8,20 

-                            - 

xxiv. 

—              - 

—                     - 

-              - 

xUi.  9 

—              - 

-                      - 

-              - 

xvii.  3 

U.  7 

XIT. 

—              — 

-                     - 

-              - 

iviii.  2 

—              - 

- 

- 

iai.13 

i.  8 

XXTi. 

•              - 

-                     - 

—              - 

xiii  19 

i.S 

xiTii. 

—              — 

-                     - 

*              — 

liii.  20,  21 

i.8 

ixviii. 

- 

- 

.              - 

xiii.  21,  22 

i.8 

nix 

•              — 

-                     - 

-              — 

xiii.  23 

- 

III. 

—              — 

—                     - 

«              - 

liii.  24 

1.4 

ixxi. 

—              — 

—                     - 

—              — 

xiii  24 

i.4 

XX  xii. 

"              — 

—                     — 

—              — 

xiii.  24 

i.4 

xxxiii. 

•              — 

-                     — 

—              — 

XiT.l 

1.6 

XXllT 

" 

—                     — 

—              — 

liT.  2,  3 

1.5 

XIXT. 

•              - 

—                     — 

*              * 

iiT.4,8 

liv.8 

i.5 

XIITf . 

•             — 

—                     - 

—              » 

i.5 

nzTf.. 

•              — 

-                     — 

•              — 

liT.  9, 10 

i.e 

xxiTili 

"              — 

-                     - 

—              - 

liv.  10 

i.  6 

llxix 

•              — 

-                     - 

»              * 

liT.  11 

1.  6,  7 

xl. 

—             — 

-                     - 

—              » 

liT.  12 

xii. 

•              — 

-                     - 

—              » 

xiv    14,15 

"     i.7    " 

xUi. 

~              — 

—                     - 

*              * 

xiT.  16 

1.8 

xliU. 

•              - 

-                     - 

•              — 

xiT.  16,17 

.                            . 

XllT. 

•              — 

-                     - 

»              . 

xiv.  17, 18 

i.9 

XlT 

•              - 

—                     - 

•              — 

XiT.  19 

i.  9 

zlTt. 

—              - 

-                     — 

_              . 

liT.  19,20 

1.9 

xItU. 

•              — 

-                     — 

•              * 

xiv.  22,  23 

i.  10 

xlTlU. 

»              « 

•>                     — 

•              — 

xiv.  24,  26 

1.11 

Ills. 

•              - 

—                     — 

»              — 

XiT.  26,27 

i.  U,  12 

L 

—              — 

—                     - 

.              — 

xiv.  27 

1.12 

u. 

•              — 

—                     - 

»              * 

XiT.  27 

1.18 

lU. 

"              — 

—                     - 

*              — 

XT.   1 

!.13 

Ilil. 

•             — 

—                     — 

—              - 

XT.  1,  2,  9 

-              . 

Ut. 

—              — 

-                     » 

.              . 

XT.  2,3 

_              _ 

It. 

•              - 

-                     — 

—              - 

XT.  6,8 

i.  14 

iTi. 

"             — 

—                     . 

.              . 

XT.  9, 10 

1.15 

iTil. 

•              — 

-                     - 

-              - 

XT.  11 

1.17 

iTiil. 

*              . 

-                     - 

-              . 

XT.  1,  2,  6, 

—              » 

-                     . 

_              . 

7,8,11,12, 

i.  17 

lix. 

"              - 

- 

- 

16,17 

640  THE  APOCRYPHA. 


The  first  nineteen  chapters  contain  matter  likewise  found  in  1  and  2  Mace,  while  the  remaining 
forty  chapters  agree,  in  general,  with  what  is  contained  in  the  histories  of  Josephns.  The  preceding 
table  will  show  more  definitely  the  relation  of  the  several  parts  of  the  work  to  those  mentioned.  In 
the  preface  to  the  Arabic  text,  as  it  appears  in  the  Polyglots,  it  is  remarked  :  "  Liber  hie  a  cap.  I 
usque  ad  16  inclusive  inscribitur,  '  II  Macliabceoruui  ex  Hebrceorum  trans lati one,'  uti  in  calce  ejusdem  cap. 
16  videre  est.  Reliquus  vera  liber  simpliciler  notatvr  '  II  Machabceorum,'  continuata  tamen  cum  antecedenti- 
bus  capitum  serie,"  etc.  For  the  material  of  the  table,  though  not  its  form,  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  Gins- 
burg's  valuable  article  in  Kitto's  Biblical  Cyclopiedia,  s.  v. 

It  will  be  observed  how  remarkably  close  the  correspondence  is,  with  respect  to  the  material  of 
the  history,  between  these  authorities,  and  further,  tliat  5  Mace,  follows  the  exact  order  of  Josephus, 
only  in  the  first  nineteen  chapters  making  use  in  addition,  and  sometimes  in  preference,  of  the  First 
and  Second  Books  of  the  Maccabees.  There  is  but  a  single  instance  in  the  entire  work,  chap,  xii.,  where 
our  author  introduces  anything  which  might  not  have  been  derived,  at  least  in  germ,  from  one  of  the.'* 
works,  and  that  relates  to  some  of  the  most  familiar  facts  concerning  the  early  Boman  history,  which 
he  could  scarcely  have  failed  of  knowing,  but  which  he  narrates  with  many  inaccuracies  and  positive 
misstatements.  We  are  unable,  therefore,  to  adopt  the  opinion  of  Ginsburg  that  we  have  before  ns 
a  valuable  and  reliable  independent  history  of  nearly  two  centuries  of  Jewish  history  next  preceding 
the  Christian  era,  but  mnst  hold  that  it  is  simply  a  reproduction  in  a  less  trustworthy  form,  of  matter 
found  in  all  its  essential  features  in  the  Maccabican  books  and  in  Josephus.  The  writer  is  gnilty  of 
numerous  and  most  absurd  mistakes,  such  as  calling  Roman  and  Egyptian  soldiers  "  Macedonians," 
Mount  Gerizim,  "Jezebel,"  and  Samaria,  "  Sebaste,"  exchanging  the  names  of  Pilate  and  Herod,  and 
altogether  shows  himself  to  be  of  far  ton  little  capacity  for  an  undertaking  of  such  magnitude  as  would 
be  an  independent  history  of  this  important  period.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  the  translator,  or 
editor,  must  have  taken  considerable  liberties  with  the  work ;  since,  in  more  than  one  instance,  he 
speaks  of  the  author  as  distinct  from  himself  and  explains  his  allusions  (xxv.  5,  Iv.  25,  hi.  45)  ;  and 
to  him,  accordingly,  some  of  its  errors  may  be  chargeable. 

There  are  clear  evidences  in  the  book  itself  that  its  author  lived  after  the  destruction  of  the  second 
temple  (a.  d.  70.  Cf.  ix.  5,  xxi.  30,  xxii.  9,  liii.  8),  unless,  indeed,  with  Ginsburg,  we  regard  these  state- 
ments as  additions  from  another  hand.  But  because  the  history  terminates  jnst  before  the  beginning  of 
the  Christian  era,  it  is  certainly  not  necessary  to  infer,  with  this  critic,  that  therefore  the  author  must 
have  lived  and  written  at  that  time.  What  more  natural,  than  that  he  should  have  aimed  at  supple- 
menting from  Josephus  the  historj'  of  the  Maccabieau  books  up  to  this  very  date,  though  he  himself 
may  have  lived  lonp  after  it  ? 

There  is  no  peculiarly  marked  religious  teaching  in  the  book.  As  it  respects  eschatology,  the  writer 
seems  to  have  adopted,  in  general,  the  views  respecting  a  sui"vival  of  the  soul  after  death,  the  resurrec- 
tion ,  aud  a  future  judgment,  w  hich  he  found  represented  in  his  authorities,  though  in  a  somewhat  more 
developed  form.  He  jiuts  into  the  mouth  of  one  of  the  martyrs  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  for  instance, 
the  words  (v.  13)  :  "  Whom  He  will  restore  to  their  bodies,  when  He  shall  raise  to  life  the  dead  men 
of  his  nation  and  the  slain  ones  of  his  people."  The  allusion  may,  perhaps,  be  to  Is.  xxvi.  19,  "  Thy 
dead  men  shall  live,  together  with  my  dead  body  shall  they  arise,"  etc.  In  the  same  chapter  (vers. 
43,  44)  the  heroic  mother  is  represented  as  saying  to  her  youngest  son  who  was  about  to  suffer  a  fear- 
ful death  as  his  six  brothers  had  doue  before  him  :  "  For  if  you  could  see,  my  son,  their  hononrable 
dwelling-place,  and  the  light  of  their  habit.ition,  aud  to  what  glory  they  have  attained,  you  would 
not  endure  not  to  follow  them  ;  and,  in  truth,  I  also  hope  that  the  great  and  good  God  will  prepare 
me,  and  that  1  shall  closely  follow  you."  The  doctrine  of  the  punishment  of  the  wicked,  too,  ap- 
pears to  have  gained  somewhat  in  clearness.  The  lad,  addressing  Antiochus,  says  (vers.  49,  50, 51 ) : 
"But  yonr  dwelling-place  shall  be  in  the  infernal  regions,  with  exquisite  punishments  from  God. 
And  I  trust  that  the  wrath  of  God  will  depart  from  his  people,  on  account  of  what  we  have  suffered 
for  them  (cf.  4  Mace.  vi.  27) ;  but  that  you  He  will  torment  in  this  world,  and  bring  yon  to  a  wretched 
death  :  and  that  afterwards  you  will  depart  into  eternal  torments."    (Cf.  Ux.  14.) 


APPENDIX  I. 


THE   SECOND   BOOK   OF   ESDRAS. 

Fo»  rca^onB  already  gWen  {General  Introduction,  page  39),  the  Stcond  Book  of  Esdraa  was  omitted  from  the  body  ol 
the  preeent  work.  But  on  account  of  its  importance  in  Biblical  studies!  as  one  of  the  leading  products  of  Jewish  thought 
near  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  ei-a,  and  the  great  interest  that  ha?;  bt-eu  awakened  in  it  in  connection  with  recent 
discussions,  it  ha^  been  thought  best  to  reproduce  it  here  in  the  form  of  an  appendix.  The  generally  excellent  version 
of  1611  I  have  left  undisturbed,  except  where  the  test  followed  (that  of  Fritzsche,  Libri  Apoc.  Vet.  Test.,  pp.  590-639, 
ill  essential  deviations  from  which  1  have  meant  to  indicate)  li:i«  seemed  to  require  a  change.  Chapters  i.-ii.,  and  xv. 
-xvi.,  however,  have  been  omitted  as  acknowledged  later  additiou.s  (see  below). 

The  oldest  title  under  which  the  book  was  known,  according  to  llilgenfeld  (Messias  Judseoruw,  p.  xviii. ;  cf.  Volk- 
mar,  Handbuch,  p.  3),  was  'E^pa?  {or  'Eo-6pas)  6  Trpo<fci7T^9,  it  being  so  cited  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  (  Strom.,  iii.  16, 
100  ;  Cf.  2  Esd.  v.  35),  by  Ambrose,  (De  Bono  Mortis,  c.  xii.),  in  the  Arabic  Compendium,  and  in  two  Codices  of  the 
Ethiopic  version.  But  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether,  in  the^e  instances,  the  composition  itself  was  referred  to.  It 
would  eeem,  rather,  that  the  writer  only  is  meant  to  be  indicated  (Cf.  Fritzsche,  I.  c,  p.  xxviii.).  The  title  which  has 
been  preserved  in  some  ancient  Catalogues  of  the  Biblical  books  (Nicephorus,  as  cited  by  Fabricius,  Cod.  Ps^udep. 
y.  r.,  ii.  176;  Cod.  Apoc.  N.  T.,  i.  p.  951  ff. :  Moutfaucon,  B>bl<otk.  CoisUn.^  p.  194),  the '*  Apocalypse  of  Esdras  " 
('An-oKaAv^tc  'EcrSpay),  or  the  "  Prophecy  of  E^dra.':;  "  (Ilpo^TjTcca'Ea-Spa),  seems  far  more  appropriate,  and  it  is  to  be 
lamented  that  it  did  not  come  into  more  general  use.  But  the  name  which  was  probably  most  common  in  the  early 
times  was  that  found  in  Cod.  Saugermanensis,  The  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras  (or  Esras),  which,  however,  is  applied  only 
to  chap.-!,  iii.-xiv.,  chaps,  i.-ii.  being  named  the  Second  Book  of  Esdras,  while  chaps,  xv.,  xvi.  form  the  Fifth  Book,  the 
(ireek  Ezra,  (chaps,  i.,  ii.  1-15)  making  the  Third  Book,  and  the  canonical  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  taken  together, 
with  chaps,  iii.,  iv.,  v.  3  of  the  Greek  Ezra,  the  First  Book.  This  is  also  the  title  that  is  given  to  the  same  portion  of 
the  present  work  in  Cod.  A.  (discovered  by  Bensly,  see  below),  the  Dresden  Codex,  and  most  of  the  other  important 
Codices.  In  the  Vulgate,  on  the  other  hand,  the  canonical  Book  of  Ezra  is  known  as  1  Esdras.  >'ehemiah  as  2  Esdras, 
our  1  Esdras  as  3  Esdras,  and  the  present  book  as  4  Esdras.  and  this  is  the  name  commonly  given  to  it  on  the  continent 
of  Europe.  The  title  2  Esdras,  which  the  work  received  in  the  English  version  of  1611,  has  the  support  of  the  author 
himself  (i.  1),  and  of  some  MSS.  of  the  Old  Latin,  but  seems  to  have  first  appeared  in  the  English  Bible  in  connection 
with  the  Genevan  version,  the  Greek  Ezra  being  there  called  1  Esdras  (Cf.  Introduction  to  1  Esdras,  p.  62,  and,  for  a 
full  pre.'entation  of  the  subject,  Volkmar,  Ifon^AucA,  pp.  277-284;  Hilgenfeld,  Messia.t  Judsforum,  pp.  xviii.-xsii. ; 
Bensly.  The  Mtsshis:  Fragment,  p.  86). 

Is  FOBM,  as  it  appears  in  the  Engli.-h  Bible,  the  work  is  no  doubt  largely  interpolated,  but  the  interpolations  are  of 
inch  a  character  that,  with  the  aid  of  present  critical  helps,  they  c;m  be  easily  distinguished  from  the  main  composi- 
tion. That  chaps,  i.,  ii.,  and  xv  ,  xvi.,  for  instance,  are  later  additions  from  a  Christian  hand  is  clear  from  several 
fonsider.itions.  They  aie  separated  from  it,  and  appear  under  another  title  in  the  great  majority  of  the  best  MSS., 
while  a  number  of  othere  indicate  thut  they  were  not  regarded  as  a  legitimate  part  of  the  work  j  they  are  pervaded  by 
an  anti-Jewish  spirit  quit*  out  of  harmony  with  the  remaining  chapters  (cf.  chaps,  i.  and  ii.  passim) ;  they  contain 
clear  evidence  that  their  author  was  familiar  with  the  New  Testament  writings  (cf.  i.  30,  33,  37  ;  ii.  13,  26,  36,  45,  47 ; 
XV.  8,  35  ;  xvi.  54) ;  they  are  wanting  in  the  Oriental  versiou.s.  {  Fritzsche  has  published  a  critical  Latin  text  of  this 
portion  of  the  work,  under  the  title  "  Liber  Esdrx  Quttiius,"  in  his  Libri  Apoc.  Yet.  Test.,  pp.  64">-653.)  There  is 
also  a  brief  interpolation  at  vii.  28,  where  the  word  "Jesus  "  has  been  substituted  in  the  Latin  text  for  "  Mes.«lah,''' 
which  is  properly  given  in  the  .\rabic  and  Ethiopic  versions.  And  not  only  has  new  matter  been  introduced,  but  a 
long  and  an  important  passage,  between  vers.  35  and  36  of  chap,  vii.,  has,  apparently  for  dogmatic  reasons,  been  sup- 
pressed in  the  Latin  text,  though  found  in  the  Oriental  versions.  It  not  only  bears  in  itself  all  the  marks  of  genuino 
ness,  but  was  quoted  as  a  part  of  the  work  by  Ambrose  ( De  Bono  Mart.,  c.  x.  Cf .  other  passages  cited  by  Bensly,  pp 
74-76),  and,  what  is  still  more  to  the  point,  has  been  recently  discovered  In  its  original  Latin  form  (  The  Missing  Frag' 
tnenl,  etc.,  Cambridge,  1875),  and  restored  to  its  former  place.  The  probable  ground  of  objection  to  the  passage  was, 
that  in  connection  with  a  description  of  the  intermediate  state  there  is  found  a  most  emphatic  denial  of  the  efficacy  of 
intercessory  prayers  after  death.  Jerome  warmly  rebuked  a  i\Titer  of  his  day  (Vigilantius)  who  adduced  it  as  support- 
ing his  views  ("  Ta  vigilans  dortnis,  et  dormiens  scribis :  et  proponis  mihi  librum  apocryphum,  qui  sub  nomine  Esdrse  a 
te,  et  sitnilibua  tuts  legi/ur :  ubi  scnpfum  est,  quod  post  tnortfrn  nullus  pro  aliis  audeat  deprecari  :  qium  ego  librum  nun- 
quam  Ugi.  Quid  enim  necesse  est  in  fnanus  .^uiyitre,  quod  EtcUsia  non  recipit?^^  Contra  Vigilant.,  c.  TU.))  and  that 
fact  of  itself  may  have  been  sufficient  to  lead  to  its  being  s'.ricken  from  the  work. 

The  original  l.\ngua6e  of  2  Esdras  was  undoubtedly  Greek.     The  matter  was  at  one  time  somewhat  discussed 

whether  the  work  was  not  composed  in  Hebrew,  but  no  tangible  arguments  were  ever  adduced  for  such  a  theory,  and 

the  basis  of  some  of  them  was  no  more  than  the  fact  that  Ilebrew  words  were  found  written  on  the  margin  of  this 

book  in  the  Latin  Bible  of  H  Stephens  (Lutet.,  1545),  though,  in  fact,  they  had  been  written  there  simply  as  Uehrew 

41 


H42  APPENDIX. 


equivalents  throwing  light  on  the  Latin  expression,  by  Cholinus,  in  modernizing  the  old  version  (cf .  Bensly,  p.  3,  note) 
The  influence  of  the  Greek,  on  the  other  hand,  is  everywhere  apparent  in  the  translations  made  from  it,  especially  in 
the  Latin,  which  is  the  most  literal.  In  some  cases,  for  instance,  in  harmony  with  the  Greek  idiom,  an  adjective  in 
the  comparative  is  made  to  govern  the  genitive  case  instead  of  the  ablative.  The  preposition  ex  is  also  constructed 
with  the  genitive  (v.  23,  24)  and  so,  too,  dt  (xi.  29).  There  are,  moreover,  numerous  mistakes  made  in  gender,  appar- 
ently for  the  same  reason  (vii.  31  ;  ix.  2,  26 ;  xi.  29  ;  xiii.  11 ;  xvi.  51,  according  to  Codd.  S.  and  A.).  The  citations 
made  by  early  Christian  wi'iters  lead  to  the  same  conclusion  (?Epistle  of  Barnabas,  c.  xii. ;  cf,  2  Esdrae,  v.  5.  See 
also  the  citation  made  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  noticed  above).  And  if  the  work,  as  it  is  supposed,  first  appeared  in 
Egypt,  the  Greek  language  would  have  been  the  one  most  naturally  employed  at  this  period  in  its  composition.  (An 
effort  to  restore  the  Greek  text  has  been  made  by  Hilgenfeld,  Mesaim  Jttdxorum,  pp.  35-113.) 

The  ancient  VERSIo^s  of  2  Esdras  are  fiTe,  the  Latin,  i^yriac,  Ethiopic,  Arabic,  aud  Armenian,  and  they  serve  to  show 
the  early  popularity  and  wide  circulation  of  the  book  in  the  Christian  church.  The  first  three,  at  least,  were  made 
directly  from  the  Greek  (cf.  Fritzsche,  /.  c,  p.  xsix.  f.).  The  Latin,  though  in  itself  the  most  valuable  of  these  ver- 
sions, and  for  a  long  [)eriod  the  sole  lepre-entative  of  the  text,  had  become  exceedingly  coma]>ted  in  its  transmission, 
and  in  consequence  nearly  worthless  for  critical  purposes  ('"  Die  Vidgata  too  ed.  Sixtina  paipstlirh  autorisirt,  und  von 
den  Reformirten  dergestalt  beibehalten,  ist  nicht  bios  ein  Geiuisch  des  Verschiedenartigsten,  im  katholischen  Inter- 
esse  corrigirt  wie  verstumrnelt,  sondem  auch  innerhalb  des  zugehorigen  Bestandes  ein  Buch  der  Geheimnisse  und  der 
TJnbegreiflichkeiten."  Volkmar,  Handbuch,  p.  296).  It  was  emended  to  some  extent  by  Fabricius  (1741),  still  further 
by  Sabatier  (1751),  who  collated  for  this  purpose,  among  others,  the  important  Cod.  Sangermanensia  (Paris,  date  a.  d. 
822),  also  by  Van  der  Vlis  (1839)  But  the  first  really  critical  edition  of  the  Latin  text  was  furnished  by  Volkmar 
(18t'-i),  who,  in  addition  to  the  authorities  examined  by  Sabatier,  collated  himself  Cod.  Turicensis  (Zurich,  thirtt-enth 
century),  for  his  work.  Both  of  these  MSS.,  however,  have  been  much  more  thoroughly  collated  (the  former  by  Zoten- 
berg,  and  the  latter  by  Fritzsche)  in  connection  with  new  editions  of  the  text  by  Hilgenfeld  (18G9),  and  Fritzsche 
(1871),  and  in  addition  to  them  a  third.  Cod.  Dresdensis  (Dresden,  fifteenth  century)  by  Hilgenfeld.  It  was  now  sup- 
posed that  the  text  had  been  established  on  a  reasonably  correct  and  permanent  ba.^is.  But  the  di.^covery  of  a  new 
and  very  important  MS.  by  Bensly  has  put  a  new  phase  upon  the  entii-e  matter.  It  had  been  previously  discovered 
tbnt  a  leaf  had  been  removed  from  the  most  valuable  of  the  extant  MS.,  Sangermanensis,  which  leaf  included  a  con- 
piderable  portion  of  chap.  vii.  of  the  book,  and  that  singularly  enough  all  the  other  authorities  examined  had  followed 
this  one  in  tiie  omission.  But  no  one  seems  to  have  had  any  hope  of  ever  finding  the  lost  portion.  When,  to  the 
astonishment  and  joy  of  Biblical  scholars,  Robert  Ben.«ly,  librarian  at  Cambridge,  Eng.,  made  the  discovery  of  a 
MS.  in  an  abbey  at  Amiens,  France,  belonging  to  the  ninth  century,  which  not  only  supplied  the  long  lost  portion,  but 
is  of  the  first  importance  for  the  establishment  of  the  text,  being  \vithout  a  peer  except  in  Cod.  Sangermanensis,  which 
in  orthography,  grammatical  peculiarities,  and  other  respects,  it  greatly  resembles.  This  new  authority  helps  to  the 
solution  of  a  great  number  of  textual  puzzles  in  our  book,  and,  in  comparison  with  it,  Codd.  Turicensis  and  Dresdensis, 
which  are  evidently  based  on  Cod.  Sangermanensis,  are  of  very  inferior  worth.  Bensly  announces  a  new  edition  of 
the  Latin  text  of  2  Esdras  as  already  in  preparation.  In  the  mean  time,  we  are  able  lo  avail  ourselves  not  only  of  the 
complete  text  of  the  lost  portion  of  chap.  vii.  according  to  this  new  Codex  A.  (Amiens),  which  he  publishes  in  fac 
siiriile,  but  also  of  numerous  and  valuable  criticisms  of  other  parts  of  the  book,  made  on  the  ground  of  this  authority. 
There  have  been  already  discovered  more  than  sixty  Latin  manuscripts  of  2  Esdras,  but  only  a  small  part  of  them  have 
been  thoroughly  collated.  Next  to  the  Latin,  the  Syriac  version  is  of  the  most  importance-  A  Latin  translation  of  it 
was  published  by  Ceriani,  in  1866,  and  the  original  text  itself  two  years  later.  Hilgenfeld  has  embodied  Ceriani'a 
I>atin  translation  in  his  work,  Messias  Judff-orum  {pp.  212-261).  The  Ethiopic  version  was  first  published  by  Laurence 
in  1820.  and  in  connection  with  it  a  Latin  and  an  English  translation,  but  from  a  single  MS.  which  was  found  in  the 
Bodleian  Library.  Corrections  of  Laurence's  work  were  made  by  Van  der  Vlis  (1839),  and  a  collection  of  various  read- 
ings from  other  Codd.  by  DiUmann,  in  an  appendix  to  Ewald's  monograph  upon  it  (1863).  And  finally,  Pratorius,  on 
the  basis  of  the  readings  of  DiUmann,  and  collations  made  by  himself  of  a  new  MS.  of  the  work  found  at  Berlin,  was 
able  to  introduce  still  further  corrections  into  the  Latin  translation,  and  in  this  state  it  ^vas  received  by  Hilgenfeld 
into  his  work  before  mentioned.  The  Arabic  version  of  2  Esiii-as,  though  the  first  of  the  Oriental  versions  which  was 
published,  is  of  somewhat  inferior  worth,  on  account  of  the  freedom  with  which  it  is  made.  It  was  reproduced  in  an 
Engliish  dress  by  Ockley,  in  vol.  iv.  of  Whiston's  Primitive  Clirisitanity  Revived  (Lond.,  1711).  The  discovery  of  the 
»riginal  text,  however,  was  made  by  Gregory,  who  also  greatly  overestimated  its  value  (Nofes  ajid  Observations,  etc., 
Lond..  1646,  p.  77).  It  was  first  printed  by  Ewald  (vol.  xi.  of  the  Ab/mndlungen  der  k.  Gesdlschaft  der  Wissenschaftcn 
zu  G'oiiiiigtn).  Corrections  of  Ockley "s  translation  and  Ewald's  text  were  made  by  Steiner  (1668,  Zeitacliri/t  far  w. 
T/ieolosrif.  pp.  426-433),  and  with  his  cooperation  a  Latin  version  was  made  by  Hilgenfeld  and  received  into  his  work, 
Mfssias  Jud.TnTUTn .  But  up  to  this  time  dependence  had  been  placed  on  a  single  and  not  quite  complete  MS.  (Bodl. 
251).  There  is  another  in  the  Vatican  Library,  which  is  said  to  belong  to  the  fourteenth  century.  This  has  recently 
been  published  by  Gildermeister  and  a  Latin  translation  given  of  the  same  (Bonn,  18771.  The  Armenian  version, 
which  is  still  more  free  than  the  Arabic,  was  fir.st  published  in  1666,  in  the  first  edition  of  the  Armenian  Bible,  but 
was  strangely  overlooked  by  scholars,  until  attention  was  called  to  it  by  Ceriani,  in  1861  {Monu/nenta  Sacra  et  Prof., 
v.,  fasc.  1,  pp.  41-44.  Cf.  Bensly,  p.  2.  note).  It  has  been  rendered  into  I-atin,  for  Hilgenfeld's  work,  by  Petermanu, 
who  collated  for  the  purpose  four  MSS.  Translations  of  2  Esdras  have  been  made  into  German  by  Meyer,  for  hia 
edition  of  the  Bible  (1819),  by  Volkmar  (1863),  and  by  Ewald  (1863)  In  connection  with  the  Arabic  text. 

Thb  design  and  plan  of  2  Esdras  are  clear,  even  to  a  superficial  reader.  The  Jews,  in  the  midst  of  severe  oppres- 
eious,  are  encouraged  by  the  prospect  of  deliverance  not  far  off.  Their  heathen  oppressors  should  be  judged,  while 
Israel  would  be  restored  to  the  Holy  Ljind,  there  to  enjoy  the  promised  blessings  of  the  Messiah's  reign.  The  commu- 
nicatimis  made  to  the  writer  are  in  the  form  of  visions,  of  which  the  book  contains  seven.  The  scene  of  the  visions,  or 
revelaiicui.'*,  is  laid  in  Babylon,  aud  the  time  is  represented  as  being  thirty  years  after  the  ''  ruin  of  the  city,"  that  is, 
.Ieru^alt■ul.  In  answer  to  complaiuts  of  Ezra  over  the  prosperity  of  the  heathen  while  God's  covenant  people  were  In 
distress,  the  angel  Uriel  is  represented  as  declaring  to  him  in  the  first  vision  that,  while  the  Almighty's  purposes  were 
in  themselves  unsearchable,  yet  sign*  of  the  last  age  might  be  observed.  The  cup  of  the  heathen  was  not  yet  full. 
They  had  their  appoiuted  time,  and  tlie  most  of  it  had  already  passed.  Further  revelations  are  promised  (iii.-v.  19). 
Through  a  fast  of  seven  days  the  prophet  prepares  him.-elf  for  the  second  revelation.  Again  the  angel  directs  the 
mind  of  Ezra  to  the  inscrutablenesw  of  the  Divine  government.  But  the  history  of  man  showed  that  the  pLans  of  God 
were  gradually  developed.  Along  with  the  ripening  of  evil,  these  plans  would  be  unfolded,  and  God,  the  Creator 
would  bring  tlic-m  to  their  cerfaiin  issue.  Ezra  himself  might  see  by  certain  signs  that  the  climax  was  already  near 
He  departs  with  a  promise  to  make  still  further  communications  (v.20-vi.  34).  In  the  third  vision,  introduced  like  th* 
others  by  complaints  of  the  prnphet.  the  angel  informs  him  that  when  the  signs  already  indicated  shouli  appear,  h« 


THE   SECOND  BOOK  OF   ESDRAS.  643 

would  see  wonderful  things.  The  Messiah  would  come,  together  with  those  who  were  with  him,  and  after  a  reign  of 
four  hundred  years  on  the  earth,  would  die  along  with  all  mankind.  For  "  seven  days  ■'  there  would  be  no  one  on  the 
earth.  But  then  would  follow  the  resurrection  and  the  final  judgment.  The  place  of  torment  is  disclosed,  and  over 
against  it  the  place  of  rest.  Only  a  few  are  saved.  The  punishment  of  the  wicked,  like  the  joy  of  the  saints,  is  un- 
ending. Every  one  receives  according  to  his  deserts,  and  no  intercession  avails  to  change  ones  final  lot  {vi.  35-ix.  25). 
To  the  prophet,  still  unsatisfied  and  uttering  his  complaints  before  God.  there  is  then  granted  a  direct  vision  of  future 
things.  A  woman  laments  tbe  untimely  death  of  her  son.  Ezra,  rebukes  her  grief  for  such  a  cau^e  when  Jerusalem 
itself  was  lying  waste.  And  suddenly,  her  countenance  changes  ;  she  cries  out ;  the  earth  quakes ;  and  in  the  place 
of  the  woman  {who  represented  Israel  mourning  for  .Terusalem),  he  beholds  a  strongly  built  city.  In  the  following 
vision  there  is  seen  an  eagle  rising  from  the  sea.  At  first  it  has  twelve  wings  and  three  heads,  but  undergoes  strange 
transforniatious  as  he  gazes  ;  the  twelve  wings  become  sis,  and  the  three  heads  one.  And,  at  last,  a  lion  appears,  and 
rebuking  with  human  voice  the  eagle,  it  is  consumed  in  flame.  The  meaning  of  the  vision  is  explained  to  Ezra.  The 
lion  is  the  Messiah.  He  will,  on  his  coming,  judge  and  destroy  the  rulers  of  the  earth,  and  him.--elf  set  up  a  kingdom, 
which,  in  harmony  with  a  preceding  vision,  will  last  four  hundred  years,  and  be  followed  by  the  resurrection  and  final 
jud^-ment  (xi.  1-xii.  51).  In  a  sixth  vision,  the  seer  beholds  a  man  rise  out  of  the  sea  and  come  forward  in  the  clouds 
cf  heaven.  Many  come  together  to  fight  against  him,  but  he  consumes  them  by  the  flaming  breath  of  his  mouth. 
Then  gather  to  him  a  multitude  of  a  different  class  :  some  are  in  sorrow,  some  glad,  and  snme  in  chains.  The  man 
who  rose  from  the  sea,  is  he  through  whom  God  will  redeem  his  people.  He  will  destroy  his  enemies  by  the  fire  of  the 
law,  and  lead  at  last  the  ten  tribes  out  of  their  bitter  captivity  (xiii.  1-58).  In  the  final  vision  Kzra  receives  the  com- 
mission directly  from  the  Lord  himself  to  give  instruction  to  his  people,  and  put  his  house  in  order  in  preparation  for 
death.  He  was  to  associate  with  himself  five  men,  who,  for  forty  days,  should  write  what  would  be  told  them.  It  is 
done  ;  and  what  they  write,  though  not  understood  by  the  scribes  themselves,  makes  a  multitude  of  books,  including 
in  their  number  the  twenty-four  of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures,  which  are  thus  restored.  The  prophet  ia  then  rapt 
away  unto  the  place  of  those  like  himself,  *' postquam  scrlpsit  ista  omnia  ■'  (xiv.  1-50). 

The  author  of  2  Esdras  was  undoubtedly  a  Jew,  This  is  clear  from  the  spirit  the  composition  everywhere  breathes 
towards  others  than  that  nation  (vi.  56,  67),  and  that  shown,  on  the  other  hand,  towards  the  Jews  (iii.  30-36 ;  iv.  35 ; 
vi.  oo-o'J  ;  vii.  lU,  11);  from  the  fact  that  its  righteousness  is  the  righteousness  of  the  law  (viii.  33-36;)  from  the 
legends  it  contains  concerning  Behemoth  and  I,*viathan  (vi.  49-52) ;  its  allusion  to  the  ten  tribes  (xiii.  39^7) ;  the  im- 
portance it  attaches  to  the  writing  of  the  cabalistic  books  for  Rabbinical  purposes  (3dv.  44) ;  and,  particularly,  from 
the  striking  contrast  manifest  between  the  principal  work  and  its  interpolations,  which  evidently  came  from  a 
Christian  hand. 

The  date  of  the  work,  however,  presents  a  problem  of  no  small  difficulty.  Its  clear  citation  by  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, happily  sets  a  limit  to  speculation  in  that  direction.  But  whether  it  was  written  after  the  destruction  of  Jeru- 
salem by  the  Romans,  as  most  suppose  (cf.  i.  1),  or  on  the  ground  of  its  doctrinal  position  as  over  against  Christianity, 
particularly  its  statement  concerning  the  death  of  the  Messiah,  which  it  is  thought  no  Jew  would  have  made  after  the 
Saviour  had  really  appeared  and  been  crucified,  it  must  be  held  to  have  originated  before  the  Christian  era,  there  has 
been  the  greatest  diversity  of  opinion.  The  vision  of  the  eagle  is  generally  regarded  as  historically  significant,  and  of 
the  first  importance  in  deciding  the  question  before  us.  Other  data  are  indeed  given,  but  furnish  nothing  that  can 
be  regarded  as  worthy  to  form  a  stable  and  satisfactory  basis  of  reasoning.  At  vi.  9,  for  instance,  it  is  stated  that  the 
present  world  would  end  with  the  rule  of  Edom  ("j5nt5  t/iim  hiijus  s.rndi  Esau,  et  principiuni  sfqueyilis  Jacob.'^)  By 
*'  Edom,"  Rome  was  commonly  designated  in  the  later  times.  And  many  (Ewald,  Oehler,  Langen)  suppose  it  to  be 
here  meant ;  but  others  {Hilgenfeld,  Volkmar)  think  that  it  refers  simply  to  the  Herodian  dynasty,  which  was,  in  fact, 
Idnmsean  in  its  origin.  In  either  case,  this  point  is  of  comparatively  light  importance,  since  the  House  of  Herod 
itself  lasted  till  a.  d.  100.  Again,  the  passage  xiv.  11, 12,  which  declares  that  ten  of  the  twelve  parts  into  which  the 
world  is  divided  ("  divisum  est  sctrtdmn  "■),are  already  gone,  and  beside-;  half  of  a  tenth  part  ("  superanc  autem  ejus  dux 
post  medium  dedmx  parits  "),  is  omitted  in  three  of  the  Oriental  versions,  and  ditfereutly  given  in  the  fourth,  so  that 
it  cannot  be  regjirded  as  sufficiently  well  supported  to  base  an  argument  upon  it.  And,  if  scholars  were  agreed  in  their 
nnderstanding  of  the  vision  of  the  eagle,  these  passage-;  could  well  be  spared.  It  would  seem,  at  first  sight,  to  leave 
nothing  to  be  desired  with  respect  to  definiteness.  But,  like  other  apocalyptic  vision*,  it  seems  destined  to  plunge  the 
present  generation  of  Biblical  scholars  at  least,  into  the  stran^i-st  conti-Hrietii-s  of  opinion.  The  «:igle  has  twelve  priu- 
ripal  winfT',  eieht  smaller  ("  rnunfer  "')  wings,  anl  three  hevl^  K/.ni  hiiU'^elf  explains  the  nieiui'tej  of  thi'  symtiolism. 
They  represent  twenty-three  rulera,  following  upon  one  another  ;  first  the  twelve  principal  wings ;  then  two  of  th« 
enoaller  ;  then  a  time  of  confusion  ;  nest,  four  more  of  the  smaller  wings,  followed  by  the  three  heads.  At  this  point, 
during  the  reign  of  the  last  head,  the  Messiah  appears,  and  the  final  vision  closes  As  nothing  is  said  of  the  remaining 
two  small  wings,  except  that  they  are  "  kept  unto  the  end,"'  it  is  supposed  that  this  period,  as  well  as  that  of  the  over 
throw  of  the  third  head,  was  to  the  author  still  in  the  future,  and  that  he  drew  upon  his  imagination  for  these  events 
Other  points  to  be  noticed  in  the  statements  of  the  author  are,  that  the  second  principal  wing  reigns  more  than  twice 
as  long  as  either  of  the  others  ;  many  of  the  wings,  particularly  the  smaller,  seem  not  to  represent  actual  rulers,  but 
only  such  as  sought  to  rule,  —  preteudei"s  ;  all  appear  to  belong  to  one  kingdom,  which  is  represented  under  the  image 
of  the  eagle,  and  either  ruled,  or  sought  to  rule,  the  whole  of  it ;  the  first  head  dies  a  natural  death  ;  the  second  is 
murdered  by  the  third.  Now  as  it  respects  the  manipulation  and  explanation  of  the.-^e  data  furnished  by  the  book 
itself,  there  are  three  leading  theories  held  among  scholars  in  more  recent  times.  They  are  well  represented  and  char- 
acterized by  Schiu-er  (Neatest.  Zeitgeschichte,  pp.  557-563),  whose  general  course  of  thought  I  shall  here  reproduce 
though  in  a  conden^^ed  and  considerably  altered  form.  (I)  There  are  those  who  think  that  Rome  during  the  time  of 
the  kingdom  and  the  republic  is  meant  ;  (2)  that  it  is  the  Grecian  period  ;  (3)  that  it  is  Rome  under  the  empire. 

(1.)  The  first  theory  is  represented  b)  such  names  as  Laurence,  Van  der  Vlis.and  Liicke  i2d  ed.),  who  refer  the 
vision  to  the  whole  period  of  Roman  hirtory  from  Romulus  to  Cfesar.  The  three  heads  are  Sulla,  Pompey,  and  Caesar. 
The  book  was  composed  shortly  before  (Liicke),  or  shortly  after  (Van  der  Vlis)  the  latter's  death,  or  somewhat  later 
still  (Laurence).  The  difficulty  of  having  more  than  twenty  kings  to  account  for,  when  Rome  really  had  but  seven 
makes  trouble,  still  is  explained  by  supposing  that  later  pretenders  are  meant,  and  party  leaders  during  the  civil  wars. 
But  the  chief,  and,  as  it  is  thought,  insuperable  difficulty  of  the  theory  is  that  the  history  of  Rome  before  the  time 
of  Pompey  is  really  of  no  account  to  the  Jewish  Apocalyptic.  The  reference  can  only  be,  if  Rome  be  referred  to  at 
all,  to  a  time  wheu  it  ruled  the  world, 

(2. J  The  principal  advocate  of  the  second  theory  is  Hilgenfeld.  At  first  {Tiid.  Apokaiyptik,  pp.  217-221),  he  supposed 
that  the  rulers  intended  were  represented  by  the  Ptolemies  (beginning  with  Alexander  the  Great),  but  later  [Zeit^ckrijt 
fvT  w-  Tlifol.,  1860,  pp.  335-358)  adopted  the  view  that  they  were  the  Seleucidae  (beginning  again  with  Alexander  the 
Great).     But  in  both  cases  he  held  that  the  three  beads  were  Co'sar    Antonius,  and  Octaviauus,  and  that  the  Hme  o( 


o44  APPENDIX. 


the  composition  of  our  book  was  to  be  placed  immediately  after  the  death  of  the  second,  that  if,  b  c.  30  (Zeitschri/i 
1867,  p.  285).  One  principal  objection  to  this  position  is  the  fact  that,  in  order  to  make  out  the  twenty  rulers  required, 
those  of  two  kingdoms  must  be  included,  which  seems  opposed  to  a  fundamental  requirement  of  the  problem.  The 
theory  fails  to  harmonize  with  the  rfafa  given  also  in  other  reispects :  in  the  time  assigned  to  the  dominion  of  the 
second  principal  ruler  (which  Hilgenfeld  seeks  to  evade  by  unwarranted  suppositions.  Cf.  Zeitsclirift^  1867,  p.  286  f. , 
1870,  p.  310  f .) ;  in  referring  the  first  bead  to  Caesar,  who  was  murdered,  while  the  text  requires  that  this  one  should 
die  super  lectvm  ;  and  especially  in  representing  that  the  book  was  written  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by 
Titus,  when  one  of  its  principal  objects  seems  to  be  to  comfort  the  Jewish  people  on  this  very  account.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  city  under  Nebuchadnezzar  cannot  be  meant  (i.  1),  and  hence  it  is  only  supposable  that  that  visitation  is 
used  as  a  type  of  the  later  one.  A  special  allusion  to  the  destruction  of  the  city  by  the  Romans  seems  also  to  be  found 
in  the  words  addressed  by  the  lion  to  the  eagle  :  "  Destruxisti  hainiatioius  eorum  quifntctificabant,  et  humiliasli  muros 
torum  qui  te  non  nocnerumS  ''  (li.  42). 

(3. )  They,  consequently,  seem  to  have  the  right  of  it,  Corrodi,  Liicke  (1st  ed.),  Gfrorer,  DiUmann,  Volkmar,  Ewald, 
Langen,  Wieseler,  Gutschmid,  Le  Hir,  who  understand  by  the  eagle  the  Roman  Empire.  All  of  these  scholars  begin 
the  series  of  rulers  \\ith  Caesar,  and  understand  by  the  ruler  whose  dominion  lasted  more  than  double  the  length  of 
the  others,  Augustus.  And  these  points  are  made  surer  by  the  fact  that  also  in  Josephus  {Antiq.,  ii.  2,  vi.  10)  and  in 
the  SibyUine  Oracles  (v.  10-15),  the  enumeration  of  Roman  emperors  begins  with  Caesar  (cf.  Volkmar,  Handbuch^'p.  344), 
while  by  actual  computation  it  is  found  that  the  reign  of  Augustus  surpassed  in  its  length  that  of  any  Roman  emperor 
of  the  first  three  centuries  by  more  than  double  the  number  of  years.  But  these  scholars  differ  among  themselves  on 
some  other  points.  While  Gutschmid  and  Le  Ilir  (they  agree  in  general)  suppose  the  tliree  heads  to  be  Septimus  Sev- 
erus  (b.  c.  193-211),  with  his  two  sons,  Caracalla  and  Geta,  and  that  the  book  was  composed  in  the  year  a.  d.  218  {Le 
Hir  distinguishes  between  the  original  kernel  of  the  work  and  its  present  form),  the  others  refer  the  three  heads  to  the 
three  Flavian  emperors,  Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domitian,  and  so  place  the  period  of  composition  in  the  last  decade  of 
the  first  century  of  our  era.  The  former  theory  is  recommended  by  the  fact  that  it  easily  allows  the  twenty-three 
rulers  to  be  made  out,  while  it  cannot  readily  be  done  if  the  other  be  adopted.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  fatal 
objection  to  this  view  that  the  work  is  cited  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  so  must  have  existed  toward  the  end  of  the 
second  century.  Gutschmid  and  Jx  Ilir,  indeed,  maintain  that  this  part  was  interpolated.  But  for  such  a  supposition 
the  book  gives  no  justification  or  occasion.  Besides,  the  theory  halts  in  several  minor  particulars.  Consequently  w© 
are  obliged  to  take  our  stand  on  the  more  common  opinion  that  the  time  of  the  Flavii  is  meant.  The  voluminous  dis- 
cussions of  the  last  fifteen  or  twenty  years  seem  to  be  tending  to  this  conclusion.  (Cf.  Abbot,  in  his  note  appended  to 
Westcott's  article  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  s.  v.)  In  most  points  the  requirements  of  the  problem  are  fully  met.  Titus 
was  not,  it  is  true,  murdered  by  his  successor,  but  the  belief  that  he  wag,  was  widely  spread  at  the  time.  Aside  from 
these,  the  twelve  principal  rulers  make  no  serious  difficulty,  though  there  is  some  difference  of  opinion  concerning 
them.  There  is  more  trouble  with  the  eight  inferior  ones  (or  six,  since  we  may  suppose  that  the  last  two  did  not  repre- 
sent actual  historical  characters).  But  it  would  seem  that  the  author  must  have  reckoned  among  this  number  the 
several  Roman  gener;ils  who,  during  the  time  of  instability  (A.  d.  68-70),  made  efforts  to  secure  for  themselves  the  rule. 
And,  including  them,  the  number  might  be  made  out.  We  may  accordingly  decide,  with  reasonable  exactness,  upon 
the  date  of  our  work,  supposing,  as  we  must,  that  the  author  wrote  during  the  dominion  of  the  third  bead  (cf.  xii.  27, 
28),  and  expected  the  overthrow  of  the  third  when  the  Messiah  appeared.  "  The  time  of  composition  is  therefore  not 
to  be  placed,  with  Corrodi  and  Ewald,  already  under  Titus  ;  moreover,  also,  not  with  Volkmar  and  Langen  first  under 
Nerva  ;  but,  with  Gfrorer,  Dillmann,  and  Wieseler,  under  Domitian  (a.  ».  8&-96)."  Cf.  Schuri-r,  Neutest.  Zcit^eschichie 
p.  563. 

In  canonical  adthority,  2  Esdraa  ranks  among  the  apocryphal  works  which  are  most  poorly  supported.  It  wa» 
quoted  as  a  prophecy  of  Ezra,  as  we  have  already  seen,  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  [Strom. ^  iii.  16,  lOOj,  iO,  too,  by  Am. 
brose  [De  Bono  Mortis,  x.,  xii.),  and  was  referred  to  with  respect  by  Irenseus  {Adv.  Hot.,  iii.  21,  2),  but,  as  the  con 
temptuous  allusion  by  Jerome  shows  {  Contra  Vigilant.,  c.  vii.,  already  cited  above)  enjoyed  a  not  very  wide  accredited 
circulation  in  the  Western  church.  It  was  admitted  to  printed  editions  of  the  Vnlgate,  however,  previous  to  the  ad- 
verse judgments  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  citations  from  it  are  still  found  in  the  missals  of  the  Romish  churoll. 
Luther  and  the  Reformed  church  rejected  it  as  spurious. 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  ESDRAS. 


The  First  Vision. 

Chap.  III.     In  the  thirtieth  year  after  the  ruin  of  the  city  I,  Salathiel,  who  am  also 
called  Esdras,  was  in  Babylon,  and  lay  troubled  upon  my  bed,  and  my  thoughts  arose  in 

2  my  heart;  for  I  saw  the  desolation  of  Sion,  and  the  abundance  of  them  that  dwelt  at  Bab- 

3  ylon.     And  my  spirit   was  sore  moved,  and  I  began  to  speak  words  full  of  fear  to  the 
Most  High,  and  said, 

4  O  Lord,  who  bearest  rule,  thou  spakest  at  the  beginning,  when  thou  didst  form  ^  the 

5  earth,  and  that  alone,  and  commandedst  the  dust,^  and  it  gave  '  a  lifeless  body  unto  Adam. 

*  I  read  plasmasti  (it  is  found  in  two  codd.)  instead  of  plantasti.  Cf.'Bensly,  p.  23,  the  Arabic  and  Ethiopic  TergioDS 
and  viii.  14,  where  a  similar  interchange  of  these  two  words  occurs  in  one  Ood.    The  Greet  was  probably  eirXao-as. 

2  Cod.  A.  comes  to  the  support  of  Cod.  S.  in  the  leading  pulveri  in  place  oJ  populo,  and  il  is  undoubtedly  to  b« 
adopted.    Cf.  following. 

'^  Both  of  the  leading  Codd.,  S.  and  A.,  agree  in  haying  dedit  instead  of  deduti,  as  the  original  form,  and  the  lattet 
must  be  a  corruption  lor  drdit  tibi.  Cf.  Ti.  58,  54,  "  imperatli  ttrrXf  ut  crearet  coram  te  jumcnta  ct  beslias  et  reptilia,  el 
tuptr  hij  Adam'^ 


2  ESDRAS.  645 


But  he,  too,  was  the  workmanship  of  thine  hands,  and  thou  didst  breathe  into  him  the 

6  breath  of  life,  and  he  became  living  before  thee.     And  thou  leddest  him  into  paradise, 

7  which  thy  ritrht  hand  had  planted,  before  the  earth  came.  And  unto  him  thou  gavest 
commandment  to  love  thy  way,  and  he  transjjressed  it;  and  immediately  thou  appoint- 
edst  death  in  hini  and  in  his  generations.     And  from  him  were  born  nations  and  tribes, 

8  people  and  kindreds,  without  number.     And  every  nation  walked  after  their  own  will, 

9  and  practiced  strange'  things  before  thee,  and  despised  thy  commandments.  But  thou 
again,  in  its  time,  broughtest  the  flood  upon  those  that  dwelt  in  the  world  and  destroyedst 

10  them.     And,  since  their  transgression  was  om-,-  .ns  there  came  upon  Adam  death,  so  upon 

11  them,  the  flood.     Nevertheless  one  of  them  tliou  didst  leave,  namely,  Noah  with  his  house, 

12  and  from  him  are  all  the  righteous.  And  it  happened,  that  when  they  that  dwelt  upon  the 
earth  began  to  multiply,  and  had  gotten  them  many  children,  and  become  peoples,  and  na- 
tions, a  multitude,  they  began  also  again  to  practice  godlessness  more  than  the  former  ones. 

13  And  since  they  practiced  iniquity  before  thee,  it  came  to  pass  that  thou  didst  choose  thee  a 

14  man  from  among  them,  whose  name  was  Abraham.      And  thou  lovedst  him,  and  revealedst 

15  unto  him  only  the  end  of  the  times,  secretly,  at  night;  ^  and  madest  an  everlasting  cove- 

16  nant  with  him,  and  didst  say  to  him  that  thou  wouldest  never  forsake  his  seed.  And  unto 
him  thou  cravest  Isaac,  and  unto  Isaac  thou  gavest  Jacob  and  Esau.     And  thou  didst  sep- 

17  arate  Jacob  for  thyself,  but  put  by  Esau.  And  Jacob  became  a  great  multitude.  And  it 
came  to  pass,  that  when  thou  leddest  his  seed  out  of  Egypt,  thou  broughtest  them  up 

18  to  mount  Siua.     And  thou  didst  bow  the  heavens,  and  didst  set  fast  *  the  earth,  and 

19  movedst  the  globe,  and  madest  the  depths  tremble,  and  troubledst  the  world.  And  thy  glory 
went  through  four  gates,  of  lire,  and  of  earthquake,  and  of  wind,  and  of  cold,  that  tliou  might- 

20  est  o-ive  the  law  unto  the  seed  of  Jacob,  an<i  diligence  ^  unto  the  generation  of  Israel.  And 
thou  tookest  not  away  from  them  the  wicked  heart,  that  thy  law  might  bring  forth  fruit  in 

21  them.     For  the  first  Adam  bearing  a  wicked  heart  transgressed,  and  was  overcome;  and 

22  so  all  that  are  born  of  him.  And  intirmity  became  permanent,  and  the  law  was  in  the 
heart  of  the  people  along  with  the  root  of  wickedness;  and  the  good  departed,  and  the  evil 

2S  abode.     And  when  now  times  had  passed  away,  and  years  had  come  to  an  end,  thou  didst 

24  raise  thee  up  a  servant,  called  David.    And  thou  eommandedst  him  to  build  a  city  unto  thy 

25  name,  and  to  offer*  incense  and  oblations  unto  thee  therein.    And  after  this  had  been  done 

26  many  years,  they  that  inhabited  the  city  forsook  thee  in  all  things,  doing  even  as  Adam 

27  and  all  his  generations  had  done;  for  they  also  had  the  wicked  heart.     And  thou  gavest 

28  thy  city  over  into  the  hands  of  thine  enemies.  And  I  said  then  to  myself.  Are  their  deeds 
then  any  better  that  inhabit  Babylon,  and  on  that  account  must  Sion  be  in  subjection? 

29  But  it  came  to  pass,  when   I   came  hither,  I  saw  impieties  without   number,  and   my  soul 

30  hath  seen  many  evil-doers  in  this  thirtieth  year.  And  my  heart  failed  me,  for  I  saw  how 
thou  sufferest  them  sinning,  and  hast  spared  wickeil  doers,  and  hast  destroyed  thy  people, 

31  and  hast  preserved  thine  enemies,  and  hast  not  signified  at  all  to  any  one '   how  this  way 

32  may  be  left.  Do  they  then  of  Babylon  better  than  they  of  Sion?  Or  is  there  any  other 
nation  that  knoweth  thee  besides  Israel?  or  wbat  generations  have  believed  thy  covenants 

33  as  Jacob?  Their  reward  appeareth  not,  and  their  labor  hath  no  fruit.  For  1  have  gone 
here  and  there  among  the  heathen,  and  seen  their  abundance;  and  they  think  not  upon 

84  thy  commandments.    Weigh  thou,  therefore,  now  our  wickedness  in  the  balance,  and  theirs 

35  that  dwell  in  the  world  ;  and  it  will  be  found  on  which  side  the  scale  will  sink."  Or 
when  was  it  that  they  which  dwell  upon  the  earth  have  not  sinned  in  thy  sight?  or  what 

36  nation  hath  so  kept  thy  commandments?  Tliou  wilt  find  single  men,  indeed,  by  name, 
who  have  kept  thy  precepts;  but  thou  wilt  not  find  nations. 

1  The  MSS.  are  nearly  evenly  diTided  between  ira  and  mira.     Cod.  A.  hiis  impre.     See  Bensly,  p.  32. 

2  The  t«xt  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  Oodd.  D.  S.  T.,  hi  uno  casu  [castd  S.  and  A.,  but  the  i  is  erased  in  A.)  is  also 
ihat  of  A.  The  text.  rec.  has  in  unoquoque.  Casus  is  to  be  taken,  it  would  seem,  in  the  sense  of  irapdirrMixa.,  Cf . 
Benely,  p.  62,  note. 

3  I  follow  Fritzsche,  who  adopts ^ncm  teviporum,  in  place  of  volunlatem  tuam  of  the  common  text,  in  harmony  with 
(he  Syr.,  Ethiop.,  and  Ar. ;  and  secrHe  nocttt  from  D.  S.  T.  (A.,  secrela  uoctu),  which  is  omitted  in  the  common  text. 

*  Statuisti.  This  is  not  clear.  Hilgeufeld  and  Volkmar  suppose  that  e(retcro«  stood  in  the  original  and  eonjo-as  was 
taken  for  it  by  mista,ke.  And  this  is  certsiinly  an  improvement  on  the  ordinary  text.  A  scholarly  friend,  however, 
BUggests  to  me  that  possibly  the  original  was  e(7T?js  et?  t.  y^c,  instead  of  eanjaas  ttji'  y,)f,  which  would  seem  to  be 
favored  by  a  similar  thought  at  2  Sam.  xxii.  10. 

^  Diligenliam,  i.  e.,  love  for  the  precepts  of  the  law  and  due  attention  to  them.  Cf.  ver.  7,  vii.  73,  and  Bensly,  p.  66, 
note. 

^  Fritzsche  gives  us  offtrret  as  the  form  of  the  text  in  S.  It  is  really  offtn  4'  iii,  which  stands  for  offem  tibi^  as  at 
iv.  3,  ostender  4"  it/'  =^  ostendere  tibi.     Cf.  Bensly,  p.  25,  note. 

'  Nemini.  This  was  an  emend.ttion  proposed  by  Van  der  Vlis,  and  had  been  adopted  by  Hilgenfeld  and  Fritzsche, 
and,  to  our  great  satisfaction,  we  find  it  is  supported  by  the  newly -discovered  Cod.  A.,  in  place  of  inemini  of  the  com- 
mon text.     See  Bensly,  p.  23. 

8  JVon  invenietur  vwmentinn  pniirti  ubi  dedinet.  Lit.,  **  There  will  be  found  no  trace  of  the  indicator  (index  finger 
of  the  balance)  where  It  would  deviate.'*  I  render  according  to  the  sense.  The  word  momentum  is  a  conjecture  nf 
Hilgeofeld's,  and  it  has  been  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 


646  APPENDIX. 


CnAP.  TV.  1     And  the  angel  that  was  sent  unto  me,  whose  name  was  Uriel,  save  me  nn 

2  answer,  and  said,  Thv  heart  is  exceeiHngly  moved  over  this  world,  and   thinlse^t   thon  tn 

3  com))nhend  the  way  of  the  Most  High?  And  I  said.  Yea,  my  Lord.  And  he  answered  me, 
and  said,  I  am  sent  to  show  thee  three  ways,  and  to  set  forth  three  similitudes  before  thee; 

4  whereof  if  thou  canst  give  me  answer  concerning  one,  [  will  also  show  thee  the  way  that 

5  thou  desirest  to  see,  and  1  will  shew  thee  wherefore  '  the  wicked  heart  is.  And  I  said, 
Speak,  my  Lord.     And  he  said  unto  me.  Go,  weigh  for  me  the  wei>;ht  of  the  fire,  or  meas- 

6  ure  for  me  the  blast  of  the  wind,  or  call  back  for  me  the  day  that  is  passed.  And  I  an- 
swered and  said.  Who  of  human  kind  could  do  that,  that  thou  shonlilest  ask  me  concern- 

7  ing  these  things?  And  he  said  unto  me,  If  I  should  ask  thee  how  many  dwellinirs  there 
are  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,  or  how  many  springs  there  are  in  the  beginning  of  the  deep, 

8  or  how  many  ways-  there  are  over  the  firmament,  or  what  are  the  exits  from  paradise,  per- 
adventure  tbou  wouldest  say  unto  me,  I  never  went  down   into  the  deep,  nor  as  yet  into 

9  Hades,  neither  did  I  ever  go  up  into  heaven.  But  now  I  have  asked  thee  simply  of  the 
fire,  and  the  wind,  and  the  day  through  which  thou  hast  pas.sed,  and  of  lhini;s  from 
which  thou  canst  not  be  separated,  and  thon  hast  given  nje  no  answer  concerning  them. 

10  And  he  said  unto  me,  Thine  own  things  which  have  grown  up  with  thee,  canst  thou  not 

11  understand;  how  should  thy  vessel  then  be  able  to  comprehend  the  way  of  the  ilost  Hi^h, 
and,  being  already  corrupted  in  a  corrupted'  world,  to  understand  the  corruption  that  is 

12  evident  in  my  sight?     And  I  said  unto  him.  It  were  better  that  we  were   not,  than   that 

13  we  should  be,  and  live  in  godlessness,  and  suffer,  and  not  know  wherefore.  And  he  an- 
swered me,  and  said,  I  went  into  a  forest  in  a  plain,  and  the  trees  look  counsel,  and  said, 

14  Come,  let  us  go  and  make  war  against  the  sea,  that  it  may  recede  before  us,  and  that  we  may 

15  make  us  more  woods.  The  waves  of  the  sea  also  in  like  manner,  they,  too,  took  counsel, 
and  said.  Come,  let  us  go  up  and  subdue  the  woods  of  the  plain,  that  there  also  we  may 

16  make  us  another  province.     And  it  came  to  pass,  that  thi'  thought  of  the  wood  was  in 

17  vain,  for  tbe  fire  came  and  consumed   it  ;  and  the  thought  of   the  waves  of  the  sea,  like- 

18  wise,  for  tlie  sand  stood  firm  and  stopped  them.      If  thou  wert  judge  now  betwixt  them, 
IB   which  wouldest  thou  justify  ?  or  which  wouldest  thou   condemn?      1   answered  and  said. 

Both*  took  vain  counsel;  for  the  land  is  given  unto  the  wood,  and   to  the  sea  a  place  to 

20  bear  its  waves.     And  he  answered  me,  and   said.  Thou  hast  given  a  right  judgment,  and 

21  why  judgcst  thou  not  thyself?  For  as  the  land  is  given  unto  the  wood,  and  the  sea  to 
its  waves,  so  also  they  that  dwell  upon  the  earth  can  understand  nothing,  but  what  is 
upon  the  earth  ;  and  he  who  is  above  the  heavens,  what  is  above  the  height  of  the 
heavens. 

22,  23  And  I  answered,  and  said,  I  beseech  thee,  O  Lord,  let  me  have  understanding;  for 
it  was  not  my  mind  to  be  curious  concerning  the  higher  ways,^  but  concerning  those  that 
pass  by  us  daily:  wherefore  Israel  is  given  up  as  a  reproach  to  the  heathen,  the  people 
whom  thou  hast  loved  is  given   up  unto  ungodly  nations,  and  the  law  of  our  fathers  is 

24  brought  to  nought,  and  the  wiitten  precepts  are  no  more?      And  we  pass  awa\  out  of  the 

25  world  as  locusts,  and  our  life  is  fear,""  and  we  are  not  worthy  to  obtain  mercy.  But  what 
will  he  do  unto  his  name  which   has  been  called  over  us?     Concerning  these  things  have 

26  1  asked.     And  he  answered  me  and  said.  If  thou  shalt  remain,  thou  wilt  see;  and  if  thou 

27  shalt  long  live,  tbou  wilt  wonder  :  for  the  world  hasteth  fast  to  pass  away  ;  and  shall  not 
be  able  to  bear  the  things  that  are  ]iromiscd  in  their  time  to  the  righteous  ;  for  this  world 

28  is  full  of  sorrow'  and   weakness.     The  evil,  tliat  is  to  say,  about  which  you  ask  me,  is 

29  sown,  but  the  harvest*  thereof  i>  not  yet  come.  If  therefore  that  which  is  sown  .-hall  not 
have  been  harvested,^  and  the  place  where  the  evil  is   sown  have  not  pas-sed  away,  so  the 

30  place  where  the  good  is  sown  cometh  not.  For  a  grain  of  evil  seed  hath  been  sown  in  the 
heart  of  Adam  from  the  besiinning,  and  how  much  ungodliness  hath  it  broui;ht  forth  until 

31  now,  and  shall  bring  forth  until  the  time  of  threshing  come?      Weigh  now  «iih  thyself, 

^  I  read  quarf,  instead  of  unde  sit,  with  A.  D.  T.    See  Bensly,  p.  31,  note. 

*  I  read  I'j./',  whirti  was  a  conjecture  of  Van  dcr  Vlis,  and  lias  been  adopted  by  Fritzsctie,  tliougli  not  by  Hilgenfeld, 
Instead  of  ivji.t  of  the  common  text.    Cf.  Syr.  and  Ethiop. 

8  The  common  text  is,  Et  jam  exterius  corrupto  sa:eulo  intelligtre  rorruplionem  eviJenlem  tn  /acie  mea.  Critics  have 
been  at  their  wit.s'  end  respecting  fxitrius,  and  ^how  no  agreement  in  their  interpretations.  Happily,  the  new  Cod.  A. 
offers  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  difficulty  by  reading  txteTrilit^,i.  ^.,  txtenttix,  "worn  out,"  "corrupted."'  Se€ 
Bensly,  p.  32. 

*  The  common  text  has  uctcjue  for  which  uiriqite  of  S.  and  other  authorities  is  clearly  to  be  adopted. 

^  Viis  was  a  conjecture  of  Van  der  Vlis,  and  has  been  adopted  by  Fritische  ;  common  text,  twis.  Cf.  Syr.  and 
Ethiop. 

*  Fritzsche  omits  pavor,  with  S.  D.  T. ;  common  text,  stupor  ut  pavor.    Hilgenfeld  would  read  m  rtpor. 
'  I  reatl  mastitia,  with  S.  D.  T.,  instead  of  inJuslUia  of  the  text.  rec. 

»  The  common  text  h.ia  dtstructio,  but  S.  read,  originally,  di'sifictio,  and  A.,  flistriclio.  Cf.  the  u>e  of  thuringo  in  th« 
Vulg.ite,  at  Ezcil.  xvii,  !t.  and  sec  llcnsly,  p.  26.     I  render  freely. 

»  The  text  adopted  by  Fritzsche  from  ]>.  is  von  fvutswn  Juerit.  Cod.  A.,  howerer,  has,  as  the  original  reading,  no* 
neiisum  Jaerit,ixs  a  corrected  reading,  nun  mts^inn  furrit ;  Cod.  S.,  nom  juii,  i.  e.,  the  origin.nl  reading  of  A.  S«f 
B«uly,  p.  22. 


2  ESDRAS. 


647 


52  how  great  fruit  of  godlessness  a  grain  of  evil  seed  hath  brought  for  h.  When  ears  shall 
have  been  sown,  which  are  without  number,  how  great  a  harvest  will  they  rnake  up  I 

33,  34  And  I  answered  and  said,  How  and  when  shall  these  things  be?  Wherefore  are 
our  Tears  few  and  evil  ?  And  he  answered  me,  and  said  unto  me.  Do  not  thou  hasten  be- 
yond the  Most  Hi<rh;  for  thy  haste  is  in  vain  against  the  Spirit  itself ;  for  the  Highest 

85  hastens  formanv.'^'  Did  not"  the  souls  of  the  righteous  ask  concerning  these  things  m 
their  chambers,  "sayi"g.  How  long  shall  I  hope  thus?     And  when  shall  come  the  fruit  of 

36  the  harvest  floor  of  our  reward?  And  unto  these  things  Jeremiel  the  archangel  gave  =in- 
•  «wer   and  said    When  the  number  of  those  like  you  shall  have  been  filled  ;_  for  he  hath 

37  wei<rlied  the  world  in  the  l.alance,  and  by  measure  hath  he  measured  the  times,  and  by 
nuniber  hath  be  numbered  ihc  times;   and  he  moveth  not  nor  awaketh,  until  the  saicl 

38  measure  l>e  fulfill.-<l.      And  I  answered   :,nd   s:iid,  O  Lord  avIio   bearest  rul.'.    hut  we  all, 

39  also,  are  full  of  impiety.  And  for  our  sakes  peradventure  it  is  that  the  harvest  floors 
of  the  riahteous  are  not  filled,^   because  of  the  sius  of  them  that  dwell   upon   the  earth. 

40  And  he  Answered  me,  and  said,  Go  to  a  woman  with  child,  and  ask  of  her  when  she  hath 

41  fulfilled  her  nine  months,  if  her  womb  can  keep  longer  the  birth  within  her.  And  1  said, 
No,  Lord,  that  can  she  not.      And  he  said  unto  me.  In  Hades  the  chambers  of  souls  are 

42  Hke  the  womb;  for  as  a  woman  that  travaileth  maketh  haste  to  escape  the  necessity  of 
the  travail,  so,  also,  do  these  hasten  to  deliver  those  things  that  from  the  beginning  were 

43  committed  unto  them.     What  thou  desirest  to  see  shall  then  be  shown  thee. 

44  And  I  answered  and  said.  If   \  have  found  favor  in  thy  sight,  and  if  it  be  possible,  and 

45  if  I  be  capable,  show  me  also  this,  whether  there  be  more  to  come  than  is  passed,  or  more 

46  hath  passed  over  us  than  is  to  come.    What  is  passed  I  know,  but  what  is  to  come  1  know 
4  7  not.     And  he  said  unto  me.  Stand  upon  the  right  side,  and  I  will  expound  a  similitude 

48  unto  thee  And  I  stooil,  and  saw,  and  behold,  a  burning  oven  passed  by  before  me;_  and 
it  haiipened.  that  when   the  flame   had   gone   by,  I  looked,  and   behold,  smoke   remained. 

49  After  this  there  passed  by  before  me  a  cloud  fidl  of  water,  and   sent  down  a  shower 

50  with  violence,  ami  when  the  rain  storm  had  passed,  there  remained  drops  iii  it.  And  he 
said  unto  me,  Consider  with  thyself  :  as  the  rain  is  more  than  the  drops,  and  the  hre  than 
the  smoke,  so  is  the  quantitv  which  is  passed  greater;  but  drops  and  smoke  still  '■emain. 

51  And  I  prayed,  and  said.  Shall  I  live,  thinkest  thou,  until  those  days/  or  who  will  live 

52  in  those  days?  He  answered  me,  and  said,  Concerning  the  signs  whereof  thou  askest 
me,  I  can  tell  thee  in  part  ;  but  concerning  thy  life,  I   am  not  sunt  to   tell   thee ;  tor  i  do 

not  know.  .       ,.  ,    ^i        ,i    t 

Chap   V    1     But  as  concerning  the  signs,  behold,  the  davs  shall  come,  in  which  t  ley  that 

dwell  upon  earth  shall  be  seized  with  great  foolishness,^  and  the  way  of  truth  shall  be  hid- 

2  den,  and  the  land  shall  be  ban-en  of  faith.     And  unrighteousness  shaU  be  increased  above 

3  that  which  thou  thyself  seest,  and  above  that  which  thou  hast  ever  heard  of.  And  there 
shall  be  strife  ou  the  wavs  of  the  land,  that  thou  now  seest  ruling,*  and  it  shall  become  waste. 

4  But  if  the  Most  Hitrh  o^raut  thee  to  live,  thou  shalt  see  after  the  thud  trumpet  *  'TiS     j 

5  sun  shall  suddenly  shiue  forth  in  the  night,  and  the  moon  thrice  m  the  dav  ;  and  blood 
xhall  drop  from  wood;  and  the  stone  shall  give  its  voice;  and  the  people  shall  be  troubled, 

6  and  the  ways  chanced ; «  and  he  shall  rule,  whom  they  that  dwell  upon  the  earth  look  not  for ; 

7  and  the  birds  shalf  take  their  flight  awav  together;  and  the  Sodomitish  sea  sha  cast  out 
fish,  and  give  out  a  voice  in  the  night,  which  many  understood  not,  but  they  shall  all  hear 

8  the  voice  thereof.  And  there  shall  come  confusion  iu  many  places,  and  fire  shall  often 
break  out,'  aud  the  wild  beasts  shall  go  beyond  their  bounds,  and  uieiistruous  women  shall 

9  brin-r  forth  monsters;  and  salt  waters  shall  be  fouiul  in  the  sweet,  and  all  friends  shall 
fio-ht°acaiust  one  another;  aud  then  shall  reason  hide  itself,  and  understanding  withdraw 

10  in°o  iti  chamber,  and  shall   be  sought  bv  manv,  and  not  be  found  ;  and  unrighteousness 

11  and  incnntinency  shall  be  multiplied  upon  earth.  One  land  also  shall  ask  another,  and 
say.  Hath  rin-hteousness  that  doeth  the  right  gone  through  thee?     And  it  shall  say,  No. 

12  Aud   it  shalll-ome  to  pass  at  the  same  time  that  men  will  hope,  but  nothing  obtain;  they 

13  will  labor,  aud  their  ways  shall  not  prosper.  To  tell  thee  of  such  signs  I  have  leave  ;  and 
if  thou  wilt  pray  again,  and  weep  just  as  now,  aud  fast  seven  days,  thou  shalt  hear  yet 
greater  things.  .  . 

14  And  I  awoke,  and  an  extreme  shuddering  went  through  ray  body,  and  my  spirit  was  Sf> 

i  Codd.  S.  A.,  nam  Excdsus  pro  multis.  but  the  text  of  the  latter  has  been  changed  to  ab  txcelso  accepens. 

2  Cod.  A.  supports  the  suggestion  of  llilgenfeld,  impleatw  juslorum  area.  (Cod.  S.,  arex) ;  common  text,  •mpteanlur 
juxlorum  arerr. 

3  I  read  insensu,  a  conjecture  of  Volkmar,  for  in  eeiisit  of  the  common  text. 

i  El  era  incomposaio  (so  S.  aud  T.)  restifio  quam  nmic  wiies  'tgnare  regionem.    Volkmar  readers  :  "  Und  es  wird  zer- 
B-iirfniss  geben  auf  dem  Wege  des  Landes,  welches  du  jctzt  herrschen  siehest,'  and  I  have  followed  it  above.    Th« 
•iithority  tor  ineompmho  (D.)  is  insulHcient.     The  text.rrt.  has  imposilo. 
Titbam.     Hilgeuf eld  adopts  r»r6afa7n.     Cf   the  Oriental!  "ei-sions. 

»  Etgrtssus  (so  A.  and  most  MSS.)  mutabUntur  [commutabuntur ,   S,   T.).     Sjt.,  et  atres  cntnmulabiintuT ;    Ethiop. 
tteSx  cacleni      Might  not  gressiis  here  mean  the  on-going  order  of  things,  and  refer  also  to  the  heavenly  bodies  ? 

'  BmiUclur.    So  Frltzsche,  following  Van  del  Vlil ;  csmmon  text,  remillelur. 


648  APPENDIX. 

15  overcome,  that  it  fainted.    And  the  angel  that  had  come  to  talk  with  me  held  me.  sfreneth- 

16  ened  me,  and  set  me  upon  my  feet.  And  on  the  second  night  it  came  to  pass,  that  I'hal- 
thiel  1  leader  of  the  people  came  unto  me,  saying,  '\^'here  hast  thou  been?  and  whv  is  ihv 

17  countenance  heavy  ?     Knowest  thou  not  that  Israel  is  committed  unto  thee  in  the  land  of 

18  their  captivity?     Up  then,  and  eat  bread,  and  forsake  us  not,  as  a  shepherd  leaveth  his 

19  flock  in  the  power  of  cruel  wolves.  And  I  said  unto  him.  Go  from  me,  and  come  not  nigh 
me  for  seven  days,  and  then  shalt  thou  come  to  me.     And  he  heard  what  I  said,  and  went 

20  from  me.  And  I  fasted  seven  dajs,  mourning  and  weeping,  as  Uriel  the  angel  commanded 
me. 

The  Second  Vision. 

21  And  after  seven  days  it  came  to  pass,  that  the  thoughts  of  my  heart  were  very  grievous 

22  unto  me  again,  and  my  soul  recovered  the  spirit  of  understanding,  and  I  began  to  talk 

23  with  the  Most  High  again,  and  said,  O  Lord  who  bearest  rule,  from  every  wood  of  the 

24  earth,  and   from   all  the   trees  thereof,  thou  hast  chosen  one  vine ;  and  from  all  lands  of 

25  the  world  thou  hast  chosen  thee  one  lanii  ;^  and  from  all  the  flowers  thereof  one  lily;  and 
from  all  the  depths  of  the  sea  thou  hast  filled  ihee  one  river;  and  from  all  cities  built  thou 

26  hast  hallowed  Sion  unto  thyself:  and  from  all  flying  thinss  that  are  created  thou  hast 
called  '  thee  one  dove  :  and  from  all  cattle  that  are  made   thou  hast  provided  thee  one 

27  sheep  :  and  from  all  the  multitudes  of  peoples  thou  hast  gotten  thee  one  people  ;  and  unto 

28  this  people,  whom  thou  lovedst,  thou  savest  a  law  that  is  approved  by  all.  And  now.  O 
Lord,  why  hast  thou  given  this  one  over  unto  the  many?  and  hast  prepared*  the  one  root 

29  above  others,  and  scattered  thy  one  among  manv?     And  tliev  who  did  t'ainsay  thy  prom- 

30  iscs,  and  believed  not  thy  covenants,  have  trodilen  it  down.  If  thou  didst  so  much  hate 
thy  people,  yet  shouldest  thou  have  punished  it  with  thine  oim  hands. 

31  And  it  came  to  jiass,  when  I  had  spoken  these  words,  the  angel  that  had   come  to  me 

32  the  former  night  was  sent  unto  me.  and  said  unto  me.  Hear  me.  and  I  will  instruct  thee; 

33  and  give  attention  to  me.  and  I  will  tell  thee  more.  And  I  said.  Speak,  my  Lord.  And 
he   said    unto   me,  Thou   art   too   much   moved   in  spirit  over  Israel;  lovest  thou  it  better 

34  than  he  that  made  it  ?  And  I  said  to  him.  No.  Lord,  but  in  grief  have  I  spoken;  for  my 
reins  pain  me  every  hour,  while  I  seek  to  eonipreliend  the  way  of  the  Most  High,  and  to 

35  search  out  a  part^  of  his  judgment.  Xn>\  he  said  unto  me.  Thou  canst  not.  And  I  said, 
Wherefore,  Lonl?  Whereunto  was  I  born  then?  or  why  became  not  my  mother's  womb 
my  grave,  that  I  might  not  have  seen  the  travail  of  ,Tacob,  and  the  wearisome  toil  of  the 

36  race  of  Israel  ?  And  he  said  unto  me,  Number  for  me  the  things  that  are  not  yet  come,  and 
gather  together  for  me  the  drops  that  are  scattered  abroad,  and  make  for  me  the  witheied 

37  flowers  green  again,  and  open  for  me  the  chambers  that  are  closed,  and  bring  forth  tor 
me  the  win<ls  that  are  shut  up  in  them;  or  show  me  the  ])icture  of  a  voice  :  an<l  then  I  will 

38  show  to  thee  the  thing  that  thou  askest  to  know.      And  I  said,  O  Lord  who   bearest  rule, 

39  who  can  know  this,  but  he  that  hath  not  his  dwelling  with  men?     But  I  am  unwise;  how 

40  could  I  then  speak  of  these  things  whereof  thou  askest  me?  And  he  said  unto  me,  As  thou 
canst  do  none  of  these  things  that  I  have  spoken  of,  so  canst  thou   not  find   out  my  judg- 

41  ment,  or  the  end  of  the  love'  that  I  have  promised  unto  my  people.  And  I  said.  Yet  be- 
hold, O  Lord,  thou  art  nigh  unto  them  that  live  till  the  end,  and  what  shall  they  do  that 

42  have  been  before  me,  or  we.  or  they  that  shall  be  after  us?  And  he  said  unto  me,  I  will 
liken   my  judgment   unto  a  crown:  the   last  cometh   not  too  late,  as  the  first  came  not  too 

43  early.  And  I  answered  and  said,  Couldest  thou  not  then  make  what  has  happened,  and  is 
now,  and  that  shall  be  in  the  future,  at  once;  that  thou  mightest  show  thy  judgment  the 

44  sooner?     And  he  answered  me,  and  said.  The  creature  cannot  hasten  beyond  the  Crea- 

45  tor;  nor  could  the  world  hold  them  at  once  that  are  created  therein.  And  I  said.  As  thou 
hast  said  unto  thy  servant,  that  thou  calledst  the  creation  made  by  thee  at  once  into  l>e- 

46  ing,  and  the  creation  bore  it,  so  it  might  now  also  bear  future  things  "•  at  once.  And  he  said 
unto  me,  Ask  the  womb  of  a  woman,  and  say  unto  it.  If  thou  bringest  forth  ten  '  children, 

'  So  A.  and  others.    Cf.  the  OrieDtal  versions. 

»  Fovf.am  is  retained  by  Fritzsche,  but  mu.st  be  a  mistalte.  The  oriental  versions  have  regitmem  or  campum.  Volk- 
mar,  G*fiide.     Hilgenfeld,  x^P*^**,  and  p.  126,y«n^/w»i. 

3  Nominasti.    More  likely,  eKoActra^,  i.  e.,  vocasti^  in  the  original,  than  tovo/ioo-as.    Cf.  Volkmar,  p.  28. 

*  Dehonestasti  is  adopted  by  Volkmar,  in  harmony  with  the  Oriental  versions.  Fritzsche  retains  pratparasti  of  the 
tfxt,  rfr. 

B  Pnrum.  Accnraine  to  Volkmfir,  Ta  rdyfia  probably  stood  in  the  original,  which  also  might  mean  "part,*'  bt: 
fhould  here  have  been  rendered,  with  the  Kthiop.,  by  ordtnem. 

'  Finem  carilalis  la  loiTcction  of  Van  der  Vlis,  and  adopted  by  Fritzsche) ;  common  teit,  in  _fiiie  (S.  T.,Jinem)  chart- 
latent. 

T  So  I  render  with  Volkm.ir.  The  originiil  citation  wiv'*  immedi.ite.  So  the  Scriptures  told  him.  Would  it  b« 
llftrder  to  bcHr  «n  immedinte  n-velation  of  tlip  fufiii*  ? 

■  Drctm.    So  Volkmar,  Hilgfnfeld,  and  I'rit2>che  (cf  Oriental  veri'ions) :  common  text,  «t  if. 


2  ESDRAS.  649 


47  why  one  after  another  ?     Request  it  therefore  to  bring  forth  ten  at  once.     And  I  said,  It 

48  cannot  indeed,  but  in  its  time.     And  he  said  unto  me,  And  I  have  given  a  womb  to  the 

49  earth  for  those  that  are  sown  in  it  in  their  times.  For  as  a  young  child  bringeth  not  forth, 
nor  they  that  are  aged  any  longer,  so  have  I  disposed  the  world  which  I  created. 

50  And  I  asked,  and  said.  Seeing  thou  hast  now  opened  to  me  the  way,  I  will  speak  before 
thee :  Our  mother,  of  whom  thou  hast  told  me,  is  ^  she  young  ?  or  draweth  she  already  nigh 

51  unto  age  ?     He  answered  me,  and  said.  Ask  a  woman  that  beareth  children,  and  she  shall 

52  tell  thee.     Say  unto  her,  AVherefore  are  not  they  whom  thou  hast  now  brought  forth  like 

53  the  earlier  ones,  but  less  of  stature?  And  she  also  will  tell  thee,  They  that  are  born  in  the 
strength   of  youth  are  of  one  kind,  and  they  that  are  born  in  the  time  of  age,  when  the 

54  womb  failcth,  of  another.     Consider  thou  therefore  also,  that  ye  are  less  of  stature  than 

55  those  that  were  before  you;  and  they  that  come  after  you  less  than  ye,  as  creatures  that 

56  now  begin  to  be  old,  and  have  passed  beyond  the  strength  of  youth.  And  I  said.  Lord,  I 
beseech  thee,  if  I  have  found  favor  in  thy  sight,  shew  thy  servant  by  whom  thou  visitest 
thy  creature. 

Chap.  VI.  1     And  he  said  unto  me.  In  the  beginning  of  the  circle  of  the  earth,  and  before 

2  the  ends  of  the  world  stood,  and  before  the  assembled  winds  blew,  and  before  the  voice 
of  thunderings  resounded,  and  before  the  glitter  of  lightning  shone,  and  before  the  founda- 

3  tions  of  paradise  were  laid,  and  before  the  fair  flowers  were  seen,  and  before  the  movable 
forces  were  established,  and  before  the  innumerable  hosts  of  angels  were  gathered  to- 

4  gether,  and  before  the  heights  of  the  air  were  lifted  up.  and  before  the  measures  of  the 

5  firmament  were  named,  and  before  the  footstool  of  Siou  was  built, ^  and  before  the  present 
years  were  sought  out,  and  before  the  inventions  of  them  that  now  sin  were  estranged,  and 

6  they  were  sealed  that  have  gathered  faith  as  a  treasure  :  then  did  I  consider  these  things, 
and  they  were  made  through  me  alone,  and  through  none  other,  as  by  me  also  they  shall 
be  ended,  and  by  none  other. 

7  And  I  answered  and  said,  What  shall  be  the  separation  of  the  times?  or  when  shall  be 

8  the  eml  of  the  first,  and  the  beginning  of  that  which  foUoweth  ?  And  he  said  unto  me, 
From  Abraham  unto  Abraham's  seed  :  since  Jacob  and  Esau  were  born  from  him ;  for 

9  Jacob's  hand  held  from  the  first  the  heel  of  Esau.'   For  Esau  is  the  end  of  this  world,  and 

10  Jacob  is  the  beginning  of  that  which  foUoweth.  The  liand  of  a  man  *  is  betwixt  heel  and 
hand  ;  further,  Esdras,  ask  thou  not. 

11  And  I  answered  and  said,  O  Lord  who  bearest  rule,  if  I  have  found  favor  in  thy  sight, 

12  I  beseech  thee,  show  thy  servant  the  end  of  thy  tokeus,  whereof  thou  showedst  me  part 

13  the  preceding  night.     And  he  answered  and  said  unto  me,  Stand  up  upon  thy  feet,  and 

14  thou  shalt  hear  a  mighty  sounding  voice.     And  it  shall  be  as  if  the  place  upon  which  thou 

15  standest  were  greatly  moved.^     Thereby  when  it  speaketh  be  not  afraid,  for  the  word  is 

16  of  the  end  ;  and  the  foundation  of  the  earth  will  understand,  because  the  speech  is  con- 
cerning it  ;  it  trembleth  and  is  moved,  for  it  knoweththat  its  end  and  change  must  come.* 

1  7  And  it  happened,  that  when  I  heard  it  I  stood  up  upon  my  feet,  and  hearkened.   And  behold 

18  a  voice  that  spake,  and  the  soimd  of  it  was  like  the  sound  of  many  waters.  And  it  said, 
Behold  the  days  come.    And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  when  I  begin  to  draw  nigh,  I  will  visit 

19  them  that  dwell  upon  the  earth  ;  and  when  I  shall  l)egin  to  make  inquisition  of  them,  that 
have  hurt  unjustly  with  their  unrighteousness,  and  when  the  humiliation  of  Sion  shall  have 

20  been  fulfilled,  and  when  the  world,  that  will  begin  to  vanish  away,  shall  be  sealed,  I  will 
show  these  tokens  :  the  books  shall  be  opened  before  the  firmament,  and  thev  shall  see 

21  all  together  ;  and  the  children  of  a  year  old  shall  speak  with  their  voices  ;  and  women  with 
child  shall  bring  forth  untimely  children  of  three  and  four  months  old,  and  they  shall  live, 

22  and  be  raised  up;  and  suddenly  shall  the  sown  places  appear  unsown,  and  the  full  store- 

23  houses  shall  suddenly  be  found  empty  ;  and  a  trumpet  shall   give  a  sound,  which  when  he 

24  heareth,  every  man  shall  suddeuly  be  afraid.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass  at  that  time,  that 
friends  shall  fight  one  against  another  like  enemies,  and  the  earth  shall  stand  in  fear  with 
those  that  inhabit  it ;  and  the  springs  of  the  fountains  shall  stand  still,  that  for  three  hours 

26  they  may  not  run.'  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  every  one  who  remaineth  from  all  these 
tliat  I  have  told  thee  of  shall  escape,  and  see  my  salvation,  and  the  end  of  my  '  world. 

1  Num.  was  a  suggestion  of  Volkmar  (adopted  by  Fritzsche),  for  nam  of  the  MSS. 

2  The  text.  rec.  has  tsstuarent  camini  in  Sion-  For  the  second  word,  S.  A.  give  camUlum  {for  tcamiUum)^  and  the 
first  word  is  doubtless  a  corruption  foTjirmaretuj  or  (sdificaretur .    See  Bensly,  p.  26,  note. 

3  I  follow  HUgenfeld  ;  Ab  Abraham  usque  ad  Abraham  (so  S.  Of.  the  Greets  of  Hitgenfeld,  p.  55).  Quoniam  natut  ett 
B&  eo  Jacob  et  Esau,  77iartus  enim  Jacob  tenebat  ab  initio  calcaneum  Esau. 

*  That  is,  the  government  of  a  man,  apparently.     Hilgenfeld  would  write  membra  for  manus. 

&  Stent  commottone  eommovebitur  locus.  The  second  word  was  a  happy  conjecture  of  Van  der  Vlis.  The  conunom 
text  has  commotio  nee.    See  Bensly,  p  27,  note. 

s  I  haye  rendered  freely.    The  Latin  is,  seit  enim  quMttamJinem  eorum  oportet  commutari. 

^  The  original  reading  suems  to  have  been  ut  non  decwrant  (3.,  Hi  fWf»  dttnirrunt)  and  not  as  text,  rec.^  tt  non  decw- 
rent. 

•  Text,  fee.,  falsely,  lestri. 


650  APPENDIX. 


26  And  the  men  that  have  been  taken  up  shall  see  it,  who  have  not  tasted  death  from  their 
birth;  and  the  heart  of  those  who  inhabit  the  earth  shall  be  changed,  and  turned  to  an- 

27,  28  other  feeling.  For  evil  shall  be  blotted  out,  and  deceit  shall  be  quenched  ;  but  faith 
sbiill  flourish,  and  corruption  shall  be  overcome,  and  the  truth,  which  hath  been  so  long 
without  fruit,  shall  be  manifested. 

29  And  it  came  to  pass  that  when  it'  talked  with  me.  behold,  the  place  upon  which  I  stood 

30  w.as  somewhat   moved. ^     And   he  said  unto  me,  I  am  come  to   show  thee  these  things. 

31  And  with  the  opportunity  of  the  coming  night'  if  thou  wilt  pray  yet  more,  and  fast  seven 

32  days  again,  I  will  tell  thee  greater  things.  Already  long  since  thy  voice  reached  the  ear 
of  the  Most   High  ;  *  for  the  Mighty  hath  seen  thy  righteous  dealing,  he  hath  taken  note 

33  also  of  thy  chastity,  which  thou  hast  had  ever  since  thy  youth ;  and  therefore  hath  he 
sent  me  to  show  thee  all  these  things,  and  to  say  unto  thee,  Be  of  good  comfort,  and  fear 

34  not ;  and  hasten  not.  with  the  times  that  are  past,  to  think  vain  things,  that  thou  mayest 
not  hasten  '  from  the  latter  times. 

The  Third  Vision. 

35  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  I  wept  again,  and  fasted  seven  days  in  like  manner, 

36  that  I  might  fulfill  the  three  weeks  of  which  he  told  me.  And  it  came  to  pass,  that  in  the 
eighth  night  my  heart  was  troubled  within  me  again,  and  I  began  to  speak  before  the  Most 

37,  38  High.  For  my  spirit  was  greatly  kindled,  and  my  soul  was  in  distress.  And  I  said, 
O  Lord,  thou  spakest  in  the  beginning  of  the  creation,  on  the  first  day,  saying,  Let  heaven 

39  and  earth  be ;  an<l  thy  word  completed  the  work.  And  then  was  the  Spirit  brooding,  and 
darkness  and  silence  were  on  every  side  ;  the  sound  of  man's  voice  had  not  yet  come  from 

40  thee.   Then  oommandedst  thou  a  clear  light  to  come  forth  from  thy  treasures,  that  thy  work 

41  might  appear.  And  upon  the  second  day  thou  raadest  further  the  spirit  of  the  firma- 
ment, and  comniandedst  it  to  part  asunder  and  to  make  a  division  betwixt  the  waters, 

42  that  the  one  part  might  go  up,  and  the  other  remain  beneath.  And  upon  the  third  day 
thou  ilidst  conmiand  that  the  waters  should  be  gathered  in  the  seventh  part  of  the  earth  ; 
but  six  parts  hast  thou  dried  up,  and  kept,  to  the  intent  that  some  of  these  being  planted 

43  by  God,^  and  tilled,  might  serve  thee.     For  as  soon  as  thy  word  went  forth  the  work  was. 

44  For  immediately  there  came  forth  a  great  abundance  of  fruit,  and  divers  pleasures  for  the 
taste,  and  flowers  of  inimitable  coloring,  and  indiscoverable  '  odors  ;  and  this  was  done  the 

45  third  day.     But  upon  the  fourth  d.ay  thou  commandedst  that  the  sun  should  shine,  the 

46  njoon  give  her   light,  the  stars  should  be  in  order  ;  and  gavest  them  their  charge  to  do 

47  service  unto  man,  that  was  to  be  formed.  But  upou  the  fifth  day  thou  commandedst  the 
seventh  part,  where  the  waters  were  gathered,  to  bring  forth  living  creatures,  both  fowls 

48  and  fishes;  and  so  the  dumb  and  soulless  water  brought  forth  living  things  as  it  was  com- 

49  manded,  that  the  nations  hereby  might  speak  of  thy  wondrous  works.    And  then  didst  thou 

50  let  two  living  creatui-es  *  live,  the  one  thou  calledst  Enoch,  and  the  other  Leviathan  ;  and 
thou  didst  separate  the  one  from  the  other;   for  the  seventh  part,  where  the  water  was 

61  gathered  together,  could  not  bold  them.      And  unto  Enoch  thou  gavest  one  part,  which 

52  was  dried  up  the  third  day,  to  dwell  in  it,  where  the  thousand  hills  ^  are ;  but  unto  Leviathan 
thou  gavest  the  seventh,  moist  part ;  and  thou  hast  kept  them  to  be  devoured  by  whom 

53  thou  wilt,  and  when  thou  wilt.  But  upon  the  si.xth  day  thou  gavest  commandment  unto 
the  earth,  that  it  should  bring  forth  before  thee  beasts,  and  cattle,  and  creeping  things  ; 

54  and  after  these,  Adam,    whom   thou  madest  lord  over  all  the  works  which   thou  didst 

55  make  ;  and  from  him  come  we  all,  also  the  people  whom  thou  hast  chosen.  Now  all  this 
have  I  spoken  before  thee,  O  Lord,  because  thou  hast  said  that  thou  madest  the  world  i' 

^  That  is,  the  voice.    Cf.  ver.  17. 

2  The  reading  of  S.  is  intuebatur  (so  A.)  super  qmm  stabam  super  eum.  Text.  ret.  has  intuehar  for  the  first ;  Fritzsche, 
comrnovebalur  :  Hilgenfeld,  titubabal  and  efff^xiAAeTo  ;  Volkmar,  imviovibatur. 

3  The  text  is  corrupt,  and  I  follow  Hilgenfeld  rather  than  Fritzsche,  although  they  differ  but  little,  except  in 
punctuation. 

•  Here,  too,  I  follow  Hilgenfeld  :  IlaAat  ^Si;  oko^  ^kovo^  i\  i^ut^  aov  iropil  Ty  v^urry.  Cod.  S.  has  auditu,  corrupted 
in  the  lext.  rec.  to  auditi,  and  adopted  in  that  form  by  Fritzsche. 

fi  Fritzsche  retains  the  text,  rec,  et  Hon  properes.  The  authorities  are  against  it.  Ood.  S.,  tit  non  properaSt  amended 
ui  non properes.     See  Bensly,  p.  21,  note. 

«  The  a  deo  which  is  found  in  the  lext.  rec.  is  doubtless  correct.  See  Bensly,  p.  9,  note.  Hilgenield  and  Fritzsche 
adopt  for  it  adeo.     Both  S.  and  A.  have  a  do. 

'  For  investigabill.^,  Volkniar  and  Fritzsche  write  minvestigabili.^.  Cod.  S.  has  the  former,  but  apparently  in  th# 
sense  of  the  latter. 

•  Let  ....  live.  Lit.,  keep,  preserve.  Duos  animas.  Volkmar,  rfuo  animata ;  Hilgenfeld,  duo  anhnutia.  And 
for  the  following  "  Knoch,"  a  common  conjecture,  expressed  in  the  margin  of  A.  V.,  is  "  Behemoth." 

•  Probably  the  "  thousand  hills  '"  spoken  of  in  Ps.  1.  10,  are  meant.  See  the  Hebrew,  and  compare  the  T;irj:um  oo 
Ihat  passage. 

>*  In  Cod.  A.  u  Mord  has  fallen  out  before  siertUani,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  progenitum.    See  Bensly ,  p.  2U 


2  ESDRAS.  651 


56  for  our  sakes.     But  thou  hast  said  that  the  rest  of  the  nations  born  from  Adam  are  noth- 
ing, and  that  they  are  like  spittle,  and  hast  likened  the  abundance  of  them  unto  the  drop 

57  from  a  vessel.     And  now,  O  Lord,  behold,  these  heathen,  which  are  reputed  as  nothing;, 

58  have  begun  to  be  lords  over  us,  and  to  devour  us.     But  we  thy  people,  whom  thou  hast 
called  thy  firstborn,  thy  only  begotten,  and  thy  dearest  partizan,'  are  given  over  into  their 

59  hands.     And  if  the  world   be  made   for  our  sakes,  why  do  we  not  possess  an  inheritance 
with  the  world?  how  long  shall  this  be  V 

Chap.  VII.  1       And  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  I  had  made  an  end  of  speaking  these  words, 

2  there  was  sent  unto  me  the  angel  who  had  been  sent  unto  me  the  former  nights  ;  and  he 

3  said  unto  me,  Up,  Esdras,  and  hear  the  words  that  I  am  come  to  fell  thee.     And  I  said, 
Speak,  ray  Lord.^     And  he  said  unto  me.  The  sea  is  set  in  a  wide  yjlaee.  that  it  might  be 

4,  5  deep  and  great.     But   the  entrance  to  it  is  so  narrow,  that  it  is  like  rivers.     He  now 
who  would  go  upon  the  sea  and  look  at  it,  or  rule  it,  if  he  go  not  through  the  narrow,  how 

6  can  he  come  into  the  broad?     Likewise  another  thing:  A  city  is  built,  and  set  upon  a 

7  broad  plain,  and  is  full  of  all  good  things ;  but'  the  entrance  thereof  is  narrow,  and  is  set 
on  a  steep  place,  in  such  a  way  that  there  is  fire  on  the  right  hand,  on  the  left  deep  water; 

8  but  only  one  path  lies  between  them,  that  is  between  the  tire  ami  the  water,  a  path  so  nar- 

9  row  that  there  can  but  one  man  go  there  at  oni'e.     If  this  city  now  were  given  unto  a  man 
for  an  inheritance,  if  the  heir  pass  not  through  the  danger  set   before  him,  how  shall  he 

10  receive  his  inheritance?  *     And  I  said,  It  is  so.  Lord.     And  he  said  unto  me.  So  also  is 
1  ]   Israel's  portion.    Because  for  their  sakes  I  made  the  world  ;  and  when  Adam  transgressed 

1 2  my  statutes,  that  was  decreed  which  has  taken  place.  And  the  entrances  of  tliis  world  be- 
came narrow,  and  painful  and  laborious  ;  also  few  and  evil,  and  full  of  perils,  and  attended 

13  with  great  labor.     For  the  entrances  of  the  elder  world  were  wide  and  sure,  and  lirou^'ht 

14  immortal   fruit.     If  then  they  that  live,  labor  not  to  enter  these  strait  and  iransitorv  * 

15  things,  they  cannot  receive  those  that  are  laid  up.     Now  therefore  why  disquietest  thou 
thyself,  seeing  thou  art  but  a  corruptible  man?  and  why  art  thou  moved,  seeinc  thou  art 

16  but  mortal  ?  And  why  hast  thou  not  taken  to  thy  heart  that  which  is  to  come,  rather  than 
that  which  is  present? 

17  And  I  answered  and  said,  O  Lord  that  bearest  rule,  behold,  thou  hast  ordained  in  thy 

18  law,  that  the  righteous  shall  inherit  these  things,  but  that  the  ungodly  shall  perish.  Never- 
theless *  the  righteous  shall  suffer  strait  things,  while  hoping  for  the  wide.     But  they  that 

19  have  done  godlessly  have  also  suffered  strait  things,  and  shall  not  see  the  wide.    And  he  said 
unto  me.  There  is  no  judge  above  God,  and  none  that  hath  understanding  above  the  Most 

20  High.     For  many  of  the  present  time  perish,'  because  they  neglect  the  law  of  God  that  is 

21  set  before  them.     For  God  hath  given  strait  commandment  to  them  that  come,  when  they 
came,  what  they  should  do  to  hve,  and  what  they  should  observe  to  avoid  punishment. 

22  Nevertheless  they  were  not  persuaded,  and  spoke  against  him,  and  thought  out  idle  plans, 

23  and  proposed  to  themselves  wicked  deceptions,  and  said  of  the  Most  High,  that  he  is  not 

24  and  knew  not  bis  ways,  and  despised  his  law,  and  denied  his  covenants,  and  in  his  statutes 

25  liave  not  been  faithful,  and   have  not  performed  his  works.      Therefore,  Esdras,  for  the 

26  empty  are  empty  things,  and  for  the  full  are  full  things.    For^  the  time  shall  come,  and  it 

27  shall  come  to  pass,  that  when  these  tokens  which  I  have  told  thee  of  shall  eome,  the  bride 
shall  appear,  and  the  city  shine  forth,  that  now  is  withdrawn,  and  the  earth  be  manifested, 

28  and  every  one  who  is  delivered  from  the  before  mentioned  evils  shall  see  my  wonders.   For 
my  son  Jesus'  shall  be  revealed  with  those  that  are  with  him,  and  they  that  remain  shall 

29  rejoice  for  four  hundred  years.     And  it  shall  come  to  pass  after  these  years  that  my  son 

30  Christ  shall  die,  and  all  men  that  have  breath.     And  the  world  shall  be  turned  into  the 

31  old  silence  seven  days,  as  in  the  first  beginnings,'"  so  that  no  man  shall  be  left.    And  it 
shall  come  to  pass  after  seven  days  the  world,  that  yet  awaketh  not,  shall   be  raised  up, 

32  and  what  is  corrupt  shall  die.     And  the  earth  shall  restore  those  that  are  asleep  in  her, 
and  the  dust  those  that  dwell  in  silence  in  it,  and  the  chambers ''  shall  deUver  those  souls 

33  that  were  committed  unto  them.     And  the  Most  High  shall  be  revealed  upon   the  seat  of 

>  ^Ttiuiatoretn  earissimum. 
'   Text.  Tcc,  deus. 

*  Cod.  S.  hafi  autem,  but  it  is  not  received  by  Fritzsche. 

*  I  adopt  the  restored  text  of  Bensly,  p.  83,  si  non  hsBres  antepositum  perieulum  pertransierit,  quomodo  aeeipiet  hxrtd- 
uatem  ^uam. 

'  I  80  render  nana  here,  in  harmony  with  the  context.    Hilgenfeld  would  change  to  mala. 

"  Here  Cod.  S.  has  enim,  Cod.  A.  autfm.  These  woivis  were  frequently  interchanged  in  the  MSS.  Cf.  Ter.  47,  an-t 
Bensly*8  note  at  that  place. 

'  Or,  with  Volkmar,  *'  let  rather  the  many  of  the  present  perish,"  who  would  read  pereant  for  pereunl.  It  is  tli*t 
Ceadini5  of  S.     Cod.  A.  hus  perient. 

^  Cod.  S.  has  ecce  before  enim  of  the  common  text. 

*  Syr.  Ethiop.  At  ,  Messia.i,  tlic  frm-  ri':i'linfr.     .See  p.  fUl. 
1"  Iniciis,  with  S    and  notjudieiis  of  the  text,  rte 

"  Cf.  iT.  41. 


652  APPENDIX. 


34  judgment,  and  mercy 'shall  pass  away,  and  long  suffering  shall  have  an  end;  but  judg- 
»o  ment  only  shall  remain,  aud  truth  shall  stand,  and  faith  shall  grow  strong;  and  one's  work 

shall  follow,  and  one's  reward  shall  be  shown,  and  righteous  dealings  shall  be  awake,  and 

unrighteous  dealings  sleep  ^  not. 

36  And  •  the  lake  *  of  torment  shall  appear,  and  over  against  it  shall  be  the  place  of  rest, 
and  the  furnace  of  Gehenna  shall  be  seen,  and  over  against  it  the  Paradise  of  delight. 

37  And  the  Most  High  will  then  say  to  the  nations  which  have  been  raised.  Look,  and  un- 
derstand whom  ye  have  denied,  or  whom  ye  have  not  served,  or  whose  commandments 

38  ye  have  despised.  And  see,  on  the  other  hand,  the  opposite  state:  Here  is  delight  and 
rest ;  and  there  is  fire  and  torment ;  this  now,  wilt  thou  speak  and  say  to  them  on  the  day 

39,  40  of  judgment.^  This  is  a  day  *  that  hath  neither  sun,  nor  moon,  nor  stars,  nor  cloud, 
nor  thunder,  nor  lightning,  nor  wind,  nor  water,  nor  air,  nor  darkness,  nor  evening,'  nor 

41  morning,  nor  summer,  nor  spring,  nor  heat,  nor  winter,  nor  ice,  nor  cold,  nor  hail,  nor 

42  rain,  nor  dew,  nor  mid-day,  nor  nii;ht,  nor  early  morning,'  nor  brightness,  nor  clearness, 
nor  light,  save  alone  the  splendor  of  the  glory  of  the  Most  High,  by  means  of  which  all 

43  begin  to  see  that  which  lieth  before  them.     For  it  will  last  not  far  from  a  week  of  years. 

44  This  is  my  judgment  and  its  determination,  but  onlj'  to  thee  have  I  shown  these  things. 

45  Aud  I  answered,  O  Lord,  I  said   then,  and  now  say  I  again,'  Happy  are  they  who  are 

46  present  and  who  observed  what  was  determined  by  thee  ;  but  also  those  for  whom  I 
prayed!'"    For  who  is  there  among  those  present,  who  hath  not  sinned?  or  who  hath  been 

47  born,  that  hath  not  transgressed  thy  covenant'/     Ami  now  I  see  that  the  future  world 

48  will  bring  delight  to  only  a  few,  Inil  toiment  to  many.''  For  the  wicked  heart  increased 
in  us;  this  alienated  us  from  these  and  led  us  into  corruption  and  the  ways  of  death,  showed 
us  the  paths  of  perdition,  and  brought  us  far  from  life;  and  that  not  a  few,  but  nearly 

49  all  who  were  created.     And  he  answered  me  and  said;  Hear  me  and  I  will  instruct  thee 

50  and  will  admonish  thee  anew.      On  this  account  the  Most  High  hath  not  made  one  world, 

51  but  two.     For  do  thou,  since  thou  hast  said  that  there  are  not  many  righteous,  but  few, 

52  while  the  godless  are  multiplied,  hear  in  reply  :  '^  If  thou  hadst  a  very  few  precious  stones, 

53  thou  mightest  add  to  their  number  lead  and  clay!"     And  I  said,  Lord,  how  could  it  be? 

54  And  he  said  to  nie.  Not  alone  that,  but  ask  the  earth  and  it  will  say  it  to  thee,  beg  it  ear- 

55  nestly'*  and  it  will  tell  thee.    Say  to  it.  Thou  Greatest  gold,  and  silver,  and  brass,  and  iron 

56  also,  and  lead  and  clay.     But  there  is  more  silver  than  gold,  and  brass  than  silver,  and 

57  iron  than  brass,  lead  than  iron,  and  clay  than  lead.  Do  thou  also  fix  the  worth  of  what 
is  precious  and  desirable,  of  that  of  which  there  is  much,  or  of  that  of  which  there  is  lit- 

58  tie.    And  I  said,  O  Lord  who  bearest  rule,  that  of  which  there  is  much  is  of  little  worth,  for 

59  what  is  the  more  rare  is  the  more  precious.     And  he  answered  me  and  said,  Weigh"  with 

60  thyself  what  thou  hast  thought,  for  he  who  hath  something  which  is  rare,  rejoiceth  more 
than  he  that  hath  much.  So  also  with  me  is  the  demand  ot  the  judgment;  '^  for  I  shall  re- 
joice over  the  few,  even  those  who  are  saved,  because  they  are  those  who  have  now  made 

61  mv  glory  chief,  those  through  whom  now  my  name  is  named.  Aud  I  will  not  mourn  over 
the  multitude  of  those  who  are  lost;   for  they  have   turned  to  vapor  and  fire,  have  turned 

C2  to  smoke  aud  are  consumed,  have  glowed  and  are  extinguished.  And  I  answered  and 
said,  O  earth,  wherefore  hast  thou  boi-ne,  if  our  consciousness  was  made  of  dust,  as  also 

63  the  rest  of  creation.     For  it  were  better  that  the  dust  itself  had  not  been  born,  that  our 

64  consciousness  might  not  have  sprung  from  it.    But  now  our  consciousness  groweth  with  us, 

65  and  therefore  we  suffer  torment,  for  we  know  that  we  perish.  Let  the  race  of  men  mourn, 
aud  the  beasts  of  the  field  rejoice!    Let  all  who  are  born  moui'u,  but  fourfooted  beasts  and 

66  cattle,  let  them  be  glad!   For  it  is  far  better  with  them  than  with  us;  because  they  expect 
87  no  judgment,  and  know  no  torments,  nor  salvation  promised  them  after  death.     But  what 

1  Misericordie  is  the  reading  of  Cod.  S. ;  texl.  rec,  miserise. 

2  Cod.  S.,  durmibunt ;  text,  rec,  dominabuntur. 

2  Here  follows,  vers.  3S-lUo,  tlie  lost  fragment  of  our  work  above  referred  ta      I  follow  Beiuly'a  text,  luilesa  other- 
wise mdicated. 

*  I  read  iacus  instead  of  locus.     Cf.  Bensly's  note. 
^  }i(tc  autem  loquo'is  dicens  ad  eos  in  die  judicii. 

B  X  supply  this  woM,  with  Fritzsche  and  the  Arabic  version. 
'   Stro. 

*  Antf  luceni.     Fritzsche  has  dies, 
"  1  follow  Fritzsche's  punctuation. 

KJ  ,Sed  et  [de]  quibus  erat  oratio  mea.    Beosly  suggests  as  the  possible  original :  &AX&  vol  vept  &v  (or  irrpl  rovrevi')  « 

^  I  follow  Fritzsche 's  Latin,  which  Bensly  also  favors.     Cf.  his  note  in  he. 

J-  Ad  kiTc. 

'3  The  text  is  corrupt,  and  I  follow  the  emended  form  given  in  Bensly^s  note. 

'*  Adulate. 

^''  Slant  i-ondera  in  the  text,  but  it  is  clearly  a  corruptioa. 

10  The  Liitin  m&k.m  no  .sense,  and  I  adopt  the  suggestion  of  Bensly,  who  woold  restore  the  original  thus  :  Ovtws  k«2 

4  nap   it^oi  inayyfkia  ttj^  cpiVfuc. 


2  ESDRAS.  653 


68  (loth  it  prolit  us  that  we  shall  live  again,  if  we  are  to  be  tormented?  For  all  who  have 
been  born  are  mixed  up  with  transgressions,  and  filled  with  sins,  and  laden  with  offenses. 

69  And  if,  after  death,  we  were  not  to  come  into  judgment,  it  might,  perhaps,  have  gone 

70  better  with  us.  And  he  answered  me  and  said.  When  the  Most  Hi.ih  created  tlie  world, 
Adam  and  all  who  came  with  him,  he  first  prepared  the  judgment  and  what  pevtaineth  tc 

71  the  judgment     And  now  learn  from  thine  own  words;  for  thou  luist  said  that  consciousnes 

72  groweth  with  us.  Those,  therefore,  who  lived  upon  earth,  are  for  that  reason  tormented, 
because  while  having  eousciousue^^s  they  practiced  unrighteousness,  and  while  receiving 
command uients  kept  them  not,  and   having  obtained  the  law,  they  acted  falsely  with  that 

73  which  they  received.     And  what  will  they  have  to  say  in  the  judgment,  or  how  will  they 

74  answer  on  the  last  day  V  For  how  long  is  the  time  th.at  the  Most  High  hath  had  ]>atience 
with  them,  who  inhabit  the  world,   and  not  because  of  them,  but  because  of  the  times 

75  which  he  foresaw  1  And  I  answered  and  said.  If  I  have  fouml  grace  before  thee,  O  Lord, 
show,  O  Lord,  to  thy  servant,  wbether  after  death  or  now,  when  each  of  us  must  give 
up  his  soul,  we  shall  be  kept  in  rest  till  those  times   come,  in  wdiich   thou  wilt   renew  the 

70  creation,  or  whether  we  sball  be  tormented  at  once.  And  he  answered  uie  and  said,  I  will 
show  you  also  this.     But  do  not  join  thyself  with   those  who   have   despised,  nor  number 

77  thyself  with  those  who  are  tormented.     For  there    is   a  treasure  of  works  laid  up  for  thee 

78  with  the  Jlost  High,  but  it  will  not  be  shown  thee  until  the  last  day.  But  '  we  were  speak- 
ing of  death.  When  the  decision  shall  have  gone  forth  from  the  Most  High  that  a  man  is  to 
die,  the  Spirit  departeth  from  ihe  body  that  it  may  return  agiiin  to  him  who  gave  it,  in  or 

79  dcr.  first,  to  prostrate  itself  before  the  glory  of  the  Most  High.  And  if,  indeed,  he  belong- 
etli  to  those  who  have  despised  and  not  kept  the  way  of  the   Most  High,  and  to  those  who 

HO  have  had  contempt  for  his  law,  and   to  tbose  who  hated   them   that  fear  him,  [he,-e   soids 

81  will  not  go  into  dwelling-places,  but  will  wander  around,  from  this  time  forth  in  torments, 
always  in  pain  and  sorrow.     The   fii-st  kind  ^  is,  that  they  have  despised  the   law  of  the 

82  Most  High.     The  second  kind,  that  they  can  make  no  sufficient  repentance  that  they  may 

83  live.      The  third  kind,  that  they  see  the  reward  laid  up  for  those  who  believed   the  cove- 

84  nants  of  the  Most  High.     The  fourth  kind,  that  they  will  behold  the  pain  laid  up  for  them 

85  against  the  last  day.     The  fifth   kind,  that  they  see   the   dwelling-place   of  the  others  in 

86  deepest  peace,*  guarded  by  angels.     The  si.'ilh  kind,  that  they  see  how  *  men  pass  over 

87  from  them  into  torment.     The  seventh  kind  is  worse  than  all  the  kinds  which  have  b 
before    mentioned,  that   they  shall   melt  with  coid'nsion,   and   consume    with    borror,  an 
shrivel   with   terrors,  as  they  see  the   glory  of   tbe  Most  High   before  whom   they  sinn  !i' 

88  while  alive,  and  before  whom  they  shall  be  judged  on  the  last  day.  But  the  order  of  those 
who  have  kept  the  ways  of  the  Most  High  is  as  foUoweth,  when  they  are  released  from  the 

89  mortal  frame.^     Tarrying  in  it  for  a  time  they  have  earnestly  served  the  Jlost  High  a(L 
imperilled    themselves  every  hour  in   order  to  keep   perfectly  the  law   of  the   Lawgive 

90,  91   Therefore  this  is  to  be  said  eoucerning  them.     First  of  all  they  see  with  great  e.\ulta 

92  tion  the  glory  of  him  who  hath  received   them,  for  they  shall  rest  in  seven  orders.      T' 
first  order  is,  that  they  have  striven  with  great  labor  to  overcome  an  innate  spirit  of  evil, 

93  that  it  might  not  seduce  tliem  from  life  unto  deatli.  Tbe  second  order  is.  that  tliey  see 
the  confusion  in  which  tbe  souls  of  the  godless  wander  about  and  the  punishment  which 

■94  awaiteth  them.     The  third  order  is,  in   seeing   the   testimony  that   he   who  formed  them 

90  beareth  to  them,  that  while  living  they  kept  the  law  that  was  given  them  in  trust.^  The 
fourth  order  is,  in  comiirehending  the  rest  which  they  will  now  enjoy,  assembled  in  their 

M  chambers  in  great  peace,  guarded  by  angels,  and  the  glory  that  awaiteih  them  on  the  last  day. 
The  fifth  order  is.  that  they  exult  over  the  manner  in  which  they  have  escaped  from  that 
which  passeth  away  and  wdl  receive  what  is  to  come  as  their  iidieritance  ;  at  the  same 
lime  they  see  the  strait  and  toilsome,  from  which  they  are  freed,  and  the  broad,  which, 

97  hai)py  and  immortal,  they  will  soon  receive.  The  sixth  order  is  such  that  when  it  shall 
be  shown  them,  how  will   their  face  begin  to  light  up  as  the  sun.  and  how  will   they  becin 

98  to  become  like  the  light  of  the  stars,  from  now  on  incorruptible.  The  seventh  order, 
which  is  higher  than  any  other  before  mentioned,  is  that  they  will  exult  with  confidenci* 
and  that  ihcy  will  trust  without  confusion,  and  rejoice  without  fear;  for  they  hasten  to 
see  his  face  whom  they  served  when  alive,  ami  from  whom  they  recei\e  a  reward  in  glory. 

99  This  is  the  order  of  the  souls  of  the  righteous,  as  they  are  now  declared  ;  and  these  are 
the  kinds  of  pain,  as   before   mentioned,   which   they  forthwith  suffer,  who   have   trans- 

100  gressed.     And  I  answered  and  said,  So  will  there  be  given  to  souls,  after  they  shall  have 

101  been  separated  from  their  bodies,  time  to  see  that  of  which  thou  hast  spoken  to  meV   Al 

*  Natn,  but  tlie  sense  given  seems  to  be  required.  -  That  is,  of  pain. 
3  SiUntio. 

*  Bensly  pays  :  "  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  tiiat  instead  of  quemadmodum  tliere  stood  originany  jplm  (=  quo 
niam )  amodo. 

^  Viuo  cunuptibiii. 

*  PtrjifJi-ni.    Cle*"ly,  another  rendering  would  be  posslb.e.    Cf.  Beoflly'a  note 


S54  APPENDIX. 


he  said,  Thi'ir  freedom  will  last  seven  days,  that  they  may  see  what  hath  been  before 

102  spoken  of,  and  afterwards  they  shall  be  assembled  in  their  dwelling-places.  And  I  an- 
swered and  said,  If  I  have  found  grate  in  thy  sight,  show  nie,  who  until  now  am  thy 
servant,  whether  on  tlie  day  of  judgment  the  righteous  can  give  excuse  for  the  godless, 

103  or  pray  on  their  behalf  to  the  Most  High ;  fatliers  on  behalf  of  sons,  or  sons  on  behalf  of 
parents,  brotliers  on  behalf  of  brotliers,  relatives  on  behalf  of  neighbors,  confidants  on  be- 

104  half  of  those  whom  they  love  best.  And  he  answered  me  and  said.  Since  thou  hast  found 
grace  in  my  sight,  I  will  show  thee  also  this.  The  day  of  judgment  is  the  decisive  day  and 
will  make  manifest  to  all  the  seal  of  truth.  For  as  now  the  father  sendeth  not  the  son, 
or  the  .son  the  father,  or  the  master  the  servant,'  or  the  confid.mt  his  best  beloved,  that 

106  he  may  he  sick,^  or  sleep,  or  eat,  or  be  cured  for  him,  so  no  one  will  ever  pray  on  behalf 
of  any  other  one,  for  all  shall  then  bear,  each  for  himself,  his  own  wrong  doing  or  well 
doing. 

106  And  I  said,  Abraham  prayed  first  for  the  Sodomites,  and  Moses  for  the  fathers  that 

107  sinned  in  the  wilderness,  and  Jesus  after  him  for  Israel  in  the  time  of  Achaz,  and  Sam- 

108  uel  and  David  for  the  destruction,  and  Solomon  for  them  that  came  to  the  dedication,* 
109,  110  and  Elias  for  them  that  received  rain,  and  for  the  dead,  that  he  might  live,  and 

111  Ezechias  for  the  people  in  the  time  of  Sennacherib,  and  many  for  many.  If  in  this 
manner,  therefore,  when  corruption  increased,  and  unrighteousness  multiplied,  the  right- 

112  ecus  prayed  for  the  ungodly,  wherefore  shall  it  not  be  so  then  *  also?  And  he  answered 
me,  and  said.  The  present  world  is  not  the  end;  glory  doth  not  abide  in  it  continually ; 

113  therefore  have  the  strong*  prayed  for  the  weak.     But  the  day  of  judgment  shall  be  the 

114  end  of  this  time,  and  the  Ijeginning  of  the  immortality  to  come,  wherein  corruption  hath 
passed  away,  and  intemperance  is  at  an  end,  infidelity  cut  ofl:,  but  righteousness  grown, 

115  truth  hath  sprung  up.  Then,  therefore,  shall  no  man  be  able  to  save  him  that  is  lost, 
nor  to  oppress  him  that  hath  gotten  the  victory. 

116  And  1  answered  then  and  said.  This  is  my  first  and  last  word,  that  it  had  been  better  not 
to  have  given  tlie  earth  unto  Adam,  or  else,  when  it  was  given  him,  to  have  restrained 

117  him  from  sinning.     For  what  profit  is  it  to  men  in  this  present  time  to  live  in  heavi- 

118  ness,  and  after  death  to  look  for  punishmentV  O  thou  Adam,  what  hast  thou  done?  for 
tliough  it  was  thou  that  sinned,  thou  art  not  fallen  alone,  but  also  we  that  have  come  from 

119  thee.     For  what  jirofit  is  it  unto  us,  if  there  be  promised  us  an  immortal  life,  when  we 

120  have  done  works  that  bring  death?    And  tliat  there  is  foretold  to  us  an  everlasting  hope, 

121  when  we  in  the  last  degree  have  become  vain?     And  that  there  are  reserved  for  us 

122  dwellings  of  health  and  safety,  when  we  have  lived  wickedly?  And  that  the  glory  of  the 
Most  High  will  defend  them  who  have  led  a  chaste'  life,  when  we  have  w.ilked  in  the 

123  worst  ways?     And  that  there  should  be  shown  a  paradise,  who.se  fruit  endureth  forever, 

124  wherein   is   satisfaction'  and  healing,  when  we  shall  not  enter  into  it?     For  we  have 

125  walked  in  unpleasant  places.    And  that  the  faces  of  them  who  have  used  abstinence  shall 

126  shine  above  the  stars,  when  our  faces  shall  be  blacker  than  darkness?  For  while  we 
lived  and  committed  iniquity,  we  considered  not  that  we  should  begin  to  suffer  after 
death. 

127  And  he  answered,  and  said,  This  is  a  condition  of  the  battle,  which  man  that  is  born 

128  upon  earth  shall  fight:  that,  if  he  be  overcome,  he  shall  suffer  as  thou  hast  said;  but  if 

129  he  get  the  victory,  he  shall  receive  what  I  say.  For  this  is  the  way*  whereof  Moses 
spoke  while  he  lived,  saying  unto  the  people.  Choose  thee   life,  that  tliou  mayest  live. 

130  Nevertheless  they  believed  not  him,  nor  yet  the  prophets  after  him,  no  nor  me  who  have 

131  spoken  unto  them,  that  there  should  not  be  heaviness  in  their  destruction,  as  there  shall 
be  joy  over  them  that  are  persuaded  to  salvation. 

132  And  I  answered,  and  said,  I  know,  Lord,  that  the  Most  High  is  now  called  merciful,  in 

133  that  he  hath  mercy  upon  those  who  have  not  yet  come  into  the  world;  and  the  Pitiful,  in 

134  that  he  hath  jjity  on  them  who  walk  in  his  law;  and  long-suffering,  in  that  he  slioweth 

135  long-suffering  toward  those  that  have  sinned,  as  his  creatures  ;  and  bountiful,  in  that  he 

136  is  ready,  indeed,  to  give  where  one  needeth ;  and  of  great  mercy,  in  that  he  multiplieth 
more  and  more  mercies  to  them  that  are  present,  and  that  are  past,  and  that  are  to 

137  come;  for  were  he  not  to  multiply  his  mercies,  the  world  would  not  continue  with  them 

^  The  whole  of  this  verse  to  this  point  is  omitted  in  the  original  portion  of  Cod.  A.,  and  has  been  adapted  to  the  con- 
text by  a  corrrector. 

3  Inteltegat,  but  I  follow  the  Syr.  and  flthiop.,  which  presuppose  iva  vov§  in  the  origioAl. 

•*'  Sanctionem  with  Cod.  S. ;  text,  rec.^  sanctijicationem. 

*  Adopted  by  Volkmar  and  Fritzschc,  though  wanting  in  the  M3S.     It  refers  to  the  judgment. 

^  Potiierunt,  with  Cod.  A.  (cf.  Bensly,  p.  80),  and  not  validly  with  Volkmar,  which,  however,  gives  the  sens*  cor 
rectly . 

"   Cojite,  and  not  tarde  of  the  text,  rec, 

''  .Satitritas,  and  not  securittu  of  the  text,  rec.  Both  the  Ijut  ^zefened  reading  are  notit.'ed  in  the  margin  of 
Ihtf  A.  V. 

-    Vnt.  with  S.,  nut  ftfa  of  the  (<zf .  nc 


2   KSDRAS.  G5o 


138  that  dwell  therein;  and  the  Giver,  since  if  he  gave  not  of  his  goodness,  that  thev  who 
have  coiiimittod  iniquities  might  be  eased  of  them,  a  ten  thousandth  part  of  men  could 

139  not  remain  alive;  and  being  judge,  if  he  did  not  forgive  them  that  were  created  by  his 

140  word,  and  blot  out  tlie  multitude  of  transgressions,  there  would  be  left,  peradventure,  but 
very  lew  among  an  innumerable  multitude. 

Chap.  VIII.   1      And  he  answered  me,  saying,  The  Most  High  hath  made  this  world  for 

2  many,  l)ut  the  world  to  come  for  few.  But  I  will  teU  thee  a  similitude,  Esdras:  As  when 
thou  askest  the  earth,  it  will  say  unto  thee,  that  it  giveth  much  mould  whereof  earthen 
vessels  are  made,  but  little  dust  that  gold  eometh  of,  even  so  is  the  course  of  the  present 

3  world.     There  be  many,  indeed,  created,  but  few  shall  be  saved. 

4  And  I  answered  and  said.  Swallow  down  then,  O  my  soul,  understanding,  and  nrink 

5  in,  O  my  heart,  knowledge.     For  thou  comest  without  thy  choice,  and  u:oest  away  against 

6  thy  choice  ;  for  no  power  is  given  thee  sa\e  only  in  the  short  space  of  life.  O  Lord  who 
art  over  us,  if  thou  suffer  not  thy  servant,  that  we  may  pray  before  thee,  and  thou  i;ivK 
us  not  seed  of  the  heart,  and  culture  of  the  understanding,  whence  fruit  may  come,  how 

7  can  any  man  live  that  is  corrupt,  who  shall  hold  the  place  of  a  man  ?     For  thou  art  alone, 
H  and  we  are  one  workmanship  of  thine  hands,  as  thou  hast  said.     And  since  now  thou  giv- 

est  life'  to  the  body  fashioned   in   the  womb,  and   givest  it  members,  thy  creation  is  pre- 
served in  fire   and  water,  and   nine   months   doth   thy  workmanshij)   endure  thy  creation 
9  which  is  created  in  her.     But  that  which  keepelh  and  that  which  is  kept  shall  both  be 
kept  ;  an<l  having  been  kept,  from  time  to  time,  the  womb  deliveielh  up  what  hath  grown 

10  in  it.     For  thou  hast  cominamled  that  from  the  uieuibers  themselves^  milk  shall  be  given, 

11  the  fruit   of   the   breasts,  that   the   thing  which  is  fashioned  may  be  nourished  for  a  time, 

12  and  afterwarils  thou  wilt  commit  ^  it  to  thy  mercy.     Tliou  clidst  nourish  it  with  thy  righteous- 

13  ness,  and   instruct  it   with    thy  law,   and    reform    it   with    thy  understanding  ;  and   thou 

14  shalt    mortify  it   as   thy  creation,  and   make  it  living  as  thy  work.      If  therefore  thou  dost 
destroy  him  who  with  so  great  labor  was  fashioned,  it  is  an  easy  thing  to  be  ordained   by 

16  thy  commandment,  that  the  thing  which  was  made  should  also  be  preserved.      And  now  I 
will  speak  fully.*     Touching  man  in  general,  thou  knowest  best;  but  I  will,  specilc  touch- 

16  ing  thy  people,  for  whose  sake  I  grieve  ;  and  thine  inheritance,  for  whose  cause  1  mourn; 
and  for  Israel,  for  whom  I  am  heavy;  and  for  the  seed  ^  of  Jacob,  for  whose  sake   1  am 

1 7  troubled.     Therefore  will  I  begin   to   pray  befoie  thee  for  myself  and  for  them  ;  for  1  see 

18  the  falls  of  us  that  dwell  on  the  earth.     But  1  have  heard  of  the  swiftness  of  the  judge  who 

19  is  to  come.     Tlierefore  hear  my  voice,  and  understand  my  words,  and  I  will  speak  be- 
fore thee.' 

20  And  1  said,  O  Lord,  thou  that  inhabitest  eternity,  who  beholdest  from  above  things  in 

21  the  heavens  and  in  the  air  ;  and  whose  throne  is  inestimable ;  and  whose  glory  is  incom- 
prehensible ;  before  whom  the  hosts  of  angels,  whose  service  is  conversant  with  wind  and 

22  tire,  stand  with  trembling  ;  whose  word  is  true,  and  sayings  abiding;  whose  commandment 

23  is  strong,  and  ordinance  fearful  ;  whose  look  drietli  up  the  depth,  and  whose  indignation 

24  maketh  the  mountains  melt  away  ;  and  whose  truth   abideth  for  ever :  O  hear  the  prayer 

25  of  thy  servant,  and  give  ear  to  the  petition  of  thy  creature.     For  while  I  live  I  will  speak, 

26  and  while  I  have  understanding  I  will  answer.     O  look  not  upon  the   sins  of   thy  people  ; 

27  but   on    them  who   serve   thee   in   truth.     Regard    not  the  efforts  of  them  that  bebave  im- 

28  piously,  but  of  them  that  keep  thy  testimonies  in  afflictions.     Think   not  upon  them  that 
have  walked  feignedly  before  thee;  but  rcniemher  them  who  according  to  thy  will  have 

29  known   thy  fear.      Let  it  not  be  thy  will  to  destroy  them  who  have  lived  like  beasts ;   but 

30  to  l(K>k  upon  them  that  have  clearly  taught  thy  law.     Be  not  indignant  at  them  who  are 

31  deemed  worse  than  beasts  ;   but  love  them   that  always  put  their  tiust  in  thy  glory.     For 
we  and  our  fathers  have  acted  according  to  such  customs  ; '  but  because  of  us  sinners  thou 

32  shalt  be  called  merciful.      For  if  thou  be  willing  to  have   mercy  upon   us,  then  shalt  thou 

33  be  called  merciful,  because  we  have  no  works  of  righteousness.     For  the  just,  who  have 

34  many  works  laid  up  with  thee,  shall  from  their  own  works  receive  reward.      For  what  is 
man,  that  thou  shouldest  take  displeasure  at  him?  or  what  is  a  corruptible   generation, 

35  that  thou  shouldest  be  so  bitter  toward  ilV     For  in  truth  there  is  no  man  among  them  that 
are  born,  but  hath  dealt  godlessly ;  and  among  the  faithful  there  is  none  who  hath  not 

36  done  amiss.     For  in  this,  O  Lord,  thy  righteousness  and  thy  goodness  shall  be  declared, 
if  thou  be  merciful  unto  them  who  have  no  store  '  of  good  works. 

*  Text  Tec.  has  guomodo  for  gnoniam,  and  omits  vivificas. 

*  The  word  inatntUis,  after  ntt?nbri.s,  is  rejected  by  the  best  critics  as  a  gloss. 
'  Cod.  S.  has  dispones. 

4  In  place  of  Uomine  of  the  text,  rec,  Cod.  S.  has  dictiis. 

*  The  common  text  omits  seinhte,  found  in  S. 

ft  In  the  MSS.,  the  iuscriptiou  to  the  praj'erof  Esdras  is  here  given  [Initium  verbofum  EsdrtB  priusquam  assumeretwr), 
but  it  does  uot  properly  belong  in  the  test,  and  I  baTe,  therefor«,  with  Fritasche,  omitted  it. 
'  Moribtts,  and  not  inorbis,  as  (""aimonly  read. 

*  So  1  render  ^tth»:a,itiam. 


656  APPENDIX. 

37  And  lie  answered  nie,  and  said,  Some  things  hast  thou  spoken   aright,  and  according 

38  unto  thy  words  it  shall  be.     For  indeed  I  will  not  think  on  the  work  of  tliem  who  have 

39  sinned  before  death,  before  judgment,  before  destruction  ;  but  I  will  rejoice  over  the  work 
of  the  righteous,  and  I  will  remember  also  their  pilgrimage,  and  the  salvation,  and  the 

40  reward  that  they  shall  receive.     As   I  have  spoken   therefore,  so  shall  it  come  to  pass. 

41  For  as  the  luisbandman  soweth  much  seed  upon  the  ground,  and  plaufcth  a  multitude  of 
trees,  but  all  that  is  sown  in  its  season  cometh  not  up,  neither  doth  all  that  is  planted  take 
root  ;  so  is  it  also  with  them  that  are  sown  in  the  world,  they  sh.-ill  not  all  be  saved. 

42,  43  And  I  answered  .and  said,  If  I  have  found  grace,  let  me  speak.  As  with  the  hus- 
bandman's seed,  if  it  lome  not  up,  because  it  receiveth  not  thy  rain  in  due  season  ;  or  be- 

44  cause  tliere  conielh  too  much  rain,  and  corrupteth  it,  so  perisheth  man  also,  who  is 
formed  by  thy  hands,  and  thou  hast  called  him  thine  image,  because  thou  art  like  unto 
himV     For  whose  sake  tliou  hast  made  all  things,  likenest  thou  him  unto  the  husband- 

45  man's  seed?  Be  not  wroth  with  us,  but  spare  thy  people,  and  have  mercy  upon  thine  in- 
heritance; for  thou  art  merciful  unto  thy  creature. 

46  And  he  answered  me,  and  said.  Things  present  are  for  the  present,  and  things  to  come 

47  for  such  as  are  to  come.  For  thou  couiest  far  short  that  thou  shouldest  be  able  to  love 
my  creature  more  than  T.     But  thou  hast  ofttimes  counted  thyself  with  the  unrighteous, 

48  but   never  with  the  righteous.'     But  in  this  also  thou  shalt  be  marvelous  before  the  Most 

49  High  :  in  that  thou  hast  humbled  thyself,  as  it  becometh  thee,  and  hast  not  judged  thy- 

50  self  wnr^hi/  to  be  much  glorified  among  the  righteous.  On  that  account  many  great  miser- 
ies shall  be  felt  by  them  that  in  the  later  time  shall  dwell  in  the  world,  because  they  have 

51  w.alked  in  great  pride.     But  understand  thou  for  thyself,  and  seek  out  the  glory  for  such 

52  as  are  like  thee.  For  unto  you  is  paradise  opened,  the  tree  of  life  is  planted,  the  time  to 
come  is  prepared,  abundance  is  prepared,  a  city  is  built,  rest  is  assured,'^  goodness  and 

53  wisdom  made  perfect.     The  root  of  evil  is  sealed  up  from  you,  weakness  and  the  motli  is 

54  hid  fi'om  you.  and  corruption  is  fled  into  hell  ;  ^  sorrows  are  passed  away  to  be  forgotten; 

55  and  in  the  end  is  shown  the  treasure  of  immortality.     Therefore  ask  thou  no  more  ques- 
50  tions  concerning  the  multitude  of  them  that  perish.     For  when  also  they  *  had  received 

liberty,  they  despised  the  Most  High,  thought  scornfully  of  his  law,  and  forsook  his  ways. 
57,  58  Moreover  they  have  trodden  down  his  righteous,  and  said  in  their  heart,  that  there  is 
6tf  no  God  ;  yea,  and  tliat  knowing  they  must  die.     For  as  the  things  promised  shall  receive 

vou,  so  thirst  and  pain  which  are  prepared,  them ;  for  it  was  not  the  will  of  the  Most 
60  Hii^h  ^  that  men  should  come  to  nought  ;  but  they  who  are  created  have  defiled  the  name 

of  him  that  made  them,  and  havi'  been  unthankful  unto  him  who  prepared  life  for  them. 
61,  62  And  therefore  is  my  judgment  now  at  hand.    These  things  have  I  not  shown  unto  all 

men,  but  unto  thee,  and  a  few  like  thee. 
63       And  I  answered  and  said,  Behold,  O  Lord,  now  hast  thou  shown  me  a  multitude  of 

signs,  which  thou  wilt  begin  to  do  in  the  last  times;  but  at  what  time,  thou  hast  not  shown 

me. 
Chap.  IX.  1        And  he  answered  me,  and  said.  Measure  thou  the  time  diligently  with  thy- 
self; '  and  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  wlien  thou  shalt  see  part  of  the  signs  of  which  I  have 

2  told  thee   before,  past,  then   shalt  thou    luiderstand,  that  it  is  the  very  time,  wlierein  the 

3  ]Most  High  will  begin  to  visit  the  world  which  he  made.     And  when  there  shall  be  seen  in 

4  the  worlil  earthquakes,  uproar  of  peoples,  unrest  of  nations,  inconstancy  of  leaders,  over- 
throw of  |)rinces,'  then  shalt  thou  understand,  that  the  Most  High  spoke  of  these  things 

5  from  the  days  that  were  befure  tliee.  from  the  beginning.     For  as  all  that  is  made  in  the 

6  world  bath  in  like  manner  a  beginning  and  an  end,  and  the  end  is  manifest,  so   the  times 
also  of  the  Most  High:  the  beginnings  are  nuinifest  in  wonders  and  forces,  and  the  end  in 

7  effects  and  signs.      And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  every  one  that  shall  be  saved,  and  who 
shall  be  able  to  escnpe  ibnnigh  his  works,  or*  through  faith,  whereby  he  hath  believed,' 

8  he  shall  be  preserved  from  the  predicted  perils,  and  shall  see  my  salvation  in  my  land,  and  in 

9  my  borders ;  for  '"  I  Inive  sanctified  them  for  myself  from  the  beginning.     And  then  shall 
they  wonder,''  who  now  have  abused  my  ways ;  and  they  that  have  cast  them  away  de- 

*  TUe  text  is  corrupt,  but  the  context  Reems  to  require  the  sense  given,  and  it  is  in  harmony  with  the  text  as  restored 
»y  Fritzsche.  The  A.  V.  renders :  *'  But  I  have  olteu  drawn  nigh  unto  thee,  and  unto  it,  but  nexer  unto  the  ujk- 
righteous." 

3  Probata;  Syr.,  constituta;  Kthiop. ,  3u&strafa. 
'  In  in/ernum. 

*  El  ipsi  is  a  proper  correction  of  etsi  of  Cod.  S.    Cf.  Bensly,  p.  23. 
f-  Text.  Tec.  omits. 

^  Cod.  S.,  in  tanetip^to  ;  text.  r«.,  tempus  in  semetipsu. 

'   Text.  Tec.  omits  gentium  cosrilationes,  ducum  inconstantitF ,  prindpum  turbatio, 
■  Vel,  with  S. ,  not  et  of  the  text.  rec. 

"  MSS.,  cTeflidtHtis.    Fritzsche  adopts  a  conjecture  of  Hilg«nfeld,  eredidit* 
^"  Cod.  S.  hafl,  according  to  Fritzsche,  qiiem. 
•*  MiTnbunttiT,  with  S.,  and  not  7ntsfTfljiiitriir  of  the  common  text.     A.  V  :  **  W  in  pittfol  eue.'* 


ESDRAS.  657 


10  spitefully  shall  dwell  in  torments.     For  they  that  in  their  life  have  received  benefits,  and 

11  have  not  known  me  ;  and  they  that  have  loathed  my  law,  while  as  yet  they  had  liberty, 
and  while  as  yet  place  for  repentance  was  open  unto  them,  understood  it  not,  but  desp'sed 

12,  13  it,  these  must  know  it  after  death  by  pain.  Therefore  be  thou  not  further  curious 
how  the  ungodly  shall  be  punished,  and  when  ;  but  inquire  bow  the  righteous  shall  be 
saved,  whose  is  the  world,  and  for  whom  the  world  is. 

14,  15       And  1  answered  and  said,  I  have  said  before,  and  now  say,  and  will  say  hereafter, 

16  that  there  are  more  who  perish  than  will   be   saved,  as  a  wave  is  greater  than  a  drop. 

17  And  he  answered  me,  and  said.  As  the  field  is,  such  is  also  the  seed  ;  as  the  flowers,  such 
are  the  colors  also  ;  and  as  the  workman,  such  also  is  the  work  ;  and  as  the  husbandman, 

18  such  is  the  harvest  ^  also.  For  there  was  a  period  of  the  world,  when  I  prepared  it  for 
tliem  who  now  are;  before  the  world  was  made,  for  them  who  now  inhabit  it,  and  no  man 

1 9  spake  against  me  ;  for  there  was  no  one  at  all.  But  now  are  there  those  who  were  created 
in  this  world  that  was  made  ready,  and  who  have  had  unfailing  harvests,  and  a  law  which 

20  is  unsearchable,  who  are  corrupt  in  their  customs.  And  I  considered  my  world,  and  be- 
hold, there  was  ruin,  and  my  earth,  and  behoM,  there  was  peril  ^  on  account  of  the  devices 

21  that  are  come  into  it.     And  I  saw,  and  with  great  difficulty'  spared  them,  and  have  kejjt 

22  me  a  grape  from  a  cluster,  and  a  plant  from  a  great  race.  Let  the  multitude  perish  then, 
which  was  born  in  vain  ;  and  let  my  grape  be  kept,  and  my  plant ;  for  with  great  labor 

23  have  I  brought  it  about.     Nevertheless,  if  thou  wilt  wait  seven  days  more  (but  thou  shalt 

24  not  fast  in  them.  Thou  shalt  go  into  a  field  of  flowers,  where  no  house  is  built,  and  eat 
only  the  fiowers  of  the  field;  and  thou  shalt  taste  no  flesh,  and  drink  no  wine,  but  eaf 

25  flowers  only)  :   pray  unto  the  Most  High  continually,  and  I  will  come  and  talk  with  thee. 

The  Fourth  Vision. 

26  And  I  went  my  way  into  the  field  which  is  called  Ardath,*as  he  commanded  me;  and 
there  I  sat  amongst  the  flowers,  and  did  eat  of  the  herbs  of  the  field,  and  the  eating  of 

27  them  satisfied  me.     And  it  came  to  pass,  that  after  seven  days  I  sat  upon  the  grass,  and 

28  my  heart  was  troubled,  just  as  before  ;  and  I  opened  my  mouth,  and  began  to  talk  before 
the  Most  High,  and  said, 

29  O  Lord,  thou  hast  truly  revealed  thyself  unto  us,  unto  our  fathers  in  the  wilderness,  when 

30  they  came  out  of  Egypt  and  entered  the  desert  which  was  untrodden  and  barren,  and 

31  thou  spakest,  saying.  Hear  me,  O  Israel  ;  and  mark  my  words,  thou  seed  of  Jacob.  For 
behold,  I  sow  my  law  in  you,  and  it  shall   bring  fruit  in  you,  and  ye  shall  be  honored  in  it 

32  for  ever.  But  our  fathers,  who  received  the  law,  kept  it  not,  and  observed  not  thy  ordi- 
nances, and  yet  the  fruit  of  thy  law  did  not  perish  ;  for  it  could   not,  since  it  was  thine. 

33,  34  But  they  that  received  it  perished,  because  they  kept  not  what  was  sown  in  them.  And 
lo,  it  is  wont  to  happen,  when  the  ground  hath  received  seed,  ortlie  sea  a  ship,  or  any  ves- 
sel food  or  drink,  and  it  comethto  pass,  that  that  perisheth  which  was  sown,  or  was  sent 

35  forth,  or  was  received,  that  while  these  perish,^  the  receptacles  remain  ;  but  with  us  it 

36  hath  not  happened  so.     For  we  that  have  received  the  law  shall  perish  by  sin,  and  our 

37  heart  which  received  it.     Notwithstanding  the  law  perisheth  not,  but  remaiueth  in  force." 

38  And  as  I  spoke  these  things  in  my  heart,  I  looked  back  with  mine  eyes,  and  upon  the 
right  side  I  saw  a  woman,  and  behold,  she  mourned  and  wept  with  a  loud  voice,  and  was 
much  grieved  in  heart,  and  her  clothes  were  rent,  and  there  were  ashes  upon  her  head. 

39,  40  And  I  let  my  thoughts  go  that  I  was  thinking,  and  turned  me  unto  her,  and  said  unto 

41  her,  Wherefore  wcepest  thou  y  why  art  thou  grieved  in  mind  ?  And  she  sai<l  unto  me, 
My  lord,  let  me  alone,  that  I  may  bewaU  myself,  and  continue  in  my  sorrow,  for  I  am  sore 

42  wounded  in  my  spirit,  and  brought  very  low.    And  I  said  unto  her,  What  aileth  theeV  tell 

43  me.     She  said  unto  me,  I  thy  servant  have  been  barren,  and  had  no  child,  though  I  had 

44  a  husband  thirty  years.     But  during  those  thirty  years,  day  and  night,  and  every  hour, 

45  made  my  prayer  to  the  Most  High.  And  it  came  to  pass,  that  after  thirty  years  God 
heard  me  thine  handmaid,  and  looked  upon  my  misery,  and  considered  my  distress,  and 
gave  me  a  son.     And  I  was  very  glad  of  him,  my  husband  also,  and  all  my  neighbors 

46  and  we  gave  great  honor  unto  the  Mighty.    And  I  nourished  him  with  great  travail.   And 

47  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  he  grew  up,  and  the  time  came  that  he  should  take  a  wife,  I 
made  a  feast. 

'  For  cultura,  I  adopt  area  {S.,  atria). 

•  I  have  not  followed  Fritzsche,  but  Bonslj.    Cf.  The  Missing  Fragment^  p.  30. 
'  Cod.  A.  has  fix  valde.    Cf.  Benely,  p.  30. 

*  T  leave  the  form  of  this  proper  name  as  found  in  text,  ree.    Cod.  S.  hafl,  iiom  the  first  band,  Adar^  by  a  secoDl 
hand,  Ardat. 

^  The  apodosis  begins  with  ezter-minentur .    It  is  improperly  punctuated  in  Fritzsche^s  text. 

^  In.  sun  honore.    The  last  word  is  adopted  by  Fritzsctie  from  tbe  Aimbio.    The  MSS.,  according  to  him,  have  labort 
VflUimar  receives  robore  ;  Uilgenfeld,  valort. 
43 


658  APPENDIX. 

Chap.  X.  1       And  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  my  son  entered  into  his  weilding-chamber,  he 

2  fell  down  and  died.     And  we  all   overthrew  the  lights,  and  all  my  neighbors  rose  up  to 

3  comfort  nie ;  and  I  kept  quiet  until  the  second  day  at  night.  And  it  came  to  pass,  that 
when  they  had  all  left  off  to  comfort  nie,  to  the  end  I  might  be  quiet,  I  rose  up  by  night, 

4  and  fled,  and  came  into  this  field,  as  thou  seest.  And  I  now  purpose  not  to  return  into  the 
city,  but  here  to  slay,  and  neither  to  eat  nor  drink,  but  continually  to  mourn  and  to  fast 
until  I  die. 

5  And  I  changed  my  former  '  way  of  speaking,  and  spoke  to  her  in  anger,  and  said  to  her, 

6  Most  foolish  of  women,   seest  thou  not  our  mourning,   and  what  happeneth  unto  us? 

7  How  that  Sion  the  mother  of  us  all  is  full  of  heaviness,  and  much  humbled,  and  mourneth 

8  very  sore  ?    And  now  we  all  mourn  and  are  sad,  for  we  are  all  in  heaviness ;  and  art  thou 

9  in  heaviness  for  one  son  ?     For  ask  the  earth,  .ind  she  will  tell  thee,  that  it  is  she  which 

10  ought  to  mourn  for  tlic  fall  of  so  njany  that  sprang  from  lier.  Even  out  of  her  came  all  at 
file  first,  and  shall  others  come,  and  behold,  they  almost  all  go  into  destruction,  and  a 

1 1  multitude  of  them  is  rooted  out.     And  who  then  should  make  more  mourning  than  she, 

12  that  hath  lost  so  great  a  multitude  ;  and  not  thou,  who  grievest  but  for  one  ?  But  if  thou 
sayest  unto  me,  My  lamentation  is  not  like  the  earth's,  because  I  have  lost  the  fruit  of  my 

13  womb,  which  I  brought  forth  with  pains,  and  bore  with  sorrows  ;  but  the  earth  according 
to  the  way  of  the  earth  ;  and  the  multitude  present  in  it  is  gone,  as  it  came  :  then  say  I 

14  unto  thee,  As  thou  hast  brought  forth  with  grief,^  so  the  earth   also  hath  given  her  fruit, 

15  man,  from   the  beginning  unto  him  that  made  her.     Now  therefore  keep  thy  sorrow  to 

16  thyself,  and  bear  with  a  good  courage  that  which  hath  befallen  thee.  For  if  thou  shalt 
acknowledge  the  determination  of  God  to  be  just,  thou  shalt  both  receive  thy  son  in  time, 

17  and  shalt  be  commended  amongst  women.     Go  thy  way  then  into  the  city  to  thine  hus- 

18  band.  And  she  said  unto  me,  I  will  not  do  it ;  I  will  not  go  into  the  city,  but  here  will  I 
19,  20  die.     And  I  proceeded  to  speak  further  unto  her,  and  said.  Do  not  as  thou  hast  said, 

but  be  counselled  by  me  ;  for  what  is  Sion's  case  V  and  be  comforted  because  of  the  sor- 

21  row  of  Jerusalem.     For  thou  seest  that  our  sanctuary  is  laid  waste,  and  our  altar  broken 

22  down,  and  our  temple  destroyed  ;  and  our  psaltery  is  laid  on  the  gi'ouud,  and  our  song  is  put 
to  silence,  and  our  rejoicing  is  at  an  end,  and  the  light  of  our  candlestick  is  put  out,  and 
the  ark  of  our  covenant  is  spoiled,  and  our  holy  things  are  defiled,  and  the  name  that  is 
called  over  us  is  almost  profaned  ;  and  our  children  are  put  to  shame,  and  our  priests  are 
burnt,  and  our  Levites  are  gone  into  ca])tivity,  and  our  virgins  are  defiled,  and  our  wives 
ravished;  and  our  righteous  men  are  carried  away,  and  our  little  ones  are  destroyed,' 

28  and  our  young  men  are  brought  into  bondage,  and  our  strong  men  have  become  weak  ;  and 
what  is  the  greatest  of  all,  tlie  seal  of   Sion  since  she  lost  her  glory,*  is  now  also  de- 

24  livered  into  the  hands  of  them  that  hate  us.  Therefore  do  thou  shake  off  thy  great  heavi- 
ness, and  put  away  the  multitude  of  sorrows,  that  the  Mighty  may  be  merciful  unto  thee 
again  ;  and  the  Most  High  will  give  thee  rest  from  thy  labors. 

25  And  it  came  to  pass,  that  while  I  was  talking  with  her,  behold,  her  face  upon  a  sudden 
shone  exceedingly,  and  her  countenance  became  as  lightning,'  so  that  I  was  sore  afraid  of 

86  her,  and   mused  what  it  might  be.     And   behold,  suddenly  she  uttered  a  great  cry,  very 

27  fearful,  so  that  the  earth  shook  at  the  cry.''  And  I  looked,  and  behold,  the  woman  ap- 
peared unto  me  no  more,  but  there  was  a  city  built,  and  a  place  showed  itself  with  great 

28  foundations.  And  I  was  afraid,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  and  said.  Where  is  Uriel  the 
angel,  who  came  unto  me  at  the  first?  for  he  hath  caused  me  to  come  into  this  great  ecstasy 

29  of  sjiirit,  and  mine  end  is  turned  into  corruption,  and  my  prayer  to  rebuke.  And  as  I 
was  speaking  these  words,  behold,  the  angel  came  unto  me,  who  had  come  to  me  at  first. 

30  And  he  looked  upon  me;  and  lo,  1  lay  as  one  <lead,  and  mine  understanding  was  taken 
away.     And  he  took  me  by  the  right  hand,  auil  comforted  me,  and  set  me  upon   my  feet, 

31  and  said  unto  me.  What  aileth  thee  ?  an<l  why  art  thou  di.squietedV  and  why  is  thine  un- 

32  derstauiliiig  troubled,  and  the  feeling  of  thine  heart?  And  I  said,  Because  thou  hast 
wholly  forsaken   me  ;  and   truly  I  did  according  to  thy  words,  and  I  went  into  the  field, 

33  and  lo,  I  have  seen,  and  see,  what  I  am  not  able  to  relate.     And  he  said  unto  me.  Stand 

34  up  manfully,  and  I  will  advise  thee.     And  I  said,  Speak,  my  lord  ;  only  forsake  me  not, 

35  lest  1  die  without  cause.  For  I  have  seen  what  1  knew  not,  and  hear  what  I  do  not  know. 
36,  37  Or  is  my  sense  deceived,  and  my  soul  in  a  dream?  Now  therefore  I  beseech  thee  that 
38  thou  wilt  show  thy  servant  concerning  this  vision.     And  he  answered  me,  and  said.  Hear 

me,  and  1  will  teach  thee,  and  tell  thee  concerning  what  thou  art  afraid ;  for  the  Most 

'  Cod.  S.  adds  adhuc  jifter  dereliqui. 

'  I  adopt  dolore  from  S.  ;  i'ritzsche,  labore. 

*  Pot  perditif  both  3.  aud  A.  h>i.v&  proditi .    Of.  Beoslj,  p.  27.    It  ia  also  quoted  in  tliat  form  by  Ambrose ;   but  it 
must  have  much  the  same  rendering  as  the  other  word. 

*  Resit^ata  est  dt  gloria  sita. 

*  Fritzflche  adopts  specie  (MSS..  species^  which  seems  better)  eorutau  Jiebai  visua  ejus,    Syr.,  Et  sicut  simililudo  fti 
fvris/aeta  est  species  vultus  ejus,     f^imilarly  the  Ethiop. 

*  i!'rit;£M;he,  u  muiieris  sono.     Hut  the  second  word  is  wantlaf  ia  8. 


2  ESDRAS.  659 


39  High  will  reveal  many  secret  tilings  unto  thee.  He  hath  seen  that  thy  way  is  right  ;  that 
thou  sorrowest  continually  for  thy  people,  and  niakest  great  lamentation  on  account  of 

40,  41   Sion.     This  therefore  is  the  conception  of  the  vision.  A  woman  appeared  to  thee  a  lit- 

42  tie  while  ago,  whom  thou  sawest  mourning,  and  whom  thou  didst  begin  to  comfort ;  but 
now  seest  thou  the  appearance  of  the  woman  no  more,  but  what  appeareth  unto  thee  as  a 

43,  44  city  built  ;  and  she  told  thee  of  the  death  of  her  son.     This  is  the  solution  :  This 

45  woman,  whom  thou  sawest,  is  Sion,  whom  thou  now  seest  as  a  city  built.  And  whereas 
she  said  unto  thee,  that  she  had  been  thirty  years  barren  :  it  was  because  of  the  three 
thousand  '  years  of  the  world,  in  which  there  had   not  been,  as  yet,  offerings  offered  in 

46  her.     And  after  three  thousand  )ears  ^  Solomon  built  the  city,  and  offered  offerings  ;  and 

47  then  was  the   time   when  the  barren  bore  a  son.     And  whereas  she  told  thee  that  she 

48  nourished  him  with  labor  :  that  was  dwelling  in  Jerusalem.  And  whereas  she  said  unto 
thee,  My  sou  coming  into  bis  marriage  chamber  happened  to  have  a  fall,  and  died  :  this 

49  was  the  destruction  that  came  to  Jerusalem.  And  behold,  thou  sawest  her  likeness,  how 
she  mourned  for  her  son,  and  thou  didst  begin  to  comfort  her  ;  and  of  the  things  which 

50  have  happened,  these  were  to  be  opened  unto  thee.  And  now  the  Most  High  saw  that 
thou  art  grieved  unfeiguedly,  and  sufferest  from  thy  whole  heart  for  her,  so  hath  he  shown 

51  thee  the  brightness  of  her  glory,  and  the  comeliness  of  her  beauty.    Therefore  1  bade  thee 

52  remain  in  the  field  where  no  house  was  built  ;  for  I  knew  that  the  Most  High  intended  to 

53  show  this  unto  thee.     Therefore  I  commanded  thee  to  go  into  the  field,  where  no  founda- 
.54  tion  of  a  building  was  ;  for  in  the  place  wherein  the  Most  High   began  to  show  his  city, 

55  there  could  no  work  of  man's  building  stand.  Therefore  fear  not,  let  not  thy  heart  he 
affrighted,  but  go  within,  and  see  the  splendor  and  greatness  of  the  building,  as  mucli  as 

56  the  sight  of  thine  eyes  is  capable  of  seeing ;  and  afterwards  sbalt  thou  hear  as  much  as 

57  the  hearing  of  thine  ears  can  comprehend.     For  thou  art  blessed  above  many,  and   art 

58  called  with  the  Most  High  as  are  but  few.  But  to-morrow  at  night  tbou  shalt  remain 
here;  and  the  Most  High  will  show  thee  dream-visions  of  what  the  IMost  High  will  do 
unto  them  that  dwell  upon  earth  in  the  last  days.  And  I  slept  that  night  and  another,  as 
he  commanded  me. 

The  Fifth  Vision. 

Chap.  XI.  1.     And'  I  saw  a  vigion,  and  behold,  there  came  up  from  the  sea  an  eagle, 

2  which  had  twelve  feathered  wings,  and  three  heads.    And  I  saw,  and  behold,  she  spread  her 
wings  over  all  the  earth,  and  all  the  winds  of  heaven  blew  on  her,  and  the  clouds  *  were  gath- 

3  ered  together  unto  her.     And  I  beheld,  and  out  of  her  feathers  there  grew  contrary  feathers; 

4  and  they  became  little  feathers  and  small.    But  her  heads  were  at  rest;  antl  the  head  in  the 

5  midst  was  greater  than  the  other  heads,  but  it  also  rested  with  them.    And  I  beheld,  and  lo, 
the  eagle  flew  with  her  feathers,  and  reigned  over  the  earth,  and  over  them  that  dwelt  there- 

6  in.     And  I  saw  how  all  things  under  heaven  were  subject  unto  her,  and  no   man   spoke 

7  against  her,  no.  not  one  creature  upon  earth.     And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  the  eagle  rose  upon  her 

8  talons,  and  spoke  to  her  feathers,  saying,  Watch  not  all  at  once;  sleep  each  one  in  his  place, 
9,10  and  watch  by  course;  but  let  the  heads  be  preserved  for  the  last.    And  I  beheld,  and  lo, 

11  the  voice  went  not  out  of  her  heads,  but  from  the  midst  of  her  body.     And  I  numbered  her 

12  contrary  feathers,  and  behold,  there  were  eight  of  them.    And  I  looked,  and  behold,  on  the 

13  right  side  there  arose  one  feather,  and  it  reigned  over  all  the  earth.  And  it  came  to  pass, 
that  when  it  had  reigned,  the  end  of  it  came,  and  it  appeared  not,  so  that  the  place  there- 
of appeared  ^  no  more.     And  the  following  rose  up,  and  reigned,  and  it  maintaineil  it.«elf 

14  a  long  time.     And  it  happened,  that  when  it  had  reigned,  the  end  of  it  came,  so  that  it 

15  appeared  no  more,  like  the  first.     And  behold,  there  came  a  voice  unto  it,  and  said, 
IB  Hear  thou  that  hast  borne  rule  over  the  earth  so  long;  this  I  announce  unto  thee,  before 

17  thou  beginnest  to  appear  no  more.  There  shall  none  after  thee  attain   unto  thy  time, 

18  neither  unto  the  half  thereof.     And  the  third  arose,  and  reigned  as  the  former  ones;  and 

19  also  appeared  no  more.     And  so  went  it  with  all  the  birds, ^  one  after  another,  that  it 

20  reigned,  and  then  appeared  no  more.  And  1  beheld  and  lo,  in  process  of  time  the  feathers 
that  followed  rose  up,  themselves  also  upon  the  right  side,  that  they  might  also  rule.    And 

21  some  of  them  ruled,  but  soon  appeared  no  more ;  and  some  of  them  were  set  up,  but  ruled  not. 

22  And  after  this  I  looked,  and  behold,  the  twelve  feathers  appeared  no  more,  nor  the  two 

23  little  feathers;  and  there  was  nothing  more  left  upon  the  eagle's  body,  save  the  thret> 

'   Text,  rec,  triginla.    Fritzsche  follows  the  Oriental  Tersioos.    Cod.  S.  has  simply  III. 
-  See  preceding  note. 

^  Cod.  A.  supplies  here  a.^  follows  :  prcRcepit  niihi      ^t  factum  est  secunda  nocte  et  alia  sicuc^  that  is,  these  words  are 
kled  between  stcut  and  dtxerat  of  the  common  text. 

*  Fritzsche  adds  the  words  nubes  ad  eain  from  the  Syriac. 
6  The  words  ita  ur  non  appnreret  are  adopted  from  Cod  S. 

*  Cod.  A.  has  auibus  (cf.  Heusly,  p.  27),  but  Frltz?che  recelTes  (^u  from  T.    Cod.  S.,  avis. 
^  Cod.  S.  Syr.  Ar.  Kthiop.  Arm.,  trta  ;  text,  rec,  duo. 


660  APPENDIX. 

24  heads  that  rested,  and  six  little  feathers.  And  I  saw,  and  behold,  two  little  feathers  di- 
vided themselves  from  the  six,  and  remained  under  the  head  that  was  upon  tlie  right  side; 

25  but  four  continued  in  their  place.     And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  those  under  the  wing;  tbousrht 

26  to  set  up  themselves,  and  to  bear  rule.  And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  there  was  one  set  up,  but 
27,  28  shortly  it  appeared  i  no  more.  And  the  second  was  sooner  away  than  the  first.  And 
29  I  beheld,  and  lo,  the  two  that  remained  tboucrht  also  with  themselves  to  reign.     And 

when  they  so  thought,  behold,  there  awoke  one  of  the  heads  that  were  at  rest,  the  one  tha' 
80  was  in  the  midst;  for  this  was  greater  than  the  other  two  heads.     And  I  saw  how  the  two 

31  heads  were  joined  with  it.     And  behold,  the  bead  turned  with  them  that  were  with  it, 

32  and  did  eat  up  the  two  under  the  wing  that  would  have  reigned.  But  this  head  put  the 
whole  earth  in  fear,  and  bore  rule  in  it  over  those  that  dwelt  upon  the  earth,  with  much 
oppression ;  and  it  had  greater  power  over  the  world  than  all  the  wings  that  had  been. 

33  And  after  this  I  beheld,  and  lo,  the  head  in  the  midst  suddenly  disappeared,  just  as  the 

34  wings.      But  there  remained  the  two  heads,  which  also  in  like  manner  ruled  over  tlie 

35  earth,  and  over  those  that  dwelt  therein.     And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  the  head  upon  the  right 

36  side  devoured  that  which  was  upon  the  left  side.     And  I  heard  a  voice,  which  said  unto 

37  me.  Look  before  thee,  and  consider  what  thou  seest.  And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  as  it  were  a 
roaring  lion  sprang ^  out  of  the  wood;  and  I  heard  as  '  he  spoke  in  a  man's  voice  unto  the 

88  eagle,  and  said.  Hear  thou,  and  I  will  talk  with  thee;  and  the  Most  High  saith  unto  thee, 

89  Art  not  thou  it  that  remainest  of  the  four  beasts,  whom  I  made  to  reign  in  my  world,  that 
40  the  end  of  their  times  might  come  through  them  ?     And  he  who  came  forth  bath  over- 
come all  the  beasts  that  went  before  him,  and  hath  ruled  the  world  with  great  fear,  and 
the  wliole  globe  with  wicked  oppression ;  and  so  long  time  they  occupied  *  the  earth  with 

41,  42  deceit.  And  the  earth  hast  thou  not  judged  with  truth;  for  thou  hast  afflicted  the 
meek,  and  hast  hurt  the  peaceable,  and  hast  hated  the  righteous,'  hast  loved  liars,  and 
hast  destroyed  the  dwellings  of  them  that  brought  forth  fruit,  and  hast  cast  down  the 

43  walls  of  them  who  did  thee  no  harm.     And  thy  contempt  hath  come  up  unto  the  Most 

44  High,  and  thy  pride  unto  the  Mighty.    The  Most  High  hath  also  observed  his  '  times,  and 

45  behold,  they  are  ended  and  his  periods  '  are  fulfilled.  Therefore  appear  no  more,  thou 
eagle,  nor  thy  horrible  wings,  nor  thy  wicked  little  feathers,  nor  thy  malicious  heads, 

46  nor  thy  wicked  claws,  nor  all  thy  unworthy  body:  that  all  the  earth  may  be  refreshed,  and 
m.iy  become  free  from  thy  violence,  and  may  ho])e  for  the  judgment  and  mercy  of  him 
that  made  her. 

Chap.  XH.   1.     And  it  came  to  pass,  while  the  lion  spoke  these  words  unto  the  eagle,  I 

2  saw,  and  behold,  the  head  that  remained,  appeared  ^  no  more;  and  the  two  wings  which 
had  gone  over  to  it,  set  themselves  up  to  reign,  and  their  kingdom  was  small,  and  full  of 

3  uproar.     And  I   saw,  and   behold,  they  appeared  no  more,  and   the  whole  body  of  the 
eagle  was  burned,  an<l  the  earth  was  in  great  tear. 

And  1  awoke  out  of  the  trouble,  and  mental  trance,  and  from  great  fear,  and  said  unto 

4  my  spirit,  Lo,  this  hast  thou  done  unto  me,  in  that  thou  searchest  out  the  ways  of  the  Most 

5  High.     Lo,  I  am  yet  weary  in  mind  and  very  weak  in   my  spirit;  and  little  strength  is 

6  there  in  me,  by  reason  of  the  great  fear  wherewith  I  was  affrighted  this  night.     Now  there- 

7  fore  will  I  beseech  the  Most  High,  that  he  will  comfort  me  unto  the  end.     And  I  said, 
Lord  who  bearest  rule,  if  1  have  found  grace  in  thy  sight,  and  if  I  am  justified  with  thee 

8  above  many,  and  if  my  prayer  hath,  indeed,  come  up  before  thv  face;  comfort  me  and 
show  me  thy  servant  a  clear  interpretation'  uf  this  fearful  vision,  that  thou  mayest  per- 

9  fectly  comfort  my  soul.     For  thou  hast  judged  me  worthy  to  sliow  me  the  end  of  the 
last  times,  and  the  last  days. 

10,  11  And  he  said  unto  me.  This  is  the  interpretation  of  this  vision:  The  eagle,  whom 
thou  sawest  come  up  from  the  ^ea,  this  is  the  fourth '"  kingdom  which  was  seen  in  the  vis- 

12  ion  of  thy  brother  Daniel.  But  it  was  not  expounded  unto  him.  as ''  now  I  expound  it  unto 

13  thee.     Behold,  the  days  come,  that  there  shall  rise  up  a  kingdom  upon  earth,  and  it  shall 

14  be  feared  above  all  the  kingdoms  that  were  before  it.     But  in  it  shall  twelve  kings  reign, 

15  one  after  another;  the   second  shall  begin  to  reign,  and  shall  have  more  time  than  the 

*  FritzBChe  adopti«  coniparuit ;  S.  ha^  apparuit, 

2  Cod.  S.  has  suscitattts,  and  afterwards  mug^iens,  instead  of  conciiatus  and  rvgitns,  adopted  by  Fritzsche.    Cod.  A. 
\greefl  with  S.  in  the  latter  reading. 

3  Cod.  A.  re.-ids,  el  audivi  quo7?iodo,  and  S.  has  the  second  word,  by  the  first  hand.    Fritzsche,  vidi  quomodo. 

*  Fritzsche  gives  mhabitant  as  the  reading  of  S.  According  to  Bensly  {p.  31),  howeyer,  it  is  inhabitabunt ,  w.*  ich  woal^ 
fcleo  give  a  good  seo.Hc. 

6  The  words  et  odisti  rectos  are  received  by  Fritzsche  from  the  Syr.    Cf.  the  other  Oriental  versions. 

8   Sua  instead  of  superfia,  with  Hilgenfeld,  Fritzsche,  and  the  Oriental  versions. 

'   Sern/Iri,  with  S.,  and  not  scelera  of  the  text.  rec. 

>  Cod.  A.  also  reads  comparuit,  which  was  suggested  by  Van  der  Vlis  and  approved  by  Hilgenfeld  and  Fritzsolie. 

*  Lit.,  "  interpretntion  and  distinction.'' 

»  I  add  "  fourth,''  on  the  authority  of  Cod.  A     Cf.  Beosly,  p.  80. 
u  Cod.  S.  quomodo,  and  not  quoniam  with  the  text.  rec. 


2  ESDKAS.  661 


16,  1  7  twelve.  This  do  the  twelve  wings  signify,  which  thou  sawest.  And  as  for  the  voice 
which  thou  heardest  speak,  which  did  not  go  out  from  her  heads,  but  from  the  midst  of 

18  her  body,  this  is  the  interpretation  :  That  after  the  time  of  that  kingdom  there  shall  arise 
great  contentions,  and  it  shall  stand  in  peril  of  falling ;  nevertheless  it  shall  not  then  fall, 

19  but  shall  be  restored  again  to  its  beginning.     And  whereas  thou  sawest  eight  under  feath- 

20  ers  sticking  to  her  wings,  this  is  the  interpretation:  In  him  there  shall  arise  eight  kings, 

21  whose  times  shall  be  small,  and  their  years  swift.  And  two  of  them  shall  perish,  the  mid- 
dle time   approaching  ;  but  four   shall  be  kept  until  their  end  begin  to  approach  ;  while 

22  two  shall  be  kept  unto  the  end.      And  whereas  thou  sawest  three  heads  resting,  this  is  the 

23  interpretation  :  In  his  last  days  shall  the  Most  High  raise  up  three  kingdoms,  and  renew  ^ 

24  many  things  therein,  and  they  shall  have  the  dominion  of  the  e.arth,  and  of  those  that 
dwell  therein,  with  much  oppression,  above  all  that  were  before  them ;  therefore  are  they 

25  called  the  heads  of  the  eagle.     For  these  are  they  that  shall  fill  up  her  wickedness,  and 

26  that  shall  bring  her  end.   And  ^  whereas  thou  sawest  that  the  great  head  appeared  no  more, 
2  7  one  of  them  shall  die  upon  his  bed,  and  yet  with  pain.     But  the  two  that  remain  shall  be 

28  slain  with  the  sword.     For  the  sword  of  the  one  shall  devour  him  that  is  with  him ;  but 

29  at  the  last  shall  he  also  fall  through  the  sword.      And  whereas  thou  sawest  two  under  the 

30  wings  passing  over  to  the  head  that  is  on  the  right  side,  it  sisnifieth  that  these  are  they, 
whom  the  Most  High  hath  kept  unto  its  end  ;  this  is  a  small  kingdom  and  full  of  turmoil, 

31  as  thou  sawest.  And  the  lion,  whom  thou  sawest  rising  up  out  of  the  wood,  and  roaring, 
and  speaking  to  the  eagle,  and  rebuking  her  for  her  unrighteousness  ^  with  all  his  words 

32  which  thou  bast  heard  :  this  is  the  Anointed,  whom  the  Most  High  hath  kept  for  them 
unto  the  end  ;  and  he  will  rebuke  them  for  their  godlessness,  and  will  bring  up  before  * 

33  them  their  contempt.     For  he  will  set  them  alive  in  judgment,  and  when  he  has  rebuked 

34  them,  he  will  correct  them.  But  the  rest  of  my  people  will  he  deliver  with  mercy,  who 
have  been  saved  in  my  borders,  and  he  will  make  them  joyful  until  the  coming  of  the  end, 

35  the  day  of  judgment,  whereof  I  have  spoken  unto  thee  from  the  beginning.     This  is  the 

36  vision  that  thou  sawest,  and  this  is  its  interpretation.^     Thou  only  now  hast  been  meet  to 

37  know  this  secret  of  the  Most  High.     Therefore  write  all  these  things  that  thou  hast  seen 

38  in  a  book,  and  hide  them  ;  and  thou  shalt  teach  them  to  the  wise  of  thy  people,  whose 

39  hearts  thou  knowest  can  comprehend  and  keep  these  secrets.  But  wait  thou  here  thyself 
yet  seven  days  more,  that  it  may  be  shown  thee,  whatsoever  it  shall  please  the  Most  High 
to  make  known  unto  thee.     And  he  went  from  me. 

40  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  all  the  people  heard  that  seven  days  had  passed,  and  I  had 
not  come  again  into  the  city,  they  gathered  all  together,  from  the  least  unto  the  greatest, 

41  and  came  unto  me,  and  said.  In  what  have  we  sinned  against  tbeeV  and  what  wrong  have 

42  we  done  against  thee,  that  thou  forsakest  us,  and  sittest  in  this  place  ?  For  of  all  the 
prophets  thou  only  art  left  us,  as  a  cluster  of  the  vintage,  and  as  a  lamp  in  a  dark  placa» 

43  and  as  a  haven,  and  a  ship  preserved  from  the  tempest.     Or  are  not  the  evils  which  have 

44  come  to  us  sufficient  ?     If  therefore  thou  shalt  forsake  us,  how  much  better  had  it  been 

45  for  us,  if  we  also  had  been  burnt  in  the  burning  of  Siou  ?  For  we  are  not  better  than  they 
that  died  there.     And  they  wept  with  a  loud  voice. 

4(>        And  I  answered  them,  and  said,  Be   comforted,  O  Israel,  and  be  not  heavy,  thou  house 

47  of  Jacoh  ;   tor  the  Most  High  hath  you  in  rememl)rance,  and  the  Mighty  hatli  not  forgot 

i8  ten  you  in  temptation.     For  I  have  not  forsaken  you.  neither  have  I  departed  from  you; 

but  1  have  conic  into  this  place,  to  pray  for  the  desolation  of   Sion,  and  that  I  might  seek 

49  mercy  fur  the  humiliation  of  your  sanctuary.     And  now  go  every  man  to  his  home,  and 

50  after  these  days  will  I  come  unto  you.     So  the  people  went  their  way  into  the  city,  as  I 

51  bade  them;  but  I  sat  still  in  the  field  seven  days,  as  the  angel  commanded  me;  and  I 
ate  ^  in  those  days  only  of  the  flowers  of  the  field,  and  had  herbs  for  my  food. 

Thb  Sixth  Vision. 

Chap.  XIII.  1       And  it  came  to  pass  after  seven  days,  that  I  dreamed  a  dream  by  night . 

2,  3  and  lo,  there  arose  a  wind  from  the  sea,  that  set  in  motion  all  the  waves  thereof.     And 

I  beheld,  and  lo,  that  man  came  flying'  with   the  clouds  '  of  heaven;  and  whither  he 

^  Renovabunt.    Cod.  S,  however,  rcnoi;o6ie.     Cf.  Bensly,  p.  31. 

2  The  words  hfee  est  interpretatio  ejus,  found  in  the  text,  rec,  are  not  found  in  Cod.  S.,  and  are  struck  out  by  Hilgea- 
£ld  and  Fritzsche. 

3  Cod.  A.  here  supports,  against  Cod.  S.,  the  text  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 

*  Both  A.  and  S.  have  in/ulcit  {Ut.,  stuff" in),  instead  of  incutiet,  adopted  by  Fritzsche. 

^  Cod.  A.  alone  has  the  obviously  correct  reading,  et  hac  interpretatio  ejus.     Cf.  Bensly,  p.  33. 

*  Cod.  S.  {contra,  Fritzsche,  p.  631)  has  tnanducal/am,  with  the  text.  rec.    See  Bensly,  p.  31,  note. 

'  CoHvoiabat  is  an  emendation  suggested  by  Van  der  Vlis,  in  harmony  with  the  Oriental  version  ;  text.  rec. ,  convaU 
rebat. 

*  Cod.  S.,  nubibus ,-  text,  rec,  Tnillibus. 


662  APPENDIX. 


4  turned  liis  countenance  to  look,  all  things  trembled  that  were  seen  under  him.  And 
wherever  a  voice  went  out  of  his  mouth,  all  they  burnt  that  heard  his  voice,  as  wax  melt- 

6  eth  1  when  it  feeleth  the  fire.  And  after  this  I  beheld,  and  lo,  there  was  gathered  t(y- 
gether  a  multitude  of  men,  without   number,  from  the  four  winds  of  the  heaven,  to  fight 

6  against  the  man  who  had  risen  out  of  the  sea.     And  I  beheld,  and  lo,  he  had  hewn  out 

7  for  himself  a  great  mountain,  and  flew  up  upon  it.     But  I  would  have  seen  the  region  or 

8  place  whence  the  mountain  was  hewn,  and  I  could  not.  And  after  this  I  beheld,  and  lo, 
hU   they  who  had  gathered  together  to  fight  against  him  were  sore  afraid,  yet  dared  to 

9  fight.    And  lo,  as  he  saw  the  violence  of  the  multitude  that  came,  he  neither  lifted  up  his 

10  hand,  nor  held  a  sword,  nor  any  weapon  of  war  ;  but  I  saw  only  how  he  sent  out  of  his 
mouth  as  it  bad   been  a  blast  of  fire,  and  out  of  his   lips  a   flaming  breath,  and  from  his 

1 1  tongue  be  sent  forth  sparks  and  tempests.^  Aud  they  wei-e  all  mixed  together  :  this  blast 
of  fire,  and  flaming  breath,  and  the  great  tempest  ;  and  it  fell  with  violence  upon  the 
multitude  who  were  prepared  to  fight,  and  burnt  up  every  one,  so  that  suddenly  of  an  in- 
numerable  multitude  nothing  was  to  be  perceived,  save  only  dust  of  ashes  and  smell  of 

12  smoke  ;  and  when  I  saw  it  I  was  terrified.     And  afterwards  I  saw  the  man  himself  come 

13  down  from  the  mountain,  and  call  unto  him  another  peaceable  multitude.  And  there 
came  many  people  unto  him,  whereof  some  were  glad,  some  were  sorrowful;  but  some 
were  bound,  and  some  brought  of  them  that  were  offered.* 

14  And  I  awoke,  through  great  fear,  and  prayed  to  the  Most  High,*  and  said,  Thou  hast 
shown  thy  servant  these  wonders  from   the  beginning,  and  hast  counted  me  worthy  that 

15  thou  shouldest  receive   my  prayer;  and  now  show  me  further  the  interpretation  of   this 

16  dream.     For  as  I  conceive  in  mine  understanding,  woe  to  them  who  shall  be  left  iu  those 

17  days  !  and  much  more  woe  to  them  who  are  not  left  1    For  they  that  are  not  left  shall  be  * 
11?  in  heaviness,  understanding  the  things  that  are  laid  up  in  the  later  days,  which  shall  not 

19  happen   unto   them  ;  but  also  to  those  that  are  left,  therefore  woe,  because  they  shall  see 

20  great  perils  and  many  necessities,  as  these  dreams  show.  Yet  it  is  easier  for  him  that  is 
in  danger  to  come  into  these  things,  than  to  pass  away  as  a  cloud  from  the  world,  and 
not  see  what  happeneth  in  the  last  days. 

21  And  he  answered  me,  and  said,  The  interpretation  of   the  vision  will  I  tell  thee,  and  I 

22  will  open  unto  thee  what  thou  hast  inquired  about.     Whereas  thou  hast  spoken  of  them 

23  that  are  left  behind,  this  is  the  interpretation  :  He  that  will  bring  the  danger  in  that  time 
will  keep  those  that  have  fallen  into  danger,  who  are  such  as  have  works,  and  faith  to- 

24  wards  the  Almighty.     Know  therefore,  that  they  who  are  left  behind  are  more   blessed 

25  than  they  that  are  dead.     This  is  the  meaning  of  the  vision  :  Whereas  thou  sawest  a  man 

26  coming  up  from  the  midst  of  the  sea,  this  is  he  whom  the  Most  High  hath  kept  a  long 
season,  who  by  himself  will  deliver  his  creature;  and  he  will  set  in  order  them  that  are 

27  left  behind.     And  whereas  thou  sawest,  that  out  of  his  mouth  there   came  as  it  were  a 

28  breath,  and  fire,  and  storm,  and  that  be  held  neither  sword,  nor  weapon  of  war,  but  that 
the  rushing  in  of  him  destroyed  the  multitude  that  had  come  to  fight  against  him,  this  is 

29  the  interpretation  :  Behold,  the   days   come,  when  the   Most  High  will  begin   to  deliver 

30  them  that  are  upon  the  earth.     And  there  shall  come  astonishment  of  mind  to  them  that 
SI  dwell  on  the  earth.     And  some  shall  undertake  to  fight  against  others,  one  city  against 

another,  and  one  place  against  another,  and   one   nation  against  another,  and  one  realm 

i'i  against  another.     And  it  shall    be,  that  when   these  things  shall  come  to  pass,  and  the 

signs  shall  bap]>en  which  I  have  shown  thee  before,  then  shall  my  Son  be  revealed,  whom 

33  thou  sawest  as  a  man  ascending.  And  it  shall  be,  that  when  all  nations  hear  his  voice, 
ever}  man   shall  in  his  own  land  leave  his  war  which   they  have  one  against  another. 

34  And   an   innumerable   multitude  shall  be  gathered   together,    as  thou  sawest  them,  wUl- 

35  ing   tu  come,  and  to  fight  against  him.     But  he  shall  stand  upon  the  top  of  mount  Sion. 

36  And  Sion  shall  come,  and  shall  be  shown   to   all  men,  being  prepared  and  built,  as  thou 

37  sawest  a  mountain  hewn  out  without  bands.      And  this  my  Son  .shall  punish  those  nations 

38  which  have  come,  for  their  godlessness,  that  is  like  the  tempest  ;  and  shall  bring  before 
them  their  evil  thoughts,  an<l  the  torments  wherewith  they  shall  begin  to  be  tormented, 
which  are  like  the  tlame ;  and  shall  destroy  them  without  labor  by  the  law,  which  is  like 

39  the  fire.     And  whereas  thou  sawest  that  he  gathered  another  peaceable  multitude  unto 

40  him  :  these  are  the  ten  *  tribes,  which  were  carried  away  prisoners  out  of  their  own  land 
in  the  time  of  Josias  the  king,  whom  Salmanasar  king  of  Assyria  led  captive,  and  carried 

1  Liquescit  c«ra,  aud  not  quescit  terra  of  the  tfxt.  rec. 

3  Perhaps  bott«r,  scintiltas  tempeslaiis,  with  Ax.  aud  liilgeufeld. 

*  Aliqui  adJuccntts  ex  eis  qui  oJferebantuT.  Volkmai' :  "  Others  brought  before  him  of  that,  which  they  had  soifered  " 
(quef.  ptr/crebanlur].  Meyer  ;  "  And  some  brought  some  of  them,  who  approached.*'  Junius  :  "  brought  of  the  thiogl 
th&t  were  offered  '  {>o  marg.,  of  A.  V.).    £\vald  (Arabic) ;  "  Others  bringing  him  manifold  gifts." 

*  The  words,  el  deprecatus  sum  Altissimum^  Fritzsche  adopts  from  the  Syriac. 

'  I  &dopt  erunt  from  Cod.  A.  (Cf .  Bensly,  p.  33)  tor  eraiu  of  Cod.  S.  and  Fritzsche '3  text. 

*  Cod.  A.  with  the  Syr.,  Ar.,  and  Ethiop.,  has  '*  nine  "  (viiii.),  but  decern  tias  been  written  abore  it,  wUeh  is  la  ka» 
monj  with  3. 


2   ESDRAS.  663 


41  tlieiu  over  the  river,  and  they  were  brought  over  into  another  laml.  But  they  tciok  this  coun- 
sel amongst  themselves,  that  they  would  leave  the  multitude  of  the  heathen,  and  go  forth 

42  into  a  further  country,  where  mankind  never  dwelt,  that  they  might  there  keep  their  own 

43  statutes,  which  they  had  not  kept  in  their  own  land.     But  they  entered  into  Euphrates 

44  by  the  naiTow  passages  of  the  river ;  for  the  Most  High  then  wrought  signs  for  them,  and 

45  held  still  the  waves  of  the  river,  till  they  had  passed  over.  But  through  that  country  there 
was  a  long  journey  to  make  of  a  year  and  a  half  ;  and  the  same  region  is  called  Arzareth.^ 

46  Then  dwelt  they  there  until  the  later  time.  And  now  when  again  they  shall  begin  to 
4  7  corae,  the  Most  High  will  hold  still  the  waves  of  the  river  again,  that  they  may  go  through ; 
48  therefore  sawest  thou  the  multitude  gathered  in  peace,  but  also  those  of  my  people  who 
4!t  are   left,  who  are  found  within  my  holy  ^  borders.     Therefore  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that 

when  he  shall  begin  to  destroy  the  multitude  of  the  nations  that  are  gathered  together,  he 

50  will  defend  his  people  that  remain  ;  and  then  will  he  show  them  great  wonders. 

51  And  I  said,  O  Lord,  who  bearest  rule,  show  me  this  :  Wherefore  have  I  seen  the  man 

52  coniiug  up  from  the  midst  of  the  sea?  And  he  said  unto  me.  As  thou  canst  neither  seek 
out  nor  know  the  things  that  are  in  the  deep  of  the  sea,  so  can  no  man  upon  earth  see  my 

53  Son,  or  those  that  are  with  him,  but  in  the  daytime.     This  is  the  interpretation  of  the 

54  vision  which  thou  sawest,  and  concerning  which  thou  only  art  enUghtened.     For  thou  hast 

55  forsaken  thine  own  way,  and  applied  thyself  unto  mine,  and  sought  my  law.     Thy  life 

56  hast  thou  ordered  in  wisdom,  and  hast  called  understanding  thy  mother.  And  therefore 
have  I  shown  thee  the  reward  of  the  Most  High  ;  and  after  other  three  days  I  will  speak 
other  things  unto  thee,  and  explain  unto  thee  mighty  and  wondrous  things. 

57  And  I  went  forth  into  the  field,  giving  praise  and  thanks  greatly  unto  the  Most  High 

58  because  of  the  wonders,  which  he  would  do  in  process  of  time;  and  because  he  governeth 
times,  and  such  things  as  fall  out  in  their  season;  and  there  I  sat  three  days. 

The  Seventh  Vision. 

Chap.   XIV.  1    And  it  came  to  pass  upon  the  third  day,  that  I  sat  under  an  oak.     And  be- 

2  hold,  there  came  a  voice  out  of  a  bush  over  against  me,  and  said,  Esdras,  Esdras.     And  I 

3  said,  Behold,  here  am  I,  l^ord.     And  I  stood  up  upon  my  feet.     And  he  said  unto  me.  In 
the  bush  I  did  clearly  reveal  myself  unto  Moses,  and  talked  with  him,  when  my  people 

4  served  in  Egypt;  and  I  sent  him,  and  led  my  people  out  of  Egypt,  and  brought  him  upon 

5  mount  Sina,  and  kept  him  by  me  a  long  season,  and  told  him  many  wondrous  things, 

6  and  showed  him  the  secrets  of  the  times,  and  the  end;  and  I  commanded  him,  saying, 

7  These  words  shall  thou  declare,  and  these  shalt  thou  hide.     And  now  I  say  unto  thee, 

8  Lay  up  in  thy  heart  the  signs   that  I  have  shown,  and  the  visions  that  thou  hast  seen, 

9  and  the  interpretations  which  thou  hast  heard; '  for  thou  shalt  be  taken  away  from  meu, 
and  from  henceforth  thou  shalt  remain  with  my  Son,  and  with  such  as  are  like  thee,  un- 

10  til  the  times  are  ended.    For  the  world  hath  lost  its  youth,  and  the  times  begin  to  grow  old. 

11  For  the  world  is  divided  into  twelve  parts,  and  ten  parts  of  it  are  gone  already,*  and  half 
12,  13  of  a  tenth  part;  but  there  remain  its  two  parts  after  the  half  of  the  tenth  part.     Now 

therefore  set  thine  house  in  order,  anil  reprove  thy  people,  and  comfort  such  of  them  as 

14  are  cast  down;  and   now  renounce  corruption,  and   let  go  from  thee  mortal  thoughts,  and 

15  cast  away  from  thee  the  burdens  of  man,  and  put  off  now  froiu  thee  the  weak  nature,  and 
lay  aside  the  thoughts  that  are  most  heavy  unto  thee,  and   haste  thee  to  go  away  from 

1 6  these  times.  For  yet  greater  evils  than  those  wliich  thou  hast  seen  happen  shall  come 
1  7  to  pass.  For  as  much  as  the  world  is  weaker  through  age,  so  much  more  shall  evils  In- 
18  crease  upon  them  that  dwell  therein.     For  truth  shall  flee  far  away,  and  lying  come  near; 

for  now  hasteth  the  eagle  ^  to  come,  which  thou  hast  seen  in  vision. 
19,  20       And  I  answered  and  said,  Behold,  Lord,  I  will  speak  before  thee.     Behold,  I  will 
go  as  thou  hast  commanded  me,  and  reprove  the  people  of  the  present;  but  they  that  shall 
be  born  afterwards,  who  will  admonish   them  ?     The  world   therefore   lieth  in  darkness, 

21  and  they  that  dwell  therein  are  without  light,  since  thy  law  is  burnt;  therefore  no  man 

22  knoweth  the  things  that  are  done  by  thee,  or  the  works  that  shall  begin.  But  if  I  have 
found  grace  before  thee,  send  the  Holy  Spirit  into  me,  and  I  will  write  all  that  hath  taken 
place  in  the  world  since  the  beginning,  which  were  written  in  thy  law,  that  men  may  find 
a  path,  and  that  they  who  would  live  in  the  later  days  may  live. 

'  So  S.,  but  the  word  means  no  more  than  terra  atia  (cf .  Ter.  40),  being  the  n~inS  y^S  of  Deut.  xxix.  28.    Sea 
IteUiHly,  p.  'M. 
■  Cod.  A.  establishes  the  conjectare  of  tlilgenfeld,  who,  with  the  Oriental  Tersions,  read  vmctum  lor /actum      Sm 

beUbly,  p.  29. 

^  The  emendation  of  Van  der  Vlis,  audisti^  ia  supported  by  Cod.  A.    See  Beoaly,  p.  83. 

*  Codd.  S.  A.  read  Uectmjam.    See  Bensly,  p.  29. 

^  'i'his  word  is  omitted  iu  the  text^  rec,  bat  ij  adopted  by  Fritosche  from  tlie  Oriental  venioBA. 


664  APPENDIX. 


23  And  he  answered  me  and  said,  Go,  gather  the  people  together,  and  say  unto  them,  that 

24  they  seek  thee  not  for  forty  days.  But  look  thou  prepare  for  thyself  many  tablets,  and 
take  with  thee  Sarea,  Dabria,  Salemia,  Elcana,  an<l  Asihel,  these  live  who  are  prepared  to 

25  write  swiftly;  and  come  hither,  and  I  will  light  a  lamp  of  understanding  in  thine  heart, 
whieh  shall  not  be  put  out,  till  the  things  be  performed  which  thou  shalt  begin  to  write. 

26  And  when  thou  art  done,  some  things  shalt  thou  publish,  some  things  shalt  thou  show 
secretly  to  the  wise;  to-morrow  at  this  hour  shalt  thou  begin  to  write. 

27  And  I  went  forth,  as  he  commanded  me,  and  gathered  all  the  people  together,  and  said, 
28,  29  Hear  these  words,  O  Israel.     Our  fathers  at  the  beginning  were  strangers  in  Egypt, 

30  and  were  delivered  from  thence ;  and  they  received  a  law  of  life,  which  they  kept  not, 

31  which  ye  also  have  transgressed  after  them.  And  the  land,  even  the  land  of  Sion,  was 
parted  among  you  by  lot;  and  your  fathers,  and  ye,  have  done  unrighteousness,  and  have 

32  not  kept  the  ways  which  the  Most  High  comuiandid  you.     And  since  he  is  a  rio-hteous 

33  judge,  he  took  from  you  in  time  what  he  had  given.     And  now  are  ye  here,  and  your 

34  brethren  among  you.     If  therefore  you  wUl  rule  your  understanding,  and  instruct  your 

35  hearts,  you  shall  be  kept  alive,  and  after  death  shall  obtain  mercy.  For  after  death 
will  the  judgment  come,  when  we  shall  live  again;  and  then  shall  the  names  of  the  right- 

36  eons  be  manifest,  and  the  works  of  the  ungodly  shall  be  made  known.  But  let  no  man 
come  unto  me  now,  nor  seek  after  me  for  forty  days. 

37  And  I  took  the  five  men,  as  he  commanded  me,  and  we  went  into  the  field,  and  remained 

38  there.     And  it  came  to  pass,  that  on  the  next  day,  behold,  a  voice  called  me,  saying,  Es- 

39  dras,  open  thy  mouth,  and  drink  what  I  give  thee  to  drink.  And  I  opened  my  mouth,  and 
behold,  there  was  reached  me  a  full  cup.     This  was  full  as  it  were  with  water,  but  the  color 

40  of  it  was  like  fire.  And  I  took  it,  and  drank ;  and  when  I  had  drunk  of  it,  my  heart  streamed 
over  with  understanding,  and  wisdom  grew  in  my  breast,  for  my  spirit  strengthened  my  mem- 

41,  42  ory.  And  my  mouth  was  opened,  and  shut  no  more.  But  the  Most  High  gave  under- 
standing unto  the  five  men,  and  they  wrote  the  visions  of  the  night  that  were  told  them, 
which  they  knew  not.    And  they  sat  forty  days;  but  they  wrote  in  the  day  time,  and  at  night 

43,  44  they  ate  bread.     But  I  spake  in  the  day,  and  was  not  silent  by  night.     In  forty  days 

45  they  wrote  ninety -four  '  books.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  forty  days  were  fulfilled, 
that  the  Most  High  spoke,  saying,  The  first  that  thou  hast  wi-itten  publish  openly,  that 

46  the  worthy  and  unworthy  may  read ;  but  keep  the  seventy  later  ones,  that  thou  mayest 

47  deliver  them  to  such  as  are  wise  among  the  people  ;   for  in  them  is  a  spring  of  under- 

48  standing,  and  a  fountain  of  wisdom,  and  a  river  of  knowledge.  And  I  did  so  in  the 
seventh  year,  the  sixth  week,  five  thousand  years  after  the  creation  of  the  world,  and 

49  three  months  and  twelve  days.     And  in  these  was  Ezra  snatched  away,  and  taken  up  to 

50  the  place  of  those  like  himself,  after  he  had  written  all  these  things.  But  he  was  called 
the  scribe  of  the  knowledge  of  the  Most  High  forever. 

*  Text,  Tec,  buxos  muUos  ;  but  the  Oriental  versions  give  the  true  sense  in  tabulas  muUas. 

«  Fritzsche  follows  here  the  Oriental  versions.    The  text,  rec.  has  "  two  hundred  and  four."    Cod.  S.,  DCCCCHII. 

*  What  is  found  after  these  words  is  supplied  by  Fritzsche  from  the  Syriac.  "  In  Hbris  Laiinii  idea  excidit,  quia 
ntscio  quo  errore  sequentis  libri  posterior  pars  utpote  caput  XV.  et  xvi.  eidsuerctur^  cum  prior  part  iniiio  hujtts  libri  utpot* 
taputprimum  et  secundum  locata  esset."    See  L&ri  Apoe.  F.  7.,  p.  689. 


APPENDIX  n. 


LEADING   WORKS    OF   THE  OLD   TESTAMENT 
PSEUDEPIGRAPHA. 

THE   BOOK   OF  ENOCH. 

A  -WORK  imputed  to  the  patriarch  Enoch  enjoyed  a  wide  circulation  in  the  early  Christian  church 
and  was  not  infrequently  cited  by  various  writers.  As  most  Biblical  scholars  claim,  and  as  seems 
probable,  it  was  made  use  of  by  Jude  in  the  well-known  passage  of  his  Epistle  (vers.  14,  15;  cf. 
Enoch  i.  9),  although,  indeed,  it  "cannot  be  determined  with  absolute  certainty  that  the  words  he  em- 
ploys were  not  then  current  in  the  form  of  a  tradition.  What  Justin  Martyr  {Ajtol.,  ii.  5)  has  to  say 
concerning  the  augcls,  their  fall,  their  instruction  of  men,  and  the  like,  certainly  seems  to  have  been 
derived  from  this  source,  since  it  is  found  in  close  connection  with  matter  of  another  sort,  which  like- 
wise appears  in  the  same  connection  in  the  original  work.  Ireuajus  also  used  the  book.  {Adv.  Haer., 
iv.  .30  :  "  Sed  et  Enoch  sine  circumcisione  placens  Deo,  cum  essM  homo,  Ugatione  ad  angelos  funrjebatiir," 
etc.  Cf.  also.  Adv.  Haer.,  iv.  16,  2.)  And  Tertnllian  even  looked  upon  it  as  a  product  of  divine 
iuspiratioTi  (Dc  Idol.,  xv. ;  "  Hcec  igititr  ab  initio  prmvidens  Spiritus  Sanctus  etiam  ostia  in  supemlitio- 
nem  ventiira  pnececinit  per  antiquissimum  poetam  Enoch."  Cf.  also,  De  Idol.,  iv.,  and  De  Hahitii  Muli- 
ebri,  ii.,  iii.).  So,  too,  Clement  of  Alexandria  refers  to  it  with  respect  {Strom.,  p.  550  in  tlie  ed.  of 
Sylburg),  and  Origen  {De  Principiis,  iv.  35;  Ham.  in  Nutnb.,  xxxiv.),  and  Augustine,  although  both 
the  latter  deny  its  genuineness  (Augustine  in  De  Civitate  Dei,  xv.  23 ;  Origen  in  his  work  Contra 
Vetsnm,  v.).  It  was  later  and  less  widely  known  in  the  Eastern  church;  but  fragments  of  it,  in 
Greek,  are  still  preserved  in  the  Chronographia  of  Georgius  Syncellus,  which  is  dated  about  a.  d.  792 
(cf.  Dillmann,  Uebersetzung,  pp.  82-86).'  A  small  Greek  fragment  ha-s  also  been  discovered  in  the 
Vatican  Library,  but  proves  to  be  of  less  importance  than  was  at  first  supposed,  as  it  contains  only 
eight  verses  of  chap.  Ixxxi.x.  (42^9). 

In  more  modern  times  the  work  first  made  its  appearance  in  an  Ethiopic  translation  found  in 
three  manuscripts,  and  brought  to  Europe  by  Bruce  in  1773.  An  English  version  was  made  by 
Laurence  in  1821  (new  editions  in  1833, 1838),  and  the  Ethiopic  te.xt  published  by  him  in  1838.  Hoff- 
mann rendered  the  English  of  Laurence  into  German,  as  far  as  chap.  Iv.  inclusive,  and  for  the  re- 
mainder of  the  work  translated  directly  from  the  Ethiopic,  comparing  for  that  purpose  a  newly-dis- 
covered  manuscript  of  it  in  that  language.  In  1851,  the  Ethiopic  text  was  published  anew,  and  in  a 
much  more  correct  form,  by  Dillmann.  who  bad  the  aid  of  five  different  Codices,  and  two  yeiirs  later 
the  same  scholar  issued  a  new  German  translation,  which  since  that  time  has  furnished  the  basis  of 
investigation  for  those  unacquainted  with  Ethiopic.  (For  other  works  and  articles,  see  List  of 
Authors  below.) 

Our  space  is  too  limited  to  give  more  than  a  meagre  outline  of  the  contents  of  this  voluminous 
work,  wliich  is  divided  by  Dillmann  into  one  hundred  and  eight  cliapters.  In  form,  it  consists  of  a 
series  of  revelations  which  are  said  to  have  been  made  to  Enoch.  The  matter  of  these  revelations  is 
of  the  most  varied  character,  relating  as  well  to  the  phenomena  aud  laws  of  nature  as  to  the  ordi- 
nances and  history  of  the  kingdom  of  God  among  men.  In  order  to  give  instruction  to  men  on  these 
topics,  the  revelations  are  claimed  to  have  been  given  and  written  down  by  the  patriarch.  There  is 
first  an  introduction  in  which  Enoch  reports  that  he  has  seen  a  vision  and  lieard  the  history  of  all  the 
five  future  generations  of  men  (i.-v.).  He  then  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  the  fall  of  the  angels 
(vi.-xi.),  and  is  himself  sent  to  the  earth  to  proclaim  to  them  their  impendiug  doom.  Asking  him 
to  intercede  for  them,  he  does  so,  but  without  effect ;  and  hence,  a  second  time,  auuounces  their  de- 
struction (xii.-xvi.).  In  the  chapters  next  following,  he  recites  further  his  experiences  in  the 
hiavinly  world,  discourses  on  nature,  discloses  the  end  of  the  earth,  the  place  where  the  fallen  angels 
are  punished,  and  the  abode  of  spirits  (xvii.-xxxvi.).  The  so-called  "  second  vision  of  wisdom  "  is 
then  described  in  three  sections,  and  is  a  singular  combination  of  revelations  concerning  the  lot  of  the 
blessed  in  heaven  aud  the  mysteries  of  the  physical  world  (xxxvii.-lxxi.).  This  is  followed  by  eleven 
ciiaplers  devoted  especiall}'  to  astronomy,  the  angel  Uriel  giving  Enoch  the  information  which  he 
comMinnicates  (Ixxii.-lxxxii.).  Of  the  next  twc  visions,  the  first  relates  to  the  destruction  of  the 
world  liy  the  Hood  (IxxxifS.-lxxxiv.),  and  the  second,  to  the  history  of  Israel  down  to  the  time  of  the 
Messiah,  tbr  eoveiiaut  people  being  represented  under  the  symbolism  of  animals  of  various  kiuos 


666  APPENDIX. 

(Ixxxv.-xc.)-  Admonitions  follow  to  his  children  (xci.),  an  explanation  of  the  "weeks"  of  the 
world's  history  (xcii.-xciv.),  woes  are  denounced  against  the  sinful  (xcv.-ev.),  and  an  aceonnt  is 
given  of  the  birth  of  Noah,  with  the  singular  events  that  attended  it  (cvi.-cvii.).  The  work  closes 
with  "  another  writing  of  Enoch,"  in  whiih  he  comniuuicati-s  still  moie  fully  what  is  to  be  the  con- 
dition of  the  wicked  and  the  righteous  in  the  future  (cviii). 

But  few  data  are  given  iti  the  composition  itself,  by  which  its  authorship  and  age  might  be  deter- 
mined, and  there  has  been,  in  fact,  the  widest  diversity  of  opinion  respecting  both  the  time  of  its 
origin  and  the  question  of  its  integrity  and  unity.  But,  with  this  great  diversity  in  the  matter  of 
details,  there  is  csseutial  agreement  among  scholars  toudiing  the  principal  features  of  the  book.  A 
large  majority  of  the  more  recent  investigators,  for  example,  hold  that  the  central  portion,  the  bo- 
called  ■'  .Second  Vision  of  Wisdom  "  (xxxvii.-lxxi.),  was  not  written  by  the  author  of  the  main  work, 
although  some  regard  it  as  a  later  addition  (Liicke,  Kostlin,  Hilgenfuld,  Volkraar,  Sieffert),  while 
others  hold  that  it  preceded  it  (Dillmann,  Evvald).  Again,  most  scholars  agree  that  the  original 
work  was  composed  some  time  during  the  period  of  the  Hasmoniean  dynasty  (e.  c.  166-98).  Mere 
Dillmann  and  Ewald  join  Langeu,  Wittichen,  w  ith  the  others  mentioned  in  the  first  class  above  ex- 
cepting only  Volkmar,  who  with  fStnart,  Weisse,  Hofmann,  and  Philippi,  fix  upon  some  period  con- 
siderably after  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  for  its  origin.  Still  further,  Dillmann  (who  thus 
retracts  his  fii-st  opinion),  Ewald,  Kostlin,  Wittichen.  and  ,Schiirer  regard  the  parts  relating  to  Noah 
as  interpolations.  It  is  by  no  means  unlikely,  indeed,  that  there  are  other  smaller  interpolations ; 
Ewald,  for  instance,  maintaining  with  great  confidence  that  the  work,  in  its  present  form,  h.ad  six 
authors,  the  date  of  whose  several  productions  he  attempts  to  give  mth  much  exactness;  but  we 
may  with  tolerable  safety  adrjpt  the  general  conclusions  arrived  at  by  the  scholars  above  men- 
tioned. 

Tile  time  of  the  composition  of  the  principal  portion  is  determined  by  means  of  the  historical  vision 
found  in  chaps.  Ixxxv.-xc  ,  where  the  whole  history  of  Israel,  from  Adam  to  the  time  of  the  author, 
is  symbolically  represented  in  four  distinct  period.s.  We  can  only  give  results.  The  first  period  is 
generally  thought  to  extend  to  the  time  of  Cyrus ;  the  second,  to  that  of  Alexander  the  Great;  the 
third,  to  that  of  Antiochus  Epiplianes  ;  and  the  fourth,  to  the  time  of  the  work,  which  seems  from  in- 
ternal evidence  to  liaie  been  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century  before  Christ.  The  main  inter- 
polation (.\xxvii.-lxxi.,  excepting  some  minor  fragments),  which  shows  itself  to  be  such  by  its  pecul- 
iar use  of  the  divine  name,  its  angeh:>logy,  eschatology,  etc.,  is  most  generally  referred  to  a  period 
not  earlier  than  about  the  time  of  Herod  the  Great  (b.V.  ."i?).  This  point  is  determined  by  means  of 
an  allusion  found  in  chap.  Ivi.,  which  contains  an  ostensible  prediction  concerning  an  inroad  of  the 
Parthians  and  Mcdes  into  the  Holy  Land,  where  they  finally  perish  in  mutual  conflicts.  This  actu- 
ally took  place  b.  c.  40-38.  Others,  however  (llotmann,  Weisse,  Hilgenfeld,  Volkmar,  Philippi),  on 
the  other  hand,  argue  in  favor  of  a  Christian  origin  for  this  part  also.  The  Noachian  fragments  (liv. 
7  ;  Iv.  2  ;  Ix.  ;  Ixv.-lxix.,  25,  and  probably  cvi.-cvii.),  so  called  from  the  fact  that  Noah  is  concerned  in 
them  or  is  represented  as  having  written  them,  are  of  uncertain  date,  a,s  is  also  the  concluding  chapter, 
which  moreover  seems  to  have  been  of  independent  origin.  Still,  it  is  likely  that  they  arose  somewhat 
later  than  the  main  work,  which  would  naturally  suggest  and  inspire  further  compositions  of  this 
character.  (Cf.  Ewald,  Ahhandlnnyeii,  p.  58,  who  seems  to  show  that  the  otlier  portions  were  made 
use  of  liy  the  author  of  thesi".) 

It  is  almost  universally  admitted  {contra,  Vulkmar.  Philippi)  that  our  work  was  composed  iu  the 
Hebrew  (or  Aramaic)  language,  although  the  Ethiopic  version  was  clearly  made  from  the  Greek.  Ir 
first  appeared  in  Palestine  (cf.  Dillmann,  Uehersel:.,  Einleit.,  p.  li.),  where  at  the  time  of  the  Has- 
mona'ans  Greek  would  scarcelv  have  been  employed  for  such  a  composition.  It  uses  Hebrew  roots 
in  forming  the  names  of  angels,  ^vinds,  etc.,  recei\es  a  long  and  important  notice  in  the  Hebre^v  Book 
of  Jubilees,  and  was  widely  known  and  cited  by  Jewish  writers  down  to  a  late  period.  Indeed,  it 
has  been  pretty  conclusively  sliown  by  Hallevi  {Journal  Asiatifjue  for  April  and  May,  1867,  pp.  352- 
395),  not  only  that  the  work  was  written  in  Hebrew,  but  that  it  was  the  almost  Biblical  Hebrew  of 
the  Misbua  and  Midrashira.  He  also  succeeds  in  clearing  up  a  number  of  difficult  passages  in  the 
book.     ((_'f.  Abbot's  note  in  the  American  edition  of  Smith's  Bib.  /)ict.,  x.  v.) 

In  doctrinal  teaching  the  Book  of  Enoch  adds  nothing  essentially  new  to  what  is  found  in  the  Old 
Testament  Scrijitures.  The  most  important  feature  of  its  teaching  is  that  relating  to  the  Messiah  and 
the  Mes.sianic  kingdom.  The  epithets  applied  to  the  former,  the  "  Sou  of  God  "  (cv.  2),  the  ''  Son  of 
woman"  (Ixii.  5),  "the  Elect"  (xl.  5),  "the  Wind  "  (xc.  38,  although  Dillmann  and  others  maintain 
that  this  is  a  gloss  from  a  Christian  hand),  are  remarkable,  and  especially  the  statement,  that  ''  lie- 
fore  the  stars  of  heaven  were  made,  his  name  uius  named  by  the  Lord  of  Spirits"  (xlviii.  2).  Still,  it 
is  very  much  to  lie  doubted  whether  by  these  and  other  similar  expressions  the  author  meant  to  im- 
pute to  the  Jlessiah  the  attributes  of  Deity.  There  seem  rather  to  be  transferred  to  this  mysterious 
per.sonage  characteristics,  which  had  become  familiar  in  the  Jewish  thought  of  the  time  in  connection 
with  their  common  ideal  representation  of  wisdom.  At  least,  if  this  was  his  intention,  he  must  be  re- 
garded as  very  inconsistent  with  himself,  since  his  chief  emphasis  throughout  is  laid  upon  the  king- 
Uom  rather  tlian  the  king,  the  king  himself  being  represented  as  for  the  kingdom,  and  in  fact  an  out- 
^lowth  of  it.  In  the  final  conflict,  when  the  new  order  of  things  comes  really  to  be  set  up,  the  Messiah 
falls  (|iiite  into  the  background,  and  it  is  the  Almighty  who  appears  and  interposes  for  his  oppressed 
people  (xc.  16  ff.).  And  this  is  in  harmony  with  the  abnormal  development  of  nearly  all  the  Old  Tes- 
trfimcnt  revelations  in  the  Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha. 

THE  SIBYLLIXE  ORACLES. 

The  Sibyl  of  the  ancient  world,  as  is  well  known,  was  a  lieing  half  divine,  wh»  communicated  to 
Hen  the  decrees  of  the  heavenly  jxiwers,  cspcciallv  respecting  cities  and  kingdoms.     The  idea  s«emi 


THE  OLD   TESTAMENT   PSEUDEPIGBAPHA.  6(37 

to  have  originated  in  tlie  early  Konian  history,  and  the  great  reverence  ffith  which  her  supposed  re- 
sponses were  regarded  by  the  Rome  of  later  time  may  be  inferred  from  the  manner  in  which  they  are 
spoken  of  by  Livy  and  other  historians.  The  original  Sibylline  Books  perished  in  the  year  671  of 
Kome  (b.  c.  83).  Sulisequently  anew  voliinif  of  oracles  sprang  up, but  in  connettiou  with  it  a  ma^s  of 
similar  literature,  the  most  of  which  was  at  once  recognized  as  spurious,  and  so  discredit  came  to  be  at- 
tached to  the  whole  matter  of  prophetical  utterances  of  the  kind.  Beside  this  earlier  legendary  Sibyl 
of  Tarquin,  there  were  a  number  of  otliers  acknowledged  in  the  earlier  times,  whose  shrines  were  at 
different  places,  as  at  Cumse  and  Erythrse,  at  Delphi,  in  Libya  and  Phrygia,  some  authors  enumerat- 
ing as  many  as  ten  of  them.  Their  prophecies,  Hrst  communicated  orally,  were  afterwards  committed 
to  writing,  and  generally  in  the  form  of  hexameter  veise  The'  Jews  of  Alexandria  now,  who  found 
aggression  the  best  method  of  defense,  naturally  brtlionght  themselves,  in  connection  with  their  own 
prophetical  books,  of  this  means  for  bringing  their  faith  in  an  acceptable  and  impressive  manner  be- 
fore the  minds  of  their  heathen  neighbors  and  rulers.  And  following  them  Christian  apologists  of 
the  first  centuries  were  not  slow  in  adopting  what  .apjieared  to  them  a  fitting  channel  for  communi- 
cating the  higher  "  oracles,"  and  for  showing  that  Christianity  hail  been  predicted  from  the  beginning 
of  time  as  the  true  religion.  Justinus,  Athenagoras,  Theophilu.s,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  among 
others,  appeal  to  the  Sibyl  as  to  a  recognized  authority,  and  no  fewer  than  fifty  passages  have  been 
found  in  the  writings  of  Lactantius,  where  he  makes  u^e  of  some  part  of  what  is  now  known  as  the 
Sibylline  Books  to  support  his  arguments  (cf.  the  valuable  article  in  the  Edinbunih  Review,  July,  1877, 
]).  19).  These  Christian  writers,  however,  nnide  a  clear  distinction  between  the  inspiration  of  the 
Sibyl  and  that  of  a  prophet  of  the  Bible,  and  not  a  few  among  them  refused  to  avail  themselves  of 
this  weapon  of  defense,  aud  even  applied  opprobrious  epithets  to  such  as  did.  And  from  the  fourth 
century  such  productions  came  more  aud  more  into  disrepute  and  disuse,  and  Bnally,  they  were  almost 
entirely  lost  to  riew.  Still,  the  old  traditions  lingered  to  some  extent  even  in  the  iliddle  Ages,  as  is 
evident  from  the  language  of  the  well-known  hymn,  — 

"  Dits  im,  dies  iUa, 

Solvit  s{Fclum  infavilta, 
Tatt  David  cum  Sibylla." 

The  SibyUiue  Books  were  first  published  in  modern  times  by  Betuleius  (Basle,  1545),  and  were 
eight  in  number.  Ten  years  later  Castalio  issued  another  edition  at  the  same  place,  and  still  others 
subsequently  appeared  in  Paris  (1599)  and  in  Amsterdam  (1689).  In  1817,  Angelo  Mai  published 
an  additional  book,  the  fourteenth,  and  in  1828,  the  remaining  ones  of  our  present  number,  fourteen 
in  all.  The  best  of  the  more  recent  editions,  however,  are  those  of  Ale.xaudre  (2d  ed.,  1S69),  and  of 
Fiiedlieb  (1852),  the  former  being  accompanied  by  a  Latin,  and  the  latter  by  a  German  translation. 

The  collection,  as  it  now  exists,  it  is  universally  agreed,  had  a  number  of  different  authors,  some  of 
them  Jewish  and  some  Christian,  the  latter,  however,  as  it  would  seem,  very  largely  preponderating. 
To  separate  the  work  into  its  constituent  pai  ts  has  been,  in  fact,  the  most  difficult  ta-^k  of  scholars 
who  have  given  attention  to  the  sulyect,  and  they  are  by  no  means  in  harmony  on  this  point.  .Ac- 
cording to  Schiirer  {Neutest.  Zeitgesrhichte,  p.  51 7),  the  only  certain  result  of  investigation  thus  far  is, 
that  the  Third  Book,  at  least  with  the  exception  of  smaller  interpolations,  may  be  looked  upon  as  of 
Jewish  origin,  and  as  having  originated  previous  to  the  begiiming  of  our  era.  All  the  rest  is  in  di* 
pute.  The  weight  of  evidence  would  indeed  appear  to  be  in  favor  of  regarding  the  Fifth  Book  also 
xs  having  emanated  from  a  Jewish  pen,  but  still  there  is  doubt  concerning  it.  The  Third  Book,  then, 
may  be  considered  as  the  kernel  of  tfie  collection,  and  its  date  can  be  determined  with  reasonable  ex- 
actness. Tlie  campaigns  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  into  Egypt  were  already  matter  of  history  (vers. 
611-615),  but  Rome  had  not  yet  become  an  empire  (ver.  176).  StUl  further  aud  more  definitely,  it 
is  three  times  said,  that  under  the  seventh  Hellenic  king  of  Egypt  the  end  would  come  (vers.  191-193, 
316-318,  608-610).  Hence  the  author  of  this  portion  wrote,  as  most  suppose,  under  Ptoleinv  Phvs- 
cou  (b.  c.  170-164,  145-117).  Hilgenfeld  (Apok-aliiptik;-p.  69  f.  ;  Zeitschri/l,  1860,  p.  314  ff.,  1871, 'p. 
35)  fixes  the  date  more  exactly  at  b.  c.  140,  aud  Schiirer  ('.  c.  pp.  519,  52(j)  pronounces  his  conclusions 
just,  although  not  satisfied  with  all  his  reasoning.  Still,  it  is  not  impossible  that  Alexander  the  Great 
(as  Alexandre  and  Bleek  suppose)  was  reckoned  among  the  number  of  Hellenic  kings  of  Egypt,  in 
which  case  Ptolemy  Philometor  (b.  c.  184-146)  must  be  held  to  be  the  seventh,  in  whose  time  the 
author  probably  lived.  And  it  is  a  strong  support  of  this  theory,  which  on  the  face  of  it  is  the  more 
liatnral,  that  the  high  hopes  expressed  in  the  work  concerning  the  coming  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  — 

"  Then  from  the  E.ist  the  Lord  sha.U  send  a  king, 
To  hu6h  the  voice  of  war  throughout  the  world," 

would  scarcely  have  been  justified  by  the  .-tate  of  political  affairs  in  Palestine,  after  the  death  of  Si- 
mon (b.  o.  156).  Around  this  nucleus  now,  other  Jewish  and  Christian  productions  of  a  similar  char- 
acter were  gathered,  each  new  author  endeavoring  to  follow  the  model  set  by  the  first,  preserve  in 
outward  form  as  much  as  possible  the  character  of  the  mysterious  Sibyl,  and  at  the  ^ame  time  give 
utter;uice  to  9110.51  Biblical  truths,  colored  by  the  hopes  or  the  miseries  of  his  own  experience  and  times. 
In  the  original  work  the  style  of  the  first  part  is  aunalistic,  in  the  second  and  third  prophetical.  In 
the  historical  portions,  the  Israelitish  hi.~tory  is  strangely  mi.xed  up  with  classical  myths  and  the 
history  of  contiguous  peoples,  but  all  is  made  to  contribute,  tmder  a  thin  veil,  to  the  glorifying  of  the 
chosen  people.  The  prophetical  portion  is  preceded  by  a  pause,  in  which  "  the  Mighty  Father  "  is  en- 
treated to  hold  back  the  influence  of  iuspiration  under  which  she  h:vs  hitherto  spoken.  But  compelled 
to  proceed,  she  enters  upon  a  series  of  fiery  denunciations  a>;ainst  the  several  empires  of  the  aiicieut 
world,  the  Trojan  war  and  the  beautiful  Fury  ( Helen)  not  being  overlooked,  nor  the  "  blind  old  man," 
who  would  teli  the  story  in  the  time  to  come.  (Cf.  the  interesting  article  before  alluded  to  in  the 
EdinbuTgh  Review,  pp.  2.'»-27,  and  for  the  literature  in  general  the  List  of  Authors  given  below.) 


668  APPENDIX. 


THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  BARUCH. 

Besides  the  apocryphal  Book  of  Baruch,  the  so-called  First  Epistle  of  Barnch  in  Syriac,  tound  ia 
the  Loudon  and  Paris  Polyglots  (defended  by  Whiston  as  authentic,  j4  Collection  of  Auikentick  Records, 
i.,  pp.  I  f.,  25  ff.),  aud  a  work  entitled  Panilipomena  Jeremice  (by  Ceriani,  Monumenta  Sacra  et  Pro- 
faiHi,  v..  fasc.  1.  Mediolani,  1868,  pp.  9-18),  or  Uelitjua  Verlorum  Bnrnchi  (by  DiDmaun,  Chrestonialhia 
^Ihiopica,  Jjifs.,  1866,  and  translated  by  Pratorius  into  German,  Zeitschrift  fur  w,  T/ieoK,  1872,  pp. 
230-247.  Cf.  also  Ewald,  Geschichle  d.  Volk.  Is.,  vii.  183),  there  is  extant  iu  the  Syriac  language  a 
work  known  as  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch.  It  is  found  in  a  MS.  belonging  to  the  Ambrosian  library 
at  Milnn,  and  was  first  published  in  the  form  of  a  Latin  translation  by  Ceriani  (1866),  aud  five  years 
later  (1871 ),  iu  Syriac,  by  the  same  .scholar.  Fritzsche  adopted  Ceriani's  Latin  text  in  his  edition  of 
the  Apocrypha  aud  sekct  Pseudepigrapha  (1871),  and  the  work  has  also  been  more  or  less  fully  treated 
by  Langeu  (L>e  Apocalypsi  Baruch,  1867),  Ewald  ( Gotling.  Gdclir.  Anzeigen,  1867,  p.  1706  ff.,  and  Ge- 
scliichii-  d.  ToZi-. /s.,vli.,3te  Anfl.,  1868,  pp.  83-87),  Schiirer  [Neutest.  Zeitgesckiclile ,  pp.  542-.')49),  aud 
Kneucker  {Jjas  Buck  Baruch,  etc.  J^it  eijtcvi  Auhwg  ilber  den  pseudepigraphischeu  Baruch,  Leipz., 
1879).  The  work  seems  to  have  been  little  known  in  the  early  Christian  church,  but  Papias  ajipeara 
to  have  borrowed  lorgely  from  it  (especially  from  xxix.  5),  and  it  is  possibly  referred  to  iu  the  Sipiopsis 
of  Athauasius  aud  the  Sticliomttry  of  Nicephorus,  under  the  title  Bapovx  '('eu3€7riypa<pos.  (Cf .  Fabricius, 
Cud.  Pseudepig,  V.  T.,  i.  1116.)  A  fragment  of  the  work  (ch:ips.  Ixxviii -Ixxxvi),  also  in  the  Syriac 
language,  is  found  iu  the  London  aud  Paris  Polyglots,  and  Lagarde's  edition  of  the  Apocrypha  in 
Syriac  (1861),  and  was  rendered  into  Latin  by  Fabricius  for  his  work  just  mentioned. 

The  composition  is  quite  a  long  one,  although  incomplete  in  its  present  form  (cf.  Ixxvii.  19),  requiring 
forty -live  pages  of  Fritzsche's  work  (Libri  Apoc.  V.  T.  Gract,  pp.  654-699),  and  purports  to  be  from 
the  pin  of  Baruch,  who  everywhere  speaks  iu  the  first  person.  The  time  of  receiving  the  revelaiions 
communicated  is  claimed  to  be  just  before  and  just  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  (by  Nebuchad- 
nezear).  Under  a  thin  disguise  of  symbolism,  the  writer  depicts  the  relations  of  Israel  to  other  peoples, 
and  in  a  series  of  post  fucto  predictions  seeks  to  comfort  them  by  awakening  a  hope  of  better  times  in 
the  near  future.  Among  the  predictions  njade  after  the  event  is  one  concerning  ai^econd  destruction 
of  Jerusiileni  (xxxii.  2,  4),  which  clearly  proves  that  the  work  was  written  subsetjuent  to  the  over- 
throw of  that  city  by  Titus.  And  this  is  the  only  passage  which  gives  any  positive  clew  to  the  date 
of  the  composition.  But  it  has  a  close  relationship  to  the  Second  Book  of  E.^dras  (cf.  Langen,  pp. 
6-8),  and  it  is  evideut  that  the  one  must  have  borrowed  from  the  other.  Whether  the  present  book, 
however,  autidates  2  Esdras  (so  Fritzsche  and  Schiirer),  or  2  Esdras  first  appeared  (Ewald,  Langen), 
it  is  impossible  to  say  with  certainty.  But  the  fact  that  Papias  {x.  p.  12(i-170)  used  .".o  freely  the 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  (cf.  Ireuicus,  Adv.  Hiir.,  v.  33).  would  seem  to  favor  the  view  of  the  former; 
aud  it  is  probable,  therefore,  that  it  was  composed  soon  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Rom- 
ans. The  present  Syriac  version  was  derived  from  the  Greek,  and  it  is  most  likely  that  this  was  the 
language  of  the  original  (see  Langen,  De  Apocalypsi  Baruch,  p.  8,  "  Jam  vera  groeco  sermone  scriptor 
usus  esse  videtur  "  (cf.  also,  Judenlhum  in  Palestina,  p.  1 19  f.),  and  that  it  first  appeared  in  Palestine. 

THE  PSALMS  OF  SOLOMON. 

There  is  extant  iu  the  Greek  language  a  collection  of  eighteeu  Psalms  under  this  title  (VaXiio\  'S.aho- 
ItuvTos).  They  were  first  published,  with  a  Latin  translation  by  La  Cerda,  in  his  work  entitled  Ad- 
versaria Sacra  (Lugd.  1626),  from  a  manuscript  found  in  Augsburg,  which  has  since  disappearea, 
then  by  Fabricius  (2d  cd.,  1722,  p.  914  ff.) ;  aud  iu  1869  by  Hilgenfeld  (Mcssias  Judaorum,  pp.  1-33; 
cf.  Zfitschrijlfur  u\  Theol.,  1868,  pp.  134-168).  The  still  later  editions  of  Geiger  (1871 )  and  Fritzsche 
(1871)  agree  for  the  most  part  with  Hilgenfeld,  in  the  form  of  the  text  adopted,  hut  th.at  of  Geiger  is 
accompanied  by  valuable  explanatory  notes.  Wittichen  has  furnished  a  resume' oi  the  contents  of  the 
Psalnis  from  a  theological  point  of  view,  in  his  work.  Die  Idee  des  Eeiches  Goltes  (1872,  pp.  155-160. 
Cf.  also  Smith's  Bib.  Jjicl.  under  "the  llaccabees  "  sec.  10). 

The  work  displays  a  remarkable  unity  of  form  from  beginning  to  end,  the  way  being  prepared  in 
the  earlier  portions  for  what  appears  in  the  later,  and  its  style  and  spirit  are  also  everywhere  the 
same.  It  makes  itself  no  claim  to  the  authorship  of  Solomon,  the  title  being  a  later  addition,  and 
probably  suggested  by  I  Kings  iv.  32.  The  place  of  composition  was  Palestine,  the  author  identifying 
himself  with  those  who  there  suftered,  and  the  original  language,  probably  Hebrew  (Hilgenfeld  says 
Greek,  but  i-  almost  alone  in  his  view).  Tlie  writer  seems  to  have  been  an  earnest  partisan  of  the  Phar- 
isees. He  advocates,  with  earnestness,  a  righteousness  of  works  (xiv.  1 ;  cf.  ix.  9) ;  declares  the  justice  of 
God  in  the  punishment  of  his  people  on  account  of  their  sins ;  and  holds  to  a  resurrection,  when  one's 
pa.st  deeds  will  determine  whether  it  shall  be  to  life  (iii.  16),  or  to  condemnation  (xiii.  9ff. ;  xv.). 
Having  pre|iared  the  way  for  it  by  his  sketch  of  the  course  of  unrighteous  rulers,  and  the  miseries  of 
Israel,  the  author  proceeds  in  the' latest  Psalms  (xvii.,  xviii.)  to  picture  on  the  basis  of  the  Messianic 
prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  the  glory  of  the  coming  Messiah.  The  earth  is  divided  among  the 
chosen  peojile,  and  the  heathen  come  bending  to  the  new  king,  leading  back  his  dispersed  children,  who 
have  dwelt  iu  their  borders.  But,  as  in  the  Book  of  Enoch,  tlic  Messiah  acts  only  as  a  kind  of  deputy  oi 
God.  He  is  siidess  (in  a  ceremonial  sense),  has  wisdom  and  power  to  rule,  but  the  real  sovereign  over 
all  ia  Jehovah.  Much  light  is  hereby  thrown  on  the  attitude  of  the  Jews  of  his  titne  toward  our 
Lord,  since  the  jiresent  work  may  be  taken  as  fairly  representative  of  current  sentiment,  at  least, 
among  the  mighty  party  of  the  Pharisees. 

Kespectitig  ihe  time  of  ciimposition,  scholars  differ  to  some  extent,  some  holding  that  the  work 
orifiiuated  in  the  time  of  Ajitiocluts  Epiphaues  (Ewald,  Grimm,  Oehler,  Dillmaun.  Westcott),  otheri 


THE   OLD   TESTAMENT  PSEtJDEPIGRAPHA.  669 

(Movers,  Delitzscli,  Keim)  in  the  time  of  Herod,  but  a  growing  immbcr  of  the  later  investigator* 
(Lanf;en,  Hilginfeld,  Noldeke,  Haasrath,  Geiger,  Fritzsche,  Wittichen,  Schiircr)  fix  with  great  con- 
fidence, and  on  what  aeem  to  be  conclusive  grounds,  upon  a  period  soon  after  the  taking  of  Jerusa- 
lem by  Pompey  (a.  c.  63).  The  walls  of  the  city  are  represented  as  having  been  destroyed  with  bat 
tering  rams  (viii.  21 ;  ii.  1,  4v  xpif),  the  noblest  inhabitants  put  to  death,  while  the  young  men, 
women,  and  children  are  carried  captive  to  t/ie  West  (xvii.  13,  li,  ev  opyf  koWovs  atiTov  e'Joirf'crTeiXei' 
aina  fus  it'  SvafiiSv.  Cf.  ii.  6  ;  viii.  24).  Finally,  Ixjwever,  the  " dragon"  is  himself  slain  on  the 
"  iniiuntains  of  Egypt,  upon  the  sea,"  and  his  body  lies  unburied  (ii.  30-31).  This  seems  to  make  it 
rtiisouably  certain  that  Pompey  is  referred  to.  It  could  have  been  said  only  of  Pompey  and  Titus, 
that  tliey  c;iriied  their  captives  to  the  West,  and  the  other  particulars  make  it  evident  that  Titus  can- 
not be  meant.  And  Pompey  was  actually  murdered,  while  at  sea,  off  the  coast  of  Egypt  (b.  c.  48). 
It  is  rare,  in  fact,  in  books  of  this  character,  that  we  are  able  to  trace  with  so  sure  a  hand  the  circum- 
stances amidst  which  the  author  wrote. 

THE  ASSUMPTION  OF  MOSES. 

We  receive  the  earliest  notice  of  a  work  known  as  the  Assumption  of  Moses  {'AyiKtiilm  yiavcrtut) 
through  Origen  (De  Princip.,  iii.  2.  1)  who  remarks  that  what  is  said  in  Jude  (ver.  9.)  concerning  a 
strife  between  the  archangel  Michael  and  Satan  over  the  body  of  Moses  is  taken  from  it  (he  names 
it  the  "  Ascension  "  of  Moses).  It  is  referred  to  by  other  church  fathers  also,  and  later  Christian 
writers  :  as  Didymus  of  Alexandria  (t  c.  a.  d.  395),  Clement  of  Alexandria  {Strom.,  vi.  15),  Gelasias 
(pope,  A.  D.  492-496),  Evodius,  who  called  it  "  Apocrypha  et  secreta  Moysi,"  in  the  so-called  Synopsis 
of  Athanasins,  in  the  Apostolical  Constitutiaus,  and  the  Stichometiy  of  Nicephorus.  (Cf.  nilf;enfeld, 
.\fcssias  Judn'orum,  p.  Ixxi.,  and  Fritzsche,  Proit-qom.,  pp.  xxxiv.,  xxxv.)  In  more  modern  times  the 
work  was  first  brought  to  light,  excepting  small  fragments  found  in  Fabricins  (Cod.  Pseude/iig.  V. 
I'.,  i.),  by  Ceriani,  in  a  Latin  MS.  belonging  to  the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan,  which  he  edited  and 
published  in  his  work,  Monumenta,  etc.  (1861 ).  The  MS.  proves  to  be  itself  a  fragment,  and  is  without 
a  title,  but  is  of  considerable  extent,  and  that  it  is  a  version  of  the  original  Greek  work  is  evident  from 
a  pa-ssage  found  at  the  beginninir  (i.  14),  which  corresponds  with  an  earlier  citation.  Since  the  ap- 
pearance of  Ceriani's  publication,  the  composition  has  been  republished  by  Hilgeufeld  (1S66),  Volk- 
Miar  (Lat.  and  Germ.,  1867),  Schmidt  and  Merx  (Merx'  Archw,  1868),  andby  Fritzsche  (1871).  Ilil- 
genfild  has  also  attempted  a  retraiislatiou  into  Greek  (Zeitschrift,  186s,  and  Alessius  Jiidwuntiii,  1869). 

The  work  purports  to  be  a  sort  of  historical  and  ])rophetic  address  of  Moses  to  .Joshua  on  the  oc- 
casion of  his  succeeding  him  as  leader  of  Israel.  After  a  brief  sketch  of  Jewish  history,  intermingled 
with  prophetic  announcements,  reaching  down  to  the  time  of  Herod  the  Great,  both  the  descriptions 
and  the  predictions  become  at  once  more  full  and  definite,  showing  that  we  approach  the  period  in  which 
the  author  himself  lived.  That  Herod  the  Great  is  referred  to,  there  would  seem  to  be  little  room 
for  doubt.  His  character  is  described  with  great  exactness,  as,  also,  the  more  prominent  events  that 
characterized  his  reign.  He  is  called  "  lex  pi-tulans,  qui  non  erit  de  genere  sacerdotum  (a  reference  to 
the  preceding  Hasmonaean  dynasty)  homo  temenirius  et  improlms"  (vi.  2,  of  Fritzsche's  text).  It  ia 
said  that  his  reign  will  continue  thirty-four  years,  and  that  his  sons  will  succeed  him,  but  their  su- 
premacy will  be  shorter  than  his.  Cohorts  will  come  into  their  land,  and  a  mighty  king  of  the  West 
(probably  Qnintilius  Varus,  B.  c.  4)  will  subdue  them,  take  them  prisoners  and  destroy  a  part  of  their 
temple  with  fire  ("  et  partem  aedis  ipsoriim  iipii  incendet,"  vi.  9).  Then,  after  a  little,  the  end  would 
come  (•' ex  ijito  facto  Jinientur  ttmpora").  The  book  ends  abruptly  in  the  twelfth  chapter,  the  MS. 
being  imperfect  at  its  close ;  and  it  is  this  very  portion,  as  the  context  shows,  which  contained  the  ac- 
cotmt  of  the  alleged  strife  over  the  body  of  Moses.  It  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  the  lost  fragment 
may  yet  be  discovered. 

According  to  the  data  already  given,  it  would  seem  that  the  author  wrote  his  work  just  before,  or 
just  after  the  beginning  of  our  era,  that  is  not  long  after  the  death  of  Herod  (so  Ewald,  Wieseler,  Schii- 
rer).  That  it  was  before  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Herod's  two  sons,  Philip  and  Antipas,  seems  clear, 
from  the  fact  that  he  predicts  a  shorter  reign  for  them  than  their  father  enjoyed,  when  it  was  really 
longer.  That  it  was  soon  after  the  war  with  Varus,  the  words  quoted  above,  ex  quo  facto,  etc., 
would  lead  us  to  inter. 

There  has  been  umch  discussion  concerning  the  attitude  of  the  author  towards  the  leading  Jewish 
sects,  some  holding  him  to  be  a  Pharisee,  others  a  Sadducee.  He,  in  fact,  appears  to  coincide  fully 
with  neither  of  these  parties;  and  Wieseler  and  Schiirer  seem  to  be  right,  therefore,  in  placing  him 
among  the  so-called  Zealots.  He  held,  indeed,  to  the  leading  principles  of  the  Pharisees,  but  differed 
from  thcin  widely  in  his  more  spiritual  interpretation  of  the  law  and  in  his  decided  stand  with  respect 
to  the  civil  government. 

It  is  a  noticeable  circumstance,  that,  notwithstanding  the  Messianic  kingdom  is  the  leading  thought 
of  the  writer,  there  is  not  a  word  said  of  a  personal  Messiah.  In  this  respect  our  work  agrees  with 
another  of  the  Old  Testament  Pseudepigrapha,  soon  to  be  noticed,  the  Book  of  Jubilees.  It  is  the 
Most  High  God  ("  summus  Deus,  aternus  solns  "),  the  alone  Eternal,  who  will  rise  up  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  heathen  and  the  vindication  of  his  people  (cf.  x.  7).  The  work  appears  to  have  been  writ- 
ten in  Palestine,  and  may  have  been  composed  in  the  Hebrew  language,  though  the  present  Latin 
text  was  clearly  derived  frcjm  the  Greek. 

THE  ASCENSION  OF  ISAIAH. 

In  Jiistin  Martyr's  Dialogue  with  Tn/pho  (c.  cxx.),  there  is  an  allusion  made  to  the  death  of  Isaiah. 
It  is  said  that  he  was  sawn  asunder  with  a  wooden  saw  {irpioyi  iv\ly(f).     It  would  seem  that  this  was 


670  APPENDIX. 


taken  from  the  Psendepigraphal  work,  entitled  the  Aecension  of  Isaiahs  although  it  is  not  there  stated 
that  Isaiah  was  sawn  with  a  wooden  saw.  Tertullian,  also  (De  Patientia,  c.  xiv.),  makes  use  of  the 
prophet's  example  as  there  depicted  to  enforce  the  duty  of  patience  :  "  His  palientim  virihus  secalur 
£saias  et  de  Domino  non  tacet."  At  v.  14  of  the  Ascension  we  read  :  "But  Isaiah,  while  he  was  be- 
ing sawn,  did  not  cry  nor  weep,  but  his  mouth  sjioke  with  the  Holy  Spirit  until  he  was  cut  iu  two 
pieces."  (Cf.  the  translation  of  the  work,  with  introduction  and  notes,  in  the  Lutheran  Qnai-lerly  for 
Octoher,  1878,  pp.  513,  522.)  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  (vi.  1 6),  the  work  is  spoken  of  under  the 
title  6iir6Kov(pov  'Ho-ofou.  So  also  by  Origen,  who  cites  it  in  several  instances  (Com.  in  Matt.,  xiii.  57  ; 
Epist.  aa  African.,  c.  ix. ;  Eom.  in  Is.  i.).  Epiphauius  (cf.  Dillniann,  p.  xvii.)  named  it  ava^aTiKbv 
'Ho-aiov,  and  charged  that  a  certain  heresy  of  his  day  was  derived  from  it.  Ambrose  alluded  to  it 
{Com.  in  Ps.  clxviii.),  and  Chrysostom  quoted  it  at  length  {Com.  in  Matt.). 

The  first  knowledge  of  this  interesting  work  in  niodern  times  was  through  the  discovery  of  an 
Ethiopic  MS.  of  it  in  the  Bodleian  Library  by  Laurence,  who  published  it,  with  translations  in  Latin 
and  English,  in  1819.  Two  Latin  fragments  were  also  edited  by  Mai  (c  Codice  rescripto  Vaticano), 
Rome,  1828.  A  new  edition  of  the  whole  composition  has  recently  appeared  (1877),  by  Dillmann, 
who  made  use  of  two  additional  Ethiopic  MSS.,  and  his  work  is  accompanied  by  all  the  critical  helps 
needful  for  a  thorough  study  of  the  book.  He  devotes  a  number  of  pages  to  explanatory  notes,  ap- 
pends the  fragments  previously  edited  by  Mai,  and  a  second  Latin  version  from  another  MS.  of  chaps. 
Ti.  1-xi.  40,  the  part  containing  the  real  Ascension,  which  was  found  byGieseler.  Some  others  have 
treated  of  the  work  at  different  times  :  as  Grimm  (  Com.  iiber  Jesaia,  Leipz.,  1821,  pp.  45-46),  Xitzach 
{Stttdien  u.  Kritilen,  \i,SO,  \i.  2X0  a.),  Girorei  {Das  Jahrhmdert  des  Heils,  Stuttg.,  1838,  pp.  65-69,  ii.,  p. 
422 ff.),  Movers  {Kirchen-Lexikon, i.  338),  Ewald  ( Geschichte  des  Volkes  Is.,  3d  ed.,  vii.,  pp.  369-373),  and 
Langen  {Judenthum  in  PalSslina,  etc.,  pp.  157-167).  It  seems  to  have  been  written  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage, from  which  at  least  the  Ethiopic  version  originated  ("  universe  orationis  Graca  indoles  in  libra 
^thiopico  ita  servata  est."     Dillmann,  Prolegom.,  p.  viii.) 

The  work  as  it  now  exists,  according  to  Dillmann,  is  properly  two  works :  one  the  Ascension  proper, 
being  from  the  hand  of  a  Christian,  and  the  other  part  mainly  from  a  Jew,  excepting  what  was  added 
by  a  later  editor.  Following  this  critic's  analysis,  the  former  includes  vi.  1-xi.  1,  23-40.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  this  part  once  circulated  as  a  separate  book,  since  it  is  shown  in  the  fragments  published  by 
Mai,  which  contain  it  alone.  On  the  otker  hand,  that  the  work  also  circulated  in  the  Western 
church  in  its  entirety  is  proved  by  the  other  Latin  fragment,  where  parts  of  the  whole  are  found.  In 
form  the  original  composition  is  an  account  of  what  was  revealed  to  the  prophet  Isaiah,  as  he  was 
being  carried  upward  to  the  seventh  heaven,  "  in  the  twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  king 
of  Judah."  Its  age  may  be  approximately  determined  from  the  fact  that  it  contains  Christian  ele- 
ments, and  is  referred  to  by  Justin  Martyr  and  Tertnllian. 

THE  BOOK  OF  JUBILEES. 

In  onr  General  Introduction,  pp.  40-42,  we  have  spoken  at  some  length  of  the  Haggadistic  litera- 
ture of  the  Jews.  In  the  so-called  Book  of  Jubilees,  we  have  a  good  specimen  of  its  character.  It  is 
nothing  more  or  less  than  a  Haggadistic  commentary  on  the  Book  of  Genesis,  from  which  circum- 
stance also,  its  other  title,  the  "  Little  Genesis"  ("  Little,"  /.  e.,  not  in  exteut,  but  in  rank)  is  derived. 
A  commentary  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word  it  is  not,  but  a  free  reproduction  of  the  matter  of 
Genesis,  and  the  first  part  of  Exodus  with  the  enlargements,  interpolations,  and  interpretatiun-s  pecul- 
iar to  the  Judaism  of  the  later  times.  It  professes  to  be  a  revelation  made  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai, 
and  so  to  come  with  the  highest  authority,  but  moves,  notwithstanding,  on  a  decidedly  low  plane  of 
intellectual  and  spiritual  attainment.  The  author  is  supposed  to  know  whence  the  first  fathers  of 
the  race  got  their  wives,  how  Noah  managed  to  gather  the  animals  into  the  ark,  why  it  was  that  Re- 
becca loved  Jacob  so  much,  and  other  matters  of  that  sort.  The  patriarchs  are  also  made  pattern  Jews, 
of  the  later  order.  Good  and  bad  angels  participate  freely  in  human  affairs.  It  is  represented  that 
the  jjatriarchs,  in  addition  to  the  teaching  embraced  in  the  Mosaic  revelations,  received  secret  comnui- 
nications  from  God,  which  were  afterwards  to  be  made  known,  aa  in  the  present  book,  for  instance,^ 

In  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  of  our  era  it  was  cited  by  a  number  of  the  fathers  (Epiphiinius, 
Jerome,  Rufinus)  under  both  its  titles,  ri  'lco/3?jAa7a,  and  ^  xWtt)  Tivfcis,  but  most  frequently  the  lat- 
ter. Like  several  other  works  of  the  kind,  it  seems  to  liave  found  the  most  admirers,  however,  in  the 
church  of  Abyssinia,and  from  thence  it  was  brought  to  Europe  and  introduced  to  the  modern  world. 
Fragments  of  it  are  found  in  Fabricius  {Cod.  Psiudepig.  V.  T.,  vol.  i.  of  the  2d  ed.)  and  Treuenfels 
(Fiirst's  /.iVcrn^urWa^rfcsOnente,  1846,1851 ),  and  it  is  fully  presented  by  Dillmann  (1850-51)  in  a  Ger- 
man translation,  and  later  (1859)  in  the  Ethiopic  text.  It  was  afterwards  treated  by  a  number  of 
scholars,  whose  works  or  articles  will  be  found  in  the  list  of  authors  lielow. 

The  original  language  of  the  work  is  admitted  to  he  Hebrew,  and  its  birth-place  Palestine,  though 
it  was  early  translated  into  Greek  and  Latin,  from  the  former  of  which  languages  the  Ethiopic  yer.sion 
was  made.'  In  addition  to  the  numerous  internal  proofs  of  such  an  original,  we  have  the  positive  tes- 
timony of  Jerome  (cf.  Dillmann  in  Ewald's  .lahrhiirher,  iii.  89).  The  Book  of  Enoch  was  freely  used 
and  cited  bv  our  author,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  present  book,  ns  it  would  seem,  was  known  to 
the  writer  of  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs  (Dillmann,  /.  c,  pp.  91-94),  whicli  origin.ated 
in  the  second  century  of  our  era.  And  inasmuch  as  the  work  contains  not  the  slightest  .allusion  to 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  everywhere  represents  it  aa  being  still  the  great  spiritual  centre  of 
the  nation's  religious  life,  it  is  tolerably  dear  that  it  must  have  appeared  in  the  first  ccntuiy  and  prob- 
ably not  far  from  the  middle  of  it. 


THE   OLD  TESTAMENT  PSEUDEPIGRAPHA.  671 

THE  TESTAMENTS   OF  THE  TWELVE  PATRIARCHS. 

The  name  indicates  the  professed  character  of  the  present  work.  It  is  made  up  of  the  sapposed 
ntterances  of  the  twelve  sons  of  Jacob.  With  an  account  of  their  lives,  embracing  particulars  not 
found  in  the  Canonical  Scriptures,  there  are  combined  various  moral  precepts  intended  for  the  in- 
plructiou  of  their  descendants.  There  are  also  pretended  revelations  of  the  future  in  which  the  com- 
ing of  the  Messiah  is  made  the  goal.  The  work  seems  to  have  been  written  by  a  Jewish  Christian, 
whose  aim  was  to  win  over  his  fellow  countrymen  to  Christianity. 

The  language  in  which  it  was  written  seems  to  have  been  Greek,  as  we  now  find  it  in  extant  MSS. 
This  is  proved,  in  connection  with  other  things,  by  the  character  of  the  Greek  employed,  instances  of 
paronomasia,  a  frequent  use  of  the  genitive  absolute  and  of  the  verb  n^KKeiv,  and  tne  introduction  of 
terms  common  to  the  Greek  philosophy.  The  Testaments  are  referred  to  by  Tertullian  {Adv.  Mar- 
trionem,  v.  1  ;  Scorpiace,  xiii. ;  cf.  Benj.,  ii.)  and  by  Origen  (Horn,  in  Jos.,  xv.  6  ;  cf.  Heub.,  2,  3)  ;  also 
apparently  in  Jerome  (Adv.  Vir/ilant.,  c.  vi. ),  in  the  Spw/isis  ascribed  to  Athanasius,  and  the  Stichoxi- 
etry  of  Nicephorus.  (Cf.  Introductory  Notice  to  the  transl.alion  of  the  work  found  in  connection 
with  the  works  of  Lactantius,Tol.  ii.  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library,  pp.  7,  9.) 

In  times  more  modern  the  work  came  into  notice  as  published  in  Latin  by  Bishop  Grosseteste,  of 
England,  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  Greek  text  was  first  published  by  Grabe  {Spi- 
eilegium  Patrum,  etc.,  Oxford,  1698),  from  an  inaccurate  transcript  of  a  Cambridge  MS.  Fabricius 
(Cod.  Pseudep.)  reprinted  Grabe's  text  with  but  slight  changes.  Grabe's  second  edition  (1714)  was  an 
improvement  on  the  first,  but  still  left  much  to  be  desired.  The  second  edition  of  Fabricius  (1722)  and 
that  of  Gallandi  (who  followed  Grabe's  second  edition,  Venice,  1765)  and  Migne  (also  followed  Grabe, 
Patrologia  Grceca,  ii.  Paris,  1857),  are  all  very  imperfect.  In  1869,  Richard  Sinker  published  the 
text  of  a  Cambridge  MS.  of  the  work,  noting  the  variations  of  one  found  in  Oxford,  and  nsed  this 
text  in  making  his  translation  for  the  volume  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Library  above  referred  to.  There 
are  four  Greek  MSS.  of  the  Testaments  extant ;  one  in  Cambridge,  one  in  Oxford,  a  third  in  the  Vat- 
ican Library  not  yet  edited  (;.  e.,  at  the  time  Sinker's  work  appeared),  and  a  fourth,  which  was  discov- 
ered by  Tischendorf  at  Patmos,  the  special  character  of  which  is  unknown.  Of  the  Latin  text  there 
are  many  MSS.,  twelve  being  found  in  Cambridge,  England,  alone.  An  English  translation  was 
made  by  Arthur  Golding  (1581),  which  was  frequently  republished.  (Cf.  under  "  Sinker"  in  List  of 
Authors.) 

The  date  of  the  work  is  confidently  placed  in  the  first  part  of  the  second  centurj'  of  our  era.  It  re- 
fers to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  on  the  one  hand,  and  was  cited  by  Tertullian,  and  hence  must 
have  originated  within  these  limits.  The  New  Testament  Books  seem  to  have  been  already  collected 
to  a  greater  or  less  extent.  There  is  also  an  allusicjn  to  the  Jewish  priesthood,  which  would  be  with- 
out force,  if  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Hadrian  had  already  taken  place,  that  followed  the  in- 
surrection under  Bar-Cochba  (a.  d.  135).  We  must,  therefore,  fix  on  a  period  ranging  A.  D.  100-135 
for  its  composition.  So  Sinker,  but  most  other  scholars  place  it  somewhat  earlier.  The  work  has 
been  treated,  among  others,  by  Nitzsch  (see  List  of  Authors),  Ritschl  (Die  Enistehurvj  der  Altkath, 
A^jVcAe,  p.  171  ff.,  Bonn,  1850;  2d  ed.,  1857),  Vorstman  (see  below),  Kayser  (in  Renss  and  Cnnitz's 
Beitrage  zu  den  theol.  Wissenscha/ien,  1851,  pp.  107-140),  and  an  interesting  article  on  its  apologetical 
valae  appeared  in  the  Presbyterian  Review  for  Jauuaiy,  1880. 


LIST  OF  AUTHOEITIES. 


AcKERMANH.    Introductio  in  Libras  Sacros  Vet.  Foederis,    Editio  Tertia.    YieniUB,  I85S. 

Acta  Synodi  DoTclrechtance.     Leyden.     1620. 

Alexandre.    XPH2MOI  2IBTAAIAKOI.     Oracula  Sihyllina.    Editio  Altera.    Parisiis,  X889. 

Alexandre.     Excursus  ad  Sibylllnos  Libros.     Parisiis,  1 866. 

Anderson.     TTie  Annals  of  the  English  Bible.     Abridged  by  Prime.     New  York,  1849. 

Apel.    Libri  Veteris  Teslamenti  Apocryphi  Greece.     Lips.,  1837. 

Apocri/pha,  The,  Greek  and  English  in  Parallel  Columns.    Lond.,  1871. 

Appian.      Werke.     Stnttg.,  1832. 

ArDtild.     A  Critical  Commentary  on  Such  Books  of  the  Apocrypha  as  are  Appointed  to  be  Read  in  tke 

Churches.     Lond.,  1st  ed.,  1744,  4tb  ed.,  1822. 
Assem;ini.     BiUioth.  Apost.  Vaticana  Codicum  MSS.  Calalogus.     Rom£B,  1756-59. 
Auberlen.     Der  Prophet  Daniel  u.  die  Offenbanmg  Johannis.     3te  Anfl.,  Basel,  1874. 
Aagusti.    Libri  Vet.  Test.  Apocryphi.    Textum  Grcecum  recognovit  et  Variarum  Ledionum  Delectum  ad- 

jecit.     Lips.,  1804. 
Augusti.     Gnmdriss  einer  Historisch-Kritischen  Einleitung  in's  Alte  Testament.      2te  Aofl.,  Leipx., 


tsa(. 


Baclt.     Di-  Oraculis  Sibyllinis  a  .rudceis  composltis.     Breslan,  1869. 

Balfour.     The  Plants  of  the  Bible.     Lond..  1866. 

Bauermeistcr.     Commentarius  in  Sapientiam  Salomonis.     Getting.,  1828. 

Bauingarten.     "  Der  Nationaljiidische  Hintergmnd  der  Nentest.  Geschichte  nach  Flavins  Joaephns  " 

{Jiihrbiicher  fiir  Deutsche  TheoL,  1864,    pp.  6 [6-648,   1865,  pp.  605-693). 
Beer.     Dns  Buck  der  Jubilaen  u.  sein  Verhdltniss  zu  den  Midraschim.     Leipz.,  1856. 
Beer.     Noch  ein  Wort  uber  das  Buch  der  .Tubilaen.     Leipz.,  1857. 
Bendtsen.     Specimen  Exercitalionum  Criticarum  in  V.  T.  Libros  Apoc.  e  Patrum  Scriptis  et  Antiqm$ 

Versionibus.     Getting.,  1789. 
Bengel.     Gnomon  of  the  New  Testament.    Edinb.,  1860. 
Bensly.     The  Missing  Fragment  of  the  Latin  Translation  of  the  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra.     Cambridge, 

1875. 
Bernhardy.     Cnindriss  der  Griechischen  Litleratur.     3te  Anfl.,  Halle,  1861-76. 
Berthean.     Die  Bucher  der  Chrnnik  erklarl.     2te  .\nfl.,  Leipz.,  1873. 
Bertheau.     Dr  Si-cnndo  Lihro  iIaccahmi<Tum.     Gotting.,  1829. 
Bertholdt.     Einleitung  in  Sammtliche  Kanonische  u.  Apokryphische  Schrifien  d.  Alien  u.  Neuen   Testa- 

menls.     Erlangen,  1812-1819. 
Be.'aneon.     De  I'Emploi  que  les  Peres  de  I'  iSglise  ontfait  des  Oracles  Sibyllins.    Paris,  1851. 
Bianchini  {Lat.  Blanchinus).     Vindicice  Canonicarum  Scripturarum  Vulgatce.     Romse,  1740. 
Biildc-r.      Ueber  Koheleth's  Stellung  sum  Unsterblichkeitsglauben.     Erlangen,  1875. 
Bleek.     "  Ueber  die  Entstehung  u.  Znsaramensetziuig  der  uns  in  acht  Biichem  erhaltenen  Sammlnng 

Sibvllinischer  Orakel"  (Theolog.  Zeitschrift,  i.,  1819,  pp.  120-246,  ii.,  1820,  pp.  172-239). 
Bleek.     "  Ueber  die  Stellung  der  Apokryphen  des  Alteu  Test,  im  Christlichen  Kanon"  {Theolog. 

Studien  u.  Krit.,  1853,  pp.  267-3.54). 
Bleek.     An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament.     Translated  from  the  2d  German  ed.     2  vols.,  Lond., 

1869. 
Bleek.     Einleitung  in  dns  Alte  Testament.     Vievte  Anfl.,  bearbeitet  von  Wellhansen.    Berb'n,  1878. 
Bloch.     Studien  zur  Geschichte  der  Sammlnng  der  AlthebrSischen  Literatur.     Leipz.,  1875. 
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1877. 
Bohl.     Forschungen  nach  einer  Votksbibel zur  Zeit  Jesu  u.  deren  Zusammenhang  mit  der  Sepluaginta-Ue- 

bersetzung.     Wien.  1873. 
Bost.     L'Mpoque  des  Macchab^es.     Strassb.,  1862. 
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Viteb.,  1804. 
Bretschneider.     Liber  Jesu  Siracidce  Greece.     Ratishonae,  1806. 
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ten  Tesia^ients.    Erster  Band,  "  die  Dogmatik  enthaltend."    Leipz.,  1805. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES.  6Ti 


Bretschneider.     Ltrici    in    Inlerpretes  Crcecos  Vet.  Test,  maxime  Scriptores  Apocn/phos  Spicilegium, 

Post  Bielium  ct  Schleusnenim.     Lips.,  1805. 
BrowD.     History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Societi/.     Lond.,  1859. 
Bruch.      Weisheits-Lihre  dir  Ilebraer.     Strassb.,  1851. 

Bruch.     Die  Lehre  von  tier  Pr(Uxisten2  der  Menschlichen  Seele.     Strassb.,  1859. 
Briill.     Das  Apokrmihisclte  Siisiinim-Buch.     Frankfurt,  1877. 
Bucber.     Philonisehe  Stndint.     Tiibing.,  1848. 
Buckley.     A  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent.     Lond.,  1852. 
Bnnsen.     Vollstttndiges  Bihelwerk  fiir  die  Gemeinde.     Dritter  Theil,  "  Die  Apoki-yphischen  Bucher. ' 

HerausgegebcD  von  Holtzmann.     Leipz.,  1869. 
Butt.     The  Genuineness  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  Investigated.     Lond.,  1827. 
Buttmann.     Grammatik  des  Neutestamentlichen  Sprachgeliraiichs.     Berlin,  1859. 
Buttraann.     A   Grammar  of  the  New  Testament  Greeh.     Translated  by  Thayer,  with  numerous  addi 

tions  and  coiTections  by  the  author.     Aniiovcr,  1 876. 
Camerarius.     Sententice  .fesii  Siracidm  Greece.     BasU,  1551,  1555.     With  a  Latin  version  aud  addi 

tional  notes,  Lips.,  1568,  and  other  editions. 
Cappellus.      Commentarii  et  Notce  Critical  in  V.  T.     Amstelod.,  1869. 

Canifere.     "Note  sur  le  Taxo  de  I'Assomption  de  Moise"  (Revue  de  Th^ol.,  1868,  2  livr.). 
Ceriani.     Monumenta  Sacra  et  Prqfana.     Vols,  i.-vii.     Jlediol.,  1861-74. 
ChampoUion-Figeac.     Atinoles  des  Layides,  ou  Chronologie  des  ftois  Grecs  d'Egypte.     2  vols.,  with 

supplement.     Paris,  1819-20. 
Cigoi.     Historisrh-Chronologische  Schunerigheilen  im  Zweiten  Makhahaerhtche.     Klagenfurt,  1868. 
Clemens.     Die  Offenbarung  der  Prophelen  Benorh,  E:ra  u.  Jesaia  im  Jahrhmiderle  des  Beils.     Erster 

Theil,  Die  Offenbarung  Henoch.     Stuttg.,  1850. 
Colani.     "  L'Assomption  de  Mo'ise"  (lievuede  The'o/.,  186^,  S'livr. ). 
Colani.     ./^sus-Christ  et  tes  Croyances  Messianiijues  de  son  Temps.     2  e'd.,  Strassb.,  1864. 
Cosin.     A  Scholastical  History  of  the  Canon  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  (vol.  iii.  of  the  Library  of  Anglo- 

Catholic  Theology).     Oxford,  1849. 
Cotton.     The  Five  Books  of  Maccabees  in  English.     With  Notes  and  Illustrations.     Oxford,  1832. 
Cozza.     Sacrorum  Bibliorum  Vetiistissima  Fragmenia  Grmca  et  Latina  e  codicibus  Cryptoferratensibus 

eruta  atque  edita.    Praecedit  Daniel  ex  unico  codice  Chisiano.     Pars  iii.     Roraae,  1877. 
Cozza.     Bibliorum  Sacrorum   Grcecus  Codex  Vaticanus  auspice  Pio  IX.     P.  M.     CoUatis  studiis  C. 

VerceUone  et  Jos.  Cozza.     Vols,  i.-v      Leipz.,  1868-72. 
Cramer.     Versuch  einer  Systeinatische7i  Darstellung  der  Moral  der  Apohryphen  des  Alten  Testaments. 

Leipz.,  1814. 
Credner.     Geschichte  des  Neutest.  Kanon.     Berlin,  I860. 

Cremer.     Biblico-Theological  Lexicon  of  New  Testament  Greek.    Edinb.,  1872. 
Creuzer.     "  Zur  Kritik  der  Schriften  des  Judcn  Philo  "  ( Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1 832,  p)).  3-43). 
Curtiss.     The  Name  Machabee.     Leipz.,  1876. 
Curtins.     Griechische  Schulgrammatik.     Prag,  1873. 

Cnrtius  (Q.  C.  R.).     De  Rebus  Gestis  Alexandri  Magni.     2  vols.,  Biponti,  1782. 
Dahne.     Geschichllidie  Darstellung  der  Jiidisch-Alerandrinischen  Religions-Philosophie.    2  Bde.    Halle, 

1834. 
Davidson.     Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament.    3  vols.     Edinb.,  1863. 
Davidson.     A  Concordance  of  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  Scriptures.     Revised  and  Corrected.     Lond., 

1876. 
Davidson.     The  Canon  of  the  Bible.     Lond.,  1877. 
Dechent.     Uebn-  das  Erste  und  Eilfie  Buck  der  Sibyllinischen  Weissagungen.     Inaugural  Dissertation. 

Frankfurt,  1873. 
Delitzsch,  Franz.     De  Habacuci  Prophetce  Vita  atque  yElnte.     Lips.,  1842. 
Delitzscli,  Franz.     Zur  Geschichte  der  Jiidischen  PnSsie  vom  Abschluss  der  Heiligen  Schriflen  des  Alien 

Bundes  bis  auf  die  Neuesfe  Zeit.     Leipz.,  1836. 
Delitzsch,  Franz.     See  under  "  Keil." 

Delitzsch,  Johannes.     Das  Lehrsystem  der  RSmischeii  Kirche.     Gotha,  1875. 
De  Montfaucon.     La  Verity  de  VBistoire  de  Judith.     Paris,  1690. 
De  Rossi.     Specimen  Var.  Led,  S.  Textus  et  Chaldaicu  Estheris  Additamenta,  cum  Lat.  Vers.  acNotis. 

2daed.     Tiibing.,  1783. 
Derenbourg.     Essai  sur  I'Histoire  et  la  G^ographie  de  la  Palestine,  d'apres  tes  Thalmuds  et  les  autres 

Sources  Rabbiniques.     Paris,  1867. 
Dereser.     Die  Heiliqe  Schrifi  des  Alten  Testaments,     Zweiten  Theils  dritter  Band.     Fortgesetzt  von 

Scholz.    Frankfurt,  1833. 
De  Sacy.     "  Notice  du  livre  d'Enoch  "  (Magazin  Encyclop^dique,  an  vi.,  i.  383 ;  also  on  the  same  suli- 

ject  in  Journal  des  Savans,  Sept.,  Oct.,  1822). 
De  Sacy.     Articles  in  Notices  et  Extraits  des  Manuscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Roi  et  autres  Biblio- 

thiques,  1831,  torn.  xii. 
Dessaner.     Geschichte  der  Israeliten  mit  besonderer  Beriicksichtigung  der  Culturgeschichle.     Erlangen, 

1846. 
De  Wette.     Lehrbuch  der  Historisch-Kritischen  Einleiiung  in  die  Kanonischen  u.  Apokryphischen  Biicher 

des  Alten  Testaments.     8te  Aufl.,  neu  bearbeitet  von  Schrader.     Berlin,  1869. 
De  Wette.     Die  Heilige  Schrifi  des  Alten  u    Neuen  Test,  uebersetzt.     2te  umgcarbeitete  Ausgabe. 

Heidelb.,  1831-32. 
De  Wette.     An  Historico-Critical  Introduction  to  the  Canonical  Boohs  of  the  New  Testament  (Pai-ker'a 

Trans.).     Boston,  1858. 

43 


61-i  LIST   OF  AUTHORITIES. 


Diestel.     Geschichte  des  Allen  Testaments  in  der  Chrisllichen  Kirche.    Jena,  18G9. 

Diedermaim.     Die  Pharisaer  u.  Sadducaer.     Zurich,  1854. 

Dillmann.     Das  Buck  Henoch.     Uebersetzt  u.  erktart.     Leipz.,  1853. 

Dillmanii.     "  Das  Buch  der  Jubilaen,  oder  die  Kleine  Genesis,  au8  dem.£thiopisclien  uebersetzt "  (iu 

Ewald's  Jahrbiicher,  Bde.  ii.,  iii.     Cf.  also  Zeitschrifl  d.  Deutschen  Morgenl.   Gesellsch.,  xi.,  1837, 

pp.  161-163). 
Dillmann.     Liber  Jubilaorum  jSth.  Ed.     Kiel,  1859. 
Dillmann.     Liber  Henoch  /Ethiopice  ad  quinque  Codicum  Fidem  editut,  cum  Variis  Leclionibus.    Lips., 

1851. 
Dillmann.     Art.  "  Pseudepigraphen,"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk. 
Diodorus  Siculus.     Tauchnitz  edition. 

Divince  Scriptiirw,  nempe  Veteris  ac  Novi  Testament!  Omnia,  etc.     Francofurti,  MDXCVII. 
Divince  Scripiur<e  Veteris  ac  Novi  Testanienti  0/nniu,  etc.    Basilese,  ItDXLV. 
Diillinger.     Christenthum  u.  Kirche  in  der  Zeit  der  Grundltgung.    2te  verbessertu  AufL     Regeusburg, 

1868. 
Dollinger.     Heidenthum  u.  Judenthum.     Eegensburg.     1857. 
Donaldson.     The  Apostolical  Fathers.     Loud.,  1874. 
Drexelins.     Tobias  Morali  Doctrina  Illustratus.    Monachii,  1641. 
Droysen.     Geschichte  des  Hellenismus.     2te  Aufl.,  3  Bde.     Gotha,  1877-78. 
Drummond.     The  Jewish  Messiah.     Loud.,  1877. 
Drusius.     De  Patriarcha  Henoch  ejusque  Raptu  tt  Libra  e  quo  Judas  Apostolus  Testimonium  profert. 

Franek.,  1615. 
Drusius.     C'ommentarius  in  Prophetas  Minores  XII.  et  in  Librum  Primum  Hasmonaorum.    Amstel., 

1627. 
Dukes.     Rabbinische  Blumenlese.     Leipz.,  1844. 

Duncker.     Geschichte  des  Alterthums.     5te  Aufl.,  4  Bde.     Leipz.,  1878. 
Ebr.ard.     Zeiignisse  gegen  die  Apolcryphen.     Basel,  1851. 

Eichhorn.     Kinleitung  in  die  Apokryphischen  Schriften  des  Alt,  Test.     Leipz.,  1775. 
Eugelbretli.     Librum    Sapientice  Halomonis  Interjirelandi  Specimina  I,  et  II.,  Capita  quinque  priora 

Complectentia.     Hafn.,  1816. 
Ewald.     Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel,  Vierter  Band,  "  Geschichte  Ezra's  u.  der  Ueiligherrachaft  in 

Israel  bis  Christus."     3te  Ausg.     Gotting.,  1864. 
Ewald.     Jahrbiicher  der  Bib.  Wissenscha/i  from  1848  to  1852.     Gotting. 
Ewald.     Die  Propheten  des  Alten  Bundes  erklart.     3  Bde.,  2te  Aufl.     Gottiny.,  iciu.-UB. 
Ewald.     Das  I'ierle  Ezrabuch  nach  seinem  Zeitalter,  seinen  Arabischen  Uebersttzaityeu  uitd  einer  neuen 

Wiederherstellung.     Gottiug.,  1863. 
Ewald.     Abhandlung  uber  des  Aethiopischen  Buches  Hendkh  Entatehung,  Sinn  unci  jCnsammpiiselzung . 

Gotting.,  1854.' 
Ewald.     The  History  of  Israel.     Translated  from  the  German.     4  vols.     Loud.,  1871. 
Ewald.     "  Abhandlung  Uber  Entstehung,  Inlialt  und  Werth  der  Sibylliniseheu  BUcher  "  [AbhaniU. 

d.  Konig.  Gesellsch.  der  Wissenscha/l  zu  GOttingen.     Bd.  viii.     1858-59). 
Ewald.     "  Ueber  die  Alte  Armenische  Uebersetzung  des  Vierten  Kzrabuch  "  {GStting.  Nachrichten, 

1865,  pp.  504-516). 
Ewald,  P.     Pirke  Aboth  oder  SprOche  der  Voter,  ein  Traktat  aiis  tier  Mischna.     Uebersetzt  und  erklart. 

Erlangeu,  1825. 
Faber.     Prohisiones  VI.  super  Librum  Sapientiam.     Onold.,  1776. 

Fabricins.     Codex  Pseudepigraphus  Veteris  Testamenti.     2  vols.     Editio  Altera.     Hamb.,  1722-23. 
Fabricius.     Liber  Tobiae,  etc.     Francof.  et  Lips.,  1691. 
Fagins.     Ben  ."iine  Sententice  Morales.     Tobias  Hebraice.     Isuae,  1542. 
Field.     Origenis  Hexaplorum  qme  supersmit.     2  vols.     Oxford,  1867-75. 
Fisher.     The  Beginnin^/s  of  Christianity.     New  York,  1875. 
Flathe.      Geschichte  Macedoniens  u.  tier  Reiche,  welche   von   Macedonischen  Konigen  heherrscJit  warden. 

Leipz.,  1832-34. 
Fraenkel.     Die  Apokryphen  d.  Alt.  Test    nach  dem  Griechischen  ins  Hebrdische  iihertragen.      Leipz., 

1850. 
Fraukel.      Ueber  Palastinische  n.  Alexandrinische  Schriftforschung.     Breslau,  1854. 
Fraukel.      Vurstudien  zu  der  Septuaginta.     Leipz.,  1841. 
Frankel.     Ueber  den  Eittftuss  der  PaiOstinischen  Exegese  auf  die  Alexandrinische  Heniieneutik.     Leipz., 

1851. 
Freudenthal.     Die  Flavins  Josephus  beigetegte  Schriji  Uber  die  Herrschajl  der  Vemunft.      Breslau, 

1869. 
Friedlieb.     Die  Sibyllinischen  Weissagungen  collslandig  gesammelt,nach  neuer  Handsclirijt-Vergleichuiuj, 

mit  kritlschem  Commentare  u.  metrischer  iJeiitscher  Uebersetzung  herausgegeben.     Leipz.,  1852. 
Frisch.     "  Vergleichung  zwischen  den  Ideen,  welche  in  den  Apokryphen  d.  Alt.  Test.  u.  den  Schrif- 
ten d.  N.  Test,  iiber  Unsterblichkeit,  Auferstehung  u.  Vergeltung  herrscben  "  (AUgem.  Biblioth. 

d.  bibl.  Lit.,  iv.,  pp.  653-718). 
Fritzsche,  O.  F.     Libri  Apoc.  Vet.  Test.  Greece.     Accedunt  Libri  Vet.  Test.  Pseudepig.  selccti.     Lips.. 

1871. 
Fritzsche,  0.  F.     Kurzgefasstes  Exegetisches  Handbuch  zu  den  Apok.  d.  Alt.  Test.,  in  Verbindung  mi 

Carl  L.  W.  Grimm.     Leipz.,  1851-60. 
Fritzsche,  O.  F.     Esther  Duplicem  Libri  Text,  emend.     Ziirich,  1848. 
F'rilzsche,  O.  F.     Ait.  on  the  Apocrypha  in  Schenkel's  Bibel-Lex. 
Fritzsche,  C:.  F.  A.    Panli  ad  Romanos  Epistola.    3  Tomi.     Halis,  1836-43. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES.  675 


Frolich.     Annates  compendiarii  Regum  et  Renim  Syrice  Numis  Veieribus  ilhiatrati.     Viennse,  1744. 
Frolich.     De  Fontibus  Histories  Syrix  in  Libris  il accabceorum  Prolusio,  Lipsice  edita,  in  E.ramen  vocata. 

Vindob.,  1746. 
Fiirst.     Hebraisches  u.  Chatdaisches  BanduSrlerbuch.     Leipz.,  1876. 
Fiirst.     Geschichte  d.  Bibiischen  Literatur.     Leipz.,  1867. 

Fiirst.     Der  Canon  d.  Alt.  Test,  nach  den  Ueberlieferungen  in  l^almud  u.  Midrasch.     Leipz.,  1868. 
Gaab.     Handbuch  zum  Philologischen    Verstehen  d.  Apohyphischen  Schrijien  des  Alt.   Test.     2  Bde. 

Tubing..  1818. 
Gebhardt.     "  Die  Siebzig  Hirten  d.  Buches  Henoch  u.  ihre  Dentung,  mil  besonderer  Riick^ic•ht  auf 

die  Barkochba-Hypothese "  (Merx's  Archiv^  u.,  pp.  163-246).     See  also  under  "  Palrum." 
Geier.     De  Ptolenuei  Lagid<E  Vila.     Hal.,  1838. 
Geiger.     Urschrifi  u.  Uebersetzungen  der  Bibel.     Breslau,  1857. 
Geiger.     Judaism  and  its  History.     Translated  from   the  German  by  Mayer.     Vol.  i.     New  York, 

1866. 
Geiger.     Das  Jndenthum  and  seine  Geschichte.     Bde.  1-4.     Breslau,  1864-71. 
Geiger.     Arts,  in  Jiidische  Zeiischrifi,  on  the  Book  of  Enoch,  iii.,  196-204 ;  the  Assumption  of  Moses, 

1868,  pp.  41-47  ;  and  on  the  "  Inner  History  of  the  Period  of  the  Second  Temple,"  etc.     Ibid., 

pp.  247-277. 
Geiger,  E.  E.     Der  Psalter  Salomo's  herausgeben  und  erklart.     Augsburg,  1871. 

Gerlach.     "  Die  Gefangenschaft  u.  Bekehruug  Manasses  "  {Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1861,  pp.  503-.'>24). 
Gesenius.     De  Pentateuchi  Samaritani  Origine,  Indole  et  Auctoritate.     Hal.,  1815. 
Gesenius.     A  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon.     Trans,  by  E.  Robinson.     Boston,  1866. 
Gfrorer.     Prophet<E  Vet.  Pseudepigraphi.     Stutlg.,  1840. 
Gfrorer.     Kritische  Geschichte  des  UrchristetUhums  ;  also  under  the  title,  Philo  u.  die  Alexandrinische 

Theosophie.     Stuttg.,  1831. 
Gieseler.     "  Was  heisst  Apocryphisch  ■?  "     {Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1829,  141  B.) 
Gieseler.      Vetus  Translatio  Latina  Visionis  Jesaicc.     Gotting.,  1832. 
Girdiestone.     Synonyms  of  the  Old  Testament.     Lond.,  1871. 
Graetz.     Geschichte  der  Juden  von  der  dltesten   Zeiten  bis  auf  die    Gegenu-art.     Bde.  1-3.     Leipz., 

186.3-75. 
Graf.     Die  Geschichtlichen  BUcher  d.  Alt.  Test.     Leipz.,  1866. 

Graf.     "  Die  Gefangenschaft  u.  Bekehrung  Manasses "  ( Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1859,  p.  388  ft"). 
Grimm.     See  "  Fritzsche." 
Grimm.     "  Zur  Characteristik  der  Lutherischen  Uebcrsetzung  des  Buches  Jesus  S'liach  {Zeifschri/l 

fur  w.  TheoL,  1872,  p.  521  ft.). 
Grimm.     Lexicon  Graco-Latinum  in  Libros  Noii  Testamenti.     Lips.,  1868. 
Grosseteste.     The    Testaments  of  the    Twelve   Patriarchs.      Trans,   out  of   the    Greek   into   Latin. 

Cambridge,  1811. 
Grote.     History  of  Greece.     12  vols.     New  York,  1871-75. 
Grotius.     Annorationes  in  Vetus  Testamenium.    3  tomt     Hal.,  1775. 
Grtineberg.     Exercitatio  de  Libra  Baruchi  Apocrypha.     (Of.  Eichhorn's  Allgem.  Bib.  d.  Theol.  Lit. 

viii.  99-102.)     Getting.,  1797. 
Gutberlet.     Das  Buch  Tobias  Ubersetzt  u.  erklHrt.     Miinster,  1877. 
Gutberlet.     Das  Buch  der  Weisheit  iViersetzt  u.  erkldrt.     Miinster,  1874. 
Gntmann.     L>ie  Apokryphen  d.  Alt.  Test,  iihersrtzt  u.  erlautert.     Altona,  1841. 
Gntschmid.     "  Die  Apocalypse  des  Ezra  u.  ihre  spatereu  Bearbeitungeu  "  (Zeitschrifl  fur  w.  The.oi., 

1860,  pp.  1-81 )._ 
Haase.     Salomo's  Weisheit  neu  Ubersetzt  mit  Anmerhungen  u.  Untersuchungen.    Jena,  1785. 
Hahn.     Aai/tTjA  Kararovs  effSofL-qKoyrct.     E  Codice  Chisiano  post  Segaarium  edidit,  secundum  versionem 

Syriaco-liexaplarem  recognovit,  etc.     Lips.,  1845. 
Haneberg.     Die  Neligiosen  Atterthiimer  der  Bibel.     2te  Aufi.     Miinchen,  1869. 
Harnack.     See  "  Patrum." 
Hartmann.     Die  enge   Verbindung  des  Alt.   Test,  mit  dem  Neuem   aus  rein  Biblischein  Standpunkte  ent- 

wickelt.     Hamburg,  1831. 
Hase.     A  History  of  the  Christian  Church.    New  York,  1856. 

Hang.     Essays  on  the  Saired  Language, Writings,  and  Religion  of  the  Parsis.     2d  ed.     Boston,  1878. 
Hausrath.      Geschichte  der  Alttestamentlichen  Literatur.     Heidelb.,  1874. 
Hausrath.     Nexitestamenthche  Zeitgeschichle.     3  Bde.     Heidelb.,  1873-75. 

Haveriiick.     Handbuch  der  Historisch-Kriiisrhen  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament.     Erlangen,  1839. 
Ha\  ernic-k.     De  Libra  Baruchi  Apocrypho  Commeiitntio  Critica.     Regiom.,  1843. 
Heidenheim.     "  Beitrage    zum    bes.sern    Verslandniss  der  Ascensio   Mosis "    {Vierteljahrsschrift  fut 

Deutsch-  und  Englisch-Theolog .  Forschung  u.  Kritik.  iv.,  p.  76  ff.). 
Heiuze.     Die  Lehre  vom  Logos  in  der  Griechischen  Philosophic.     Oldenburg,  1872. 
Hengstenberg.     Beitrage  zur  Einleitung  ins  Alte  Testament.     3  Bde.     Berlin,  1831-39. 
^^engs^enberg.     "Noch  einmal  iiber  die  Apocryphen  "  (Evangelische  Kirchen-Zeitung.     Nos.  29,  30, 

31,  Apr.,  1854). 
/lerbst.     Historisch- Kritische  Einleitung  in  die  Heiligen  Schrifien  des  Alt.  Test.     Nach  des  Verfassns 

I'ode  vcrvoilstOndigt  u.  herausgegeben  von  Welte.     4  Bde.     Freiburg,  1840-44. 
Hevtwig.     Tabellen  zur  Einleitung  in  die  Kanonischen  u.  Apok,  BUcher  d.  A.  T.     2te  Aufl.     Berlin, 

1869. 
4erz(eld.     Geschichte  des  Volkes  Jisrael.    3  Bde.  1847-57. 
Herzog.     lieal-Encyklopddie  fiir  Proiestantische  Theologie  und  Kirche,    22  Bde.  Gotba,  1854-68.     2te 

.\iitl.  begun  Leipz.,  1877, 


676  LIST   OF  AUTHORITIES. 


HeydeDreich.     "Probe  einer  Uebersctzung  u.  Erlanterung  des  Buchs  d.  Weisheit"  ( Tzschimer'* 

Mem.,  V.  2-viii.  2). 
Heyse  et  Tischenilorf.     Biblia  Sacra  Latina  Vet.  Test.  Hieronymo  interprete  ex  antiquissima  auctoritate 

in  stichos  descripta.     Lips.,  1873. 
Hilgenfeld.     Art.  ou  the  Psalter  of  Solomon  {Zeitschrijlf.  WissenschaJU.  Theol.    1868,  pp.  134-168). 
Hilgenfeld.     "  Die  Psalmen  Salomo's  ins  Deutsch  uebersetzt  u.  anfs  Ncue  untersucht  {ibid.,  1871 

pp.  383-418). 
Hilgenfeld.     Die  .Tiidische  Apokalyptik.    Jena,  1857. 

Hilgenfeld.     Die  Propheten  Esra  u.  Daniel  und  ihre  neuesten  Benrbeitungen.     Halle,  1863. 
Hilgenfeld.     Der  Kanon  u.  die  Kritik  d.  Neuen  Testaments.     Halle,  1863. 
Hilgenfeld.     Mesxiat  JiuJceorum,  Libris  eorum  paulo  ante  et  paulo  post  Christum    natum    conscriptis 

iiiustrufii.':.     Lips.  1869. 
HUl.     Translation  into  English  of  chaps,  i.-xxx.  of  Ecclesiasticus  [Monthly  Relig.  Magazine.    Vols. 

ix.-xi.     Boston). 
Himpel.     "  Poliiische  u.  Religiose  Zustande  des  Judenthums  in  den  letzten  Jahrhunderten  vor  Chris- 

tus"  (Theoloq.  Qtiartalschnf),  1858,  pp.  63-85). 
Hitzig.     Die  Psahnen  uebersetzt  «.  aiisgelegt.     Leipz.,  1869. 

Hitzig.     Treats  of  several  of  the  Apoc.  Books  {Zeitschrijlf.  Wissenschqftl  Theol,  1860,  pp.  240-273). 
Hitzig.     Das  Buch  Daniel  erkldrt.     Leipz.,  1850. 
Hitzig.     Geschichte  des  Volkes  Israel.     Leipz.,  1869. 
Hoffmann,  A.  G.      Das  Burh  Henoch  in  Vollstdndiger  Udiersetzung  mit/ortlaufendem  Commentar,  etc. 

Jena,  1833-38. 
Hoffmann,  J.  P.     Antiuchus  IV.  Epiphunes,  Konig  von  Syrien.     Leipz.,  1873. 
Hofmann.     "  Ueber  die  Entstihung  des  Bucbes  Henoch"  {Zeitschrijl  der Deutschen  MorgenlSnd.  Ge- 

sellschafi,  1852,  pp.  87-91 ). 
Holmes.     Annual  Account  of  the  Collation  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Septuagint  Version.     Oxford,  1789-1803. 
Homeri  Opera  Omnia.     Lips.,  1824. 
Houbigaut.     Proleijomena  in  Scrlpturam,     Paris.,  1753. 
Howard.     A/Mcrypha  of  the  Book  of  Daniel.     Lond.,  1829. 
Jahn.     Einleitunr/  in  die  gotttichen  Biicher  des  Alt.  Bundes.     2te  Aufl.  1802. 
Jellinek.     Ueher  das  Buch  der  .lubilden  u.  das  Noah-Buch.     Leipz.,  1855. 
Joel.     "  Ueber  einige  gescUiclitliche  Beziehungen  des  Philonischen  Systems"  (Monaisschrifi./.  Get- 

chichte  u.   IVissenschafl  d.  .Ittdenthums,  1863,  pp.  19-31). 
Joel.     Notizen  zuM  Buch  Daniel.     Breslau,  1873. 
Joseplius,  Tlie  Works  of.     Tr.iuslated  by  William  Whiston.    Baltimore,  1839.     (For  the  best  texts 

of  the  original,  see  above,  p.  638.) 
Jost.     Geschichte  der  Israeliten  sett  den  Zeiten  der  MakkabSer  bis  auf  unsere  Tage.    9  Bde.     Berlin, 

1820-28. 
Jost.     Geschiclite  des  ./udenthums  u.  seiner  Secten.     3  Bde.     Leipz.,  1857—63. 
Journal  of  Sacred  Literature  and  Biblical  Record.     Arts,  on  Tobit,  1857,  pp.  59-71;   1858,  pp.  87S- 

382;"  on  Judith,  1856,  pp.  342-363;   1861,  pp.  421-440. 
Jnnias.     See  "  Tremellins." 

Kahle.     Biblische  Eschatologie  des  Alten  Testaments.     Gotha,  1870. 
Karlstadt.     De  Cauonicis  Scripturis  Libellus.     1520. 
Kaolen.     Geschichte  der  Vulgata.     Mainz,  1868. 
Keerl.     Die  A pokri/phenfrage,  etc.     Leipz.,  1855. 

Keerl.    Die  Apokryphen  d.  Alt.  Test.    Erste  gekronte  Preisschrift.    Leipz.,  1852. 
Keerl.     Das  Wort  Gottes  u.  die  Apok.  des  Alt.  Test.     Leipz.,  1853. 
Keferstein.     Philo's  Lehre  von  den  gottltchen  Mittelwesen.     Leipz.,  1846. 
Keil.     Lehrbuch  der  Historisch-Kritischen  Einleitung  in  die  Kanon,  u.  Apok.  Schriften  d.  A.  T,    8t* 

Aufl.     Frankfurt,  1873. 
Keil.     Handbuch  der  Biblischen  Archdoloqie.    Frankfurt,  1875. 
Keil.     Commentar  iiber  die  Biicher  der  Makkabder.     Leipz.,  1875. 
Keil  and  Delitzsch.     Biblical  Com.  on  the  Old  Test.    The  Book  of  Chronicles  and  Others,  by  Kefl. 

Trans,  from  the  German.     Edinburgh,  1872. 
Keim.     Geschichte  .Tesu  ron  Nazara.    3  Bde.     Ziirioh,  1867-72. 
Kelle.     Die  Salomon! schen  Schriften.    Freiburg,  1815. 

Khell,  Autoritas  utriusque  Libri  Maccabcewum  Canonico-historica  adserta.     Viennse,  1749. 
Kirchen-Lejicon,  von  Wetzer  u.  Welte.     Freiburg.     12  Bde.     1847-56. 
Kitto,  A  Cyclopcedia  of  Biblical  Literature.     3d  ed.,  3  vols.     Lond.,  1869-70. 
Kleuker.     Salomonische  Denkwiirdigkeiten  {Anhang,  Das  Bach  der  Weisheit  iiberselzt  u.erlSatert).  Riga 

1785. 
Klostermann.     Untersuchungen  ziir  Alttestamentlichen  Theol.     Gotha,  1868. 
Kneucker.     Das  Buch  Baruch.     Geschichte  u.  Kritik,  Uebersetzung  u.  ErklSrang  auf  Grand  des  wie- 

derhergestellten  Hehdischen  Urtextes.     Mit  einem  Anhang  iiber  den  pseudepig.  Baruch.     Leipz. 

1879. 
Kiiencker.     Art.  "  Kalender  "  in  Scbenkel's  Bib.  Lex. 
Konig.     "Das  Rest  der  Worte  Baruchs,  aus  dem  iBthiop.  iibersetzt "     {Theotog.   Stud.  u.  Krit 

1877,  ii). 
Kiistlin.     "  Ueber  die  Entstehung  des  Buchs  Henoch  "    {Thedog.  Jahrb.,  1856,  pp.  240-279, 370-386) 
Kiilrut.     Etwas  iiber  die  Moral  u.  die  Abfassungszeit  des  Buches  Tobias  (appeared  earlier  in  the  Jiidi 

srhe  Zeitschrift,  x.).     Breslau,  1872. 
Kra'is.solcl.     Zicei  Epi stein  iiber  die  Apok.     Fiirth,  1851. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES.  677 


Kriiger.    "Die  Chronologie  fan  Buche  der  Jubilaen  "  {Zeitschriji  der  Deuttchen  Morgenland.Gesellsch., 

xii.,  pp.  279-299). 
Kriiger,  K.  W.     Griechische  SpracUehre  fur  Schulen.     Leipz.,  1875. 
Kiibel.     "  Die  Ethischen  Grundanschannngen  der  Weisheit  Salomo's  "  (Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1865, 

pp.  290-722). 
Kulmer.     Grammar  of  the  Greek  Language  CEd-warAs'^  tia.ns.).     New  York,  1858. 
Kuenen.     The  Ileligwn  of  Israel.     Trans,  from  tlie  Dutch.     3  vols.    Lend.,  1874. 
Kuinoel.     Obsermtionrs  ad  Novum  Test,  ex  Libris  Apoc.  V.  T.    Lips.,  1794. 
Lagarde.     Libri  Vet.  Test.  Apoc.  Syriace.     Lips.,  1861. 

Lanjie.     Bible- Work.     A  Commentary  on  the  Eohii  Scriptures.     (Am.  ed.)     New  York,  1865-80. 
Langen.     Die  Deuterocanonisehen  Stiicke  des  Buc/ifs  Esther.    Freiburg,  1862. 
Langen.     Das  .ludenthum  in  Paldstina  zvr  Zeit  Christi.     Freiburg,  1866. 
Langen.     De  Apocalypsi  Baruch  anno  superiori  primum  edita  Commentatio.    Friburgi,  1867. 
Langen.    "Die  beiden   Griechischen  Texte  des  Baches  Esther"     (Theolog.  Quartalschrift,  1860, 

pp.  244-272). 
Larocque.    "  Sur  la  Date  du  troisi&me  Livre  des  Oracles  Sibyllins  "  (Revue  Archgologiqne,  Nonvelle 

Se'rie,  1869,  torn,  xx.,  pp.  261-270. 
Laurence.     Tlie  Book  of  Enoch  ....  now  first  tramlated  from  an  Ethiopic  ilS.  in  the  Bodleian  Lib. 

Oxford,  1821  and  1838. 
Laurence.     Libri  Enoch  Versio  .^thiopica.     Oxen.,  1838. 
Laurence.     Primi  Ezrce  Libri  Versio  .tSthiopica,  nunc  prima  in  medium  prolata  et  Latine  Angliceque 

reddita.     Oxon.,  1820). 
Le  Hir.     "  Du  IVe  Livre  d'Esdras"  (£tudes  Bibliques,  i.  139-250). 
Lepsius.     KSnigsbuch  der  ahen  ./Egypter.     Berlin,  1858. 
Letronne.     Recherclies  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  de  I'Egypte  pendant  la  Domination  des  Grecs  et  drs  llo- 

mains.     Paris,  1823. 
Leyrer.     Art.  "  Schriftgelehrte,"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk. 
Lightfoot.     Ilorte  Hebraicce.    4  vols.     Oxford,  1859. 
Linde.     Sententia:  ,Jesu  Siracidts  Grace.     Gedani,  1795. 
Linde.      Glauhens-  und  Sittenlehre  .Tesu  des  Sohnes  Sirach.     Leipz.,  1795. 
Lipsius,  R.  A.     De  dementis  Rom.  Ep.  ad  Corinth.  Disqnisitio.     Lips.,  1855. 
Lipsius,  R.  A.     "  Alexandrin.  Religions-Fhilcsophie "  (Schenkel's  Bib.  Lex.,  i.,  8599). 
Lipsius,  R.  A.     "  Ueber  das  Buch  Judith  "  (Zeitschrift  f.  w.  Theol,  1 859,  pp.  .39-121 ). 
Lipsius,  K.  F.  H.  A.     "  Ueber  das  Buch  Judith  "  {Zeitschrift.  f.  w.  Theol,  1862,  pp.  103-105). 
Livy.     Historiarum  ab  Urbe  Condita  Libri  qui  supersunt  XXXV.     6  torn i.     Pari.s.,  1747. 
Looman.     Geschiedenes  der  Israeliten.     Amsterd.,  1867. 
Lutterbeck.     Die  Neutest.  Lehrbegriffe.     Mainz,  1852. 
Liickc.     Versuch  einer  vollstandigen  Einleitung  in  die  Offenbarung  Johannis.     2te  Aufl.     2  Bde.     Hoiin, 

1852. 
Mai.     Spicilegium  Romanum  Vaticanum.     10  Torai.     Romae,  1839-44. 
Mangey.     PHilonis  Opera  gum  reperiri  potuerunt  omnia.     2  vols.     Lond.,  1742. 
Martini.     Libri  di  Tobia,  di  Giuditta  e  di  Ester,  etc.     Venez.,  1 844. 
Mendelssohn.     Senaliconsulta  Romanorum,  quae  sunt  in  Jos.  Antiq.     Lips.,  1875. 
Merguet.     Die  Glaubens-  und  Sittenlehre  des  Buches  Jesus  Sirach.     Konigsberg,  1874. 
Merkel.     "Ueber  den  Antor  und  die  Zeit  der  Abfassnng  des  Vierten  Buches  Esra"(in  Vermisclde 

Anmerkunqen,  p.  77  ff.).     Leipz.,  1772. 
Meyer.     Kritische  Exeget.  Com.  uber  d.  Neue  Test.     2te  Anfl.     16  Bde.     Getting.,  1865. 
Merx.     Archivfur  Wissenschaftliche  Erforschung  d.  Alt.  Test.     Halle,  1867-69. 
Metzger.     Geschichte  der  deutschen  BibetUbersclzung  in  der  Schweizerisch-Reformirten  Kirclte.     Basel, 

1877. 
Micliaelis.     Deutsche  Uebersetzung  d.  Alt.  Test.     2te  Ausg.     Gotha,  1773-85. 
Michaelis      Deutsche   Debersetzung  des  ersten  Buches  d.  Maccabaer  mit  Anmerhmgen.     Gottinp-.  und 

Leipz.,  1778. 
Michaelis.     Oriental,  u.  Exeget .  Bibliothek.     Frankf.,  1771-79. 
Milmau.     The  Ilistory  of  the  .Jews.     3d  ed.,  3  vols.     Lond.,  1863. 
Movers.     Art.  on  Judith  (Zeitschrift  f.  Philos.  u.  h'atholische  Theol.,  1835,  p.  35  ff.). 
Movers.     Loci  quidam  Can.  Vet.  Test,  ill  astral  i.     Vratislaviae,  1842. 

Mouliuid.     Notice  sur  les  Livres  Apoc.  de  VAncien  Testament  en  r^onse  a  la  question,  Faut-il  les  sup- 
primer?    Geneva,  1828. 
Miiller.     Erkldrung  des  Gebetes  Manasse.     Salzwedel,  1733. 
Miillcr.     Philo's  Buch  von  der  Weltschopfung .     Berlin,  1841. 

Miiller,  Alois.    "  Pharisaer  u.  Sadducaer  "  ( SItzungsberichte  der  Wiener  Academic.  1 8C0,  pp.  65-1 64 ). 
Miiller,  Carl.     Fragmetita  Historicorum  Gnecorum,  etc.    5  torn.     Paris,  1841-72.    (Part  IT.  of  tcni.  v. 

cd.  by  V.  Laiiglois. ) 
Miinster.     Bistoria  Tobice.    Basileae,  1563. 

Miinster.     Opus  Grammalicum  ex  variis  Elianis  Libris  concinnatum.     Basil.,  1542. 
Murray.     Enoch  Restitutus.     Lond.,  1836. 
Nachtigal.     Das  Buch  der  Weisheit.     Halle,  1799. 
Nagelsbach.     Art.  "  Buch  der  Weisheit,"  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk. 

Neander.     Allyem.  Geschichte  d.  Christlichen  Religion  u.  Kirche.    4te  Aufl.     9  Bde.     Gothn,  1 86  5. 
Neteler.     Die  Biicher  Esra's,  Neh.  u.  Esther.     Miinster,  1877. 
Nickes.     De  IJbro  Jndithce.    Vratislav.,  1854. 
Nickes.     De.  V.  T.  Codiatm  Grcecorum  Familiis.     Jlonasterii,  1853. 


678  LIST   OF  AUTHORITIES. 


Nicolas.     Des  Doctrines  Religieuses  des  Juifs  pendant  les  deux  Si€cles  anterieurs  a  I'Ere  Chritienne. 

Deuxieme  ed.,  Paris,  1867. 
Nitzsch.     Commentatio  Critica  de  Test.  XII.  Patriarcharum.     Wittenb.,  1810. 
Nitzsch.     "  Ueber  die  Apok.  d.  Alt.  Test.  u.  das  sogenannte  Christliche  im  Buche  d.  Weisheit  ' 

{Deutsche  Zeitschri/t,  1850,  Nos.  47-49). 
Niebuhr.     Geschichte  Assur's  u.  Babel's,  etc.     Berlin,  1857. 
Koldeke.     Die  Alttest.  Literatnr.     Leipz.,  1868. 

Nork.     Rabbinische  Quellen  u.  Parallelen  zu  Neutest.  Schrifistellen.    Leipz.,  1839. 
Nussbaum.     Observationes  in  Flav.  Josephi  Antiq.     Lib.  xii.  3  to  xiii.  14.    Gotting.,  1875. 
Oehler.     Die  Grundzwfe  der  Alttest.  Weisheit.     Tiibing.,  1854. 
Ouhler.     Theologie  des  Alt.  Testaments.     Tiibing.,  1873-74. 

Oehler.     Art.  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  vol.  xxi.,  "  Unsterblichkeit,  Lehre  des  Alten  Test." 
Owen.     History  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society.     Lcmd.,  1816-20. 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund.     Quarterly  Statement.     Lond.,  from  1869. 

Palmer.     De  Epistolnrum  qiux  Spartani  atque  Judtei  invicem  sibi  misisse  dicunturVeritate.   Darmst.,  1828. 
Partliey.     Das  AlfXnndrinische  Museum.     Berlin,  1838. 

Patrizi.     Ptolemdus  Lngi,  der  Griinder  der  zwei  u.  dreissigsten  jEqypt.  Dynastie.     Berlin,  1860. 
Patrizi.     De  Consensu  utrtusque  Libri  MachalKeortim.     Komse,  1856. 

Patrnm  Apostolicoruin  Opera.     By  Gebhardt,  Harnack,  and  Zabn.     Ease.  1-3.     Lips.,  1875-77. 
Paulus.     "  Ueber  das  2te  Buch  d.  Mace."  (Eichborn's  Allgem.  Bib.  d.  Bib.  Lit.,  i.,  235  ff.). 
Philippi.     Das  Buch  Henoch,  etc.     Stuttg.  1868. 
Pohlmann.     "  Ueber  das  Ansehen  des  Apok.  dritten  Buches  Esras  "  (Theolog.  Quartalschrift,  1859, 

pp.  257-275). 
Polybius.     Historiarum  quce  stipersunt.     4  vols.     Berlin,  1868-72. 

Pressel.     "  Das  Volk  Gottes  in  der  nachbibliscben  Zeit"  (Herzog's  Real-Encyk.,  xvii.,  305-385). 
Pressense.     Geschichte  der  drei  ersten  Jahrhunderte  der  Christlichen  Kirche.    6  Tlieile.    Leipz.,  1862-77. 
Pusey.     Daniel  the  Prophet.     Lond.,  1868. 
Raebiger.     Elhice  Lib.  Apoc.  V.  T.     Vratis.,  1838. 
Raphall.     Post-Biblical  History  of  the  Jews,     2  vols.     Lond.,  1856. 
Raw  linson,   H.  C.      "  On  the  Position  of  Ecbatana  "      (Journal  of  the  Royal  Geograph.  Society,  x., 

135  ff). 
Rawlinson,  George.      The  Historical  Evidences  of  the  Truth  of  the  Scripture  Records  stated  Anew. 

Boston,  1860. 
Rawlinson,   George.     Monarchies  of  the  Ancient  World.    3  vols.     New  York,  1871. 
Rawlinson,   George.     The  Sixth  and  Seoenth  Oriental  Mon.     2  vols.    New  York,  1873-76. 
Rawlinson,   George.     The  History  of  Herodotus.     3d  ed,  4  vols.     Lond.,  1875. 
Records  of  the  Past.    English  Trans,  of  the  Assyr.  and  Egypt.  Monuments.     Vols.  i.-x.    Bagsten: 

London. 
Reusch.     Das  Buch  Tobias  ubersetzt  u.  erkldrt.     Freiburg,  1857. 
Reusch.     Erkldrunq  des  Buchs  Baruch.     Freiburg,  1853. 

Rensch.     Lehrbuch  d.  Einleit.  in  das  Aite  Testament.     4te  Aufl.    Freiburg,  1870. 
Reusch. '   Observationes  CriticcE  in  Librum  Sapieyitite.     Friburgi,  1861. 
Reusch.     Libellus  Tobit  e  Codice  Sinaitico  editus  et  recensitns.     Bonnae,  1870. 
Bensch.     Liber  SiipientiiB  Greece  secundum  Exemplar  Vaticanum,  etc.     Friburgi,  1858. 
Rensch.     "  Der  Damon  Asniodaus  im  Buche  Tobias  "  {Theol.  Quartalschriji.,  1856,  pp.  422-445). 
Reuss.     Dissertatio  Polemica  de  Libris  V.  T.  Apoc.  perperam  plebi  negatis.     Argentor.,  1829. 
Reuss.     Art.  "  Sibyllen  "  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk. ;   also,  "  Kabbala." 
Riehm.     Handworterbnch  des  Biblischen  Altirthums.     Leipz.,  from  1875. 
Riehm.     Die  Messianische  Weissagung.     Gotha,  1875. 

Ritschl.     Die  Alexandrinischen  Bihiiotheken  unter  den  ersten  Ptolemaem.     Breslan,  1838. 
Roberts.     Discussions  on  the  Gos/iels.     Lend.,  1862. 

Rohliug.     Das  Buch  d.  Proph.  Daniel  iibersetzt.  u.  erkldrt.     Mainz,  1876. 
Ronsch.     Das  Buch  der  Jubilden.     Leipz.,  1874. 
Ronsch.     Arts,  on  the  Assumption  of  Moses  (Zeitschrift  fw.  Thed.,  1868,  pp.  76-108, 466  ff. ;  1869,  p. 

213  ff.). 
Riinsch.     Die  Leptoi/enesis,  etc.  {ibid.,  1871,  pp.  60-98). 

Kohricht.     "  Zur  Johanni.schen  Logoslehre     (TAeo/.  Stud.  u.  ATni.,  1868,  pp.  300-314  ;  1871,503-509). 
Rosenniiiller.     Handbuchfurdie  Lileratur  der  Bib.  Kritik  u.Exegese.    4  Bde.     Gotting.,  1798-1800. 
Rosenthal.     Dns  ersic  Makkabderbuch.     Leipz.,  1867. 

Rusenzweig.     Zur  Einleltung  in  die  Biicher  "  Esra  u.  Nehemiah."     Berlin,  1876. 
Rothschild.      The  History  and  Literature  of  the  Israelites.     2  vols.     Lond.,  1871. 
Rubin.     Das  Buch  der  Jubilden.     Ins  Hebraisch  iibersetzt,  etc.     Wien,  1870. 
Sabatier.     B/blioruui  Sncrorum  Latince  Versiones  Aritiqute.     Paris.,  175!. 

S.^chs.     "  Ueher  die  Zeit  der  Entstehung  des  Synhedrin's"  (Frankel's  Zeitsclirifi,  1845,  pp.  301-312) 
Salvador.     Histoire  de  la  Domination  Romaine  en  Jud^e  et  de  la  Ruine  de  Jerusalem.    2  vols.     Parian 

1847 
Sclienkel.     Bibel-Lexicon.      Realu-Srterbuch  zum    Handgebrauch   fur    Geistliche   u.    Gemeindeg lieder 

5  vols.     Leipz.,  1868-75. 
Schiller.      Goltes  iVorl  u.  die  Apokryphen.     Neustadt,  1851. 
Schleu^ner.     Lexicon  in  LXX.     5  vols.    Lips.,  1820. 

Schliinkes.     EpisUilie  quie  Sccundo  .Mace.  Libra,  i.  1-9,  legitur  Explicatio.     Colon.,  1844. 
Schliiiikes.      I hflirilinrunt  lororum  Epistol(Z,  qum  2  Mace.  >.  10-ii.  18,  legitur  Explieatio.     Colon.,  1847 
.Sehmid.      /'as  Bur/,  i/rr  Weisheit  iibersetzt  u.  erkldrt.     Wien,  1858. 
Uchmidt,  J.  11.     Synonymik  der  Griechischen  Sprache.     Vols,  i.,  ii.     Leipz.,  1876-78. 


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Schmidt,  M.,  n.  Merx.      "  Die  Assnmptio  Mosis  mit  Einleitung  a.  erklirenden  Anmerkongen " 

(Merx'  Archiv,  i.,  pp.  111-152). 
Schmieder.     Ueber  das  Buck  der  Weisheit.    Ein  Vortrag.     Berlin,  1853. 
Bchneckenbnrger.     Vorlesungen  vher  Neutest.  Zeitgeschichte.     Frankfurt,  1862. 
Scholz.     Die  Biicher  der  Maccabaer.    Frankfurt,  1838. 

Scholz.     Einleitung  in  die  Heiligen  Schriften  des  Alt.  u.  Neuen  Testaments.     3  Bde.     Eoln,  1845-48. 
Schrader.     Die  Keilinschrijien  u.  das  Alte  Testament.     Giessen,  1872. 

Schrader.    "Die  Daner  des  zweiten  Tempelbanes"  (Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1867,  pp.  460-504). 
Schroder.     Wie  reimen  sich  Stroh  u.  Weizen  zttsammenf  (on  the  Apoc.)  Elberfeld,  1851. 
Schiirer.     Lehrbuch  der  Neutest.  Zeitgeschichte.     Leipz.,  1874. 
Schiirer.     Art.  "  Apok."  in  Herzog's  Real-Encyk.  2te  Aufl. 

Schultz,  H.  Die  Voraussetzimgen  Sir  Christlichen  T^ehre  i^on  der  Unsterblichkeit.  Getting.,  1861. 
Schultz,  H.  Alttestamentliche  Theologie.  2  Bde.  Frankfurt,  1869.  2te  umgearb.  Aufl.,  1878. 
Schultz,  F.  W.    Die  Biicher  Esra,  Nek.  u.  Esther  (part  of  Lange's  Bibelwerk).    Bielefeld  u.  Leipz., 

1876. 
Schulze.     Geschichte  der  Alt-Hebraischen  Literatur.     Thorn,  1870. 

Scrivener.     The  Cambridge  Paragraph  Bible  of  the  Authorized  English  Version.     Cambridge,  1873. 
Selden.     De  Synedriis  et  Prce/ecluris  Juridicis  Veterum  Ebrceorum.    Atnstelod.,  1679. 
Sengelmanu.     Das  Buch  Tobit  erklSrt.     Hamb.,  1857. 
Sharpe.     History  of  Egypt  from  the  Earliest  Times.    Sd  ed.     Loud.,  1860. 

Sieffert.     NonnuUa  ad  Apoc.  Libri  Henoch  Originem  et  Compositionem,  etc.     Eegimonti  Pr.,  1867. 
Siegfried.     Die  Aufgabe  der  Geschichte  der  Alttest.  Auslegung  in  der  Gegenwart.    Jena,  1876. 
Siegfried.     "  Philonische  Studien"  (Merx'  Archiv,  ii.  143-163). 
Siegfried.     Die  Uebraischen  Worterldarungen  des  Philo  (he  has  articles  also  on  the  same  general  sub. 

ject  in  Zeitschriff.  w.  Thed.,  1873,  pp.  217  ff..  411  ff.,  522  ff.). 
Simon.     Onomasticon  Novi  Test,  et  Librorum  V.  T.  Apoc.     Hal.,  1762. 
Sinker.     The  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs.  A  new  edition,  with  a  collation  of  the  Roman  and 

Patmos  MSS.  and  bibliographical  notes.     Camb.,  1879.     ("Translated,  with  Lactantius'  Works, 

vol.  ii.,  in  the  Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library,  vol.  xxii.     Edinb.,  1871.) 
Sixtus  Senensis.     Bibliotheca  Sancta,  ex  prcecipuis  Catholicce  Ecclesice  Auctorihus   coUecta.     Colon., 

1626. 
Smith.     A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible.     3  vols.     Lond.,  1860-63.     Am.  ed.,  4  vols.,  Boston,  1870. 
Smith.     A  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities.     2  vols.    Lond.,  1875-80. 
Sophocles.     Greek  Lexicon  of  the  Roman  and  Byzantine  Periods,    Boston,  1870. 
Spiegel.     Die  Alexandersage  bei  den  Orientalen.     Leipz.,  1851.  I 

Spiegel.     Eranische  Alterthumslcunde.    3  Bde.     Leipz.,  1878. 

Spiess.     Entwickeiunqsgeschichte  der  Vorstetiungen  vom  Zustande  nach  dem  Tnde.     .Tena,  1877. 
Stade.     Ueber  die  Alltesl.  Vorsteliungen  vom  Zustande  nach  dem  Tode,     Leipz.,  1877. 
Stapfer.     />s  Id^es  Religieuses  en  Palestine  a  I'Spoque  de  Je'sus-Christ.     Deux.  ed.     Paris,  1878. 
Stahl.     "  Versuch  eines  Systeraatischen  Entwurfs  des  Lehrbegriff's  Philo's  von  Alexandrien"  (Eich- 

horn's  Allgem.  Bibliothek.  der  Bib.  Lit.,  iv.,  pp.  770-890). 
Stanley.     Lectures  on  the  History  of  the  .Jewish  Church.  Part  ii..  New  York,  1871.    Part  iii.,  Loud.,  1876. 
Stark.     Forschuiigen  zur  Geschichte  u.  Alterthumslcunde  des  Hellenist.  Orients.     Jena,  1852. 
Stein.     Herodotos  erllarl.     2  vols.     Berlin,  1864. 
Steiner.     "Der  Arabi.sche  Auszng  des  'Propheten  Esra'  [trans,  into  Gprmnn]  nohst  Berichtigungen 

zu  der  Arab.  Uebersetzung  "  {Zeitschriftf.  w.  Theol.,  1868,  pp.  39fi-4-!.')). 
Steinschneider.     Alphabetum  Sirrn  iitrumque.     Berlin,  1858. 
Stier.     Die  Apohyphen.     Braunschweig,  1853. 
Str.abo.     Geographica.    4  vols.     Tanchnitz  ed.,  1819. 
Stuart.     Arts,  in  the  Biblical  Repository  for  1840,  on  the  Book  of  F.noch. 
Sutter.     Zeugniss  gegen  die  Apohryphen.     Karlsruhe,  1850. 

Tanner.     Ueber  das  Kathotische  Traditions-  und  das  Protestant! sche  Schri/lpiinciit.    Lucern,  1 862. 
Thenius.     "  Die  Biicher  der  Konige  erklart"  {Kurzgefasstes  exeqet.  Handbuch  znm  A.  Test.   2te  Aufl 

Leipz.,  1S73). 
Theologische  TJteralurzeitimg.     Leipz.,  1876-79. 

Thiersch.     De  Pentateuchi  Versione  Alexandrina  Libri  Ires.     F.rlangen,  1841. 
Thilo.     Specimen  Exeicilaiionnm  Crilicarum  in  Sapienliam  Sal.     Hal.,  1825. 
Tiele.     Die  Assyriologie  u.  ihre  Ergebnisse  fur  die  vergleichende  Religionsgeschiclite.     Leipz.,  1878. 
Tiele.     De  GodsdiensI  van  Zarathustra.     Harlem,  1865. 
Tirinus.     Commentarius  in  Socram  Scripturam.     2  Tomi,  1771. 
Tisehendorf.     Apocalypses  Apocryphm  Mosis,  Esdrce,  Pauli,  etc.     Lips.,  1866. 

Tischendorf.      Vetus  Testamentum  Gnece.     5th  ed.,  1875  (the  edition  of   1 880  contains,  as  an  appen- 
dix, the  readings  of  II.  and  X.  by  Nestle). 
Tischendorf.     See  under  "  Heyse." 

Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology.     Lond.,  from  1872. 
Tremellius.     Vet.   Test.  Biblia  Sacra  Lat.  vert.  Tremellius  et  Franc.  Junius  (Ist  ed.,  1575-79.     R» 

vised  by  Junius  and  the  Apoc.  added,  1590).     Hanov.,  1618. 
Trench.     Synonyms  of  the  New  Testament.     New  York  :  1st  series,  1854  ;  2d  series,  1864. 
Treitel.     De  Philonis  .fudrei  Sermone.     Breslau,  1872. 

Trenenfels.     "  Die  Kleine  Genesis  "  (Literaturblatt  des  Orients,  1846,  Nos.  1-6  ;  cf.  No.  15,  1851 ). 
Troinmiua.     Concordantice   Grcecce    Versianis  vtdqo  dicfts  LXX.  Interpretum.      2  tomi.      Amstelod. 

1718. 
Usher.     De  Grcera  LXX.  Interpretum  Versione  cum  LIhrt  Estherre  Oriqenica  et  vetere  Grceca  altera  ex 

Arundelhnna  Bibliotheca  nunc  pri mum  in  Lucem  producta.     Lond.,  1655.     (Lips.,  1695.) 


680  LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


Vaihinger.     " Znr  Untersuchung  iiber  den  Abscbluss  des  Alttestamentliclicn  Kanons "  ( Theolog. 

Stud.  u.  Kritik.,  1857,  p.  93  fE.) 
Van  der  Vlis.     Disputatio  Critica  de  Ezrce  Libro  Apoc.vulgo  IV.  dicto.     Anistelod.,  1839. 
Van  Gilse.     Commentatio  qua  Libri  Sir,  Argumento  Enarrato  accuratiiis  Dnctriucc  Fans  expanilur,  etc. 

Gron.,  1830. 
Vercellone.     See  under  "  Cozza." 

Vervorst.     De  Carminihus  Sihi/tlinis  apud  Sanctos  Patres  Diseeptalio.     Paris.,  1844. 
Vetus  Testamentitm  Grcecum  Variis  Lectionibus.     A  Roberto  Holmes  inchoatam  continuavit  Jacobus  Par- 

S071S.     Oxon.,  1798-1827. 
Vetter.     Conspectus  Introductionis  in  V.  T.  Apoc.  et  Pseudepigrapha.    Lubbenae,  1827. 
Vincenzi.     Sessio  Quarta  Cone.  Trident.  Vindicata.     Romse,  1844. 
Vitringa.     De  Synagoga  Vetere.     Franek.,  1696. 
Volkmann.     De  Oraculis  SibylUnis  Dissertatio,  Supphmentum  Editionis  a  Friedlicbio  exhibitas.    Lipi 

1853. 
Volkmar.     Handbuch  der  Einleitung  in  die  Apokryphen.     Tiibing.,  1 860-63. 
Volkmar.     "  Beitrage  zur  Erklarung  des  Buchcs  Henoch  nach  dera  .^tliiop.  Text  "     {Zeitsrhrifl  d. 

Deutschen  MorgenlUnd.  Gesellsch.,  I860,  pp.  87-134.     Cf.  Zeilschrift  fir  w.   'J'lipoL,  1861,  pp.  111- 

136,  v.,  p.  46  ff.,  and  a  separate  work  with  the  title,  Eine  Neidest.  Entdeckmig,  etc.    Zurich,  18()2). 
Volkmar.     Mose  Prophetic  u.  Himmelfahrt.     Leipz.,  1867. 
Von  Gumpach.     Zeitrechmmq  der  Babylonier  u.  Assyrier.     Heidelb.,  1852. 
Von  Meyer.     "  Ueber  das  Biich  Henoch  "  {Theolog.' Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1841,  p.  637  ff.). 
Wahl.     Clavis  Librorum  Vet.  Test.  Apocryphorum  Philologica.     Lips.,  1853. 
Weiss.     Zur  Geschic/ite  der  .fiidischen  Tradition.     Wien.,  1871. 
Weisse.     Die  Evangelienfrage.     Leipz.,  1856. 
Welte.     .^pecielle  Einleit.  in  d.  Deutcrokan.  Biicher  des  A.  T.  Freiburg,  1844.    See  also  under  "  Herbst  " 

and  "  Kirchen-Le.xicon." 
Wendt.     Notiones  Carnis  et  Spiritus,  etc.     Gotting.,  1877. 

Wernsdorf,  G.  P.     De  Fontibus  Hist.  Syria  in  Libris  Mncc.  Prolusio.     Lips.,  1746. 
Werusdorf,  G.     Commentatio  Hist.  Crit.  de  Fide  Historica  Lib.  Maccubmornm.     Vratis.,  1747. 
Westergaard.     Zendavesta,  or  the  Religious  Books  of  the  Zoroastrians.     Coponh;i2;en,  1852-54. 
Wotstein.     African!  de  Susan.  Epist.  ad  Orig.  Responsio.     Basil.,  1673 
Wetzer.     See  under  "  Kirchen-Lexicoii." 

Whiston.     A  Collection  of  Authentick  Records,  etc.     Lond.,  1727-28. 
Wiederliolt.     Art.  on  Addition.?  to  Dan.     {Theolog.  Quartalschrif,  1871,  p.  373  ft'.) 
Wieeeler.     "  Das  Vierte  Buch  Esra."     {Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1870,  pp.  263-304.) 
Wieseler.     Art.  "  Aera  "  in  Herzog's  7J<'o/-2?nc//t.     (Assigns  date  to  1,  2  Mace.     Ci.  Theolog.  Stud.  u. 

A'riJ.,  1875,  p.  522f.) 
Wieseler.     Beitrdge  zur  richtigen  Wiirdigung  der  Evangelien.     Gotha,  1869. 
Wieseler.     "  Die  jiingst   aufgefundene  Aufnahme   Moses   nach   Ursprung   u.  Irhalt   untersucht " 

{JahrbOcher fir  Deut.  TheoL,  1868,  pp.  622-648). 
Wild.     Ein  TVort  qcqen  den  iiblichen  Gebrauch  u.  die  herkommliche  Stellung  d.  Apok.  in  d.  Evangelischen 

Kirclie,  etc.     Ndrdlingen,  1854. 
Wilke.     Die  Neutest.  Rhetorik.     Dresd.  u.  Leipz.,  1843. 

Wilson.     The  Books  of  the  Apocrypha,  with  Critical  and  Historical  Observations.     Edinb.,  1801. 
Winer.     De  utrinsque  Siracidie  JEtate.     Erig.,  1832. 
Winer.     Bihiischps  Rualworterbuch.     2  Bde.     Leipz.,  1847-48. 
Winer.     A  (irammar  of  the  Idiom  of  the  New  Testament.     7th  ed.     Revised  anil   aniliorized  trans. 

by  Thayer.     Andover,  1872. 
Wiiizer.     fJe  Philosophia  Morali  in  Libra  Sap.  exposita.     Viteb.,  1811. 
Wittichen.     Die  Idee  des  Reiches  Gottes.     Gotting.,  1872. 

Wolf,  0.     Das  Burli  .Tndith  als  Geschichtliche  Urhinde  vertheidigt  u.  erklart.     Leipz.,  1  SGI. 
Wolff,  M.     Die  Phllonische  Philosophie  in  ihren  Hauptmomenten  dargestelll.     2te  Anfl.     Gothenburg, 

1858. 
Xenoplmntis  Opera.     Paris.,  1861. 
Zahu.     See  under  "  Patrum,"  etc. 

Zeller.     Philosophie  der  Griechen.     4te  Aufi.     Thl.  I  and  2.     Leipz.,  1876. 
Zotenherg.     "  Geschichte  Daniels.    Ein  Apokryph.    Herausgegebenu.  aus  dem  Persisclieni  iibensetzt " 

(Merx'  Archiv,  i.,  pp.  38.5-427). 
Ziindel.     Kritische  Untersuchung  uber  die  Abfassungszeit  des  Buches  Daniel.     Basel,  1861. 
Zunz.     Die  Gottesdienstlichen  Vortrdge  der  Juden  historisch  entwickelt.    Berlin,  1832. 
ZuDz.    Die  Ritas  des  Synagogalen  Gottesdienstes.    Berlin,  1859. 


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